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Which political party did Billy Hughes belong to in 19/03/1916?	March 19, 1916	{ "text": [ "National Labor Party" ] }	L2_Q152666_P102_0	Billy Hughes is a member of the United Australia Party from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1944. Billy Hughes is a member of the National Labor Party from Jan, 1916 to Jan, 1917. Billy Hughes is a member of the Liberal Party of Australia from Jan, 1944 to Oct, 1952. Billy Hughes is a member of the Nationalist Party of Australia from Jan, 1917 to Jan, 1929.	Billy HughesWilliam Morris Hughes, (25 September 1862 – 28 October 1952), was an Australian politician who served as the 7th Prime Minister of Australia, in office from 1915 to 1923. He is best known for leading the country during World War I, but his influence on national politics spanned several decades. Hughes was a member of federal parliament from Federation in 1901 until his death, the only person to have served for more than 50 years. He represented six political parties during his career, leading five, outlasting four, and being expelled from three.Hughes was born in London to Welsh parents. He emigrated to Australia at the age of 22, and became involved in the fledgling labour movement. He was elected to the New South Wales Legislative Assembly in 1894, as a member of the New South Wales Labor Party, and then transferred to the new federal parliament in 1901. Hughes combined his early political career with part-time legal studies, and was called to the bar in 1903. He first entered cabinet in 1904, in the short-lived Watson Government, and was later Attorney-General in each of Andrew Fisher's governments. He was elected deputy leader of the Australian Labor Party in 1914.Hughes became prime minister in October 1915, when Fisher retired due to ill health. The war was the dominant issue of the time, and his support for sending conscripted troops overseas caused a split within Labor ranks. Hughes and his supporters were expelled from the party in November 1916, but he was able to remain in power at the head of the new National Labor Party, which after a few months merged with the Liberals to form the Nationalist Party. His government was re-elected with large majorities at the 1917 and 1919 elections. Hughes established the forerunners of the Australian Federal Police and the CSIRO during the war, and also created a number of new state-owned enterprises to aid the post-war economy. He made a significant impression on other world leaders at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference, where he secured Australian control of the former German New Guinea.At the 1922 election, the Nationalists lost their majority in parliament and were forced to form a coalition with the Country Party. Hughes' resignation was the price for Country Party support, and he was succeeded as prime minister by Stanley Bruce. He became one of Bruce's leading critics over time, and in 1928, following a dispute over industrial relations, he and his supporters crossed the floor on a confidence motion and brought down the government. After a period as an independent, Hughes formed his own organisation, the Australian Party, which in 1931 merged into the new United Australia Party (UAP). He returned to cabinet in 1934, and became known for his prescient warnings against Japanese imperialism. As late as 1939, he missed out on a second stint as prime minister by only a handful of votes, losing a UAP leadership ballot to Robert Menzies.Hughes is generally acknowledged as one of the most influential Australian politicians of the 20th century. He was a controversial figure throughout his lifetime, and his legacy continues to be debated by historians. His strong views and abrasive manner meant he frequently made political enemies, often from within his own parties. Hughes' opponents accused him of engaging in authoritarianism and populism, as well as inflaming sectarianism; his use of the "War Precautions Act 1914" was particularly controversial. His former colleagues in the Labor Party considered him a traitor, while conservatives were suspicious of what they viewed as his socialist economic policies. However, he was extremely popular among the general public, particularly ex-servicemen, who affectionately nicknamed him "the little digger".Hughes was born on 25 September 1862 at 7 Moreton Place, Pimlico, London, the son of William Hughes and the former Jane Morris. His parents were both Welsh. His father, who worked as a carpenter and joiner at the Palace of Westminster, was from North Wales and was a fluent Welsh speaker. His mother, a domestic servant, was from the small village of Llansantffraid-ym-Mechain (near the English border), and spoke only English. Hughes was an only child; at the time of their marriage, in June 1861, his parents were both 37 years old.Hughes' mother died in May 1869, when he was six years old. His father subsequently sent him to be raised by relatives in Wales. During the school term, he lived with his father's sister, Mary Hughes, who kept a boarding house in Llandudno named "Bryn Rosa". He earned pocket money by doing chores for his aunt's tenants and singing in the choir at the local church. Hughes began his formal schooling in Llandudno, attending two small single-teacher schools. He spent his holidays with his mother's family in Llansantffraid. There, he divided his time between "Winllan", the farm of his widowed aunt (Margaret Mason), and "Plas Bedw", the neighbouring farm of his grandparents (Peter and Jane Morris).Hughes regarded his early years in Wales as the happiest time of his life. He was immensely proud of his Welsh identity, and he later became active in the Welsh Australian community, frequently speaking at Saint David's Day celebrations. Hughes called Welsh the "language of heaven", but his own grasp of it was patchy. Like many of his contemporaries, he had no formal schooling in Welsh, and had particular difficulties with spelling. Nonetheless, he received and replied to correspondence from Welsh-speakers throughout his political career, and as prime minister famously traded insults in Welsh with David Lloyd George.At the age of eleven, Hughes was enrolled in St Stephen's School, Westminster, one of the many church schools established by the philanthropist Lady Burdett-Coutts. He won prizes in geometry and French, receiving the latter from Lord Harrowby. After finishing his elementary schooling, he was apprenticed as a "pupil-teacher" for five years, instructing younger students for five hours a day in exchange for personal lessons from the headmaster and a small stipend. At St Stephen's, Hughes came into contact with the poet Matthew Arnold, who was an examiner and inspector for the local school district. Arnold – who coincidentally had holidayed at Llandudno – took a liking to Hughes, and gifted him a copy of the Complete Works of Shakespeare; Hughes credited Arnold with instilling his lifelong love of literature.After finishing his initial apprenticeship, Hughes stayed on at St Stephen's as a teaching assistant. He had no interest in teaching as a career though, and also declined Matthew Arnold's offer to secure him a clerkship at Coutts. His relative financial security allowed him to pursue his own interests for the first time, which included bellringing, boating on the Thames, and travel (such as a two-day trip to Paris). He also joined a volunteer battalion of the Royal Fusiliers, which consisted mainly of artisans and white-collar workers. In later life, Hughes recalled London as "a place of romance, mystery and suggestion".At the age of 22, finding his prospects in London dim, Hughes decided to emigrate to Australia. Taking advantage of an assisted-passage scheme offered by the Colony of Queensland, he arrived in Brisbane on 8 December 1884 after a two-month journey. On arrival, he gave his year of birth as 1864, a deception that was not uncovered until after his death. Hughes attempted to find work with the Education Department, but was either not offered a position or found the terms of employment to be unsuitable. He spent the next two years as an itinerant labourer, working various odd jobs. In his memoirs, Hughes claimed to have worked variously as a fruitpicker, tally clerk, navvy, blacksmith's striker, station hand, drover, and saddler's assistant, and to have travelled (mostly on foot) as far north as Rockhampton, as far west as Adavale, and as far south as Orange, New South Wales. He also claimed to have served briefly in both the Queensland Defence Force and the Queensland Maritime Defence Force. Hughes' accounts are by their nature unverifiable, and his biographers have cast doubt on their veracity – Fitzhardinge states that they were embellished at best and at worst "a world of pure fantasy".Hughes moved to Sydney in about mid-1886, working his way there as a deckhand and galley cook aboard SS "Maranoa". He found occasional work as a line cook, but at one point supposedly had to resort to living in a cave on The Domain for a few days. Hughes eventually found a steady job at a forge, making hinges for colonial ovens. Around the same time, he entered into a common-law marriage with Elizabeth Cutts, his landlady's daughter; they had six children together. In 1890, Hughes moved to Balmain. The following year, with his wife's financial assistance, he was able to open a small shop selling general merchandise. The income from the shop was not enough to live on, so he also worked part-time as a locksmith and umbrella salesman, and his wife as a washerwoman. One of Hughes' acquaintances in Balmain was William Wilks, another future MP, while one of the customers at his shop was Frederick Jordan, a future Chief Justice of New South Wales.In Balmain, Hughes became a Georgist, a street-corner speaker, president of the Balmain Single Tax League, and joined the Australian Socialist League. He was an organiser with the Australian Workers' Union and may have already joined the newly formed Labor Party. In 1894, Hughes spent eight months in central New South Wales organising for the Amalgamated Shearers' Union of Australasia and then won the Legislative Assembly seat of Sydney-Lang by 105 votes.While in Parliament he became secretary of the Wharf Labourer's Union. In 1900 he founded and became first national president of the Waterside Workers' Union. During this period Hughes studied law, and was admitted as a barrister in 1903. Unlike most Labor men, he was a strong supporter of Federation and Georgism.In 1901 Hughes was elected to the first federal Parliament as Labor MP for West Sydney. He opposed the Barton government's proposals for a small professional army and instead advocated compulsory universal training. In 1903, he was admitted to the bar after several years part-time study. He became a King's Counsel (KC) in 1909. (The title changed to Queen's Council (QC) on the accession of Queen Elizabeth II in 1952.)In 1911, he married Mary Campbell. He was Minister for External Affairs in Chris Watson's first Labor government. He was Attorney-General in Andrew Fisher's three Labor governments in 1908–09, 1910–13 and 1914–15.In 1913, at the foundation ceremony of Canberra as the capital of Australia, Hughes gave a speech proclaiming that the country was obtained via the elimination of the indigenous population. "We were destined to have our own way from the beginning..[and]..killed everybody else to get it," Hughes said, adding that "the first historic event in the history of the Commonwealth we are engaged in today [is] without the slightest trace of that race we have banished from the face of the earth." But he warned that "we must not be too proud lest we should, too, in time disappear."His abrasive manner (his chronic dyspepsia was thought to contribute to his volatile temperament) made his colleagues reluctant to have him as Leader. His on-going feud with King O'Malley, a fellow Labor minister, was a prominent example of his combative style.Hughes was also the club patron for the Glebe Rugby League team in the debut year of Rugby League in Australia, in 1908. Hughes was one of a number of prominent Labor politicians who were aligned with the Rugby League movement in Sydney in 1908. Rugby League was borne out of a player movement against the Metropolitan Rugby Union who refused to compensate players for downtime from their jobs due to injuries sustained playing Rugby Union. Labor politicians aligned themselves with the new code as it was seen as a strong social standpoint, politically, and it was an enthusiastic professional game, which made the politicians themselves appear in a similar vein, in their opinions anyway.Following the 1914 election, the Labor Prime Minister of Australia, Andrew Fisher, found the strain of leadership during World War I taxing and faced increasing pressure from the ambitious Hughes who wanted Australia to be firmly recognised on the world stage. By 1915 Fisher's health was suffering and, in October, he resigned and was succeeded by Hughes. In social policy, Hughes introduced an institutional pension for pensioners in benevolent asylums, equal to the difference between the 'act of grace' payment to the institution and the rate of IP.From March to June 1916, Hughes was in Britain, where he delivered a series of speeches calling for imperial co-operation and economic warfare against Germany. These were published under the title "The Day—and After", which was a bestseller. His biographer, Laurie Fitzhardinge, said these speeches were "electrifying" and that Hughes "swept his hearers off their feet". According to two contemporary writers, Hughes' speeches "have in particular evoked intense approbation, and have been followed by such a quickening power of the national spirit as perhaps no other orator since Chatham ever aroused".In July 1916 Hughes was a member of the British delegation at the Paris Economic Conference, which met to decide what economic measures to take against Germany. This was the first time an Australian representative had attended an international conference.Hughes was a strong supporter of Australia's participation in World War I and, after the loss of 28,000 men as casualties (killed, wounded and missing) in July and August 1916, Generals Birdwood and White of the Australian Imperial Force (AIF) persuaded Hughes that conscription was necessary if Australia was to sustain its contribution to the war effort.However, a two-thirds majority of his party, which included Roman Catholics and union representatives as well as the Industrialists (Socialists) such as Frank Anstey, were bitterly opposed to this, especially in the wake of what was regarded by many Irish Australians (most of whom were Roman Catholics) as Britain's excessive response to the Easter Rising of 1916.In October, Hughes held a national plebiscite for conscription, but it was narrowly defeated. The enabling legislation was the "Military Service Referendum Act 1916" and the outcome was advisory only. The narrow defeat (1,087,557 Yes and 1,160,033 No), however, did not deter Hughes, who continued to argue vigorously in favour of conscription. This revealed the deep and bitter split within the Australian community that had existed since before Federation, as well as within the members of his own party. Conscription had been in place since the 1910 Defence Act, but only in the defence of the nation. Hughes was seeking via a referendum to change the wording in the act to include "overseas". A referendum was not necessary but Hughes felt that in light of the seriousness of the situation, a vote of "Yes" from the people would give him a mandate to bypass the Senate. The Lloyd George Government of Britain did favour Hughes but only came to power in 1916, several months after the first referendum. The predecessor Asquith government greatly disliked Hughes considering him to be ""a guest, rather than the representative of Australia"". According to David Lloyd George: "He and Asquith did not get on too well. They would not. They were antipathetic types. As Hughes was never over-anxious to conceal his feelings or restrain his expression of them, and was moreover equipped with a biting tongue, the consultations between them were not agreeable to either".In reaction to Hughes' campaign for conscription, on 15 September 1916 the NSW executive of the Political Labour League (the state Labor Party organisation at the time) expelled him and other leading New South Wales pro-conscription advocates from the Labor movement. Hughes remained as leader of the federal parliamentary Labor Party until, at the 14th November caucus meeting, a no-confidence motion against him was passed. Hughes and 24 others including almost all of the Parliamentary talent walked out to form a new party heeding Hughes's cry "Let those who think like me, follow me.", leaving behind the 43 members of the Industrialists and Unionists factions. That same evening Hughes tendered his resignation to the Governor-General, received a commission to form a new Government, and had his recommendations accepted. Years later, Hughes said, "I did not leave the Labor Party, The party left me." The timing of Hughes's expulsion from the Labor Party meant that he became the first Labor leader who never led the party to an election. On 15 November, Frank Tudor was elected unopposed as the new leader of the Federal Parliamentary Australian Labor Party.Hughes and his followers, which included many of Labor's early leaders, called themselves the National Labor Party and began laying the groundwork for forming a party that they felt would be both avowedly nationalist as well as socially radical. Hughes was forced to conclude a confidence and supply agreement with the opposition Commonwealth Liberal Party to stay in office.A few months later, the Governor-General, Sir Ronald Munro Ferguson, persuaded Hughes and Liberal Party leader Joseph Cook (himself a former Labor man) to turn their wartime coalition into a formal party. This was the Nationalist Party of Australia, which was formally launched in February. Although the Liberals were the larger partner in the merger, Hughes emerged as the new party's leader, with Cook as his deputy. The presence of several working-class figures—including Hughes—in what was basically an upper- and middle-class party allowed the Nationalists to convey an image of national unity. At the same time, he became and remains a traitor in Labor histories.At the May 1917 federal election Hughes and the Nationalists won a huge electoral victory, which was magnified by the large number of Labor MPs who followed him out of the party. At this election Hughes gave up his working-class Sydney seat and was elected for Bendigo, Victoria, becoming the first of only a handful of people who have represented more than one state or territory in the Parliament.In Bendigo, Hughes won the seat by defeating the sitting Labor MP Alfred Hampson.This marks the only time that a sitting prime minister had challenged and ousted another sitting MP for his seat.Hughes had promised to resign if his Government did not win the power to conscript. Queensland Premier T. J. Ryan was a key opponent to conscription, and violence almost broke out when Hughes ordered a raid on the Government Printing Office in Brisbane, with the aim of confiscating copies of Hansard that covered debates in the Queensland Parliament where anti-conscription sentiments had been aired. A second plebiscite on conscription was held in December 1917, but was again defeated, this time by a wider margin. Hughes, after receiving a vote of no confidence in his leadership by his party, resigned as Prime Minister. However, there were no credible alternative candidates. For this reason, Munro-Ferguson used his reserve power to immediately re-commission Hughes, thus allowing him to remain as Prime Minister while keeping his promise to resign.The government replaced the first-past-the-post electoral system applying to both houses of the Federal Parliament under the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1903 with a preferential system for the House of Representatives in 1918. That preferential system has essentially applied ever since. A multiple majority-preferential system was introduced at the 1919 federal election for the Senate, and that remained in force until it was changed to a quota-preferential system of proportional representation in 1948. Those changes were considered to be a response to the emergence of the Country Party, so that the non-Labor vote would not be split, as it would have been under the previous first-past-the-post system.In early 1916, Hughes established the Advisory Council on Science and Industry, the first national body for scientific research and the first iteration of what is now the CSIRO. The council had no basis in legislation, and was intended only as a temporary body to be replaced with "Bureau of Science and Industry" as soon as possible. However, due to wartime stresses and other considerations the council endured until 1920, at which point an act of parliament was passed transforming it into a new government agency, the Institute of Science and Industry. According to Fitzhardinge: "The whole affair was highly typical of Hughes's methods. An idea coming from outside happened to chime with his preoccupation of the moment. He seized it, put his own stamp on it, and pushed it through to the point of realization. Then, having established the machinery, he expected it to run itself while he turned his full energies elsewhere, and tended to be evasive or testy if he was called back to it. Yet his interest was genuine, and without his enthusiasm and drive the Commonwealth intervention would either not have come at all or would have been far slower".On 10 March 1919 Prime Minister of Australia Billy Hughes announced a £10,000 reward to the first aviator who will fly from the United Kingdom to Australia in less than 30 days. Ross and Keith Smith won the race when their Vickers Vimy G-EAOU twin engine plane, won the £10,000 prize after they landed in Darwin.In 1919 Hughes, with former Prime Minister Joseph Cook, travelled to Paris to attend the Versailles Peace Conference. He remained away for 16 months, and signed the Treaty of Versailles on behalf of Australia – the first time Australia had signed an international treaty.At a meeting of the Imperial War Cabinet on 30 December 1918, Hughes warned that if they "were not very careful, we should find ourselves dragged quite unnecessarily behind the wheels of President Wilson's chariot". He added that it was intolerable for Wilson "to dictate to us how the world was to be governed. If the saving of civilisation had depended on the United States, it would have been in tears and chains to-day". He also said that Wilson had no practical scheme for a League of Nations and added: "The League of Nations was to him what a toy was to a child—he would not be happy till he got it". At the Paris Peace Conference, Hughes clashed with Wilson. When Wilson reminded him that he spoke for only a few million people, Hughes replied: "I speak for 60,000 dead. How many do you speak for?"The British Dominions of New Zealand, South Africa and Australia argued their case to keep their occupied German possessions of German Samoa, German South West Africa, and German New Guinea respectively; these territories were given as "Class C Mandates" to the respective Dominions. In a same-same deal Japan obtained control over its occupied German possessions north of the equator. At the meeting of 30 January, Hughes clashed with Wilson on the question of mandates, as Hughes preferred formal sovereignty over the islands. According to the British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, Wilson was dictatorial and arrogant in his approach to Hughes, adding that "Hughes was the last man I would have chosen to handle in that way". Lloyd George described how, after Hughes stated his case against subjecting to a mandate the islands conquered by Australia:President Wilson pulled him up sharply and proceeded to address him personally in what I would describe as a heated allocution rather than an appeal. He dwelt on the seriousness of defying world opinion on this subject. Mr. Hughes, who listened intently, with his hand cupped around his ear so as not to miss a word, indicated at the end that he was still of the same opinion. Whereupon the President asked him slowly and solemnly: "Mr. Hughes, am I to understand that if the whole civilised world asks Australia to agree to a mandate in respect of these islands, Australia is prepared still to defy the appeal of the whole civilised world?” Mr. Hughes answered: "That's about the size of it, President Wilson". Mr. Massey grunted his assent of this abrupt defiance.However, South Africa's Louis Botha intervened on Wilson's side, and the mandates scheme went through. Hughes' frequent clashes with Wilson led to Wilson labelling him a "pestiferous varmint".Hughes, unlike Wilson or South African Prime Minister Jan Smuts, demanded heavy reparations from Germany, suggesting the sum of £24,000,000,000 of which Australia would claim many millions to off-set its own war debt. Hughes was a member of the British delegation on the Reparations Committee, with Lord Cunliffe and Lord Sumner. When the Imperial Cabinet met to discuss the Hughes Report, Winston Churchill asked Hughes if he had considered the effects that reparations would have on working-class German households. Hughes replied that "the Committee had been more concerned in considering the effects upon the working-class households in Great Britain, or in Australia, if the Germans did not pay an indemnity".At the Treaty negotiations, Hughes was the most prominent opponent of the inclusion of Japan's Racial Equality Proposal, which as a result of lobbying by him and others was not included in the final Treaty. His position on this issue reflected the dominant racist attitudes of the White Australia policy. He told David Lloyd George that he would leave the conference if the clause was adopted. Hughes offered to accept the clause so long as it did not effect immigration policy but the Japanese turned the offer down. Lloyd George said that the clause "was aimed at the restrictions and disabilities which were imposed by certain states against Japanese emigration and Japanese settlers already within their borders".Hughes had entered politics as a trade unionist, and like most of the Australian working class was very strongly opposed to Asian immigration to Australia (excluding Asian immigration was a popular cause with unions in Canada, the U.S, Australia, and New Zealand in the early 20th century). Hughes believed that accepting the Racial Equality clause would mean the end of the White Australia immigration policy that had been adopted in 1901, writing: "No Gov't could live for a day in Australia if it tampered with a White Australia". Hughes stated: "The position is this – either the Japanese proposal means something or it means nothing: if the former, out with it; if the latter, why have it?" He later said that "the right of the state to determine the conditions under which persons shall enter its territories cannot be impaired without reducing it to a vassal state", adding: "When I offered to accept it provided that words were incorporated making it clear that it was not to be used for the purpose of immigration or of impairing our rights of self-government in any way, [the Japanese delegate] Baron Makino was unable to agree".When the proposal failed, Hughes reported in the Australian parliament:The White Australia is yours. You may do with it what you please, but at any rate, the soldiers have achieved the victory and my colleagues and I have brought that great principle back to you from the conference, as safe as it was on the day when it was first adopted.Japan was notably offended by Hughes's position on the issue. Like Jan Smuts of South Africa, Hughes was concerned by the rise of Japan. Within months of the declaration of the European War in 1914, Japan, Australia and New Zealand had seized all German territorial possessions in the Pacific. Though Japan had occupied German possessions with the blessing of the British, Hughes felt alarm at this turn of events.With reference to Hughes's actions at the Peace Conference, the historian Ernest Scott said that although Hughes failed to secure sovereignty over the conquered German islands or relief for Australia's war debts, "both he and his countrymen found satisfaction with his achievements. By characteristic methods he had gained single-handed at least the points that were vital to his nation's existence". Joan Beaumont said Hughes became "something of a folk hero in later Australian historiography for his assertiveness at the Paris peace conference".Seth Tillman described him as "a noisesome demagogue", the "bete noir of Anglo-American relations". Unlike Smuts, Hughes totally opposed the concept of the League of Nations, as in it he saw the flawed idealism of "collective security". He declared in June 1919 that Australia would rely on the League "but we shall keep our powder dry".Hughes demanded that Australia have independent representation within the newly-formed League of Nations. Despite the rejection of his conscription policy, Hughes retained popularity with Australian voters and, at the December 1919 federal election, his government was comfortably re-elected.After 1920, Hughes's political position declined. Many of the more conservative elements of his own party never trusted him because they thought he was still a socialist at heart, citing his interest in retaining government ownership of the Commonwealth Shipping Line and the Australian Wireless Company. However, they continued to support him for some time after the war, if only to keep Labor out of power.A new party, the Country Party (now the National Party), was formed, representing farmers who were discontented with the Nationalists' rural policies, in particular Hughes's acceptance of a much higher level of tariff protection for Australian industries, that had expanded during the war, and his support for price controls on rural produce. In the New Year's Day Honours of 1922, Hughes' wife Mary was appointed a Dame Grand Cross of the Order of the British Empire (GBE).At the 1921 Imperial Conference, Hughes argued unsuccessfully in favour of renewing the Anglo-Japanese Alliance.At the 1922 federal election, Hughes gave up the seat of Bendigo and transferred to the upper-middle-class seat of North Sydney, thus giving up one of the last symbolic links to his working-class roots. The Nationalists lost their outright majority at the election. The Country Party, despite its opposition to Hughes's farm policy, was the Nationalists' only realistic coalition partner. However, party leader Earle Page let it be known that he and his party would not serve under Hughes. Under pressure from his party's right wing, Hughes resigned in February 1923 and was succeeded by his Treasurer, Stanley Bruce. Hughes was the longest-serving Prime Minister, until his term was surpassed by Robert Menzies (in 1957).Whilst the incumbent prime minister, Hughes switched seats at both the 1917 and 1922 elections, the only prime minister to have done so not once but twice. All other elections have seen the prime minister re-contest the seat that they held prior to the election.Hughes played little part in parliament for the remainder of 1923. He rented a house in Kirribilli in his new electorate and was recruited by "The Daily Telegraph" to write a series of articles on topics of his choosing. In the articles he defended his legacy as prime minister and stated he would support the new government as long as it followed his principles. In 1924, Hughes embarked on a lecture tour of the United States. His health broke down midway through the tour, while he was in New York. As a result he cancelled the rest of his engagements and drove back across the country in a new Flint automobile, which he brought back to Australia. Later in the year he purchased a house in Lindfield, which was to be his primary residence for the rest of his life. In 1925 Hughes again had little involvement in parliamentary affairs, but began to portray himself as "champion of Australian industries struggling to get established against foreign competition and government indifference", with the aid of his friends James Hume Cook and Ambrose Pratt.Hughes was furious at being ousted by his own party and nursed his grievance on the back-benches until 1929, when he led a group of back-bench rebels who crossed the floor of the Parliament to bring down the Bruce government. Hughes was expelled from the Nationalist Party, and formed his own party, the Australian Party. After the Nationalists were heavily defeated in the ensuing election, Hughes initially supported the Labor government of James Scullin. He had a falling-out with Scullin over financial matters, however. In 1931 he buried the hatchet with his former non-Labor colleagues and joined the Nationalists and several right-wing Labor dissidents under Joseph Lyons in forming the United Australia Party (UAP), under Lyons' leadership. He voted with the rest of the UAP to bring the Scullin government down.The UAP won a sweeping victory at the 1931 election. Lyons sent Hughes to represent Australia at the 1932 League of Nations Assembly in Geneva and in 1934 Hughes became Minister for Health and Repatriation in the Lyons government. Later Lyons appointed him Minister for External Affairs, but Hughes was forced to resign in 1935 after his book "Australia and the War Today" exposed a lack of preparation in Australia for what Hughes correctly supposed to be a coming war. Soon after, the Lyons government tripled the defence budget. Hughes also wrote in "Australia and the War Today" that the League of Nations was broken and that it could have worked only if it had been backed by force. He believed that every nation must look to its own defences and that, as Britain was preoccupied in European affairs, Australia would have to defend itself.After the 1931 Japanese invasion of Manchuria, Hughes believed that the British should remain neutral, and adopted the same attitude towards Italy's invasion of Abyssinia in 1935. Hughes believed that the British Empire was in danger because of its weakness in the Mediterranean.Hughes was brought back to Australia by Lyons as Minister for External Affairs in 1937. In 1938 Germany requested the return of her Pacific colonies but Hughes declared that Australia should hold onto New Guinea, and in April 1939 he said that if Germany wanted colonies she would have to fight for them.By the time of Lyons' death in 1939, Hughes was also serving as Attorney-General and Minister for Industry. He also served as Minister for the Navy, Minister for Industry and Attorney-General at various times under Lyons' successor, Robert Menzies.Defence issues became increasingly dominant in public affairs with the rise of Fascism in Europe and militant Japan in Asia. From 1938, Prime Minister Joseph Lyons had Hughes head a recruitment drive for the Australian Defence Force. On 7 April 1939, Lyons died in office. The United Australia Party selected Robert Menzies as his successor to lead a minority government on the eve of World War Two. Australia entered the Second World War on 3 September 1939 and a special War Cabinet was created after war was declared – initially composed of Prime Minister Menzies and five senior ministers including Hughes. Labor opposition leader John Curtin declined to join and Menzies lost his majority at the 1940 Election. With the Allies suffering a series of defeats and the threat of war growing in the Pacific, the Menzies Government (1939-1941) relied on two independents, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson for its parliamentary majority.Unable to convince Curtin to join in a War Cabinet and facing growing pressure within his own party, Menzies resigned as Prime Minister on 29 August 1941. Although the UAP had been in government for a decade, it was so bereft of leadership that a joint UAP-Country meeting elected Country Party leader Arthur Fadden to lead the Coalition. Hughes remained in the Fadden government, serving as Attorney-General and Minister for the Navy. A month later, Coles and Wilson joined with the Labor opposition to defeat the budget and bring down the government. The independents, under prodding from Governor-General Lord Gowrie, then threw their support to Opposition Leader John Curtin, who was sworn in as Prime Minister on 7 October 1941. Going into opposition the UAP opted for a joint Coalition opposition led by Fadden, which led Menzies to resign the leadership. Hughes was narrowly elected leader on 9 October but widely regarded as a stop-gap given his age.On 7 December, Japan attacked Pearl Harbor. Soon afterwards, Hughes criticised the British government for their weakness in the Far East and declared that they were living on "fast-fading gleams of British triumphs in other wars". However, in February 1942 he said that "Britain has temporarily lost control of the seas but she has lost it in an effort to protect Australia. It would be well if those who criticise Britain would turn the searchlights on Australia". In August he criticised the defensive strategy of the Allies in the Pacific but after the Battle of the Solomons he praised the United States' armed forces. Hughes opposed the Curtin government's Statute of Westminster Adoption Act 1942, which incorporated sections 2–6 of the Statute of Westminster 1931 into law. He believed that Britain and the Dominions should instead work together for a common foreign policy.Hughes led the UAP into the 1943 election largely by refusing to hold any party meetings and by agreeing to let Fadden lead the Opposition as a whole. The Coalition was severely defeated, winning only 19 seats. Hughes himself was nearly defeated in North Sydney on a swing of over 14 percent, seeing his majority dwindle from a comfortably safe 67 percent to a marginal 53 percent. After the election, Hughes—who had widely been reckoned as a stopgap leader—yielded the leadership of the UAP back to Menzies.In February 1944, the parliamentary UAP voted to withdraw its members from the Advisory War Council. Hughes and Menzies resigned, but Percy Spender chose to remain on the council and was expelled from the UAP. A few months later, Hughes rejoined the War Council at the personal invitation of John Curtin. He was expelled from the UAP on 14 April 1944, and replaced as deputy leader by Eric Harrison. Hughes and Spender sat as an independents until 13 September 1945, when they joined the new Liberal Party of Australia that had been founded earlier in the year. By that point the War Council had been abolished.A major redistribution and expansion of the House of Representatives occurred prior to the 1949 election, with much of the northern portion of North Sydney transferred to the new Bradfield. Hughes faced a preselection challenge for the first time since 1894, but defeated Harry Turner for Liberal Party endorsement and won a comfortable victory. He was re-elected to the House of Representatives for the 20th and final time at the 1951 election, with 79 percent of the vote. Hughes' last speech in parliament was an attack on the Menzies Government's decision to sell its share in Commonwealth Oil Refineries, one of the state-owned enterprises his government had established over 30 years earlier. According to H. V. Evatt, his speech "seemed at once to grip the attention of all honourable members present [...] nobody left the House, and nobody seemed to dare to move".Hughes celebrated a number of milestones in his last years in parliament. In 1944, a celebratory dinner was held to commemorate the 50th anniversary of his election to the Parliament of New South Wales, and 50 consecutive years of service as an MP. Prime Minister John Curtin toasted him as someone who had "fought like hell for what he believed to be right, and for that Australia will honour him". In June 1951, Hughes was the guest of honour at a banquet marking the golden jubilee of the federal parliament. The following year, "almost every member of the House of Representatives and Senate" attended his birthday dinner. Prime Minister Robert Menzies observed that Hughes had been a member of every political party at one time or another, at which point Arthur Fadden interjected that he had never joined the Country Party. Hughes then remarked "had to draw the line somewhere, didn't I?".Hughes died on 28 October 1952, aged 90, at his home in Lindfield. His state funeral was held at St Andrew's Cathedral, Sydney, and was one of the largest Australia has seen: some 450,000 spectators lined the streets. He was later buried at Macquarie Park Cemetery and Crematorium with his daughter Helen; his widow Dame Mary joined them upon her death in 1958.At the age of 90 years, one month and three days, Hughes is the oldest person ever to have been a member of the Australian parliament. His death sparked a Bradfield by-election. He had been a member of the House of Representatives for 51 years and seven months, beginning his service in the reign of Queen Victoria and ending it in the reign of Queen Elizabeth II. Including his service in the New South Wales colonial parliament before that, Hughes had spent a total of 58 years as an MP, and had never lost an election. His period of service remains a record in Australia. He was the last member of the original Australian Parliament elected in 1901 still serving in Parliament when he died. Hughes was the penultimate member of the First Parliament to die; King O'Malley outlived him by fourteen months. Hughes was also the last surviving member of the Watson Cabinet, as well as the first and third Cabinets of Andrew Fisher.Soon after arriving in Sydney, Hughes entered into a common-law marriage with Elizabeth Cutts, the daughter of one of his landladies. Their relationship was never formally registered or solemnised, but they lived as husband and wife and had six children together – William (b. 1891; died in infancy), Ethel (b. 1892), Lily (b. 1893), Dolly (b. 1895), Ernest (b. 1897), and Charles (b. 1898). They also raised Arthur (b. 1885), Elizabeth's son from a previous relationship, who took Hughes as his surname. Their marriage was solid, though sometimes strained by Hughes' devotion to his work and frequent absences from home. Elizabeth had little interest in politics, and was sometimes ill at ease in the social situations that occurred as her husband's career progressed. She died of heart failure on 1 September 1906, aged 42, after a long period of ill health.Hughes' great-granddaughter Wendy Starkey is married to Jim Starkey who claimed to be the great-grandson of another prime minister, Joseph Lyons.However Starkey's claim of familial relations with Lyons has been disputed by the Lyons family and Lyons biographer Anne Henderson.After his first wife's death, Hughes' oldest daughter Ethel kept house for him and helped look after the younger children. After a brief courtship, he remarried on 26 June 1911 to Mary Ethel Campbell, the daughter of a well-to-do pastoralist. At the time of their marriage, he was 48 and she was 37. Mary was politically and socially astute, and her husband often turned to her for advice on political matters. Unusually for the time, he insisted that he accompany her on all of his overseas trips, even those made during wartime. Through his second marriage, Hughes also became the brother-in-law of John Haynes, one of the founders of "The Bulletin". His niece, Edith Haynes, lived with him and his wife as a companion for many years.The only child from Hughes' second marriage was Helen Myfanwy Hughes, who was born in 1915 (a few months before he became prime minister). He doted upon her, calling her the "joy and light of my life", and was devastated by her death in childbirth in 1937, aged 21. Her son survived and was adopted by a friend of the family, with his grandfather contributing towards his upkeep. Because she was unmarried at the time, the circumstances of Helen's death were kept hidden and did not become generally known until 2004, when the ABC screened a programme presented by the actor Martin Vaughan. Vaughan had played Billy Hughes in the 1975 film "Billy and Percy", and his continuing interest in him led to the unearthing of Helen's fate.Hughes had a severe hearing loss that began when he was relatively young and worsened with age. He relied on a primitive electronic hearing aid, which was so bulky that it could only be worn for short periods and had to be carried around in a box. However, his deafness could sometimes be to his advantage, as he could feign misapprehension or simply turn off his device when he no longer wished to listen to someone. Physically, Hughes was short in stature and slightly built, standing and weighing around at most. He had a "naturally weak constitution", suffering frequently from colds and other infections, and to compensate became a "fanatical devotee of physical fitness". He also suffered from chronic indigestion, on account of which he abstained from red meat and alcohol and rarely ate large meals. Hughes often worked himself to exhaustion, and required long periods of convalescence to recharge – sometimes weeks or even months. He was prone to bouts of depression interspersed with periods of euphoria, and following a near nervous breakdown in 1924 was diagnosed with "psychasthenia".Hughes was a lifelong Anglican. He inherited this affiliation from his maternal side – his father was a Primitive Baptist and a deacon at the Welsh Baptist Church in London, though he wed with Anglican rites. Hughes attended church schools as a boy, and knew the King James Bible "back to front". As an adult, he would often use Biblical turns of phrase in his writing and public speaking. Hughes' participation in organised religion seemingly declined after he moved to Australia, and some writers have suggested that he became an agnostic or an atheist. The evidence for this is largely circumstantial – he was not a regular churchgoer, his first marriage was never solemnised in a church, and he frequently used blasphemous language.All of Hughes' biographers have regarded him as a sincere Christian, albeit with a rather idiosyncratic theology. Fitzhardinge writes that Hughes had "a generalised faith in the spiritual values of Christianity" combined with "a profound belief in the after-life and the all-pervasiveness of God". Hughes rarely addressed metaphysics in his own works, but in his memoirs did note that he had rejected the doctrine of predestination at an early age: "I believed as a man sowed so he should reap [...] "by faith and works" he might find salvation." Manning Clark was somewhat skeptical of the earnestness of the beliefs that Hughes professed in public. With regard to Hughes' personal philosophy, Clark wrote that he had a "bleakly Hobbesian view of life", seeing it as "a savage elemental struggle for survival in which strong men crushed the weak".Hughes frequently exploited religion for political ends. In his early days in the labour movement, he drew on his mastery of scripture to reassure Christians that socialism was not anti-religious or atheistic. Hughes became stridently anti-Catholic during World War I, though this was due to political interference from the church hierarchy rather than on theological grounds. He "inflamed sectarianism to a tragic degree" with vitriolic personal attacks on Catholic leaders; James Scullin, Australia's first Catholic prime minister, would later suggest that Hughes' divisiveness "very nearly wrecked Australia". He also banned the use of German in Australian churches, though this affected Lutherans more than Catholics.Hughes, a tiny, wiry man, with a raspy voice and an increasingly wizened face, was an unlikely national leader, but during the First World War he acquired a reputation as a war leader—the troops called him the "Little Digger"—that sustained him for the rest of his life. He is remembered for his outstanding political and diplomatic skills, for his many witty sayings, and for his irrepressible optimism and patriotism. At the same time, the Australian labour movement never forgave him for defecting to the conservatives, and still considers him a "rat."Hughes was honored with fifteen 'Freedom of the City' awards – more than any other Prime Minister of Australia. Among these include the following cities in the United Kingdom:Hughes received honorary degrees from the following universities: The Division of Hughes and the Canberra suburb of Hughes are named after him. A park in Lane Cove, New South Wales, is named 'Hughes Park' after Billy and Dame Mary Hughes.In 1972, he was honoured on a postage stamp bearing his portrait issued by Australia Post.After marrying his wife Mary in 1911, the couple went on a long drive, because he did not have time for a honeymoon. Their car crashed where the Sydney–Melbourne road crosses the Sydney–Melbourne railway north of Albury, New South Wales, leading to the level crossing there being named after him; it was later replaced by the Billy Hughes Bridge.	[ "Nationalist Party of Australia", "Liberal Party of Australia", "United Australia Party" ]
Which political party did Billy Hughes belong to in Mar 19, 1916?	March 19, 1916	{ "text": [ "National Labor Party" ] }	L2_Q152666_P102_0	Billy Hughes is a member of the United Australia Party from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1944. Billy Hughes is a member of the National Labor Party from Jan, 1916 to Jan, 1917. Billy Hughes is a member of the Liberal Party of Australia from Jan, 1944 to Oct, 1952. Billy Hughes is a member of the Nationalist Party of Australia from Jan, 1917 to Jan, 1929.	Billy HughesWilliam Morris Hughes, (25 September 1862 – 28 October 1952), was an Australian politician who served as the 7th Prime Minister of Australia, in office from 1915 to 1923. He is best known for leading the country during World War I, but his influence on national politics spanned several decades. Hughes was a member of federal parliament from Federation in 1901 until his death, the only person to have served for more than 50 years. He represented six political parties during his career, leading five, outlasting four, and being expelled from three.Hughes was born in London to Welsh parents. He emigrated to Australia at the age of 22, and became involved in the fledgling labour movement. He was elected to the New South Wales Legislative Assembly in 1894, as a member of the New South Wales Labor Party, and then transferred to the new federal parliament in 1901. Hughes combined his early political career with part-time legal studies, and was called to the bar in 1903. He first entered cabinet in 1904, in the short-lived Watson Government, and was later Attorney-General in each of Andrew Fisher's governments. He was elected deputy leader of the Australian Labor Party in 1914.Hughes became prime minister in October 1915, when Fisher retired due to ill health. The war was the dominant issue of the time, and his support for sending conscripted troops overseas caused a split within Labor ranks. Hughes and his supporters were expelled from the party in November 1916, but he was able to remain in power at the head of the new National Labor Party, which after a few months merged with the Liberals to form the Nationalist Party. His government was re-elected with large majorities at the 1917 and 1919 elections. Hughes established the forerunners of the Australian Federal Police and the CSIRO during the war, and also created a number of new state-owned enterprises to aid the post-war economy. He made a significant impression on other world leaders at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference, where he secured Australian control of the former German New Guinea.At the 1922 election, the Nationalists lost their majority in parliament and were forced to form a coalition with the Country Party. Hughes' resignation was the price for Country Party support, and he was succeeded as prime minister by Stanley Bruce. He became one of Bruce's leading critics over time, and in 1928, following a dispute over industrial relations, he and his supporters crossed the floor on a confidence motion and brought down the government. After a period as an independent, Hughes formed his own organisation, the Australian Party, which in 1931 merged into the new United Australia Party (UAP). He returned to cabinet in 1934, and became known for his prescient warnings against Japanese imperialism. As late as 1939, he missed out on a second stint as prime minister by only a handful of votes, losing a UAP leadership ballot to Robert Menzies.Hughes is generally acknowledged as one of the most influential Australian politicians of the 20th century. He was a controversial figure throughout his lifetime, and his legacy continues to be debated by historians. His strong views and abrasive manner meant he frequently made political enemies, often from within his own parties. Hughes' opponents accused him of engaging in authoritarianism and populism, as well as inflaming sectarianism; his use of the "War Precautions Act 1914" was particularly controversial. His former colleagues in the Labor Party considered him a traitor, while conservatives were suspicious of what they viewed as his socialist economic policies. However, he was extremely popular among the general public, particularly ex-servicemen, who affectionately nicknamed him "the little digger".Hughes was born on 25 September 1862 at 7 Moreton Place, Pimlico, London, the son of William Hughes and the former Jane Morris. His parents were both Welsh. His father, who worked as a carpenter and joiner at the Palace of Westminster, was from North Wales and was a fluent Welsh speaker. His mother, a domestic servant, was from the small village of Llansantffraid-ym-Mechain (near the English border), and spoke only English. Hughes was an only child; at the time of their marriage, in June 1861, his parents were both 37 years old.Hughes' mother died in May 1869, when he was six years old. His father subsequently sent him to be raised by relatives in Wales. During the school term, he lived with his father's sister, Mary Hughes, who kept a boarding house in Llandudno named "Bryn Rosa". He earned pocket money by doing chores for his aunt's tenants and singing in the choir at the local church. Hughes began his formal schooling in Llandudno, attending two small single-teacher schools. He spent his holidays with his mother's family in Llansantffraid. There, he divided his time between "Winllan", the farm of his widowed aunt (Margaret Mason), and "Plas Bedw", the neighbouring farm of his grandparents (Peter and Jane Morris).Hughes regarded his early years in Wales as the happiest time of his life. He was immensely proud of his Welsh identity, and he later became active in the Welsh Australian community, frequently speaking at Saint David's Day celebrations. Hughes called Welsh the "language of heaven", but his own grasp of it was patchy. Like many of his contemporaries, he had no formal schooling in Welsh, and had particular difficulties with spelling. Nonetheless, he received and replied to correspondence from Welsh-speakers throughout his political career, and as prime minister famously traded insults in Welsh with David Lloyd George.At the age of eleven, Hughes was enrolled in St Stephen's School, Westminster, one of the many church schools established by the philanthropist Lady Burdett-Coutts. He won prizes in geometry and French, receiving the latter from Lord Harrowby. After finishing his elementary schooling, he was apprenticed as a "pupil-teacher" for five years, instructing younger students for five hours a day in exchange for personal lessons from the headmaster and a small stipend. At St Stephen's, Hughes came into contact with the poet Matthew Arnold, who was an examiner and inspector for the local school district. Arnold – who coincidentally had holidayed at Llandudno – took a liking to Hughes, and gifted him a copy of the Complete Works of Shakespeare; Hughes credited Arnold with instilling his lifelong love of literature.After finishing his initial apprenticeship, Hughes stayed on at St Stephen's as a teaching assistant. He had no interest in teaching as a career though, and also declined Matthew Arnold's offer to secure him a clerkship at Coutts. His relative financial security allowed him to pursue his own interests for the first time, which included bellringing, boating on the Thames, and travel (such as a two-day trip to Paris). He also joined a volunteer battalion of the Royal Fusiliers, which consisted mainly of artisans and white-collar workers. In later life, Hughes recalled London as "a place of romance, mystery and suggestion".At the age of 22, finding his prospects in London dim, Hughes decided to emigrate to Australia. Taking advantage of an assisted-passage scheme offered by the Colony of Queensland, he arrived in Brisbane on 8 December 1884 after a two-month journey. On arrival, he gave his year of birth as 1864, a deception that was not uncovered until after his death. Hughes attempted to find work with the Education Department, but was either not offered a position or found the terms of employment to be unsuitable. He spent the next two years as an itinerant labourer, working various odd jobs. In his memoirs, Hughes claimed to have worked variously as a fruitpicker, tally clerk, navvy, blacksmith's striker, station hand, drover, and saddler's assistant, and to have travelled (mostly on foot) as far north as Rockhampton, as far west as Adavale, and as far south as Orange, New South Wales. He also claimed to have served briefly in both the Queensland Defence Force and the Queensland Maritime Defence Force. Hughes' accounts are by their nature unverifiable, and his biographers have cast doubt on their veracity – Fitzhardinge states that they were embellished at best and at worst "a world of pure fantasy".Hughes moved to Sydney in about mid-1886, working his way there as a deckhand and galley cook aboard SS "Maranoa". He found occasional work as a line cook, but at one point supposedly had to resort to living in a cave on The Domain for a few days. Hughes eventually found a steady job at a forge, making hinges for colonial ovens. Around the same time, he entered into a common-law marriage with Elizabeth Cutts, his landlady's daughter; they had six children together. In 1890, Hughes moved to Balmain. The following year, with his wife's financial assistance, he was able to open a small shop selling general merchandise. The income from the shop was not enough to live on, so he also worked part-time as a locksmith and umbrella salesman, and his wife as a washerwoman. One of Hughes' acquaintances in Balmain was William Wilks, another future MP, while one of the customers at his shop was Frederick Jordan, a future Chief Justice of New South Wales.In Balmain, Hughes became a Georgist, a street-corner speaker, president of the Balmain Single Tax League, and joined the Australian Socialist League. He was an organiser with the Australian Workers' Union and may have already joined the newly formed Labor Party. In 1894, Hughes spent eight months in central New South Wales organising for the Amalgamated Shearers' Union of Australasia and then won the Legislative Assembly seat of Sydney-Lang by 105 votes.While in Parliament he became secretary of the Wharf Labourer's Union. In 1900 he founded and became first national president of the Waterside Workers' Union. During this period Hughes studied law, and was admitted as a barrister in 1903. Unlike most Labor men, he was a strong supporter of Federation and Georgism.In 1901 Hughes was elected to the first federal Parliament as Labor MP for West Sydney. He opposed the Barton government's proposals for a small professional army and instead advocated compulsory universal training. In 1903, he was admitted to the bar after several years part-time study. He became a King's Counsel (KC) in 1909. (The title changed to Queen's Council (QC) on the accession of Queen Elizabeth II in 1952.)In 1911, he married Mary Campbell. He was Minister for External Affairs in Chris Watson's first Labor government. He was Attorney-General in Andrew Fisher's three Labor governments in 1908–09, 1910–13 and 1914–15.In 1913, at the foundation ceremony of Canberra as the capital of Australia, Hughes gave a speech proclaiming that the country was obtained via the elimination of the indigenous population. "We were destined to have our own way from the beginning..[and]..killed everybody else to get it," Hughes said, adding that "the first historic event in the history of the Commonwealth we are engaged in today [is] without the slightest trace of that race we have banished from the face of the earth." But he warned that "we must not be too proud lest we should, too, in time disappear."His abrasive manner (his chronic dyspepsia was thought to contribute to his volatile temperament) made his colleagues reluctant to have him as Leader. His on-going feud with King O'Malley, a fellow Labor minister, was a prominent example of his combative style.Hughes was also the club patron for the Glebe Rugby League team in the debut year of Rugby League in Australia, in 1908. Hughes was one of a number of prominent Labor politicians who were aligned with the Rugby League movement in Sydney in 1908. Rugby League was borne out of a player movement against the Metropolitan Rugby Union who refused to compensate players for downtime from their jobs due to injuries sustained playing Rugby Union. Labor politicians aligned themselves with the new code as it was seen as a strong social standpoint, politically, and it was an enthusiastic professional game, which made the politicians themselves appear in a similar vein, in their opinions anyway.Following the 1914 election, the Labor Prime Minister of Australia, Andrew Fisher, found the strain of leadership during World War I taxing and faced increasing pressure from the ambitious Hughes who wanted Australia to be firmly recognised on the world stage. By 1915 Fisher's health was suffering and, in October, he resigned and was succeeded by Hughes. In social policy, Hughes introduced an institutional pension for pensioners in benevolent asylums, equal to the difference between the 'act of grace' payment to the institution and the rate of IP.From March to June 1916, Hughes was in Britain, where he delivered a series of speeches calling for imperial co-operation and economic warfare against Germany. These were published under the title "The Day—and After", which was a bestseller. His biographer, Laurie Fitzhardinge, said these speeches were "electrifying" and that Hughes "swept his hearers off their feet". According to two contemporary writers, Hughes' speeches "have in particular evoked intense approbation, and have been followed by such a quickening power of the national spirit as perhaps no other orator since Chatham ever aroused".In July 1916 Hughes was a member of the British delegation at the Paris Economic Conference, which met to decide what economic measures to take against Germany. This was the first time an Australian representative had attended an international conference.Hughes was a strong supporter of Australia's participation in World War I and, after the loss of 28,000 men as casualties (killed, wounded and missing) in July and August 1916, Generals Birdwood and White of the Australian Imperial Force (AIF) persuaded Hughes that conscription was necessary if Australia was to sustain its contribution to the war effort.However, a two-thirds majority of his party, which included Roman Catholics and union representatives as well as the Industrialists (Socialists) such as Frank Anstey, were bitterly opposed to this, especially in the wake of what was regarded by many Irish Australians (most of whom were Roman Catholics) as Britain's excessive response to the Easter Rising of 1916.In October, Hughes held a national plebiscite for conscription, but it was narrowly defeated. The enabling legislation was the "Military Service Referendum Act 1916" and the outcome was advisory only. The narrow defeat (1,087,557 Yes and 1,160,033 No), however, did not deter Hughes, who continued to argue vigorously in favour of conscription. This revealed the deep and bitter split within the Australian community that had existed since before Federation, as well as within the members of his own party. Conscription had been in place since the 1910 Defence Act, but only in the defence of the nation. Hughes was seeking via a referendum to change the wording in the act to include "overseas". A referendum was not necessary but Hughes felt that in light of the seriousness of the situation, a vote of "Yes" from the people would give him a mandate to bypass the Senate. The Lloyd George Government of Britain did favour Hughes but only came to power in 1916, several months after the first referendum. The predecessor Asquith government greatly disliked Hughes considering him to be ""a guest, rather than the representative of Australia"". According to David Lloyd George: "He and Asquith did not get on too well. They would not. They were antipathetic types. As Hughes was never over-anxious to conceal his feelings or restrain his expression of them, and was moreover equipped with a biting tongue, the consultations between them were not agreeable to either".In reaction to Hughes' campaign for conscription, on 15 September 1916 the NSW executive of the Political Labour League (the state Labor Party organisation at the time) expelled him and other leading New South Wales pro-conscription advocates from the Labor movement. Hughes remained as leader of the federal parliamentary Labor Party until, at the 14th November caucus meeting, a no-confidence motion against him was passed. Hughes and 24 others including almost all of the Parliamentary talent walked out to form a new party heeding Hughes's cry "Let those who think like me, follow me.", leaving behind the 43 members of the Industrialists and Unionists factions. That same evening Hughes tendered his resignation to the Governor-General, received a commission to form a new Government, and had his recommendations accepted. Years later, Hughes said, "I did not leave the Labor Party, The party left me." The timing of Hughes's expulsion from the Labor Party meant that he became the first Labor leader who never led the party to an election. On 15 November, Frank Tudor was elected unopposed as the new leader of the Federal Parliamentary Australian Labor Party.Hughes and his followers, which included many of Labor's early leaders, called themselves the National Labor Party and began laying the groundwork for forming a party that they felt would be both avowedly nationalist as well as socially radical. Hughes was forced to conclude a confidence and supply agreement with the opposition Commonwealth Liberal Party to stay in office.A few months later, the Governor-General, Sir Ronald Munro Ferguson, persuaded Hughes and Liberal Party leader Joseph Cook (himself a former Labor man) to turn their wartime coalition into a formal party. This was the Nationalist Party of Australia, which was formally launched in February. Although the Liberals were the larger partner in the merger, Hughes emerged as the new party's leader, with Cook as his deputy. The presence of several working-class figures—including Hughes—in what was basically an upper- and middle-class party allowed the Nationalists to convey an image of national unity. At the same time, he became and remains a traitor in Labor histories.At the May 1917 federal election Hughes and the Nationalists won a huge electoral victory, which was magnified by the large number of Labor MPs who followed him out of the party. At this election Hughes gave up his working-class Sydney seat and was elected for Bendigo, Victoria, becoming the first of only a handful of people who have represented more than one state or territory in the Parliament.In Bendigo, Hughes won the seat by defeating the sitting Labor MP Alfred Hampson.This marks the only time that a sitting prime minister had challenged and ousted another sitting MP for his seat.Hughes had promised to resign if his Government did not win the power to conscript. Queensland Premier T. J. Ryan was a key opponent to conscription, and violence almost broke out when Hughes ordered a raid on the Government Printing Office in Brisbane, with the aim of confiscating copies of Hansard that covered debates in the Queensland Parliament where anti-conscription sentiments had been aired. A second plebiscite on conscription was held in December 1917, but was again defeated, this time by a wider margin. Hughes, after receiving a vote of no confidence in his leadership by his party, resigned as Prime Minister. However, there were no credible alternative candidates. For this reason, Munro-Ferguson used his reserve power to immediately re-commission Hughes, thus allowing him to remain as Prime Minister while keeping his promise to resign.The government replaced the first-past-the-post electoral system applying to both houses of the Federal Parliament under the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1903 with a preferential system for the House of Representatives in 1918. That preferential system has essentially applied ever since. A multiple majority-preferential system was introduced at the 1919 federal election for the Senate, and that remained in force until it was changed to a quota-preferential system of proportional representation in 1948. Those changes were considered to be a response to the emergence of the Country Party, so that the non-Labor vote would not be split, as it would have been under the previous first-past-the-post system.In early 1916, Hughes established the Advisory Council on Science and Industry, the first national body for scientific research and the first iteration of what is now the CSIRO. The council had no basis in legislation, and was intended only as a temporary body to be replaced with "Bureau of Science and Industry" as soon as possible. However, due to wartime stresses and other considerations the council endured until 1920, at which point an act of parliament was passed transforming it into a new government agency, the Institute of Science and Industry. According to Fitzhardinge: "The whole affair was highly typical of Hughes's methods. An idea coming from outside happened to chime with his preoccupation of the moment. He seized it, put his own stamp on it, and pushed it through to the point of realization. Then, having established the machinery, he expected it to run itself while he turned his full energies elsewhere, and tended to be evasive or testy if he was called back to it. Yet his interest was genuine, and without his enthusiasm and drive the Commonwealth intervention would either not have come at all or would have been far slower".On 10 March 1919 Prime Minister of Australia Billy Hughes announced a £10,000 reward to the first aviator who will fly from the United Kingdom to Australia in less than 30 days. Ross and Keith Smith won the race when their Vickers Vimy G-EAOU twin engine plane, won the £10,000 prize after they landed in Darwin.In 1919 Hughes, with former Prime Minister Joseph Cook, travelled to Paris to attend the Versailles Peace Conference. He remained away for 16 months, and signed the Treaty of Versailles on behalf of Australia – the first time Australia had signed an international treaty.At a meeting of the Imperial War Cabinet on 30 December 1918, Hughes warned that if they "were not very careful, we should find ourselves dragged quite unnecessarily behind the wheels of President Wilson's chariot". He added that it was intolerable for Wilson "to dictate to us how the world was to be governed. If the saving of civilisation had depended on the United States, it would have been in tears and chains to-day". He also said that Wilson had no practical scheme for a League of Nations and added: "The League of Nations was to him what a toy was to a child—he would not be happy till he got it". At the Paris Peace Conference, Hughes clashed with Wilson. When Wilson reminded him that he spoke for only a few million people, Hughes replied: "I speak for 60,000 dead. How many do you speak for?"The British Dominions of New Zealand, South Africa and Australia argued their case to keep their occupied German possessions of German Samoa, German South West Africa, and German New Guinea respectively; these territories were given as "Class C Mandates" to the respective Dominions. In a same-same deal Japan obtained control over its occupied German possessions north of the equator. At the meeting of 30 January, Hughes clashed with Wilson on the question of mandates, as Hughes preferred formal sovereignty over the islands. According to the British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, Wilson was dictatorial and arrogant in his approach to Hughes, adding that "Hughes was the last man I would have chosen to handle in that way". Lloyd George described how, after Hughes stated his case against subjecting to a mandate the islands conquered by Australia:President Wilson pulled him up sharply and proceeded to address him personally in what I would describe as a heated allocution rather than an appeal. He dwelt on the seriousness of defying world opinion on this subject. Mr. Hughes, who listened intently, with his hand cupped around his ear so as not to miss a word, indicated at the end that he was still of the same opinion. Whereupon the President asked him slowly and solemnly: "Mr. Hughes, am I to understand that if the whole civilised world asks Australia to agree to a mandate in respect of these islands, Australia is prepared still to defy the appeal of the whole civilised world?” Mr. Hughes answered: "That's about the size of it, President Wilson". Mr. Massey grunted his assent of this abrupt defiance.However, South Africa's Louis Botha intervened on Wilson's side, and the mandates scheme went through. Hughes' frequent clashes with Wilson led to Wilson labelling him a "pestiferous varmint".Hughes, unlike Wilson or South African Prime Minister Jan Smuts, demanded heavy reparations from Germany, suggesting the sum of £24,000,000,000 of which Australia would claim many millions to off-set its own war debt. Hughes was a member of the British delegation on the Reparations Committee, with Lord Cunliffe and Lord Sumner. When the Imperial Cabinet met to discuss the Hughes Report, Winston Churchill asked Hughes if he had considered the effects that reparations would have on working-class German households. Hughes replied that "the Committee had been more concerned in considering the effects upon the working-class households in Great Britain, or in Australia, if the Germans did not pay an indemnity".At the Treaty negotiations, Hughes was the most prominent opponent of the inclusion of Japan's Racial Equality Proposal, which as a result of lobbying by him and others was not included in the final Treaty. His position on this issue reflected the dominant racist attitudes of the White Australia policy. He told David Lloyd George that he would leave the conference if the clause was adopted. Hughes offered to accept the clause so long as it did not effect immigration policy but the Japanese turned the offer down. Lloyd George said that the clause "was aimed at the restrictions and disabilities which were imposed by certain states against Japanese emigration and Japanese settlers already within their borders".Hughes had entered politics as a trade unionist, and like most of the Australian working class was very strongly opposed to Asian immigration to Australia (excluding Asian immigration was a popular cause with unions in Canada, the U.S, Australia, and New Zealand in the early 20th century). Hughes believed that accepting the Racial Equality clause would mean the end of the White Australia immigration policy that had been adopted in 1901, writing: "No Gov't could live for a day in Australia if it tampered with a White Australia". Hughes stated: "The position is this – either the Japanese proposal means something or it means nothing: if the former, out with it; if the latter, why have it?" He later said that "the right of the state to determine the conditions under which persons shall enter its territories cannot be impaired without reducing it to a vassal state", adding: "When I offered to accept it provided that words were incorporated making it clear that it was not to be used for the purpose of immigration or of impairing our rights of self-government in any way, [the Japanese delegate] Baron Makino was unable to agree".When the proposal failed, Hughes reported in the Australian parliament:The White Australia is yours. You may do with it what you please, but at any rate, the soldiers have achieved the victory and my colleagues and I have brought that great principle back to you from the conference, as safe as it was on the day when it was first adopted.Japan was notably offended by Hughes's position on the issue. Like Jan Smuts of South Africa, Hughes was concerned by the rise of Japan. Within months of the declaration of the European War in 1914, Japan, Australia and New Zealand had seized all German territorial possessions in the Pacific. Though Japan had occupied German possessions with the blessing of the British, Hughes felt alarm at this turn of events.With reference to Hughes's actions at the Peace Conference, the historian Ernest Scott said that although Hughes failed to secure sovereignty over the conquered German islands or relief for Australia's war debts, "both he and his countrymen found satisfaction with his achievements. By characteristic methods he had gained single-handed at least the points that were vital to his nation's existence". Joan Beaumont said Hughes became "something of a folk hero in later Australian historiography for his assertiveness at the Paris peace conference".Seth Tillman described him as "a noisesome demagogue", the "bete noir of Anglo-American relations". Unlike Smuts, Hughes totally opposed the concept of the League of Nations, as in it he saw the flawed idealism of "collective security". He declared in June 1919 that Australia would rely on the League "but we shall keep our powder dry".Hughes demanded that Australia have independent representation within the newly-formed League of Nations. Despite the rejection of his conscription policy, Hughes retained popularity with Australian voters and, at the December 1919 federal election, his government was comfortably re-elected.After 1920, Hughes's political position declined. Many of the more conservative elements of his own party never trusted him because they thought he was still a socialist at heart, citing his interest in retaining government ownership of the Commonwealth Shipping Line and the Australian Wireless Company. However, they continued to support him for some time after the war, if only to keep Labor out of power.A new party, the Country Party (now the National Party), was formed, representing farmers who were discontented with the Nationalists' rural policies, in particular Hughes's acceptance of a much higher level of tariff protection for Australian industries, that had expanded during the war, and his support for price controls on rural produce. In the New Year's Day Honours of 1922, Hughes' wife Mary was appointed a Dame Grand Cross of the Order of the British Empire (GBE).At the 1921 Imperial Conference, Hughes argued unsuccessfully in favour of renewing the Anglo-Japanese Alliance.At the 1922 federal election, Hughes gave up the seat of Bendigo and transferred to the upper-middle-class seat of North Sydney, thus giving up one of the last symbolic links to his working-class roots. The Nationalists lost their outright majority at the election. The Country Party, despite its opposition to Hughes's farm policy, was the Nationalists' only realistic coalition partner. However, party leader Earle Page let it be known that he and his party would not serve under Hughes. Under pressure from his party's right wing, Hughes resigned in February 1923 and was succeeded by his Treasurer, Stanley Bruce. Hughes was the longest-serving Prime Minister, until his term was surpassed by Robert Menzies (in 1957).Whilst the incumbent prime minister, Hughes switched seats at both the 1917 and 1922 elections, the only prime minister to have done so not once but twice. All other elections have seen the prime minister re-contest the seat that they held prior to the election.Hughes played little part in parliament for the remainder of 1923. He rented a house in Kirribilli in his new electorate and was recruited by "The Daily Telegraph" to write a series of articles on topics of his choosing. In the articles he defended his legacy as prime minister and stated he would support the new government as long as it followed his principles. In 1924, Hughes embarked on a lecture tour of the United States. His health broke down midway through the tour, while he was in New York. As a result he cancelled the rest of his engagements and drove back across the country in a new Flint automobile, which he brought back to Australia. Later in the year he purchased a house in Lindfield, which was to be his primary residence for the rest of his life. In 1925 Hughes again had little involvement in parliamentary affairs, but began to portray himself as "champion of Australian industries struggling to get established against foreign competition and government indifference", with the aid of his friends James Hume Cook and Ambrose Pratt.Hughes was furious at being ousted by his own party and nursed his grievance on the back-benches until 1929, when he led a group of back-bench rebels who crossed the floor of the Parliament to bring down the Bruce government. Hughes was expelled from the Nationalist Party, and formed his own party, the Australian Party. After the Nationalists were heavily defeated in the ensuing election, Hughes initially supported the Labor government of James Scullin. He had a falling-out with Scullin over financial matters, however. In 1931 he buried the hatchet with his former non-Labor colleagues and joined the Nationalists and several right-wing Labor dissidents under Joseph Lyons in forming the United Australia Party (UAP), under Lyons' leadership. He voted with the rest of the UAP to bring the Scullin government down.The UAP won a sweeping victory at the 1931 election. Lyons sent Hughes to represent Australia at the 1932 League of Nations Assembly in Geneva and in 1934 Hughes became Minister for Health and Repatriation in the Lyons government. Later Lyons appointed him Minister for External Affairs, but Hughes was forced to resign in 1935 after his book "Australia and the War Today" exposed a lack of preparation in Australia for what Hughes correctly supposed to be a coming war. Soon after, the Lyons government tripled the defence budget. Hughes also wrote in "Australia and the War Today" that the League of Nations was broken and that it could have worked only if it had been backed by force. He believed that every nation must look to its own defences and that, as Britain was preoccupied in European affairs, Australia would have to defend itself.After the 1931 Japanese invasion of Manchuria, Hughes believed that the British should remain neutral, and adopted the same attitude towards Italy's invasion of Abyssinia in 1935. Hughes believed that the British Empire was in danger because of its weakness in the Mediterranean.Hughes was brought back to Australia by Lyons as Minister for External Affairs in 1937. In 1938 Germany requested the return of her Pacific colonies but Hughes declared that Australia should hold onto New Guinea, and in April 1939 he said that if Germany wanted colonies she would have to fight for them.By the time of Lyons' death in 1939, Hughes was also serving as Attorney-General and Minister for Industry. He also served as Minister for the Navy, Minister for Industry and Attorney-General at various times under Lyons' successor, Robert Menzies.Defence issues became increasingly dominant in public affairs with the rise of Fascism in Europe and militant Japan in Asia. From 1938, Prime Minister Joseph Lyons had Hughes head a recruitment drive for the Australian Defence Force. On 7 April 1939, Lyons died in office. The United Australia Party selected Robert Menzies as his successor to lead a minority government on the eve of World War Two. Australia entered the Second World War on 3 September 1939 and a special War Cabinet was created after war was declared – initially composed of Prime Minister Menzies and five senior ministers including Hughes. Labor opposition leader John Curtin declined to join and Menzies lost his majority at the 1940 Election. With the Allies suffering a series of defeats and the threat of war growing in the Pacific, the Menzies Government (1939-1941) relied on two independents, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson for its parliamentary majority.Unable to convince Curtin to join in a War Cabinet and facing growing pressure within his own party, Menzies resigned as Prime Minister on 29 August 1941. Although the UAP had been in government for a decade, it was so bereft of leadership that a joint UAP-Country meeting elected Country Party leader Arthur Fadden to lead the Coalition. Hughes remained in the Fadden government, serving as Attorney-General and Minister for the Navy. A month later, Coles and Wilson joined with the Labor opposition to defeat the budget and bring down the government. The independents, under prodding from Governor-General Lord Gowrie, then threw their support to Opposition Leader John Curtin, who was sworn in as Prime Minister on 7 October 1941. Going into opposition the UAP opted for a joint Coalition opposition led by Fadden, which led Menzies to resign the leadership. Hughes was narrowly elected leader on 9 October but widely regarded as a stop-gap given his age.On 7 December, Japan attacked Pearl Harbor. Soon afterwards, Hughes criticised the British government for their weakness in the Far East and declared that they were living on "fast-fading gleams of British triumphs in other wars". However, in February 1942 he said that "Britain has temporarily lost control of the seas but she has lost it in an effort to protect Australia. It would be well if those who criticise Britain would turn the searchlights on Australia". In August he criticised the defensive strategy of the Allies in the Pacific but after the Battle of the Solomons he praised the United States' armed forces. Hughes opposed the Curtin government's Statute of Westminster Adoption Act 1942, which incorporated sections 2–6 of the Statute of Westminster 1931 into law. He believed that Britain and the Dominions should instead work together for a common foreign policy.Hughes led the UAP into the 1943 election largely by refusing to hold any party meetings and by agreeing to let Fadden lead the Opposition as a whole. The Coalition was severely defeated, winning only 19 seats. Hughes himself was nearly defeated in North Sydney on a swing of over 14 percent, seeing his majority dwindle from a comfortably safe 67 percent to a marginal 53 percent. After the election, Hughes—who had widely been reckoned as a stopgap leader—yielded the leadership of the UAP back to Menzies.In February 1944, the parliamentary UAP voted to withdraw its members from the Advisory War Council. Hughes and Menzies resigned, but Percy Spender chose to remain on the council and was expelled from the UAP. A few months later, Hughes rejoined the War Council at the personal invitation of John Curtin. He was expelled from the UAP on 14 April 1944, and replaced as deputy leader by Eric Harrison. Hughes and Spender sat as an independents until 13 September 1945, when they joined the new Liberal Party of Australia that had been founded earlier in the year. By that point the War Council had been abolished.A major redistribution and expansion of the House of Representatives occurred prior to the 1949 election, with much of the northern portion of North Sydney transferred to the new Bradfield. Hughes faced a preselection challenge for the first time since 1894, but defeated Harry Turner for Liberal Party endorsement and won a comfortable victory. He was re-elected to the House of Representatives for the 20th and final time at the 1951 election, with 79 percent of the vote. Hughes' last speech in parliament was an attack on the Menzies Government's decision to sell its share in Commonwealth Oil Refineries, one of the state-owned enterprises his government had established over 30 years earlier. According to H. V. Evatt, his speech "seemed at once to grip the attention of all honourable members present [...] nobody left the House, and nobody seemed to dare to move".Hughes celebrated a number of milestones in his last years in parliament. In 1944, a celebratory dinner was held to commemorate the 50th anniversary of his election to the Parliament of New South Wales, and 50 consecutive years of service as an MP. Prime Minister John Curtin toasted him as someone who had "fought like hell for what he believed to be right, and for that Australia will honour him". In June 1951, Hughes was the guest of honour at a banquet marking the golden jubilee of the federal parliament. The following year, "almost every member of the House of Representatives and Senate" attended his birthday dinner. Prime Minister Robert Menzies observed that Hughes had been a member of every political party at one time or another, at which point Arthur Fadden interjected that he had never joined the Country Party. Hughes then remarked "had to draw the line somewhere, didn't I?".Hughes died on 28 October 1952, aged 90, at his home in Lindfield. His state funeral was held at St Andrew's Cathedral, Sydney, and was one of the largest Australia has seen: some 450,000 spectators lined the streets. He was later buried at Macquarie Park Cemetery and Crematorium with his daughter Helen; his widow Dame Mary joined them upon her death in 1958.At the age of 90 years, one month and three days, Hughes is the oldest person ever to have been a member of the Australian parliament. His death sparked a Bradfield by-election. He had been a member of the House of Representatives for 51 years and seven months, beginning his service in the reign of Queen Victoria and ending it in the reign of Queen Elizabeth II. Including his service in the New South Wales colonial parliament before that, Hughes had spent a total of 58 years as an MP, and had never lost an election. His period of service remains a record in Australia. He was the last member of the original Australian Parliament elected in 1901 still serving in Parliament when he died. Hughes was the penultimate member of the First Parliament to die; King O'Malley outlived him by fourteen months. Hughes was also the last surviving member of the Watson Cabinet, as well as the first and third Cabinets of Andrew Fisher.Soon after arriving in Sydney, Hughes entered into a common-law marriage with Elizabeth Cutts, the daughter of one of his landladies. Their relationship was never formally registered or solemnised, but they lived as husband and wife and had six children together – William (b. 1891; died in infancy), Ethel (b. 1892), Lily (b. 1893), Dolly (b. 1895), Ernest (b. 1897), and Charles (b. 1898). They also raised Arthur (b. 1885), Elizabeth's son from a previous relationship, who took Hughes as his surname. Their marriage was solid, though sometimes strained by Hughes' devotion to his work and frequent absences from home. Elizabeth had little interest in politics, and was sometimes ill at ease in the social situations that occurred as her husband's career progressed. She died of heart failure on 1 September 1906, aged 42, after a long period of ill health.Hughes' great-granddaughter Wendy Starkey is married to Jim Starkey who claimed to be the great-grandson of another prime minister, Joseph Lyons.However Starkey's claim of familial relations with Lyons has been disputed by the Lyons family and Lyons biographer Anne Henderson.After his first wife's death, Hughes' oldest daughter Ethel kept house for him and helped look after the younger children. After a brief courtship, he remarried on 26 June 1911 to Mary Ethel Campbell, the daughter of a well-to-do pastoralist. At the time of their marriage, he was 48 and she was 37. Mary was politically and socially astute, and her husband often turned to her for advice on political matters. Unusually for the time, he insisted that he accompany her on all of his overseas trips, even those made during wartime. Through his second marriage, Hughes also became the brother-in-law of John Haynes, one of the founders of "The Bulletin". His niece, Edith Haynes, lived with him and his wife as a companion for many years.The only child from Hughes' second marriage was Helen Myfanwy Hughes, who was born in 1915 (a few months before he became prime minister). He doted upon her, calling her the "joy and light of my life", and was devastated by her death in childbirth in 1937, aged 21. Her son survived and was adopted by a friend of the family, with his grandfather contributing towards his upkeep. Because she was unmarried at the time, the circumstances of Helen's death were kept hidden and did not become generally known until 2004, when the ABC screened a programme presented by the actor Martin Vaughan. Vaughan had played Billy Hughes in the 1975 film "Billy and Percy", and his continuing interest in him led to the unearthing of Helen's fate.Hughes had a severe hearing loss that began when he was relatively young and worsened with age. He relied on a primitive electronic hearing aid, which was so bulky that it could only be worn for short periods and had to be carried around in a box. However, his deafness could sometimes be to his advantage, as he could feign misapprehension or simply turn off his device when he no longer wished to listen to someone. Physically, Hughes was short in stature and slightly built, standing and weighing around at most. He had a "naturally weak constitution", suffering frequently from colds and other infections, and to compensate became a "fanatical devotee of physical fitness". He also suffered from chronic indigestion, on account of which he abstained from red meat and alcohol and rarely ate large meals. Hughes often worked himself to exhaustion, and required long periods of convalescence to recharge – sometimes weeks or even months. He was prone to bouts of depression interspersed with periods of euphoria, and following a near nervous breakdown in 1924 was diagnosed with "psychasthenia".Hughes was a lifelong Anglican. He inherited this affiliation from his maternal side – his father was a Primitive Baptist and a deacon at the Welsh Baptist Church in London, though he wed with Anglican rites. Hughes attended church schools as a boy, and knew the King James Bible "back to front". As an adult, he would often use Biblical turns of phrase in his writing and public speaking. Hughes' participation in organised religion seemingly declined after he moved to Australia, and some writers have suggested that he became an agnostic or an atheist. The evidence for this is largely circumstantial – he was not a regular churchgoer, his first marriage was never solemnised in a church, and he frequently used blasphemous language.All of Hughes' biographers have regarded him as a sincere Christian, albeit with a rather idiosyncratic theology. Fitzhardinge writes that Hughes had "a generalised faith in the spiritual values of Christianity" combined with "a profound belief in the after-life and the all-pervasiveness of God". Hughes rarely addressed metaphysics in his own works, but in his memoirs did note that he had rejected the doctrine of predestination at an early age: "I believed as a man sowed so he should reap [...] "by faith and works" he might find salvation." Manning Clark was somewhat skeptical of the earnestness of the beliefs that Hughes professed in public. With regard to Hughes' personal philosophy, Clark wrote that he had a "bleakly Hobbesian view of life", seeing it as "a savage elemental struggle for survival in which strong men crushed the weak".Hughes frequently exploited religion for political ends. In his early days in the labour movement, he drew on his mastery of scripture to reassure Christians that socialism was not anti-religious or atheistic. Hughes became stridently anti-Catholic during World War I, though this was due to political interference from the church hierarchy rather than on theological grounds. He "inflamed sectarianism to a tragic degree" with vitriolic personal attacks on Catholic leaders; James Scullin, Australia's first Catholic prime minister, would later suggest that Hughes' divisiveness "very nearly wrecked Australia". He also banned the use of German in Australian churches, though this affected Lutherans more than Catholics.Hughes, a tiny, wiry man, with a raspy voice and an increasingly wizened face, was an unlikely national leader, but during the First World War he acquired a reputation as a war leader—the troops called him the "Little Digger"—that sustained him for the rest of his life. He is remembered for his outstanding political and diplomatic skills, for his many witty sayings, and for his irrepressible optimism and patriotism. At the same time, the Australian labour movement never forgave him for defecting to the conservatives, and still considers him a "rat."Hughes was honored with fifteen 'Freedom of the City' awards – more than any other Prime Minister of Australia. Among these include the following cities in the United Kingdom:Hughes received honorary degrees from the following universities: The Division of Hughes and the Canberra suburb of Hughes are named after him. A park in Lane Cove, New South Wales, is named 'Hughes Park' after Billy and Dame Mary Hughes.In 1972, he was honoured on a postage stamp bearing his portrait issued by Australia Post.After marrying his wife Mary in 1911, the couple went on a long drive, because he did not have time for a honeymoon. Their car crashed where the Sydney–Melbourne road crosses the Sydney–Melbourne railway north of Albury, New South Wales, leading to the level crossing there being named after him; it was later replaced by the Billy Hughes Bridge.	[ "Nationalist Party of Australia", "Liberal Party of Australia", "United Australia Party" ]
Which political party did Billy Hughes belong to in 03/19/1916?	March 19, 1916	{ "text": [ "National Labor Party" ] }	L2_Q152666_P102_0	Billy Hughes is a member of the United Australia Party from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1944. Billy Hughes is a member of the National Labor Party from Jan, 1916 to Jan, 1917. Billy Hughes is a member of the Liberal Party of Australia from Jan, 1944 to Oct, 1952. Billy Hughes is a member of the Nationalist Party of Australia from Jan, 1917 to Jan, 1929.	Billy HughesWilliam Morris Hughes, (25 September 1862 – 28 October 1952), was an Australian politician who served as the 7th Prime Minister of Australia, in office from 1915 to 1923. He is best known for leading the country during World War I, but his influence on national politics spanned several decades. Hughes was a member of federal parliament from Federation in 1901 until his death, the only person to have served for more than 50 years. He represented six political parties during his career, leading five, outlasting four, and being expelled from three.Hughes was born in London to Welsh parents. He emigrated to Australia at the age of 22, and became involved in the fledgling labour movement. He was elected to the New South Wales Legislative Assembly in 1894, as a member of the New South Wales Labor Party, and then transferred to the new federal parliament in 1901. Hughes combined his early political career with part-time legal studies, and was called to the bar in 1903. He first entered cabinet in 1904, in the short-lived Watson Government, and was later Attorney-General in each of Andrew Fisher's governments. He was elected deputy leader of the Australian Labor Party in 1914.Hughes became prime minister in October 1915, when Fisher retired due to ill health. The war was the dominant issue of the time, and his support for sending conscripted troops overseas caused a split within Labor ranks. Hughes and his supporters were expelled from the party in November 1916, but he was able to remain in power at the head of the new National Labor Party, which after a few months merged with the Liberals to form the Nationalist Party. His government was re-elected with large majorities at the 1917 and 1919 elections. Hughes established the forerunners of the Australian Federal Police and the CSIRO during the war, and also created a number of new state-owned enterprises to aid the post-war economy. He made a significant impression on other world leaders at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference, where he secured Australian control of the former German New Guinea.At the 1922 election, the Nationalists lost their majority in parliament and were forced to form a coalition with the Country Party. Hughes' resignation was the price for Country Party support, and he was succeeded as prime minister by Stanley Bruce. He became one of Bruce's leading critics over time, and in 1928, following a dispute over industrial relations, he and his supporters crossed the floor on a confidence motion and brought down the government. After a period as an independent, Hughes formed his own organisation, the Australian Party, which in 1931 merged into the new United Australia Party (UAP). He returned to cabinet in 1934, and became known for his prescient warnings against Japanese imperialism. As late as 1939, he missed out on a second stint as prime minister by only a handful of votes, losing a UAP leadership ballot to Robert Menzies.Hughes is generally acknowledged as one of the most influential Australian politicians of the 20th century. He was a controversial figure throughout his lifetime, and his legacy continues to be debated by historians. His strong views and abrasive manner meant he frequently made political enemies, often from within his own parties. Hughes' opponents accused him of engaging in authoritarianism and populism, as well as inflaming sectarianism; his use of the "War Precautions Act 1914" was particularly controversial. His former colleagues in the Labor Party considered him a traitor, while conservatives were suspicious of what they viewed as his socialist economic policies. However, he was extremely popular among the general public, particularly ex-servicemen, who affectionately nicknamed him "the little digger".Hughes was born on 25 September 1862 at 7 Moreton Place, Pimlico, London, the son of William Hughes and the former Jane Morris. His parents were both Welsh. His father, who worked as a carpenter and joiner at the Palace of Westminster, was from North Wales and was a fluent Welsh speaker. His mother, a domestic servant, was from the small village of Llansantffraid-ym-Mechain (near the English border), and spoke only English. Hughes was an only child; at the time of their marriage, in June 1861, his parents were both 37 years old.Hughes' mother died in May 1869, when he was six years old. His father subsequently sent him to be raised by relatives in Wales. During the school term, he lived with his father's sister, Mary Hughes, who kept a boarding house in Llandudno named "Bryn Rosa". He earned pocket money by doing chores for his aunt's tenants and singing in the choir at the local church. Hughes began his formal schooling in Llandudno, attending two small single-teacher schools. He spent his holidays with his mother's family in Llansantffraid. There, he divided his time between "Winllan", the farm of his widowed aunt (Margaret Mason), and "Plas Bedw", the neighbouring farm of his grandparents (Peter and Jane Morris).Hughes regarded his early years in Wales as the happiest time of his life. He was immensely proud of his Welsh identity, and he later became active in the Welsh Australian community, frequently speaking at Saint David's Day celebrations. Hughes called Welsh the "language of heaven", but his own grasp of it was patchy. Like many of his contemporaries, he had no formal schooling in Welsh, and had particular difficulties with spelling. Nonetheless, he received and replied to correspondence from Welsh-speakers throughout his political career, and as prime minister famously traded insults in Welsh with David Lloyd George.At the age of eleven, Hughes was enrolled in St Stephen's School, Westminster, one of the many church schools established by the philanthropist Lady Burdett-Coutts. He won prizes in geometry and French, receiving the latter from Lord Harrowby. After finishing his elementary schooling, he was apprenticed as a "pupil-teacher" for five years, instructing younger students for five hours a day in exchange for personal lessons from the headmaster and a small stipend. At St Stephen's, Hughes came into contact with the poet Matthew Arnold, who was an examiner and inspector for the local school district. Arnold – who coincidentally had holidayed at Llandudno – took a liking to Hughes, and gifted him a copy of the Complete Works of Shakespeare; Hughes credited Arnold with instilling his lifelong love of literature.After finishing his initial apprenticeship, Hughes stayed on at St Stephen's as a teaching assistant. He had no interest in teaching as a career though, and also declined Matthew Arnold's offer to secure him a clerkship at Coutts. His relative financial security allowed him to pursue his own interests for the first time, which included bellringing, boating on the Thames, and travel (such as a two-day trip to Paris). He also joined a volunteer battalion of the Royal Fusiliers, which consisted mainly of artisans and white-collar workers. In later life, Hughes recalled London as "a place of romance, mystery and suggestion".At the age of 22, finding his prospects in London dim, Hughes decided to emigrate to Australia. Taking advantage of an assisted-passage scheme offered by the Colony of Queensland, he arrived in Brisbane on 8 December 1884 after a two-month journey. On arrival, he gave his year of birth as 1864, a deception that was not uncovered until after his death. Hughes attempted to find work with the Education Department, but was either not offered a position or found the terms of employment to be unsuitable. He spent the next two years as an itinerant labourer, working various odd jobs. In his memoirs, Hughes claimed to have worked variously as a fruitpicker, tally clerk, navvy, blacksmith's striker, station hand, drover, and saddler's assistant, and to have travelled (mostly on foot) as far north as Rockhampton, as far west as Adavale, and as far south as Orange, New South Wales. He also claimed to have served briefly in both the Queensland Defence Force and the Queensland Maritime Defence Force. Hughes' accounts are by their nature unverifiable, and his biographers have cast doubt on their veracity – Fitzhardinge states that they were embellished at best and at worst "a world of pure fantasy".Hughes moved to Sydney in about mid-1886, working his way there as a deckhand and galley cook aboard SS "Maranoa". He found occasional work as a line cook, but at one point supposedly had to resort to living in a cave on The Domain for a few days. Hughes eventually found a steady job at a forge, making hinges for colonial ovens. Around the same time, he entered into a common-law marriage with Elizabeth Cutts, his landlady's daughter; they had six children together. In 1890, Hughes moved to Balmain. The following year, with his wife's financial assistance, he was able to open a small shop selling general merchandise. The income from the shop was not enough to live on, so he also worked part-time as a locksmith and umbrella salesman, and his wife as a washerwoman. One of Hughes' acquaintances in Balmain was William Wilks, another future MP, while one of the customers at his shop was Frederick Jordan, a future Chief Justice of New South Wales.In Balmain, Hughes became a Georgist, a street-corner speaker, president of the Balmain Single Tax League, and joined the Australian Socialist League. He was an organiser with the Australian Workers' Union and may have already joined the newly formed Labor Party. In 1894, Hughes spent eight months in central New South Wales organising for the Amalgamated Shearers' Union of Australasia and then won the Legislative Assembly seat of Sydney-Lang by 105 votes.While in Parliament he became secretary of the Wharf Labourer's Union. In 1900 he founded and became first national president of the Waterside Workers' Union. During this period Hughes studied law, and was admitted as a barrister in 1903. Unlike most Labor men, he was a strong supporter of Federation and Georgism.In 1901 Hughes was elected to the first federal Parliament as Labor MP for West Sydney. He opposed the Barton government's proposals for a small professional army and instead advocated compulsory universal training. In 1903, he was admitted to the bar after several years part-time study. He became a King's Counsel (KC) in 1909. (The title changed to Queen's Council (QC) on the accession of Queen Elizabeth II in 1952.)In 1911, he married Mary Campbell. He was Minister for External Affairs in Chris Watson's first Labor government. He was Attorney-General in Andrew Fisher's three Labor governments in 1908–09, 1910–13 and 1914–15.In 1913, at the foundation ceremony of Canberra as the capital of Australia, Hughes gave a speech proclaiming that the country was obtained via the elimination of the indigenous population. "We were destined to have our own way from the beginning..[and]..killed everybody else to get it," Hughes said, adding that "the first historic event in the history of the Commonwealth we are engaged in today [is] without the slightest trace of that race we have banished from the face of the earth." But he warned that "we must not be too proud lest we should, too, in time disappear."His abrasive manner (his chronic dyspepsia was thought to contribute to his volatile temperament) made his colleagues reluctant to have him as Leader. His on-going feud with King O'Malley, a fellow Labor minister, was a prominent example of his combative style.Hughes was also the club patron for the Glebe Rugby League team in the debut year of Rugby League in Australia, in 1908. Hughes was one of a number of prominent Labor politicians who were aligned with the Rugby League movement in Sydney in 1908. Rugby League was borne out of a player movement against the Metropolitan Rugby Union who refused to compensate players for downtime from their jobs due to injuries sustained playing Rugby Union. Labor politicians aligned themselves with the new code as it was seen as a strong social standpoint, politically, and it was an enthusiastic professional game, which made the politicians themselves appear in a similar vein, in their opinions anyway.Following the 1914 election, the Labor Prime Minister of Australia, Andrew Fisher, found the strain of leadership during World War I taxing and faced increasing pressure from the ambitious Hughes who wanted Australia to be firmly recognised on the world stage. By 1915 Fisher's health was suffering and, in October, he resigned and was succeeded by Hughes. In social policy, Hughes introduced an institutional pension for pensioners in benevolent asylums, equal to the difference between the 'act of grace' payment to the institution and the rate of IP.From March to June 1916, Hughes was in Britain, where he delivered a series of speeches calling for imperial co-operation and economic warfare against Germany. These were published under the title "The Day—and After", which was a bestseller. His biographer, Laurie Fitzhardinge, said these speeches were "electrifying" and that Hughes "swept his hearers off their feet". According to two contemporary writers, Hughes' speeches "have in particular evoked intense approbation, and have been followed by such a quickening power of the national spirit as perhaps no other orator since Chatham ever aroused".In July 1916 Hughes was a member of the British delegation at the Paris Economic Conference, which met to decide what economic measures to take against Germany. This was the first time an Australian representative had attended an international conference.Hughes was a strong supporter of Australia's participation in World War I and, after the loss of 28,000 men as casualties (killed, wounded and missing) in July and August 1916, Generals Birdwood and White of the Australian Imperial Force (AIF) persuaded Hughes that conscription was necessary if Australia was to sustain its contribution to the war effort.However, a two-thirds majority of his party, which included Roman Catholics and union representatives as well as the Industrialists (Socialists) such as Frank Anstey, were bitterly opposed to this, especially in the wake of what was regarded by many Irish Australians (most of whom were Roman Catholics) as Britain's excessive response to the Easter Rising of 1916.In October, Hughes held a national plebiscite for conscription, but it was narrowly defeated. The enabling legislation was the "Military Service Referendum Act 1916" and the outcome was advisory only. The narrow defeat (1,087,557 Yes and 1,160,033 No), however, did not deter Hughes, who continued to argue vigorously in favour of conscription. This revealed the deep and bitter split within the Australian community that had existed since before Federation, as well as within the members of his own party. Conscription had been in place since the 1910 Defence Act, but only in the defence of the nation. Hughes was seeking via a referendum to change the wording in the act to include "overseas". A referendum was not necessary but Hughes felt that in light of the seriousness of the situation, a vote of "Yes" from the people would give him a mandate to bypass the Senate. The Lloyd George Government of Britain did favour Hughes but only came to power in 1916, several months after the first referendum. The predecessor Asquith government greatly disliked Hughes considering him to be ""a guest, rather than the representative of Australia"". According to David Lloyd George: "He and Asquith did not get on too well. They would not. They were antipathetic types. As Hughes was never over-anxious to conceal his feelings or restrain his expression of them, and was moreover equipped with a biting tongue, the consultations between them were not agreeable to either".In reaction to Hughes' campaign for conscription, on 15 September 1916 the NSW executive of the Political Labour League (the state Labor Party organisation at the time) expelled him and other leading New South Wales pro-conscription advocates from the Labor movement. Hughes remained as leader of the federal parliamentary Labor Party until, at the 14th November caucus meeting, a no-confidence motion against him was passed. Hughes and 24 others including almost all of the Parliamentary talent walked out to form a new party heeding Hughes's cry "Let those who think like me, follow me.", leaving behind the 43 members of the Industrialists and Unionists factions. That same evening Hughes tendered his resignation to the Governor-General, received a commission to form a new Government, and had his recommendations accepted. Years later, Hughes said, "I did not leave the Labor Party, The party left me." The timing of Hughes's expulsion from the Labor Party meant that he became the first Labor leader who never led the party to an election. On 15 November, Frank Tudor was elected unopposed as the new leader of the Federal Parliamentary Australian Labor Party.Hughes and his followers, which included many of Labor's early leaders, called themselves the National Labor Party and began laying the groundwork for forming a party that they felt would be both avowedly nationalist as well as socially radical. Hughes was forced to conclude a confidence and supply agreement with the opposition Commonwealth Liberal Party to stay in office.A few months later, the Governor-General, Sir Ronald Munro Ferguson, persuaded Hughes and Liberal Party leader Joseph Cook (himself a former Labor man) to turn their wartime coalition into a formal party. This was the Nationalist Party of Australia, which was formally launched in February. Although the Liberals were the larger partner in the merger, Hughes emerged as the new party's leader, with Cook as his deputy. The presence of several working-class figures—including Hughes—in what was basically an upper- and middle-class party allowed the Nationalists to convey an image of national unity. At the same time, he became and remains a traitor in Labor histories.At the May 1917 federal election Hughes and the Nationalists won a huge electoral victory, which was magnified by the large number of Labor MPs who followed him out of the party. At this election Hughes gave up his working-class Sydney seat and was elected for Bendigo, Victoria, becoming the first of only a handful of people who have represented more than one state or territory in the Parliament.In Bendigo, Hughes won the seat by defeating the sitting Labor MP Alfred Hampson.This marks the only time that a sitting prime minister had challenged and ousted another sitting MP for his seat.Hughes had promised to resign if his Government did not win the power to conscript. Queensland Premier T. J. Ryan was a key opponent to conscription, and violence almost broke out when Hughes ordered a raid on the Government Printing Office in Brisbane, with the aim of confiscating copies of Hansard that covered debates in the Queensland Parliament where anti-conscription sentiments had been aired. A second plebiscite on conscription was held in December 1917, but was again defeated, this time by a wider margin. Hughes, after receiving a vote of no confidence in his leadership by his party, resigned as Prime Minister. However, there were no credible alternative candidates. For this reason, Munro-Ferguson used his reserve power to immediately re-commission Hughes, thus allowing him to remain as Prime Minister while keeping his promise to resign.The government replaced the first-past-the-post electoral system applying to both houses of the Federal Parliament under the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1903 with a preferential system for the House of Representatives in 1918. That preferential system has essentially applied ever since. A multiple majority-preferential system was introduced at the 1919 federal election for the Senate, and that remained in force until it was changed to a quota-preferential system of proportional representation in 1948. Those changes were considered to be a response to the emergence of the Country Party, so that the non-Labor vote would not be split, as it would have been under the previous first-past-the-post system.In early 1916, Hughes established the Advisory Council on Science and Industry, the first national body for scientific research and the first iteration of what is now the CSIRO. The council had no basis in legislation, and was intended only as a temporary body to be replaced with "Bureau of Science and Industry" as soon as possible. However, due to wartime stresses and other considerations the council endured until 1920, at which point an act of parliament was passed transforming it into a new government agency, the Institute of Science and Industry. According to Fitzhardinge: "The whole affair was highly typical of Hughes's methods. An idea coming from outside happened to chime with his preoccupation of the moment. He seized it, put his own stamp on it, and pushed it through to the point of realization. Then, having established the machinery, he expected it to run itself while he turned his full energies elsewhere, and tended to be evasive or testy if he was called back to it. Yet his interest was genuine, and without his enthusiasm and drive the Commonwealth intervention would either not have come at all or would have been far slower".On 10 March 1919 Prime Minister of Australia Billy Hughes announced a £10,000 reward to the first aviator who will fly from the United Kingdom to Australia in less than 30 days. Ross and Keith Smith won the race when their Vickers Vimy G-EAOU twin engine plane, won the £10,000 prize after they landed in Darwin.In 1919 Hughes, with former Prime Minister Joseph Cook, travelled to Paris to attend the Versailles Peace Conference. He remained away for 16 months, and signed the Treaty of Versailles on behalf of Australia – the first time Australia had signed an international treaty.At a meeting of the Imperial War Cabinet on 30 December 1918, Hughes warned that if they "were not very careful, we should find ourselves dragged quite unnecessarily behind the wheels of President Wilson's chariot". He added that it was intolerable for Wilson "to dictate to us how the world was to be governed. If the saving of civilisation had depended on the United States, it would have been in tears and chains to-day". He also said that Wilson had no practical scheme for a League of Nations and added: "The League of Nations was to him what a toy was to a child—he would not be happy till he got it". At the Paris Peace Conference, Hughes clashed with Wilson. When Wilson reminded him that he spoke for only a few million people, Hughes replied: "I speak for 60,000 dead. How many do you speak for?"The British Dominions of New Zealand, South Africa and Australia argued their case to keep their occupied German possessions of German Samoa, German South West Africa, and German New Guinea respectively; these territories were given as "Class C Mandates" to the respective Dominions. In a same-same deal Japan obtained control over its occupied German possessions north of the equator. At the meeting of 30 January, Hughes clashed with Wilson on the question of mandates, as Hughes preferred formal sovereignty over the islands. According to the British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, Wilson was dictatorial and arrogant in his approach to Hughes, adding that "Hughes was the last man I would have chosen to handle in that way". Lloyd George described how, after Hughes stated his case against subjecting to a mandate the islands conquered by Australia:President Wilson pulled him up sharply and proceeded to address him personally in what I would describe as a heated allocution rather than an appeal. He dwelt on the seriousness of defying world opinion on this subject. Mr. Hughes, who listened intently, with his hand cupped around his ear so as not to miss a word, indicated at the end that he was still of the same opinion. Whereupon the President asked him slowly and solemnly: "Mr. Hughes, am I to understand that if the whole civilised world asks Australia to agree to a mandate in respect of these islands, Australia is prepared still to defy the appeal of the whole civilised world?” Mr. Hughes answered: "That's about the size of it, President Wilson". Mr. Massey grunted his assent of this abrupt defiance.However, South Africa's Louis Botha intervened on Wilson's side, and the mandates scheme went through. Hughes' frequent clashes with Wilson led to Wilson labelling him a "pestiferous varmint".Hughes, unlike Wilson or South African Prime Minister Jan Smuts, demanded heavy reparations from Germany, suggesting the sum of £24,000,000,000 of which Australia would claim many millions to off-set its own war debt. Hughes was a member of the British delegation on the Reparations Committee, with Lord Cunliffe and Lord Sumner. When the Imperial Cabinet met to discuss the Hughes Report, Winston Churchill asked Hughes if he had considered the effects that reparations would have on working-class German households. Hughes replied that "the Committee had been more concerned in considering the effects upon the working-class households in Great Britain, or in Australia, if the Germans did not pay an indemnity".At the Treaty negotiations, Hughes was the most prominent opponent of the inclusion of Japan's Racial Equality Proposal, which as a result of lobbying by him and others was not included in the final Treaty. His position on this issue reflected the dominant racist attitudes of the White Australia policy. He told David Lloyd George that he would leave the conference if the clause was adopted. Hughes offered to accept the clause so long as it did not effect immigration policy but the Japanese turned the offer down. Lloyd George said that the clause "was aimed at the restrictions and disabilities which were imposed by certain states against Japanese emigration and Japanese settlers already within their borders".Hughes had entered politics as a trade unionist, and like most of the Australian working class was very strongly opposed to Asian immigration to Australia (excluding Asian immigration was a popular cause with unions in Canada, the U.S, Australia, and New Zealand in the early 20th century). Hughes believed that accepting the Racial Equality clause would mean the end of the White Australia immigration policy that had been adopted in 1901, writing: "No Gov't could live for a day in Australia if it tampered with a White Australia". Hughes stated: "The position is this – either the Japanese proposal means something or it means nothing: if the former, out with it; if the latter, why have it?" He later said that "the right of the state to determine the conditions under which persons shall enter its territories cannot be impaired without reducing it to a vassal state", adding: "When I offered to accept it provided that words were incorporated making it clear that it was not to be used for the purpose of immigration or of impairing our rights of self-government in any way, [the Japanese delegate] Baron Makino was unable to agree".When the proposal failed, Hughes reported in the Australian parliament:The White Australia is yours. You may do with it what you please, but at any rate, the soldiers have achieved the victory and my colleagues and I have brought that great principle back to you from the conference, as safe as it was on the day when it was first adopted.Japan was notably offended by Hughes's position on the issue. Like Jan Smuts of South Africa, Hughes was concerned by the rise of Japan. Within months of the declaration of the European War in 1914, Japan, Australia and New Zealand had seized all German territorial possessions in the Pacific. Though Japan had occupied German possessions with the blessing of the British, Hughes felt alarm at this turn of events.With reference to Hughes's actions at the Peace Conference, the historian Ernest Scott said that although Hughes failed to secure sovereignty over the conquered German islands or relief for Australia's war debts, "both he and his countrymen found satisfaction with his achievements. By characteristic methods he had gained single-handed at least the points that were vital to his nation's existence". Joan Beaumont said Hughes became "something of a folk hero in later Australian historiography for his assertiveness at the Paris peace conference".Seth Tillman described him as "a noisesome demagogue", the "bete noir of Anglo-American relations". Unlike Smuts, Hughes totally opposed the concept of the League of Nations, as in it he saw the flawed idealism of "collective security". He declared in June 1919 that Australia would rely on the League "but we shall keep our powder dry".Hughes demanded that Australia have independent representation within the newly-formed League of Nations. Despite the rejection of his conscription policy, Hughes retained popularity with Australian voters and, at the December 1919 federal election, his government was comfortably re-elected.After 1920, Hughes's political position declined. Many of the more conservative elements of his own party never trusted him because they thought he was still a socialist at heart, citing his interest in retaining government ownership of the Commonwealth Shipping Line and the Australian Wireless Company. However, they continued to support him for some time after the war, if only to keep Labor out of power.A new party, the Country Party (now the National Party), was formed, representing farmers who were discontented with the Nationalists' rural policies, in particular Hughes's acceptance of a much higher level of tariff protection for Australian industries, that had expanded during the war, and his support for price controls on rural produce. In the New Year's Day Honours of 1922, Hughes' wife Mary was appointed a Dame Grand Cross of the Order of the British Empire (GBE).At the 1921 Imperial Conference, Hughes argued unsuccessfully in favour of renewing the Anglo-Japanese Alliance.At the 1922 federal election, Hughes gave up the seat of Bendigo and transferred to the upper-middle-class seat of North Sydney, thus giving up one of the last symbolic links to his working-class roots. The Nationalists lost their outright majority at the election. The Country Party, despite its opposition to Hughes's farm policy, was the Nationalists' only realistic coalition partner. However, party leader Earle Page let it be known that he and his party would not serve under Hughes. Under pressure from his party's right wing, Hughes resigned in February 1923 and was succeeded by his Treasurer, Stanley Bruce. Hughes was the longest-serving Prime Minister, until his term was surpassed by Robert Menzies (in 1957).Whilst the incumbent prime minister, Hughes switched seats at both the 1917 and 1922 elections, the only prime minister to have done so not once but twice. All other elections have seen the prime minister re-contest the seat that they held prior to the election.Hughes played little part in parliament for the remainder of 1923. He rented a house in Kirribilli in his new electorate and was recruited by "The Daily Telegraph" to write a series of articles on topics of his choosing. In the articles he defended his legacy as prime minister and stated he would support the new government as long as it followed his principles. In 1924, Hughes embarked on a lecture tour of the United States. His health broke down midway through the tour, while he was in New York. As a result he cancelled the rest of his engagements and drove back across the country in a new Flint automobile, which he brought back to Australia. Later in the year he purchased a house in Lindfield, which was to be his primary residence for the rest of his life. In 1925 Hughes again had little involvement in parliamentary affairs, but began to portray himself as "champion of Australian industries struggling to get established against foreign competition and government indifference", with the aid of his friends James Hume Cook and Ambrose Pratt.Hughes was furious at being ousted by his own party and nursed his grievance on the back-benches until 1929, when he led a group of back-bench rebels who crossed the floor of the Parliament to bring down the Bruce government. Hughes was expelled from the Nationalist Party, and formed his own party, the Australian Party. After the Nationalists were heavily defeated in the ensuing election, Hughes initially supported the Labor government of James Scullin. He had a falling-out with Scullin over financial matters, however. In 1931 he buried the hatchet with his former non-Labor colleagues and joined the Nationalists and several right-wing Labor dissidents under Joseph Lyons in forming the United Australia Party (UAP), under Lyons' leadership. He voted with the rest of the UAP to bring the Scullin government down.The UAP won a sweeping victory at the 1931 election. Lyons sent Hughes to represent Australia at the 1932 League of Nations Assembly in Geneva and in 1934 Hughes became Minister for Health and Repatriation in the Lyons government. Later Lyons appointed him Minister for External Affairs, but Hughes was forced to resign in 1935 after his book "Australia and the War Today" exposed a lack of preparation in Australia for what Hughes correctly supposed to be a coming war. Soon after, the Lyons government tripled the defence budget. Hughes also wrote in "Australia and the War Today" that the League of Nations was broken and that it could have worked only if it had been backed by force. He believed that every nation must look to its own defences and that, as Britain was preoccupied in European affairs, Australia would have to defend itself.After the 1931 Japanese invasion of Manchuria, Hughes believed that the British should remain neutral, and adopted the same attitude towards Italy's invasion of Abyssinia in 1935. Hughes believed that the British Empire was in danger because of its weakness in the Mediterranean.Hughes was brought back to Australia by Lyons as Minister for External Affairs in 1937. In 1938 Germany requested the return of her Pacific colonies but Hughes declared that Australia should hold onto New Guinea, and in April 1939 he said that if Germany wanted colonies she would have to fight for them.By the time of Lyons' death in 1939, Hughes was also serving as Attorney-General and Minister for Industry. He also served as Minister for the Navy, Minister for Industry and Attorney-General at various times under Lyons' successor, Robert Menzies.Defence issues became increasingly dominant in public affairs with the rise of Fascism in Europe and militant Japan in Asia. From 1938, Prime Minister Joseph Lyons had Hughes head a recruitment drive for the Australian Defence Force. On 7 April 1939, Lyons died in office. The United Australia Party selected Robert Menzies as his successor to lead a minority government on the eve of World War Two. Australia entered the Second World War on 3 September 1939 and a special War Cabinet was created after war was declared – initially composed of Prime Minister Menzies and five senior ministers including Hughes. Labor opposition leader John Curtin declined to join and Menzies lost his majority at the 1940 Election. With the Allies suffering a series of defeats and the threat of war growing in the Pacific, the Menzies Government (1939-1941) relied on two independents, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson for its parliamentary majority.Unable to convince Curtin to join in a War Cabinet and facing growing pressure within his own party, Menzies resigned as Prime Minister on 29 August 1941. Although the UAP had been in government for a decade, it was so bereft of leadership that a joint UAP-Country meeting elected Country Party leader Arthur Fadden to lead the Coalition. Hughes remained in the Fadden government, serving as Attorney-General and Minister for the Navy. A month later, Coles and Wilson joined with the Labor opposition to defeat the budget and bring down the government. The independents, under prodding from Governor-General Lord Gowrie, then threw their support to Opposition Leader John Curtin, who was sworn in as Prime Minister on 7 October 1941. Going into opposition the UAP opted for a joint Coalition opposition led by Fadden, which led Menzies to resign the leadership. Hughes was narrowly elected leader on 9 October but widely regarded as a stop-gap given his age.On 7 December, Japan attacked Pearl Harbor. Soon afterwards, Hughes criticised the British government for their weakness in the Far East and declared that they were living on "fast-fading gleams of British triumphs in other wars". However, in February 1942 he said that "Britain has temporarily lost control of the seas but she has lost it in an effort to protect Australia. It would be well if those who criticise Britain would turn the searchlights on Australia". In August he criticised the defensive strategy of the Allies in the Pacific but after the Battle of the Solomons he praised the United States' armed forces. Hughes opposed the Curtin government's Statute of Westminster Adoption Act 1942, which incorporated sections 2–6 of the Statute of Westminster 1931 into law. He believed that Britain and the Dominions should instead work together for a common foreign policy.Hughes led the UAP into the 1943 election largely by refusing to hold any party meetings and by agreeing to let Fadden lead the Opposition as a whole. The Coalition was severely defeated, winning only 19 seats. Hughes himself was nearly defeated in North Sydney on a swing of over 14 percent, seeing his majority dwindle from a comfortably safe 67 percent to a marginal 53 percent. After the election, Hughes—who had widely been reckoned as a stopgap leader—yielded the leadership of the UAP back to Menzies.In February 1944, the parliamentary UAP voted to withdraw its members from the Advisory War Council. Hughes and Menzies resigned, but Percy Spender chose to remain on the council and was expelled from the UAP. A few months later, Hughes rejoined the War Council at the personal invitation of John Curtin. He was expelled from the UAP on 14 April 1944, and replaced as deputy leader by Eric Harrison. Hughes and Spender sat as an independents until 13 September 1945, when they joined the new Liberal Party of Australia that had been founded earlier in the year. By that point the War Council had been abolished.A major redistribution and expansion of the House of Representatives occurred prior to the 1949 election, with much of the northern portion of North Sydney transferred to the new Bradfield. Hughes faced a preselection challenge for the first time since 1894, but defeated Harry Turner for Liberal Party endorsement and won a comfortable victory. He was re-elected to the House of Representatives for the 20th and final time at the 1951 election, with 79 percent of the vote. Hughes' last speech in parliament was an attack on the Menzies Government's decision to sell its share in Commonwealth Oil Refineries, one of the state-owned enterprises his government had established over 30 years earlier. According to H. V. Evatt, his speech "seemed at once to grip the attention of all honourable members present [...] nobody left the House, and nobody seemed to dare to move".Hughes celebrated a number of milestones in his last years in parliament. In 1944, a celebratory dinner was held to commemorate the 50th anniversary of his election to the Parliament of New South Wales, and 50 consecutive years of service as an MP. Prime Minister John Curtin toasted him as someone who had "fought like hell for what he believed to be right, and for that Australia will honour him". In June 1951, Hughes was the guest of honour at a banquet marking the golden jubilee of the federal parliament. The following year, "almost every member of the House of Representatives and Senate" attended his birthday dinner. Prime Minister Robert Menzies observed that Hughes had been a member of every political party at one time or another, at which point Arthur Fadden interjected that he had never joined the Country Party. Hughes then remarked "had to draw the line somewhere, didn't I?".Hughes died on 28 October 1952, aged 90, at his home in Lindfield. His state funeral was held at St Andrew's Cathedral, Sydney, and was one of the largest Australia has seen: some 450,000 spectators lined the streets. He was later buried at Macquarie Park Cemetery and Crematorium with his daughter Helen; his widow Dame Mary joined them upon her death in 1958.At the age of 90 years, one month and three days, Hughes is the oldest person ever to have been a member of the Australian parliament. His death sparked a Bradfield by-election. He had been a member of the House of Representatives for 51 years and seven months, beginning his service in the reign of Queen Victoria and ending it in the reign of Queen Elizabeth II. Including his service in the New South Wales colonial parliament before that, Hughes had spent a total of 58 years as an MP, and had never lost an election. His period of service remains a record in Australia. He was the last member of the original Australian Parliament elected in 1901 still serving in Parliament when he died. Hughes was the penultimate member of the First Parliament to die; King O'Malley outlived him by fourteen months. Hughes was also the last surviving member of the Watson Cabinet, as well as the first and third Cabinets of Andrew Fisher.Soon after arriving in Sydney, Hughes entered into a common-law marriage with Elizabeth Cutts, the daughter of one of his landladies. Their relationship was never formally registered or solemnised, but they lived as husband and wife and had six children together – William (b. 1891; died in infancy), Ethel (b. 1892), Lily (b. 1893), Dolly (b. 1895), Ernest (b. 1897), and Charles (b. 1898). They also raised Arthur (b. 1885), Elizabeth's son from a previous relationship, who took Hughes as his surname. Their marriage was solid, though sometimes strained by Hughes' devotion to his work and frequent absences from home. Elizabeth had little interest in politics, and was sometimes ill at ease in the social situations that occurred as her husband's career progressed. She died of heart failure on 1 September 1906, aged 42, after a long period of ill health.Hughes' great-granddaughter Wendy Starkey is married to Jim Starkey who claimed to be the great-grandson of another prime minister, Joseph Lyons.However Starkey's claim of familial relations with Lyons has been disputed by the Lyons family and Lyons biographer Anne Henderson.After his first wife's death, Hughes' oldest daughter Ethel kept house for him and helped look after the younger children. After a brief courtship, he remarried on 26 June 1911 to Mary Ethel Campbell, the daughter of a well-to-do pastoralist. At the time of their marriage, he was 48 and she was 37. Mary was politically and socially astute, and her husband often turned to her for advice on political matters. Unusually for the time, he insisted that he accompany her on all of his overseas trips, even those made during wartime. Through his second marriage, Hughes also became the brother-in-law of John Haynes, one of the founders of "The Bulletin". His niece, Edith Haynes, lived with him and his wife as a companion for many years.The only child from Hughes' second marriage was Helen Myfanwy Hughes, who was born in 1915 (a few months before he became prime minister). He doted upon her, calling her the "joy and light of my life", and was devastated by her death in childbirth in 1937, aged 21. Her son survived and was adopted by a friend of the family, with his grandfather contributing towards his upkeep. Because she was unmarried at the time, the circumstances of Helen's death were kept hidden and did not become generally known until 2004, when the ABC screened a programme presented by the actor Martin Vaughan. Vaughan had played Billy Hughes in the 1975 film "Billy and Percy", and his continuing interest in him led to the unearthing of Helen's fate.Hughes had a severe hearing loss that began when he was relatively young and worsened with age. He relied on a primitive electronic hearing aid, which was so bulky that it could only be worn for short periods and had to be carried around in a box. However, his deafness could sometimes be to his advantage, as he could feign misapprehension or simply turn off his device when he no longer wished to listen to someone. Physically, Hughes was short in stature and slightly built, standing and weighing around at most. He had a "naturally weak constitution", suffering frequently from colds and other infections, and to compensate became a "fanatical devotee of physical fitness". He also suffered from chronic indigestion, on account of which he abstained from red meat and alcohol and rarely ate large meals. Hughes often worked himself to exhaustion, and required long periods of convalescence to recharge – sometimes weeks or even months. He was prone to bouts of depression interspersed with periods of euphoria, and following a near nervous breakdown in 1924 was diagnosed with "psychasthenia".Hughes was a lifelong Anglican. He inherited this affiliation from his maternal side – his father was a Primitive Baptist and a deacon at the Welsh Baptist Church in London, though he wed with Anglican rites. Hughes attended church schools as a boy, and knew the King James Bible "back to front". As an adult, he would often use Biblical turns of phrase in his writing and public speaking. Hughes' participation in organised religion seemingly declined after he moved to Australia, and some writers have suggested that he became an agnostic or an atheist. The evidence for this is largely circumstantial – he was not a regular churchgoer, his first marriage was never solemnised in a church, and he frequently used blasphemous language.All of Hughes' biographers have regarded him as a sincere Christian, albeit with a rather idiosyncratic theology. Fitzhardinge writes that Hughes had "a generalised faith in the spiritual values of Christianity" combined with "a profound belief in the after-life and the all-pervasiveness of God". Hughes rarely addressed metaphysics in his own works, but in his memoirs did note that he had rejected the doctrine of predestination at an early age: "I believed as a man sowed so he should reap [...] "by faith and works" he might find salvation." Manning Clark was somewhat skeptical of the earnestness of the beliefs that Hughes professed in public. With regard to Hughes' personal philosophy, Clark wrote that he had a "bleakly Hobbesian view of life", seeing it as "a savage elemental struggle for survival in which strong men crushed the weak".Hughes frequently exploited religion for political ends. In his early days in the labour movement, he drew on his mastery of scripture to reassure Christians that socialism was not anti-religious or atheistic. Hughes became stridently anti-Catholic during World War I, though this was due to political interference from the church hierarchy rather than on theological grounds. He "inflamed sectarianism to a tragic degree" with vitriolic personal attacks on Catholic leaders; James Scullin, Australia's first Catholic prime minister, would later suggest that Hughes' divisiveness "very nearly wrecked Australia". He also banned the use of German in Australian churches, though this affected Lutherans more than Catholics.Hughes, a tiny, wiry man, with a raspy voice and an increasingly wizened face, was an unlikely national leader, but during the First World War he acquired a reputation as a war leader—the troops called him the "Little Digger"—that sustained him for the rest of his life. He is remembered for his outstanding political and diplomatic skills, for his many witty sayings, and for his irrepressible optimism and patriotism. At the same time, the Australian labour movement never forgave him for defecting to the conservatives, and still considers him a "rat."Hughes was honored with fifteen 'Freedom of the City' awards – more than any other Prime Minister of Australia. Among these include the following cities in the United Kingdom:Hughes received honorary degrees from the following universities: The Division of Hughes and the Canberra suburb of Hughes are named after him. A park in Lane Cove, New South Wales, is named 'Hughes Park' after Billy and Dame Mary Hughes.In 1972, he was honoured on a postage stamp bearing his portrait issued by Australia Post.After marrying his wife Mary in 1911, the couple went on a long drive, because he did not have time for a honeymoon. Their car crashed where the Sydney–Melbourne road crosses the Sydney–Melbourne railway north of Albury, New South Wales, leading to the level crossing there being named after him; it was later replaced by the Billy Hughes Bridge.	[ "Nationalist Party of Australia", "Liberal Party of Australia", "United Australia Party" ]
Which political party did Billy Hughes belong to in 19-Mar-191619-March-1916?	March 19, 1916	{ "text": [ "National Labor Party" ] }	L2_Q152666_P102_0	Billy Hughes is a member of the United Australia Party from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1944. Billy Hughes is a member of the National Labor Party from Jan, 1916 to Jan, 1917. Billy Hughes is a member of the Liberal Party of Australia from Jan, 1944 to Oct, 1952. Billy Hughes is a member of the Nationalist Party of Australia from Jan, 1917 to Jan, 1929.	Billy HughesWilliam Morris Hughes, (25 September 1862 – 28 October 1952), was an Australian politician who served as the 7th Prime Minister of Australia, in office from 1915 to 1923. He is best known for leading the country during World War I, but his influence on national politics spanned several decades. Hughes was a member of federal parliament from Federation in 1901 until his death, the only person to have served for more than 50 years. He represented six political parties during his career, leading five, outlasting four, and being expelled from three.Hughes was born in London to Welsh parents. He emigrated to Australia at the age of 22, and became involved in the fledgling labour movement. He was elected to the New South Wales Legislative Assembly in 1894, as a member of the New South Wales Labor Party, and then transferred to the new federal parliament in 1901. Hughes combined his early political career with part-time legal studies, and was called to the bar in 1903. He first entered cabinet in 1904, in the short-lived Watson Government, and was later Attorney-General in each of Andrew Fisher's governments. He was elected deputy leader of the Australian Labor Party in 1914.Hughes became prime minister in October 1915, when Fisher retired due to ill health. The war was the dominant issue of the time, and his support for sending conscripted troops overseas caused a split within Labor ranks. Hughes and his supporters were expelled from the party in November 1916, but he was able to remain in power at the head of the new National Labor Party, which after a few months merged with the Liberals to form the Nationalist Party. His government was re-elected with large majorities at the 1917 and 1919 elections. Hughes established the forerunners of the Australian Federal Police and the CSIRO during the war, and also created a number of new state-owned enterprises to aid the post-war economy. He made a significant impression on other world leaders at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference, where he secured Australian control of the former German New Guinea.At the 1922 election, the Nationalists lost their majority in parliament and were forced to form a coalition with the Country Party. Hughes' resignation was the price for Country Party support, and he was succeeded as prime minister by Stanley Bruce. He became one of Bruce's leading critics over time, and in 1928, following a dispute over industrial relations, he and his supporters crossed the floor on a confidence motion and brought down the government. After a period as an independent, Hughes formed his own organisation, the Australian Party, which in 1931 merged into the new United Australia Party (UAP). He returned to cabinet in 1934, and became known for his prescient warnings against Japanese imperialism. As late as 1939, he missed out on a second stint as prime minister by only a handful of votes, losing a UAP leadership ballot to Robert Menzies.Hughes is generally acknowledged as one of the most influential Australian politicians of the 20th century. He was a controversial figure throughout his lifetime, and his legacy continues to be debated by historians. His strong views and abrasive manner meant he frequently made political enemies, often from within his own parties. Hughes' opponents accused him of engaging in authoritarianism and populism, as well as inflaming sectarianism; his use of the "War Precautions Act 1914" was particularly controversial. His former colleagues in the Labor Party considered him a traitor, while conservatives were suspicious of what they viewed as his socialist economic policies. However, he was extremely popular among the general public, particularly ex-servicemen, who affectionately nicknamed him "the little digger".Hughes was born on 25 September 1862 at 7 Moreton Place, Pimlico, London, the son of William Hughes and the former Jane Morris. His parents were both Welsh. His father, who worked as a carpenter and joiner at the Palace of Westminster, was from North Wales and was a fluent Welsh speaker. His mother, a domestic servant, was from the small village of Llansantffraid-ym-Mechain (near the English border), and spoke only English. Hughes was an only child; at the time of their marriage, in June 1861, his parents were both 37 years old.Hughes' mother died in May 1869, when he was six years old. His father subsequently sent him to be raised by relatives in Wales. During the school term, he lived with his father's sister, Mary Hughes, who kept a boarding house in Llandudno named "Bryn Rosa". He earned pocket money by doing chores for his aunt's tenants and singing in the choir at the local church. Hughes began his formal schooling in Llandudno, attending two small single-teacher schools. He spent his holidays with his mother's family in Llansantffraid. There, he divided his time between "Winllan", the farm of his widowed aunt (Margaret Mason), and "Plas Bedw", the neighbouring farm of his grandparents (Peter and Jane Morris).Hughes regarded his early years in Wales as the happiest time of his life. He was immensely proud of his Welsh identity, and he later became active in the Welsh Australian community, frequently speaking at Saint David's Day celebrations. Hughes called Welsh the "language of heaven", but his own grasp of it was patchy. Like many of his contemporaries, he had no formal schooling in Welsh, and had particular difficulties with spelling. Nonetheless, he received and replied to correspondence from Welsh-speakers throughout his political career, and as prime minister famously traded insults in Welsh with David Lloyd George.At the age of eleven, Hughes was enrolled in St Stephen's School, Westminster, one of the many church schools established by the philanthropist Lady Burdett-Coutts. He won prizes in geometry and French, receiving the latter from Lord Harrowby. After finishing his elementary schooling, he was apprenticed as a "pupil-teacher" for five years, instructing younger students for five hours a day in exchange for personal lessons from the headmaster and a small stipend. At St Stephen's, Hughes came into contact with the poet Matthew Arnold, who was an examiner and inspector for the local school district. Arnold – who coincidentally had holidayed at Llandudno – took a liking to Hughes, and gifted him a copy of the Complete Works of Shakespeare; Hughes credited Arnold with instilling his lifelong love of literature.After finishing his initial apprenticeship, Hughes stayed on at St Stephen's as a teaching assistant. He had no interest in teaching as a career though, and also declined Matthew Arnold's offer to secure him a clerkship at Coutts. His relative financial security allowed him to pursue his own interests for the first time, which included bellringing, boating on the Thames, and travel (such as a two-day trip to Paris). He also joined a volunteer battalion of the Royal Fusiliers, which consisted mainly of artisans and white-collar workers. In later life, Hughes recalled London as "a place of romance, mystery and suggestion".At the age of 22, finding his prospects in London dim, Hughes decided to emigrate to Australia. Taking advantage of an assisted-passage scheme offered by the Colony of Queensland, he arrived in Brisbane on 8 December 1884 after a two-month journey. On arrival, he gave his year of birth as 1864, a deception that was not uncovered until after his death. Hughes attempted to find work with the Education Department, but was either not offered a position or found the terms of employment to be unsuitable. He spent the next two years as an itinerant labourer, working various odd jobs. In his memoirs, Hughes claimed to have worked variously as a fruitpicker, tally clerk, navvy, blacksmith's striker, station hand, drover, and saddler's assistant, and to have travelled (mostly on foot) as far north as Rockhampton, as far west as Adavale, and as far south as Orange, New South Wales. He also claimed to have served briefly in both the Queensland Defence Force and the Queensland Maritime Defence Force. Hughes' accounts are by their nature unverifiable, and his biographers have cast doubt on their veracity – Fitzhardinge states that they were embellished at best and at worst "a world of pure fantasy".Hughes moved to Sydney in about mid-1886, working his way there as a deckhand and galley cook aboard SS "Maranoa". He found occasional work as a line cook, but at one point supposedly had to resort to living in a cave on The Domain for a few days. Hughes eventually found a steady job at a forge, making hinges for colonial ovens. Around the same time, he entered into a common-law marriage with Elizabeth Cutts, his landlady's daughter; they had six children together. In 1890, Hughes moved to Balmain. The following year, with his wife's financial assistance, he was able to open a small shop selling general merchandise. The income from the shop was not enough to live on, so he also worked part-time as a locksmith and umbrella salesman, and his wife as a washerwoman. One of Hughes' acquaintances in Balmain was William Wilks, another future MP, while one of the customers at his shop was Frederick Jordan, a future Chief Justice of New South Wales.In Balmain, Hughes became a Georgist, a street-corner speaker, president of the Balmain Single Tax League, and joined the Australian Socialist League. He was an organiser with the Australian Workers' Union and may have already joined the newly formed Labor Party. In 1894, Hughes spent eight months in central New South Wales organising for the Amalgamated Shearers' Union of Australasia and then won the Legislative Assembly seat of Sydney-Lang by 105 votes.While in Parliament he became secretary of the Wharf Labourer's Union. In 1900 he founded and became first national president of the Waterside Workers' Union. During this period Hughes studied law, and was admitted as a barrister in 1903. Unlike most Labor men, he was a strong supporter of Federation and Georgism.In 1901 Hughes was elected to the first federal Parliament as Labor MP for West Sydney. He opposed the Barton government's proposals for a small professional army and instead advocated compulsory universal training. In 1903, he was admitted to the bar after several years part-time study. He became a King's Counsel (KC) in 1909. (The title changed to Queen's Council (QC) on the accession of Queen Elizabeth II in 1952.)In 1911, he married Mary Campbell. He was Minister for External Affairs in Chris Watson's first Labor government. He was Attorney-General in Andrew Fisher's three Labor governments in 1908–09, 1910–13 and 1914–15.In 1913, at the foundation ceremony of Canberra as the capital of Australia, Hughes gave a speech proclaiming that the country was obtained via the elimination of the indigenous population. "We were destined to have our own way from the beginning..[and]..killed everybody else to get it," Hughes said, adding that "the first historic event in the history of the Commonwealth we are engaged in today [is] without the slightest trace of that race we have banished from the face of the earth." But he warned that "we must not be too proud lest we should, too, in time disappear."His abrasive manner (his chronic dyspepsia was thought to contribute to his volatile temperament) made his colleagues reluctant to have him as Leader. His on-going feud with King O'Malley, a fellow Labor minister, was a prominent example of his combative style.Hughes was also the club patron for the Glebe Rugby League team in the debut year of Rugby League in Australia, in 1908. Hughes was one of a number of prominent Labor politicians who were aligned with the Rugby League movement in Sydney in 1908. Rugby League was borne out of a player movement against the Metropolitan Rugby Union who refused to compensate players for downtime from their jobs due to injuries sustained playing Rugby Union. Labor politicians aligned themselves with the new code as it was seen as a strong social standpoint, politically, and it was an enthusiastic professional game, which made the politicians themselves appear in a similar vein, in their opinions anyway.Following the 1914 election, the Labor Prime Minister of Australia, Andrew Fisher, found the strain of leadership during World War I taxing and faced increasing pressure from the ambitious Hughes who wanted Australia to be firmly recognised on the world stage. By 1915 Fisher's health was suffering and, in October, he resigned and was succeeded by Hughes. In social policy, Hughes introduced an institutional pension for pensioners in benevolent asylums, equal to the difference between the 'act of grace' payment to the institution and the rate of IP.From March to June 1916, Hughes was in Britain, where he delivered a series of speeches calling for imperial co-operation and economic warfare against Germany. These were published under the title "The Day—and After", which was a bestseller. His biographer, Laurie Fitzhardinge, said these speeches were "electrifying" and that Hughes "swept his hearers off their feet". According to two contemporary writers, Hughes' speeches "have in particular evoked intense approbation, and have been followed by such a quickening power of the national spirit as perhaps no other orator since Chatham ever aroused".In July 1916 Hughes was a member of the British delegation at the Paris Economic Conference, which met to decide what economic measures to take against Germany. This was the first time an Australian representative had attended an international conference.Hughes was a strong supporter of Australia's participation in World War I and, after the loss of 28,000 men as casualties (killed, wounded and missing) in July and August 1916, Generals Birdwood and White of the Australian Imperial Force (AIF) persuaded Hughes that conscription was necessary if Australia was to sustain its contribution to the war effort.However, a two-thirds majority of his party, which included Roman Catholics and union representatives as well as the Industrialists (Socialists) such as Frank Anstey, were bitterly opposed to this, especially in the wake of what was regarded by many Irish Australians (most of whom were Roman Catholics) as Britain's excessive response to the Easter Rising of 1916.In October, Hughes held a national plebiscite for conscription, but it was narrowly defeated. The enabling legislation was the "Military Service Referendum Act 1916" and the outcome was advisory only. The narrow defeat (1,087,557 Yes and 1,160,033 No), however, did not deter Hughes, who continued to argue vigorously in favour of conscription. This revealed the deep and bitter split within the Australian community that had existed since before Federation, as well as within the members of his own party. Conscription had been in place since the 1910 Defence Act, but only in the defence of the nation. Hughes was seeking via a referendum to change the wording in the act to include "overseas". A referendum was not necessary but Hughes felt that in light of the seriousness of the situation, a vote of "Yes" from the people would give him a mandate to bypass the Senate. The Lloyd George Government of Britain did favour Hughes but only came to power in 1916, several months after the first referendum. The predecessor Asquith government greatly disliked Hughes considering him to be ""a guest, rather than the representative of Australia"". According to David Lloyd George: "He and Asquith did not get on too well. They would not. They were antipathetic types. As Hughes was never over-anxious to conceal his feelings or restrain his expression of them, and was moreover equipped with a biting tongue, the consultations between them were not agreeable to either".In reaction to Hughes' campaign for conscription, on 15 September 1916 the NSW executive of the Political Labour League (the state Labor Party organisation at the time) expelled him and other leading New South Wales pro-conscription advocates from the Labor movement. Hughes remained as leader of the federal parliamentary Labor Party until, at the 14th November caucus meeting, a no-confidence motion against him was passed. Hughes and 24 others including almost all of the Parliamentary talent walked out to form a new party heeding Hughes's cry "Let those who think like me, follow me.", leaving behind the 43 members of the Industrialists and Unionists factions. That same evening Hughes tendered his resignation to the Governor-General, received a commission to form a new Government, and had his recommendations accepted. Years later, Hughes said, "I did not leave the Labor Party, The party left me." The timing of Hughes's expulsion from the Labor Party meant that he became the first Labor leader who never led the party to an election. On 15 November, Frank Tudor was elected unopposed as the new leader of the Federal Parliamentary Australian Labor Party.Hughes and his followers, which included many of Labor's early leaders, called themselves the National Labor Party and began laying the groundwork for forming a party that they felt would be both avowedly nationalist as well as socially radical. Hughes was forced to conclude a confidence and supply agreement with the opposition Commonwealth Liberal Party to stay in office.A few months later, the Governor-General, Sir Ronald Munro Ferguson, persuaded Hughes and Liberal Party leader Joseph Cook (himself a former Labor man) to turn their wartime coalition into a formal party. This was the Nationalist Party of Australia, which was formally launched in February. Although the Liberals were the larger partner in the merger, Hughes emerged as the new party's leader, with Cook as his deputy. The presence of several working-class figures—including Hughes—in what was basically an upper- and middle-class party allowed the Nationalists to convey an image of national unity. At the same time, he became and remains a traitor in Labor histories.At the May 1917 federal election Hughes and the Nationalists won a huge electoral victory, which was magnified by the large number of Labor MPs who followed him out of the party. At this election Hughes gave up his working-class Sydney seat and was elected for Bendigo, Victoria, becoming the first of only a handful of people who have represented more than one state or territory in the Parliament.In Bendigo, Hughes won the seat by defeating the sitting Labor MP Alfred Hampson.This marks the only time that a sitting prime minister had challenged and ousted another sitting MP for his seat.Hughes had promised to resign if his Government did not win the power to conscript. Queensland Premier T. J. Ryan was a key opponent to conscription, and violence almost broke out when Hughes ordered a raid on the Government Printing Office in Brisbane, with the aim of confiscating copies of Hansard that covered debates in the Queensland Parliament where anti-conscription sentiments had been aired. A second plebiscite on conscription was held in December 1917, but was again defeated, this time by a wider margin. Hughes, after receiving a vote of no confidence in his leadership by his party, resigned as Prime Minister. However, there were no credible alternative candidates. For this reason, Munro-Ferguson used his reserve power to immediately re-commission Hughes, thus allowing him to remain as Prime Minister while keeping his promise to resign.The government replaced the first-past-the-post electoral system applying to both houses of the Federal Parliament under the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1903 with a preferential system for the House of Representatives in 1918. That preferential system has essentially applied ever since. A multiple majority-preferential system was introduced at the 1919 federal election for the Senate, and that remained in force until it was changed to a quota-preferential system of proportional representation in 1948. Those changes were considered to be a response to the emergence of the Country Party, so that the non-Labor vote would not be split, as it would have been under the previous first-past-the-post system.In early 1916, Hughes established the Advisory Council on Science and Industry, the first national body for scientific research and the first iteration of what is now the CSIRO. The council had no basis in legislation, and was intended only as a temporary body to be replaced with "Bureau of Science and Industry" as soon as possible. However, due to wartime stresses and other considerations the council endured until 1920, at which point an act of parliament was passed transforming it into a new government agency, the Institute of Science and Industry. According to Fitzhardinge: "The whole affair was highly typical of Hughes's methods. An idea coming from outside happened to chime with his preoccupation of the moment. He seized it, put his own stamp on it, and pushed it through to the point of realization. Then, having established the machinery, he expected it to run itself while he turned his full energies elsewhere, and tended to be evasive or testy if he was called back to it. Yet his interest was genuine, and without his enthusiasm and drive the Commonwealth intervention would either not have come at all or would have been far slower".On 10 March 1919 Prime Minister of Australia Billy Hughes announced a £10,000 reward to the first aviator who will fly from the United Kingdom to Australia in less than 30 days. Ross and Keith Smith won the race when their Vickers Vimy G-EAOU twin engine plane, won the £10,000 prize after they landed in Darwin.In 1919 Hughes, with former Prime Minister Joseph Cook, travelled to Paris to attend the Versailles Peace Conference. He remained away for 16 months, and signed the Treaty of Versailles on behalf of Australia – the first time Australia had signed an international treaty.At a meeting of the Imperial War Cabinet on 30 December 1918, Hughes warned that if they "were not very careful, we should find ourselves dragged quite unnecessarily behind the wheels of President Wilson's chariot". He added that it was intolerable for Wilson "to dictate to us how the world was to be governed. If the saving of civilisation had depended on the United States, it would have been in tears and chains to-day". He also said that Wilson had no practical scheme for a League of Nations and added: "The League of Nations was to him what a toy was to a child—he would not be happy till he got it". At the Paris Peace Conference, Hughes clashed with Wilson. When Wilson reminded him that he spoke for only a few million people, Hughes replied: "I speak for 60,000 dead. How many do you speak for?"The British Dominions of New Zealand, South Africa and Australia argued their case to keep their occupied German possessions of German Samoa, German South West Africa, and German New Guinea respectively; these territories were given as "Class C Mandates" to the respective Dominions. In a same-same deal Japan obtained control over its occupied German possessions north of the equator. At the meeting of 30 January, Hughes clashed with Wilson on the question of mandates, as Hughes preferred formal sovereignty over the islands. According to the British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, Wilson was dictatorial and arrogant in his approach to Hughes, adding that "Hughes was the last man I would have chosen to handle in that way". Lloyd George described how, after Hughes stated his case against subjecting to a mandate the islands conquered by Australia:President Wilson pulled him up sharply and proceeded to address him personally in what I would describe as a heated allocution rather than an appeal. He dwelt on the seriousness of defying world opinion on this subject. Mr. Hughes, who listened intently, with his hand cupped around his ear so as not to miss a word, indicated at the end that he was still of the same opinion. Whereupon the President asked him slowly and solemnly: "Mr. Hughes, am I to understand that if the whole civilised world asks Australia to agree to a mandate in respect of these islands, Australia is prepared still to defy the appeal of the whole civilised world?” Mr. Hughes answered: "That's about the size of it, President Wilson". Mr. Massey grunted his assent of this abrupt defiance.However, South Africa's Louis Botha intervened on Wilson's side, and the mandates scheme went through. Hughes' frequent clashes with Wilson led to Wilson labelling him a "pestiferous varmint".Hughes, unlike Wilson or South African Prime Minister Jan Smuts, demanded heavy reparations from Germany, suggesting the sum of £24,000,000,000 of which Australia would claim many millions to off-set its own war debt. Hughes was a member of the British delegation on the Reparations Committee, with Lord Cunliffe and Lord Sumner. When the Imperial Cabinet met to discuss the Hughes Report, Winston Churchill asked Hughes if he had considered the effects that reparations would have on working-class German households. Hughes replied that "the Committee had been more concerned in considering the effects upon the working-class households in Great Britain, or in Australia, if the Germans did not pay an indemnity".At the Treaty negotiations, Hughes was the most prominent opponent of the inclusion of Japan's Racial Equality Proposal, which as a result of lobbying by him and others was not included in the final Treaty. His position on this issue reflected the dominant racist attitudes of the White Australia policy. He told David Lloyd George that he would leave the conference if the clause was adopted. Hughes offered to accept the clause so long as it did not effect immigration policy but the Japanese turned the offer down. Lloyd George said that the clause "was aimed at the restrictions and disabilities which were imposed by certain states against Japanese emigration and Japanese settlers already within their borders".Hughes had entered politics as a trade unionist, and like most of the Australian working class was very strongly opposed to Asian immigration to Australia (excluding Asian immigration was a popular cause with unions in Canada, the U.S, Australia, and New Zealand in the early 20th century). Hughes believed that accepting the Racial Equality clause would mean the end of the White Australia immigration policy that had been adopted in 1901, writing: "No Gov't could live for a day in Australia if it tampered with a White Australia". Hughes stated: "The position is this – either the Japanese proposal means something or it means nothing: if the former, out with it; if the latter, why have it?" He later said that "the right of the state to determine the conditions under which persons shall enter its territories cannot be impaired without reducing it to a vassal state", adding: "When I offered to accept it provided that words were incorporated making it clear that it was not to be used for the purpose of immigration or of impairing our rights of self-government in any way, [the Japanese delegate] Baron Makino was unable to agree".When the proposal failed, Hughes reported in the Australian parliament:The White Australia is yours. You may do with it what you please, but at any rate, the soldiers have achieved the victory and my colleagues and I have brought that great principle back to you from the conference, as safe as it was on the day when it was first adopted.Japan was notably offended by Hughes's position on the issue. Like Jan Smuts of South Africa, Hughes was concerned by the rise of Japan. Within months of the declaration of the European War in 1914, Japan, Australia and New Zealand had seized all German territorial possessions in the Pacific. Though Japan had occupied German possessions with the blessing of the British, Hughes felt alarm at this turn of events.With reference to Hughes's actions at the Peace Conference, the historian Ernest Scott said that although Hughes failed to secure sovereignty over the conquered German islands or relief for Australia's war debts, "both he and his countrymen found satisfaction with his achievements. By characteristic methods he had gained single-handed at least the points that were vital to his nation's existence". Joan Beaumont said Hughes became "something of a folk hero in later Australian historiography for his assertiveness at the Paris peace conference".Seth Tillman described him as "a noisesome demagogue", the "bete noir of Anglo-American relations". Unlike Smuts, Hughes totally opposed the concept of the League of Nations, as in it he saw the flawed idealism of "collective security". He declared in June 1919 that Australia would rely on the League "but we shall keep our powder dry".Hughes demanded that Australia have independent representation within the newly-formed League of Nations. Despite the rejection of his conscription policy, Hughes retained popularity with Australian voters and, at the December 1919 federal election, his government was comfortably re-elected.After 1920, Hughes's political position declined. Many of the more conservative elements of his own party never trusted him because they thought he was still a socialist at heart, citing his interest in retaining government ownership of the Commonwealth Shipping Line and the Australian Wireless Company. However, they continued to support him for some time after the war, if only to keep Labor out of power.A new party, the Country Party (now the National Party), was formed, representing farmers who were discontented with the Nationalists' rural policies, in particular Hughes's acceptance of a much higher level of tariff protection for Australian industries, that had expanded during the war, and his support for price controls on rural produce. In the New Year's Day Honours of 1922, Hughes' wife Mary was appointed a Dame Grand Cross of the Order of the British Empire (GBE).At the 1921 Imperial Conference, Hughes argued unsuccessfully in favour of renewing the Anglo-Japanese Alliance.At the 1922 federal election, Hughes gave up the seat of Bendigo and transferred to the upper-middle-class seat of North Sydney, thus giving up one of the last symbolic links to his working-class roots. The Nationalists lost their outright majority at the election. The Country Party, despite its opposition to Hughes's farm policy, was the Nationalists' only realistic coalition partner. However, party leader Earle Page let it be known that he and his party would not serve under Hughes. Under pressure from his party's right wing, Hughes resigned in February 1923 and was succeeded by his Treasurer, Stanley Bruce. Hughes was the longest-serving Prime Minister, until his term was surpassed by Robert Menzies (in 1957).Whilst the incumbent prime minister, Hughes switched seats at both the 1917 and 1922 elections, the only prime minister to have done so not once but twice. All other elections have seen the prime minister re-contest the seat that they held prior to the election.Hughes played little part in parliament for the remainder of 1923. He rented a house in Kirribilli in his new electorate and was recruited by "The Daily Telegraph" to write a series of articles on topics of his choosing. In the articles he defended his legacy as prime minister and stated he would support the new government as long as it followed his principles. In 1924, Hughes embarked on a lecture tour of the United States. His health broke down midway through the tour, while he was in New York. As a result he cancelled the rest of his engagements and drove back across the country in a new Flint automobile, which he brought back to Australia. Later in the year he purchased a house in Lindfield, which was to be his primary residence for the rest of his life. In 1925 Hughes again had little involvement in parliamentary affairs, but began to portray himself as "champion of Australian industries struggling to get established against foreign competition and government indifference", with the aid of his friends James Hume Cook and Ambrose Pratt.Hughes was furious at being ousted by his own party and nursed his grievance on the back-benches until 1929, when he led a group of back-bench rebels who crossed the floor of the Parliament to bring down the Bruce government. Hughes was expelled from the Nationalist Party, and formed his own party, the Australian Party. After the Nationalists were heavily defeated in the ensuing election, Hughes initially supported the Labor government of James Scullin. He had a falling-out with Scullin over financial matters, however. In 1931 he buried the hatchet with his former non-Labor colleagues and joined the Nationalists and several right-wing Labor dissidents under Joseph Lyons in forming the United Australia Party (UAP), under Lyons' leadership. He voted with the rest of the UAP to bring the Scullin government down.The UAP won a sweeping victory at the 1931 election. Lyons sent Hughes to represent Australia at the 1932 League of Nations Assembly in Geneva and in 1934 Hughes became Minister for Health and Repatriation in the Lyons government. Later Lyons appointed him Minister for External Affairs, but Hughes was forced to resign in 1935 after his book "Australia and the War Today" exposed a lack of preparation in Australia for what Hughes correctly supposed to be a coming war. Soon after, the Lyons government tripled the defence budget. Hughes also wrote in "Australia and the War Today" that the League of Nations was broken and that it could have worked only if it had been backed by force. He believed that every nation must look to its own defences and that, as Britain was preoccupied in European affairs, Australia would have to defend itself.After the 1931 Japanese invasion of Manchuria, Hughes believed that the British should remain neutral, and adopted the same attitude towards Italy's invasion of Abyssinia in 1935. Hughes believed that the British Empire was in danger because of its weakness in the Mediterranean.Hughes was brought back to Australia by Lyons as Minister for External Affairs in 1937. In 1938 Germany requested the return of her Pacific colonies but Hughes declared that Australia should hold onto New Guinea, and in April 1939 he said that if Germany wanted colonies she would have to fight for them.By the time of Lyons' death in 1939, Hughes was also serving as Attorney-General and Minister for Industry. He also served as Minister for the Navy, Minister for Industry and Attorney-General at various times under Lyons' successor, Robert Menzies.Defence issues became increasingly dominant in public affairs with the rise of Fascism in Europe and militant Japan in Asia. From 1938, Prime Minister Joseph Lyons had Hughes head a recruitment drive for the Australian Defence Force. On 7 April 1939, Lyons died in office. The United Australia Party selected Robert Menzies as his successor to lead a minority government on the eve of World War Two. Australia entered the Second World War on 3 September 1939 and a special War Cabinet was created after war was declared – initially composed of Prime Minister Menzies and five senior ministers including Hughes. Labor opposition leader John Curtin declined to join and Menzies lost his majority at the 1940 Election. With the Allies suffering a series of defeats and the threat of war growing in the Pacific, the Menzies Government (1939-1941) relied on two independents, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson for its parliamentary majority.Unable to convince Curtin to join in a War Cabinet and facing growing pressure within his own party, Menzies resigned as Prime Minister on 29 August 1941. Although the UAP had been in government for a decade, it was so bereft of leadership that a joint UAP-Country meeting elected Country Party leader Arthur Fadden to lead the Coalition. Hughes remained in the Fadden government, serving as Attorney-General and Minister for the Navy. A month later, Coles and Wilson joined with the Labor opposition to defeat the budget and bring down the government. The independents, under prodding from Governor-General Lord Gowrie, then threw their support to Opposition Leader John Curtin, who was sworn in as Prime Minister on 7 October 1941. Going into opposition the UAP opted for a joint Coalition opposition led by Fadden, which led Menzies to resign the leadership. Hughes was narrowly elected leader on 9 October but widely regarded as a stop-gap given his age.On 7 December, Japan attacked Pearl Harbor. Soon afterwards, Hughes criticised the British government for their weakness in the Far East and declared that they were living on "fast-fading gleams of British triumphs in other wars". However, in February 1942 he said that "Britain has temporarily lost control of the seas but she has lost it in an effort to protect Australia. It would be well if those who criticise Britain would turn the searchlights on Australia". In August he criticised the defensive strategy of the Allies in the Pacific but after the Battle of the Solomons he praised the United States' armed forces. Hughes opposed the Curtin government's Statute of Westminster Adoption Act 1942, which incorporated sections 2–6 of the Statute of Westminster 1931 into law. He believed that Britain and the Dominions should instead work together for a common foreign policy.Hughes led the UAP into the 1943 election largely by refusing to hold any party meetings and by agreeing to let Fadden lead the Opposition as a whole. The Coalition was severely defeated, winning only 19 seats. Hughes himself was nearly defeated in North Sydney on a swing of over 14 percent, seeing his majority dwindle from a comfortably safe 67 percent to a marginal 53 percent. After the election, Hughes—who had widely been reckoned as a stopgap leader—yielded the leadership of the UAP back to Menzies.In February 1944, the parliamentary UAP voted to withdraw its members from the Advisory War Council. Hughes and Menzies resigned, but Percy Spender chose to remain on the council and was expelled from the UAP. A few months later, Hughes rejoined the War Council at the personal invitation of John Curtin. He was expelled from the UAP on 14 April 1944, and replaced as deputy leader by Eric Harrison. Hughes and Spender sat as an independents until 13 September 1945, when they joined the new Liberal Party of Australia that had been founded earlier in the year. By that point the War Council had been abolished.A major redistribution and expansion of the House of Representatives occurred prior to the 1949 election, with much of the northern portion of North Sydney transferred to the new Bradfield. Hughes faced a preselection challenge for the first time since 1894, but defeated Harry Turner for Liberal Party endorsement and won a comfortable victory. He was re-elected to the House of Representatives for the 20th and final time at the 1951 election, with 79 percent of the vote. Hughes' last speech in parliament was an attack on the Menzies Government's decision to sell its share in Commonwealth Oil Refineries, one of the state-owned enterprises his government had established over 30 years earlier. According to H. V. Evatt, his speech "seemed at once to grip the attention of all honourable members present [...] nobody left the House, and nobody seemed to dare to move".Hughes celebrated a number of milestones in his last years in parliament. In 1944, a celebratory dinner was held to commemorate the 50th anniversary of his election to the Parliament of New South Wales, and 50 consecutive years of service as an MP. Prime Minister John Curtin toasted him as someone who had "fought like hell for what he believed to be right, and for that Australia will honour him". In June 1951, Hughes was the guest of honour at a banquet marking the golden jubilee of the federal parliament. The following year, "almost every member of the House of Representatives and Senate" attended his birthday dinner. Prime Minister Robert Menzies observed that Hughes had been a member of every political party at one time or another, at which point Arthur Fadden interjected that he had never joined the Country Party. Hughes then remarked "had to draw the line somewhere, didn't I?".Hughes died on 28 October 1952, aged 90, at his home in Lindfield. His state funeral was held at St Andrew's Cathedral, Sydney, and was one of the largest Australia has seen: some 450,000 spectators lined the streets. He was later buried at Macquarie Park Cemetery and Crematorium with his daughter Helen; his widow Dame Mary joined them upon her death in 1958.At the age of 90 years, one month and three days, Hughes is the oldest person ever to have been a member of the Australian parliament. His death sparked a Bradfield by-election. He had been a member of the House of Representatives for 51 years and seven months, beginning his service in the reign of Queen Victoria and ending it in the reign of Queen Elizabeth II. Including his service in the New South Wales colonial parliament before that, Hughes had spent a total of 58 years as an MP, and had never lost an election. His period of service remains a record in Australia. He was the last member of the original Australian Parliament elected in 1901 still serving in Parliament when he died. Hughes was the penultimate member of the First Parliament to die; King O'Malley outlived him by fourteen months. Hughes was also the last surviving member of the Watson Cabinet, as well as the first and third Cabinets of Andrew Fisher.Soon after arriving in Sydney, Hughes entered into a common-law marriage with Elizabeth Cutts, the daughter of one of his landladies. Their relationship was never formally registered or solemnised, but they lived as husband and wife and had six children together – William (b. 1891; died in infancy), Ethel (b. 1892), Lily (b. 1893), Dolly (b. 1895), Ernest (b. 1897), and Charles (b. 1898). They also raised Arthur (b. 1885), Elizabeth's son from a previous relationship, who took Hughes as his surname. Their marriage was solid, though sometimes strained by Hughes' devotion to his work and frequent absences from home. Elizabeth had little interest in politics, and was sometimes ill at ease in the social situations that occurred as her husband's career progressed. She died of heart failure on 1 September 1906, aged 42, after a long period of ill health.Hughes' great-granddaughter Wendy Starkey is married to Jim Starkey who claimed to be the great-grandson of another prime minister, Joseph Lyons.However Starkey's claim of familial relations with Lyons has been disputed by the Lyons family and Lyons biographer Anne Henderson.After his first wife's death, Hughes' oldest daughter Ethel kept house for him and helped look after the younger children. After a brief courtship, he remarried on 26 June 1911 to Mary Ethel Campbell, the daughter of a well-to-do pastoralist. At the time of their marriage, he was 48 and she was 37. Mary was politically and socially astute, and her husband often turned to her for advice on political matters. Unusually for the time, he insisted that he accompany her on all of his overseas trips, even those made during wartime. Through his second marriage, Hughes also became the brother-in-law of John Haynes, one of the founders of "The Bulletin". His niece, Edith Haynes, lived with him and his wife as a companion for many years.The only child from Hughes' second marriage was Helen Myfanwy Hughes, who was born in 1915 (a few months before he became prime minister). He doted upon her, calling her the "joy and light of my life", and was devastated by her death in childbirth in 1937, aged 21. Her son survived and was adopted by a friend of the family, with his grandfather contributing towards his upkeep. Because she was unmarried at the time, the circumstances of Helen's death were kept hidden and did not become generally known until 2004, when the ABC screened a programme presented by the actor Martin Vaughan. Vaughan had played Billy Hughes in the 1975 film "Billy and Percy", and his continuing interest in him led to the unearthing of Helen's fate.Hughes had a severe hearing loss that began when he was relatively young and worsened with age. He relied on a primitive electronic hearing aid, which was so bulky that it could only be worn for short periods and had to be carried around in a box. However, his deafness could sometimes be to his advantage, as he could feign misapprehension or simply turn off his device when he no longer wished to listen to someone. Physically, Hughes was short in stature and slightly built, standing and weighing around at most. He had a "naturally weak constitution", suffering frequently from colds and other infections, and to compensate became a "fanatical devotee of physical fitness". He also suffered from chronic indigestion, on account of which he abstained from red meat and alcohol and rarely ate large meals. Hughes often worked himself to exhaustion, and required long periods of convalescence to recharge – sometimes weeks or even months. He was prone to bouts of depression interspersed with periods of euphoria, and following a near nervous breakdown in 1924 was diagnosed with "psychasthenia".Hughes was a lifelong Anglican. He inherited this affiliation from his maternal side – his father was a Primitive Baptist and a deacon at the Welsh Baptist Church in London, though he wed with Anglican rites. Hughes attended church schools as a boy, and knew the King James Bible "back to front". As an adult, he would often use Biblical turns of phrase in his writing and public speaking. Hughes' participation in organised religion seemingly declined after he moved to Australia, and some writers have suggested that he became an agnostic or an atheist. The evidence for this is largely circumstantial – he was not a regular churchgoer, his first marriage was never solemnised in a church, and he frequently used blasphemous language.All of Hughes' biographers have regarded him as a sincere Christian, albeit with a rather idiosyncratic theology. Fitzhardinge writes that Hughes had "a generalised faith in the spiritual values of Christianity" combined with "a profound belief in the after-life and the all-pervasiveness of God". Hughes rarely addressed metaphysics in his own works, but in his memoirs did note that he had rejected the doctrine of predestination at an early age: "I believed as a man sowed so he should reap [...] "by faith and works" he might find salvation." Manning Clark was somewhat skeptical of the earnestness of the beliefs that Hughes professed in public. With regard to Hughes' personal philosophy, Clark wrote that he had a "bleakly Hobbesian view of life", seeing it as "a savage elemental struggle for survival in which strong men crushed the weak".Hughes frequently exploited religion for political ends. In his early days in the labour movement, he drew on his mastery of scripture to reassure Christians that socialism was not anti-religious or atheistic. Hughes became stridently anti-Catholic during World War I, though this was due to political interference from the church hierarchy rather than on theological grounds. He "inflamed sectarianism to a tragic degree" with vitriolic personal attacks on Catholic leaders; James Scullin, Australia's first Catholic prime minister, would later suggest that Hughes' divisiveness "very nearly wrecked Australia". He also banned the use of German in Australian churches, though this affected Lutherans more than Catholics.Hughes, a tiny, wiry man, with a raspy voice and an increasingly wizened face, was an unlikely national leader, but during the First World War he acquired a reputation as a war leader—the troops called him the "Little Digger"—that sustained him for the rest of his life. He is remembered for his outstanding political and diplomatic skills, for his many witty sayings, and for his irrepressible optimism and patriotism. At the same time, the Australian labour movement never forgave him for defecting to the conservatives, and still considers him a "rat."Hughes was honored with fifteen 'Freedom of the City' awards – more than any other Prime Minister of Australia. Among these include the following cities in the United Kingdom:Hughes received honorary degrees from the following universities: The Division of Hughes and the Canberra suburb of Hughes are named after him. A park in Lane Cove, New South Wales, is named 'Hughes Park' after Billy and Dame Mary Hughes.In 1972, he was honoured on a postage stamp bearing his portrait issued by Australia Post.After marrying his wife Mary in 1911, the couple went on a long drive, because he did not have time for a honeymoon. Their car crashed where the Sydney–Melbourne road crosses the Sydney–Melbourne railway north of Albury, New South Wales, leading to the level crossing there being named after him; it was later replaced by the Billy Hughes Bridge.	[ "Nationalist Party of Australia", "Liberal Party of Australia", "United Australia Party" ]
Which team did Gheorghe Popescu play for in Jan, 1995?	January 12, 1995	{ "text": [ "Romania national association football team", "FC Barcelona", "Tottenham Hotspur F.C." ] }	L2_Q313205_P54_5	Gheorghe Popescu plays for FC Dinamo Bucharest from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2003. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Unione Sportiva Lecce from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2002. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Tottenham Hotspur F.C. from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Romania national association football team from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 2003. Gheorghe Popescu plays for FCU Craiova 1948 from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1990. Gheorghe Popescu plays for FC Barcelona from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997. Gheorghe Popescu plays for FC Steaua București from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1988. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Galatasaray S.K. from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2001. Gheorghe Popescu plays for PSV Eindhoven from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1994. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Hannover 96 from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2003.	Gheorghe PopescuGheorghe "Gică" Popescu (; born 9 October 1967) is a retired Romanian former professional football defender, former captain of FC Barcelona and key part of the Romania national team in the 1990s. He played for a string of European clubs in that period, including a four-year stint at PSV Eindhoven and winning the UEFA Cup with Galatasaray. His tactical knowledge as a defender made him a valuable team member in top European competitions until he reached his late-thirties. Beside from his defending skills, he was also capable starting attacks. He is the brother-in-law of fellow Romanian international Gheorghe Hagi.After playing six seasons for Universitatea Craiova, Popescu was loaned to Romanian giants Steaua Bucharest reaching the semi-finals of the European Cup during their 1987–88 campaign. He moved abroad to the Netherlands in 1990, and signed for PSV Eindhoven at the request of Sir Bobby Robson, helping them to keep among the top Dutch sides, until he was transferred to Tottenham Hotspur in the Premier League on 9 September 1994 for a fee of £2.9million. He played 23 times in the Premier League and scored three goals as Spurs (who changed manager from Ossie Ardiles to Gerry Francis a few weeks after Popescu arrived) finished seventh in the league – their highest finish for five years. He also helped them to reach the FA Cup semi-finals, where they lost 4–1 to eventual cup winners Everton. However, after less than a year in England, he left Tottenham to sign for the Spanish club Barcelona for £3million, succeeding Ronald Koeman in the team. He was made captain of the Catalan club, contributing to their Copa del Rey (domestic cup) glory in his first season and their UEFA Cup Winners' Cup triumph in his second.After leaving Barcelona during the summer of 1997, he was transferred to Galatasaray of Turkey, where he spent four years and won several major trophies, including the UEFA Cup in May 2000 – where Galatasaray defeated Arsenal, key rivals of his old club Tottenham, on penalties after a goalless draw in open play and he scored the final penalty shot in the penalty shootout. He spent the 2001–2002 season in Italy with Serie A club Lecce, before returning to his native Romania for a brief spell with Dinamo Bucharest, before winding up with a season in Germany with Hannover 96.Popescu was never outside the top four in the Romanian Footballer of the Year awards for 13 years from 1989 until 2001. He was recently voted into Romanian footballs all-time World Cup team.At international level, Popescu is Romania's all-time third most capped players with 115, in which he scored 16 goals. He played for his country in the 1990, 1994, and 1998 World Cups, Euro 96 and Euro 2000. He also entered the symbolic but exclusive circle of players with a century of caps.On 4 March 2014, Popescu and seven others, among them Mihai Stoica, were convicted by a Romanian appeals court of money laundering and tax evasion in connection with the transfer of football players from Romania to other countries. Popescu was sentenced to a jail term of three years and one month.Steaua BucureștiPSVBarcelonaGalatasarayIndividual	[ "Unione Sportiva Lecce", "PSV Eindhoven", "Galatasaray S.K.", "FCU Craiova 1948", "FC Dinamo Bucharest", "Hannover 96", "FC Steaua București", "Unione Sportiva Lecce", "PSV Eindhoven", "Galatasaray S.K.", "FCU Craiova 1948", "FC Dinamo Bucharest", "Hannover 96", "FC Steaua București", "Tottenham Hotspur F.C." ]
Which team did Gheorghe Popescu play for in 1995-01-12?	January 12, 1995	{ "text": [ "Romania national association football team", "FC Barcelona", "Tottenham Hotspur F.C." ] }	L2_Q313205_P54_5	Gheorghe Popescu plays for FC Dinamo Bucharest from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2003. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Unione Sportiva Lecce from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2002. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Tottenham Hotspur F.C. from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Romania national association football team from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 2003. Gheorghe Popescu plays for FCU Craiova 1948 from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1990. Gheorghe Popescu plays for FC Barcelona from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997. Gheorghe Popescu plays for FC Steaua București from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1988. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Galatasaray S.K. from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2001. Gheorghe Popescu plays for PSV Eindhoven from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1994. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Hannover 96 from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2003.	Gheorghe PopescuGheorghe "Gică" Popescu (; born 9 October 1967) is a retired Romanian former professional football defender, former captain of FC Barcelona and key part of the Romania national team in the 1990s. He played for a string of European clubs in that period, including a four-year stint at PSV Eindhoven and winning the UEFA Cup with Galatasaray. His tactical knowledge as a defender made him a valuable team member in top European competitions until he reached his late-thirties. Beside from his defending skills, he was also capable starting attacks. He is the brother-in-law of fellow Romanian international Gheorghe Hagi.After playing six seasons for Universitatea Craiova, Popescu was loaned to Romanian giants Steaua Bucharest reaching the semi-finals of the European Cup during their 1987–88 campaign. He moved abroad to the Netherlands in 1990, and signed for PSV Eindhoven at the request of Sir Bobby Robson, helping them to keep among the top Dutch sides, until he was transferred to Tottenham Hotspur in the Premier League on 9 September 1994 for a fee of £2.9million. He played 23 times in the Premier League and scored three goals as Spurs (who changed manager from Ossie Ardiles to Gerry Francis a few weeks after Popescu arrived) finished seventh in the league – their highest finish for five years. He also helped them to reach the FA Cup semi-finals, where they lost 4–1 to eventual cup winners Everton. However, after less than a year in England, he left Tottenham to sign for the Spanish club Barcelona for £3million, succeeding Ronald Koeman in the team. He was made captain of the Catalan club, contributing to their Copa del Rey (domestic cup) glory in his first season and their UEFA Cup Winners' Cup triumph in his second.After leaving Barcelona during the summer of 1997, he was transferred to Galatasaray of Turkey, where he spent four years and won several major trophies, including the UEFA Cup in May 2000 – where Galatasaray defeated Arsenal, key rivals of his old club Tottenham, on penalties after a goalless draw in open play and he scored the final penalty shot in the penalty shootout. He spent the 2001–2002 season in Italy with Serie A club Lecce, before returning to his native Romania for a brief spell with Dinamo Bucharest, before winding up with a season in Germany with Hannover 96.Popescu was never outside the top four in the Romanian Footballer of the Year awards for 13 years from 1989 until 2001. He was recently voted into Romanian footballs all-time World Cup team.At international level, Popescu is Romania's all-time third most capped players with 115, in which he scored 16 goals. He played for his country in the 1990, 1994, and 1998 World Cups, Euro 96 and Euro 2000. He also entered the symbolic but exclusive circle of players with a century of caps.On 4 March 2014, Popescu and seven others, among them Mihai Stoica, were convicted by a Romanian appeals court of money laundering and tax evasion in connection with the transfer of football players from Romania to other countries. Popescu was sentenced to a jail term of three years and one month.Steaua BucureștiPSVBarcelonaGalatasarayIndividual	[ "Unione Sportiva Lecce", "PSV Eindhoven", "Galatasaray S.K.", "FCU Craiova 1948", "FC Dinamo Bucharest", "Hannover 96", "FC Steaua București", "Unione Sportiva Lecce", "PSV Eindhoven", "Galatasaray S.K.", "FCU Craiova 1948", "FC Dinamo Bucharest", "Hannover 96", "FC Steaua București", "Tottenham Hotspur F.C." ]
Which team did Gheorghe Popescu play for in 12/01/1995?	January 12, 1995	{ "text": [ "Romania national association football team", "FC Barcelona", "Tottenham Hotspur F.C." ] }	L2_Q313205_P54_5	Gheorghe Popescu plays for FC Dinamo Bucharest from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2003. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Unione Sportiva Lecce from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2002. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Tottenham Hotspur F.C. from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Romania national association football team from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 2003. Gheorghe Popescu plays for FCU Craiova 1948 from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1990. Gheorghe Popescu plays for FC Barcelona from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997. Gheorghe Popescu plays for FC Steaua București from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1988. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Galatasaray S.K. from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2001. Gheorghe Popescu plays for PSV Eindhoven from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1994. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Hannover 96 from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2003.	Gheorghe PopescuGheorghe "Gică" Popescu (; born 9 October 1967) is a retired Romanian former professional football defender, former captain of FC Barcelona and key part of the Romania national team in the 1990s. He played for a string of European clubs in that period, including a four-year stint at PSV Eindhoven and winning the UEFA Cup with Galatasaray. His tactical knowledge as a defender made him a valuable team member in top European competitions until he reached his late-thirties. Beside from his defending skills, he was also capable starting attacks. He is the brother-in-law of fellow Romanian international Gheorghe Hagi.After playing six seasons for Universitatea Craiova, Popescu was loaned to Romanian giants Steaua Bucharest reaching the semi-finals of the European Cup during their 1987–88 campaign. He moved abroad to the Netherlands in 1990, and signed for PSV Eindhoven at the request of Sir Bobby Robson, helping them to keep among the top Dutch sides, until he was transferred to Tottenham Hotspur in the Premier League on 9 September 1994 for a fee of £2.9million. He played 23 times in the Premier League and scored three goals as Spurs (who changed manager from Ossie Ardiles to Gerry Francis a few weeks after Popescu arrived) finished seventh in the league – their highest finish for five years. He also helped them to reach the FA Cup semi-finals, where they lost 4–1 to eventual cup winners Everton. However, after less than a year in England, he left Tottenham to sign for the Spanish club Barcelona for £3million, succeeding Ronald Koeman in the team. He was made captain of the Catalan club, contributing to their Copa del Rey (domestic cup) glory in his first season and their UEFA Cup Winners' Cup triumph in his second.After leaving Barcelona during the summer of 1997, he was transferred to Galatasaray of Turkey, where he spent four years and won several major trophies, including the UEFA Cup in May 2000 – where Galatasaray defeated Arsenal, key rivals of his old club Tottenham, on penalties after a goalless draw in open play and he scored the final penalty shot in the penalty shootout. He spent the 2001–2002 season in Italy with Serie A club Lecce, before returning to his native Romania for a brief spell with Dinamo Bucharest, before winding up with a season in Germany with Hannover 96.Popescu was never outside the top four in the Romanian Footballer of the Year awards for 13 years from 1989 until 2001. He was recently voted into Romanian footballs all-time World Cup team.At international level, Popescu is Romania's all-time third most capped players with 115, in which he scored 16 goals. He played for his country in the 1990, 1994, and 1998 World Cups, Euro 96 and Euro 2000. He also entered the symbolic but exclusive circle of players with a century of caps.On 4 March 2014, Popescu and seven others, among them Mihai Stoica, were convicted by a Romanian appeals court of money laundering and tax evasion in connection with the transfer of football players from Romania to other countries. Popescu was sentenced to a jail term of three years and one month.Steaua BucureștiPSVBarcelonaGalatasarayIndividual	[ "Unione Sportiva Lecce", "PSV Eindhoven", "Galatasaray S.K.", "FCU Craiova 1948", "FC Dinamo Bucharest", "Hannover 96", "FC Steaua București", "Unione Sportiva Lecce", "PSV Eindhoven", "Galatasaray S.K.", "FCU Craiova 1948", "FC Dinamo Bucharest", "Hannover 96", "FC Steaua București", "Tottenham Hotspur F.C." ]
Which team did Gheorghe Popescu play for in Jan 12, 1995?	January 12, 1995	{ "text": [ "Romania national association football team", "FC Barcelona", "Tottenham Hotspur F.C." ] }	L2_Q313205_P54_5	Gheorghe Popescu plays for FC Dinamo Bucharest from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2003. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Unione Sportiva Lecce from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2002. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Tottenham Hotspur F.C. from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Romania national association football team from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 2003. Gheorghe Popescu plays for FCU Craiova 1948 from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1990. Gheorghe Popescu plays for FC Barcelona from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997. Gheorghe Popescu plays for FC Steaua București from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1988. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Galatasaray S.K. from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2001. Gheorghe Popescu plays for PSV Eindhoven from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1994. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Hannover 96 from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2003.	Gheorghe PopescuGheorghe "Gică" Popescu (; born 9 October 1967) is a retired Romanian former professional football defender, former captain of FC Barcelona and key part of the Romania national team in the 1990s. He played for a string of European clubs in that period, including a four-year stint at PSV Eindhoven and winning the UEFA Cup with Galatasaray. His tactical knowledge as a defender made him a valuable team member in top European competitions until he reached his late-thirties. Beside from his defending skills, he was also capable starting attacks. He is the brother-in-law of fellow Romanian international Gheorghe Hagi.After playing six seasons for Universitatea Craiova, Popescu was loaned to Romanian giants Steaua Bucharest reaching the semi-finals of the European Cup during their 1987–88 campaign. He moved abroad to the Netherlands in 1990, and signed for PSV Eindhoven at the request of Sir Bobby Robson, helping them to keep among the top Dutch sides, until he was transferred to Tottenham Hotspur in the Premier League on 9 September 1994 for a fee of £2.9million. He played 23 times in the Premier League and scored three goals as Spurs (who changed manager from Ossie Ardiles to Gerry Francis a few weeks after Popescu arrived) finished seventh in the league – their highest finish for five years. He also helped them to reach the FA Cup semi-finals, where they lost 4–1 to eventual cup winners Everton. However, after less than a year in England, he left Tottenham to sign for the Spanish club Barcelona for £3million, succeeding Ronald Koeman in the team. He was made captain of the Catalan club, contributing to their Copa del Rey (domestic cup) glory in his first season and their UEFA Cup Winners' Cup triumph in his second.After leaving Barcelona during the summer of 1997, he was transferred to Galatasaray of Turkey, where he spent four years and won several major trophies, including the UEFA Cup in May 2000 – where Galatasaray defeated Arsenal, key rivals of his old club Tottenham, on penalties after a goalless draw in open play and he scored the final penalty shot in the penalty shootout. He spent the 2001–2002 season in Italy with Serie A club Lecce, before returning to his native Romania for a brief spell with Dinamo Bucharest, before winding up with a season in Germany with Hannover 96.Popescu was never outside the top four in the Romanian Footballer of the Year awards for 13 years from 1989 until 2001. He was recently voted into Romanian footballs all-time World Cup team.At international level, Popescu is Romania's all-time third most capped players with 115, in which he scored 16 goals. He played for his country in the 1990, 1994, and 1998 World Cups, Euro 96 and Euro 2000. He also entered the symbolic but exclusive circle of players with a century of caps.On 4 March 2014, Popescu and seven others, among them Mihai Stoica, were convicted by a Romanian appeals court of money laundering and tax evasion in connection with the transfer of football players from Romania to other countries. Popescu was sentenced to a jail term of three years and one month.Steaua BucureștiPSVBarcelonaGalatasarayIndividual	[ "Unione Sportiva Lecce", "PSV Eindhoven", "Galatasaray S.K.", "FCU Craiova 1948", "FC Dinamo Bucharest", "Hannover 96", "FC Steaua București", "Unione Sportiva Lecce", "PSV Eindhoven", "Galatasaray S.K.", "FCU Craiova 1948", "FC Dinamo Bucharest", "Hannover 96", "FC Steaua București", "Tottenham Hotspur F.C." ]
Which team did Gheorghe Popescu play for in 01/12/1995?	January 12, 1995	{ "text": [ "Romania national association football team", "FC Barcelona", "Tottenham Hotspur F.C." ] }	L2_Q313205_P54_5	Gheorghe Popescu plays for FC Dinamo Bucharest from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2003. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Unione Sportiva Lecce from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2002. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Tottenham Hotspur F.C. from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Romania national association football team from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 2003. Gheorghe Popescu plays for FCU Craiova 1948 from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1990. Gheorghe Popescu plays for FC Barcelona from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997. Gheorghe Popescu plays for FC Steaua București from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1988. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Galatasaray S.K. from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2001. Gheorghe Popescu plays for PSV Eindhoven from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1994. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Hannover 96 from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2003.	Gheorghe PopescuGheorghe "Gică" Popescu (; born 9 October 1967) is a retired Romanian former professional football defender, former captain of FC Barcelona and key part of the Romania national team in the 1990s. He played for a string of European clubs in that period, including a four-year stint at PSV Eindhoven and winning the UEFA Cup with Galatasaray. His tactical knowledge as a defender made him a valuable team member in top European competitions until he reached his late-thirties. Beside from his defending skills, he was also capable starting attacks. He is the brother-in-law of fellow Romanian international Gheorghe Hagi.After playing six seasons for Universitatea Craiova, Popescu was loaned to Romanian giants Steaua Bucharest reaching the semi-finals of the European Cup during their 1987–88 campaign. He moved abroad to the Netherlands in 1990, and signed for PSV Eindhoven at the request of Sir Bobby Robson, helping them to keep among the top Dutch sides, until he was transferred to Tottenham Hotspur in the Premier League on 9 September 1994 for a fee of £2.9million. He played 23 times in the Premier League and scored three goals as Spurs (who changed manager from Ossie Ardiles to Gerry Francis a few weeks after Popescu arrived) finished seventh in the league – their highest finish for five years. He also helped them to reach the FA Cup semi-finals, where they lost 4–1 to eventual cup winners Everton. However, after less than a year in England, he left Tottenham to sign for the Spanish club Barcelona for £3million, succeeding Ronald Koeman in the team. He was made captain of the Catalan club, contributing to their Copa del Rey (domestic cup) glory in his first season and their UEFA Cup Winners' Cup triumph in his second.After leaving Barcelona during the summer of 1997, he was transferred to Galatasaray of Turkey, where he spent four years and won several major trophies, including the UEFA Cup in May 2000 – where Galatasaray defeated Arsenal, key rivals of his old club Tottenham, on penalties after a goalless draw in open play and he scored the final penalty shot in the penalty shootout. He spent the 2001–2002 season in Italy with Serie A club Lecce, before returning to his native Romania for a brief spell with Dinamo Bucharest, before winding up with a season in Germany with Hannover 96.Popescu was never outside the top four in the Romanian Footballer of the Year awards for 13 years from 1989 until 2001. He was recently voted into Romanian footballs all-time World Cup team.At international level, Popescu is Romania's all-time third most capped players with 115, in which he scored 16 goals. He played for his country in the 1990, 1994, and 1998 World Cups, Euro 96 and Euro 2000. He also entered the symbolic but exclusive circle of players with a century of caps.On 4 March 2014, Popescu and seven others, among them Mihai Stoica, were convicted by a Romanian appeals court of money laundering and tax evasion in connection with the transfer of football players from Romania to other countries. Popescu was sentenced to a jail term of three years and one month.Steaua BucureștiPSVBarcelonaGalatasarayIndividual	[ "Unione Sportiva Lecce", "PSV Eindhoven", "Galatasaray S.K.", "FCU Craiova 1948", "FC Dinamo Bucharest", "Hannover 96", "FC Steaua București", "Unione Sportiva Lecce", "PSV Eindhoven", "Galatasaray S.K.", "FCU Craiova 1948", "FC Dinamo Bucharest", "Hannover 96", "FC Steaua București", "Tottenham Hotspur F.C." ]
Which team did Gheorghe Popescu play for in 12-Jan-199512-January-1995?	January 12, 1995	{ "text": [ "Romania national association football team", "FC Barcelona", "Tottenham Hotspur F.C." ] }	L2_Q313205_P54_5	Gheorghe Popescu plays for FC Dinamo Bucharest from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2003. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Unione Sportiva Lecce from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2002. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Tottenham Hotspur F.C. from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Romania national association football team from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 2003. Gheorghe Popescu plays for FCU Craiova 1948 from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1990. Gheorghe Popescu plays for FC Barcelona from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997. Gheorghe Popescu plays for FC Steaua București from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1988. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Galatasaray S.K. from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2001. Gheorghe Popescu plays for PSV Eindhoven from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1994. Gheorghe Popescu plays for Hannover 96 from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2003.	Gheorghe PopescuGheorghe "Gică" Popescu (; born 9 October 1967) is a retired Romanian former professional football defender, former captain of FC Barcelona and key part of the Romania national team in the 1990s. He played for a string of European clubs in that period, including a four-year stint at PSV Eindhoven and winning the UEFA Cup with Galatasaray. His tactical knowledge as a defender made him a valuable team member in top European competitions until he reached his late-thirties. Beside from his defending skills, he was also capable starting attacks. He is the brother-in-law of fellow Romanian international Gheorghe Hagi.After playing six seasons for Universitatea Craiova, Popescu was loaned to Romanian giants Steaua Bucharest reaching the semi-finals of the European Cup during their 1987–88 campaign. He moved abroad to the Netherlands in 1990, and signed for PSV Eindhoven at the request of Sir Bobby Robson, helping them to keep among the top Dutch sides, until he was transferred to Tottenham Hotspur in the Premier League on 9 September 1994 for a fee of £2.9million. He played 23 times in the Premier League and scored three goals as Spurs (who changed manager from Ossie Ardiles to Gerry Francis a few weeks after Popescu arrived) finished seventh in the league – their highest finish for five years. He also helped them to reach the FA Cup semi-finals, where they lost 4–1 to eventual cup winners Everton. However, after less than a year in England, he left Tottenham to sign for the Spanish club Barcelona for £3million, succeeding Ronald Koeman in the team. He was made captain of the Catalan club, contributing to their Copa del Rey (domestic cup) glory in his first season and their UEFA Cup Winners' Cup triumph in his second.After leaving Barcelona during the summer of 1997, he was transferred to Galatasaray of Turkey, where he spent four years and won several major trophies, including the UEFA Cup in May 2000 – where Galatasaray defeated Arsenal, key rivals of his old club Tottenham, on penalties after a goalless draw in open play and he scored the final penalty shot in the penalty shootout. He spent the 2001–2002 season in Italy with Serie A club Lecce, before returning to his native Romania for a brief spell with Dinamo Bucharest, before winding up with a season in Germany with Hannover 96.Popescu was never outside the top four in the Romanian Footballer of the Year awards for 13 years from 1989 until 2001. He was recently voted into Romanian footballs all-time World Cup team.At international level, Popescu is Romania's all-time third most capped players with 115, in which he scored 16 goals. He played for his country in the 1990, 1994, and 1998 World Cups, Euro 96 and Euro 2000. He also entered the symbolic but exclusive circle of players with a century of caps.On 4 March 2014, Popescu and seven others, among them Mihai Stoica, were convicted by a Romanian appeals court of money laundering and tax evasion in connection with the transfer of football players from Romania to other countries. Popescu was sentenced to a jail term of three years and one month.Steaua BucureștiPSVBarcelonaGalatasarayIndividual	[ "Unione Sportiva Lecce", "PSV Eindhoven", "Galatasaray S.K.", "FCU Craiova 1948", "FC Dinamo Bucharest", "Hannover 96", "FC Steaua București", "Unione Sportiva Lecce", "PSV Eindhoven", "Galatasaray S.K.", "FCU Craiova 1948", "FC Dinamo Bucharest", "Hannover 96", "FC Steaua București", "Tottenham Hotspur F.C." ]
Which team did Jules Reimerink play for in Sep, 2008?	September 05, 2008	{ "text": [ "Netherlands national under-19 football team" ] }	L2_Q862998_P54_0	Jules Reimerink plays for VVV-Venlo from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014. Jules Reimerink plays for FC Energie Cottbus from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Jules Reimerink plays for Go Ahead Eagles from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Jules Reimerink plays for Netherlands national under-19 football team from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2009. Jules Reimerink plays for FC Viktoria Köln from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016. Jules Reimerink plays for Netherlands national under-21 football team from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2010. Jules Reimerink plays for FC Twente from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.	Jules ReimerinkJules Reimerink (born 30 September 1989) is a Dutch footballer who plays for Quick '20. He is a two-footed player and plays as a winger, but can also play as a striker.Born in Oldenzaal, Overijssel, Reimerink began his youth career at hometown team, the amateurs of Quick '20. Because of his great displays for the youth team, he was picked up by top-tier side FC Twente. Between 2001 and 2007, he played for the youth team, joining the reserves in summer 2007. He became top goalscorer of Twente's reserves and also won the cup with the second squad. He was rewarded with a new four-year contract, which he signed, keeping him in Enschede until 2011. It was also announced that he would join Go Ahead Eagles on loan for the next one-and-a-half season.On 18 January 2009, Reimerink made his Eerste Divisie debut for "the Eagles". He was positioned as right striker in the starting lineup. Go Ahead Eagles, however, were defeated 0–1 by Zwolle through a goal scored by Derk Boerrigter. After having played six matches – five matches in the starting lineup, one as a substitute – he suffered a fracture in his left ankle. This meant that Reimerink was ruled out for four to six weeks In the 2009–10 season, Reimerink stayed on loan at Go Ahead Eagles. This resulted in a strong season for Reimerink, scoring four goals and being chosen as one of the top talents of the Eerste Divisie.In 2010, he signed a four-year contract with German club FC Energie Cottbus. In his first year under head coach Claus-Dieter Wollitz, he performed well. After making less appearances in the 2011–12 season under Wollitz's successor Rudi Bommer, his contract, which was still running for two years, was terminated.On 12 July 2012, Reimerink signed a three-year deal with VVV-Venlo. On 19 June 2014, Reimerink signed a one-year deal with his former team Go Ahead Eagles, achieving promotion to the Dutch Eredivisie in his first season there.Although Reimerink had also received offers from more prominent clubs, he moved – also for private reasons – to the fourth-tier Regionalliga West club FC Viktoria Köln ahead of the 2015–16 season. After the season he left the club.Reimerink had expressed a wish to play in the 3. Liga, and in June 2016, VfL Osnabrück signed him. He received a two-year contract. After two seasons of playing regularly, Reimerink moved to Sportfreunde Lotte on a free transfer, signing a two-year contract on 22 June 2018.After having played in Germany for some years, Reimerink returned to his first youth club Quick '20 from the 2020–21 season.	[ "FC Energie Cottbus", "Go Ahead Eagles", "VVV-Venlo", "Netherlands national under-21 football team", "FC Viktoria Köln", "FC Twente" ]
Which team did Jules Reimerink play for in 2008-09-05?	September 05, 2008	{ "text": [ "Netherlands national under-19 football team" ] }	L2_Q862998_P54_0	Jules Reimerink plays for VVV-Venlo from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014. Jules Reimerink plays for FC Energie Cottbus from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Jules Reimerink plays for Go Ahead Eagles from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Jules Reimerink plays for Netherlands national under-19 football team from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2009. Jules Reimerink plays for FC Viktoria Köln from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016. Jules Reimerink plays for Netherlands national under-21 football team from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2010. Jules Reimerink plays for FC Twente from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.	Jules ReimerinkJules Reimerink (born 30 September 1989) is a Dutch footballer who plays for Quick '20. He is a two-footed player and plays as a winger, but can also play as a striker.Born in Oldenzaal, Overijssel, Reimerink began his youth career at hometown team, the amateurs of Quick '20. Because of his great displays for the youth team, he was picked up by top-tier side FC Twente. Between 2001 and 2007, he played for the youth team, joining the reserves in summer 2007. He became top goalscorer of Twente's reserves and also won the cup with the second squad. He was rewarded with a new four-year contract, which he signed, keeping him in Enschede until 2011. It was also announced that he would join Go Ahead Eagles on loan for the next one-and-a-half season.On 18 January 2009, Reimerink made his Eerste Divisie debut for "the Eagles". He was positioned as right striker in the starting lineup. Go Ahead Eagles, however, were defeated 0–1 by Zwolle through a goal scored by Derk Boerrigter. After having played six matches – five matches in the starting lineup, one as a substitute – he suffered a fracture in his left ankle. This meant that Reimerink was ruled out for four to six weeks In the 2009–10 season, Reimerink stayed on loan at Go Ahead Eagles. This resulted in a strong season for Reimerink, scoring four goals and being chosen as one of the top talents of the Eerste Divisie.In 2010, he signed a four-year contract with German club FC Energie Cottbus. In his first year under head coach Claus-Dieter Wollitz, he performed well. After making less appearances in the 2011–12 season under Wollitz's successor Rudi Bommer, his contract, which was still running for two years, was terminated.On 12 July 2012, Reimerink signed a three-year deal with VVV-Venlo. On 19 June 2014, Reimerink signed a one-year deal with his former team Go Ahead Eagles, achieving promotion to the Dutch Eredivisie in his first season there.Although Reimerink had also received offers from more prominent clubs, he moved – also for private reasons – to the fourth-tier Regionalliga West club FC Viktoria Köln ahead of the 2015–16 season. After the season he left the club.Reimerink had expressed a wish to play in the 3. Liga, and in June 2016, VfL Osnabrück signed him. He received a two-year contract. After two seasons of playing regularly, Reimerink moved to Sportfreunde Lotte on a free transfer, signing a two-year contract on 22 June 2018.After having played in Germany for some years, Reimerink returned to his first youth club Quick '20 from the 2020–21 season.	[ "FC Energie Cottbus", "Go Ahead Eagles", "VVV-Venlo", "Netherlands national under-21 football team", "FC Viktoria Köln", "FC Twente" ]
Which team did Jules Reimerink play for in 05/09/2008?	September 05, 2008	{ "text": [ "Netherlands national under-19 football team" ] }	L2_Q862998_P54_0	Jules Reimerink plays for VVV-Venlo from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014. Jules Reimerink plays for FC Energie Cottbus from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Jules Reimerink plays for Go Ahead Eagles from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Jules Reimerink plays for Netherlands national under-19 football team from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2009. Jules Reimerink plays for FC Viktoria Köln from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016. Jules Reimerink plays for Netherlands national under-21 football team from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2010. Jules Reimerink plays for FC Twente from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.	Jules ReimerinkJules Reimerink (born 30 September 1989) is a Dutch footballer who plays for Quick '20. He is a two-footed player and plays as a winger, but can also play as a striker.Born in Oldenzaal, Overijssel, Reimerink began his youth career at hometown team, the amateurs of Quick '20. Because of his great displays for the youth team, he was picked up by top-tier side FC Twente. Between 2001 and 2007, he played for the youth team, joining the reserves in summer 2007. He became top goalscorer of Twente's reserves and also won the cup with the second squad. He was rewarded with a new four-year contract, which he signed, keeping him in Enschede until 2011. It was also announced that he would join Go Ahead Eagles on loan for the next one-and-a-half season.On 18 January 2009, Reimerink made his Eerste Divisie debut for "the Eagles". He was positioned as right striker in the starting lineup. Go Ahead Eagles, however, were defeated 0–1 by Zwolle through a goal scored by Derk Boerrigter. After having played six matches – five matches in the starting lineup, one as a substitute – he suffered a fracture in his left ankle. This meant that Reimerink was ruled out for four to six weeks In the 2009–10 season, Reimerink stayed on loan at Go Ahead Eagles. This resulted in a strong season for Reimerink, scoring four goals and being chosen as one of the top talents of the Eerste Divisie.In 2010, he signed a four-year contract with German club FC Energie Cottbus. In his first year under head coach Claus-Dieter Wollitz, he performed well. After making less appearances in the 2011–12 season under Wollitz's successor Rudi Bommer, his contract, which was still running for two years, was terminated.On 12 July 2012, Reimerink signed a three-year deal with VVV-Venlo. On 19 June 2014, Reimerink signed a one-year deal with his former team Go Ahead Eagles, achieving promotion to the Dutch Eredivisie in his first season there.Although Reimerink had also received offers from more prominent clubs, he moved – also for private reasons – to the fourth-tier Regionalliga West club FC Viktoria Köln ahead of the 2015–16 season. After the season he left the club.Reimerink had expressed a wish to play in the 3. Liga, and in June 2016, VfL Osnabrück signed him. He received a two-year contract. After two seasons of playing regularly, Reimerink moved to Sportfreunde Lotte on a free transfer, signing a two-year contract on 22 June 2018.After having played in Germany for some years, Reimerink returned to his first youth club Quick '20 from the 2020–21 season.	[ "FC Energie Cottbus", "Go Ahead Eagles", "VVV-Venlo", "Netherlands national under-21 football team", "FC Viktoria Köln", "FC Twente" ]
Which team did Jules Reimerink play for in Sep 05, 2008?	September 05, 2008	{ "text": [ "Netherlands national under-19 football team" ] }	L2_Q862998_P54_0	Jules Reimerink plays for VVV-Venlo from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014. Jules Reimerink plays for FC Energie Cottbus from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Jules Reimerink plays for Go Ahead Eagles from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Jules Reimerink plays for Netherlands national under-19 football team from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2009. Jules Reimerink plays for FC Viktoria Köln from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016. Jules Reimerink plays for Netherlands national under-21 football team from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2010. Jules Reimerink plays for FC Twente from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.	Jules ReimerinkJules Reimerink (born 30 September 1989) is a Dutch footballer who plays for Quick '20. He is a two-footed player and plays as a winger, but can also play as a striker.Born in Oldenzaal, Overijssel, Reimerink began his youth career at hometown team, the amateurs of Quick '20. Because of his great displays for the youth team, he was picked up by top-tier side FC Twente. Between 2001 and 2007, he played for the youth team, joining the reserves in summer 2007. He became top goalscorer of Twente's reserves and also won the cup with the second squad. He was rewarded with a new four-year contract, which he signed, keeping him in Enschede until 2011. It was also announced that he would join Go Ahead Eagles on loan for the next one-and-a-half season.On 18 January 2009, Reimerink made his Eerste Divisie debut for "the Eagles". He was positioned as right striker in the starting lineup. Go Ahead Eagles, however, were defeated 0–1 by Zwolle through a goal scored by Derk Boerrigter. After having played six matches – five matches in the starting lineup, one as a substitute – he suffered a fracture in his left ankle. This meant that Reimerink was ruled out for four to six weeks In the 2009–10 season, Reimerink stayed on loan at Go Ahead Eagles. This resulted in a strong season for Reimerink, scoring four goals and being chosen as one of the top talents of the Eerste Divisie.In 2010, he signed a four-year contract with German club FC Energie Cottbus. In his first year under head coach Claus-Dieter Wollitz, he performed well. After making less appearances in the 2011–12 season under Wollitz's successor Rudi Bommer, his contract, which was still running for two years, was terminated.On 12 July 2012, Reimerink signed a three-year deal with VVV-Venlo. On 19 June 2014, Reimerink signed a one-year deal with his former team Go Ahead Eagles, achieving promotion to the Dutch Eredivisie in his first season there.Although Reimerink had also received offers from more prominent clubs, he moved – also for private reasons – to the fourth-tier Regionalliga West club FC Viktoria Köln ahead of the 2015–16 season. After the season he left the club.Reimerink had expressed a wish to play in the 3. Liga, and in June 2016, VfL Osnabrück signed him. He received a two-year contract. After two seasons of playing regularly, Reimerink moved to Sportfreunde Lotte on a free transfer, signing a two-year contract on 22 June 2018.After having played in Germany for some years, Reimerink returned to his first youth club Quick '20 from the 2020–21 season.	[ "FC Energie Cottbus", "Go Ahead Eagles", "VVV-Venlo", "Netherlands national under-21 football team", "FC Viktoria Köln", "FC Twente" ]
Which team did Jules Reimerink play for in 09/05/2008?	September 05, 2008	{ "text": [ "Netherlands national under-19 football team" ] }	L2_Q862998_P54_0	Jules Reimerink plays for VVV-Venlo from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014. Jules Reimerink plays for FC Energie Cottbus from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Jules Reimerink plays for Go Ahead Eagles from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Jules Reimerink plays for Netherlands national under-19 football team from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2009. Jules Reimerink plays for FC Viktoria Köln from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016. Jules Reimerink plays for Netherlands national under-21 football team from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2010. Jules Reimerink plays for FC Twente from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.	Jules ReimerinkJules Reimerink (born 30 September 1989) is a Dutch footballer who plays for Quick '20. He is a two-footed player and plays as a winger, but can also play as a striker.Born in Oldenzaal, Overijssel, Reimerink began his youth career at hometown team, the amateurs of Quick '20. Because of his great displays for the youth team, he was picked up by top-tier side FC Twente. Between 2001 and 2007, he played for the youth team, joining the reserves in summer 2007. He became top goalscorer of Twente's reserves and also won the cup with the second squad. He was rewarded with a new four-year contract, which he signed, keeping him in Enschede until 2011. It was also announced that he would join Go Ahead Eagles on loan for the next one-and-a-half season.On 18 January 2009, Reimerink made his Eerste Divisie debut for "the Eagles". He was positioned as right striker in the starting lineup. Go Ahead Eagles, however, were defeated 0–1 by Zwolle through a goal scored by Derk Boerrigter. After having played six matches – five matches in the starting lineup, one as a substitute – he suffered a fracture in his left ankle. This meant that Reimerink was ruled out for four to six weeks In the 2009–10 season, Reimerink stayed on loan at Go Ahead Eagles. This resulted in a strong season for Reimerink, scoring four goals and being chosen as one of the top talents of the Eerste Divisie.In 2010, he signed a four-year contract with German club FC Energie Cottbus. In his first year under head coach Claus-Dieter Wollitz, he performed well. After making less appearances in the 2011–12 season under Wollitz's successor Rudi Bommer, his contract, which was still running for two years, was terminated.On 12 July 2012, Reimerink signed a three-year deal with VVV-Venlo. On 19 June 2014, Reimerink signed a one-year deal with his former team Go Ahead Eagles, achieving promotion to the Dutch Eredivisie in his first season there.Although Reimerink had also received offers from more prominent clubs, he moved – also for private reasons – to the fourth-tier Regionalliga West club FC Viktoria Köln ahead of the 2015–16 season. After the season he left the club.Reimerink had expressed a wish to play in the 3. Liga, and in June 2016, VfL Osnabrück signed him. He received a two-year contract. After two seasons of playing regularly, Reimerink moved to Sportfreunde Lotte on a free transfer, signing a two-year contract on 22 June 2018.After having played in Germany for some years, Reimerink returned to his first youth club Quick '20 from the 2020–21 season.	[ "FC Energie Cottbus", "Go Ahead Eagles", "VVV-Venlo", "Netherlands national under-21 football team", "FC Viktoria Köln", "FC Twente" ]
Which team did Jules Reimerink play for in 05-Sep-200805-September-2008?	September 05, 2008	{ "text": [ "Netherlands national under-19 football team" ] }	L2_Q862998_P54_0	Jules Reimerink plays for VVV-Venlo from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014. Jules Reimerink plays for FC Energie Cottbus from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Jules Reimerink plays for Go Ahead Eagles from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Jules Reimerink plays for Netherlands national under-19 football team from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2009. Jules Reimerink plays for FC Viktoria Köln from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016. Jules Reimerink plays for Netherlands national under-21 football team from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2010. Jules Reimerink plays for FC Twente from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.	Jules ReimerinkJules Reimerink (born 30 September 1989) is a Dutch footballer who plays for Quick '20. He is a two-footed player and plays as a winger, but can also play as a striker.Born in Oldenzaal, Overijssel, Reimerink began his youth career at hometown team, the amateurs of Quick '20. Because of his great displays for the youth team, he was picked up by top-tier side FC Twente. Between 2001 and 2007, he played for the youth team, joining the reserves in summer 2007. He became top goalscorer of Twente's reserves and also won the cup with the second squad. He was rewarded with a new four-year contract, which he signed, keeping him in Enschede until 2011. It was also announced that he would join Go Ahead Eagles on loan for the next one-and-a-half season.On 18 January 2009, Reimerink made his Eerste Divisie debut for "the Eagles". He was positioned as right striker in the starting lineup. Go Ahead Eagles, however, were defeated 0–1 by Zwolle through a goal scored by Derk Boerrigter. After having played six matches – five matches in the starting lineup, one as a substitute – he suffered a fracture in his left ankle. This meant that Reimerink was ruled out for four to six weeks In the 2009–10 season, Reimerink stayed on loan at Go Ahead Eagles. This resulted in a strong season for Reimerink, scoring four goals and being chosen as one of the top talents of the Eerste Divisie.In 2010, he signed a four-year contract with German club FC Energie Cottbus. In his first year under head coach Claus-Dieter Wollitz, he performed well. After making less appearances in the 2011–12 season under Wollitz's successor Rudi Bommer, his contract, which was still running for two years, was terminated.On 12 July 2012, Reimerink signed a three-year deal with VVV-Venlo. On 19 June 2014, Reimerink signed a one-year deal with his former team Go Ahead Eagles, achieving promotion to the Dutch Eredivisie in his first season there.Although Reimerink had also received offers from more prominent clubs, he moved – also for private reasons – to the fourth-tier Regionalliga West club FC Viktoria Köln ahead of the 2015–16 season. After the season he left the club.Reimerink had expressed a wish to play in the 3. Liga, and in June 2016, VfL Osnabrück signed him. He received a two-year contract. After two seasons of playing regularly, Reimerink moved to Sportfreunde Lotte on a free transfer, signing a two-year contract on 22 June 2018.After having played in Germany for some years, Reimerink returned to his first youth club Quick '20 from the 2020–21 season.	[ "FC Energie Cottbus", "Go Ahead Eagles", "VVV-Venlo", "Netherlands national under-21 football team", "FC Viktoria Köln", "FC Twente" ]
Which employer did Niall Ferguson work for in Aug, 1998?	August 30, 1998	{ "text": [ "University of Oxford" ] }	L2_Q377638_P108_1	Niall Ferguson works for Hoover Institution from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022. Niall Ferguson works for University of Oxford from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2002. Niall Ferguson works for New York University from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2004. Niall Ferguson works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1992. Niall Ferguson works for Harvard University from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2016. Niall Ferguson works for London School of Economics and Political Science from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.	Niall FergusonNiall Campbell Ferguson (; born 18 April 1964) is a Scottish-American historian and the Milbank Family Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. Previously, he was a professor at Harvard University, the London School of Economics and New York University, visiting professor at New College of the Humanities and senior research fellow at Jesus College, Oxford.Ferguson writes and lectures on international history, economic and financial history and British and American imperialism. He is known for his positive views concerning the British Empire. He once ironically called himself "a fully paid-up member of the neo-imperialist gang" following the 2003 invasion of Iraq.Ferguson has been a contributing editor for Bloomberg Television and a columnist for "Newsweek". He began writing a twice-a-month column for "Bloomberg Opinion" in June 2020.Ferguson has written and presented numerous television documentary series, including "The Ascent of Money", which won an International Emmy award for Best Documentary in 2009. In 2004, he was named as one of "TIME" magazine's 100 most influential people in the world.Ferguson was born in Glasgow, Scotland, on 18 April 1964 to James Campbell Ferguson, a doctor, and Molly Archibald Hamilton, a physics teacher. Ferguson grew up in the Ibrox area Glasgow in a home close to the Ibrox Park football stadium. He attended The Glasgow Academy. He was brought up as, and remains, an atheist, though he has encouraged his children to study religion and attends church occasionally.Ferguson cites his father as instilling in him a strong sense of self-discipline and of the moral value of work, while his mother encouraged his creative side. His maternal grandfather, a journalist, encouraged him to write. He has described his parents as "both very much products of the Scottish Enlightenment." Ferguson ascribes his decision to read history at university instead of English literature to two main factors: Leo Tolstoy's reflections on history at the end of "War and Peace" (which he read at the age of fifteen), and his admiration of historian A. J. P. Taylor.Ferguson received a demyship (highest scholarship) from Magdalen College, Oxford. Whilst a student there, he wrote a 90-minute student film "The Labours of Hercules Sprote", played double bass in a jazz band "Night in Tunisia", edited the student magazine "Tributary", and befriended Andrew Sullivan, who shared his interest in right-wing politics and punk music. He had become a Thatcherite by 1982. He graduated with a first-class honours degree in history in 1985.Ferguson studied as a Hanseatic Scholar in Hamburg and Berlin in 1987 and 1988. He received his Doctor of Philosophy degree from the University of Oxford in 1989: his dissertation was titled "Business and Politics in the German Inflation: Hamburg 1914–1924".In 1989, Ferguson worked as a research fellow at Christ's College, Cambridge. From 1990 to 1992 he was an official fellow and lecturer at Peterhouse, Cambridge. He then became a fellow and tutor in modern history at Jesus College, Oxford, where in 2000 he was named a professor of political and financial history. In 2002 Ferguson became the John Herzog Professor in Financial History at New York University Stern School of Business, and in 2004 he became the Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History at Harvard University and William Ziegler Professor of Business Administration at Harvard Business School. From 2010 to 2011, Ferguson held the Philippe Roman Chair in history and international affairs at the London School of Economics. In 2016 Ferguson left Harvard to become a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, where he had been an adjunct fellow since 2005.Ferguson has received honorary degrees from the University of Buckingham, Macquarie University (Australia) and Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez (Chile). In May 2010, Michael Gove, education secretary, asked Ferguson to advise on the development of a new history syllabus, to be entitled "history as a connected narrative", for schools in England and Wales. In June 2011, he joined other academics to set up the New College of the Humanities, a private college in London.In 2018, Ferguson apologized after fellow historians criticized him for only inviting white men as speakers to a Stanford conference on applied history.Also in 2018, emails documenting Ferguson's attempts to discredit a progressive activist student at Stanford University who had been critical of Ferguson's choices of speakers invited to the Cardinal Conversations free speech initiative were released to the public and university administrators. He teamed with a Republican student group to find information that might discredit the student. Ferguson resigned from leadership of the program once university administrators became aware of his actions. Ferguson responded in his column saying, "Re-reading my emails now, I am struck by their juvenile, jocular tone. “A famous victory,” I wrote the morning after the Murray event. “Now we turn to the more subtle game of grinding them down on the committee. The price of liberty is eternal vigilance.” Then I added: “Some opposition research on Mr O might also be worthwhile”—a reference to the leader of the protests. None of this happened. The meetings of the student committee were repeatedly postponed. No one ever did any digging on “Mr O”. The spring vacation arrived. The only thing that came of the emails was that their circulation led to my stepping down."In 2000, Ferguson was a founding director of Boxmind, an Oxford-based educational technology company.In 2006, he set up Chimerica Media Ltd., a London based television production company.In 2007, Ferguson was appointed as an investment management consultant by GLG Partners, to advise on geopolitical risk as well as current structural issues in economic behaviour relating to investment decisions. GLG is a UK-based hedge fund management firm headed by Noam Gottesman. Ferguson was also an adviser to Morgan Stanley, the investment bank.In 2011, he set up Greenmantle LLC, an advisory business specializing in macroeconomics and geopolitics.He also serves as a non-executive director on the board of Affiliated Managers Group.Ferguson was an advisor to John McCain's U.S. presidential campaign in 2008, supported Mitt Romney in his 2012 campaign and was a vocal critic of Barack Obama.Ferguson is a trustee of the New York Historical Society and the London-based Centre for Policy Studies.Ferguson has written regularly for British newspapers and magazines since the mid 1980s. At that time, he was lead writer for "The Daily Telegraph," and a regular book reviewer for "The Daily Mail".In the summer on 1989, while travelling in Berlin, he wrote an article for a British newspaper with the provisional headline "The Berlin Wall is Crumbling", but it was not published.In the early 2000s he wrote a weekly column for "The Sunday Telegraph" and Los Angeles Times, leaving in 2007 to become a contributing editor to the "Financial Times". Between 2008 and 2012 he wrote regularly for "Newsweek". Since 2015 he has written a weekly column for The Sunday Times and The Boston Globe, which also appears in numerous papers around the world.Ferguson's television series The Ascent of Money won the 2009 International Emmy award for Best Documentary. In 2011 his film company Chimerica Media released its first feature-length documentary, "Kissinger", which won the New York Film Festival's prize for Best Documentary.In May 2012, the BBC announced Niall Ferguson was to present its annual Reith Lectures – a prestigious series of radio lectures which were first broadcast in 1948. These four lectures, titled "The Rule of Law and its Enemies", examine the role man-made institutions have played in the economic and political spheres.In the first lecture, held at the London School of Economics, titled "The Human Hive", Ferguson argues for greater openness from governments, saying they should publish accounts which clearly state all assets and liabilities. Governments, he said, should also follow the lead of business and adopt the Generally Accepted Accounting Principles and, above all, generational accounts should be prepared on a regular basis to make absolutely clear the inter-generational implications of current fiscal policy. In the lecture, Ferguson says young voters should be more supportive of government austerity measures if they do not wish to pay further down the line for the profligacy of the baby boomer generation.In the second lecture, "The Darwinian Economy", Ferguson reflects on the causes of the global financial crisis, and erroneous conclusions that many people have drawn from it about the role of regulation, and asks whether regulation is in fact "the disease of which it purports to be the cure"."The Landscape of Law" was the third lecture, delivered at Gresham College. It examines the rule of law in comparative terms, asking how far the common law's claims to superiority over other systems are credible, and whether we are living through a time of 'creeping legal degeneration' in the English-speaking world.The fourth and final lecture, "Civil and Uncivil Societies", focuses on institutions (outside the political, economic and legal realms) designed to preserve and transmit particular knowledge and values. Ferguson asks whether the modern state is quietly killing civil society in the Western world, and what non-Western societies can do to build a vibrant civil society.The first lecture was broadcast on BBC Radio 4 and the BBC World Service on Tuesday, 19 June 2012. The series is available as a BBC podcast.In his 2001 book, "The Cash Nexus", which he wrote following a year as Houblon-Norman Fellow at the Bank of England, Ferguson argues that the popular saying, "money makes the world go 'round", is wrong; instead he presented a case for human actions in history motivated by far more than just economic concerns.In his 2003 book, "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," Ferguson conducts a provocative reinterpretation of the British Empire, casting it as one of the world's great modernising forces. The Empire produced durable changes and globalisation with steampower, telegraphs, and engineers.Bernard Porter, famous for expressing his views during the Porter–MacKenzie debate on the British Empire, attacked "Empire" in "The London Review of Books" as a "panegyric to British colonialism". Ferguson, in response to this, drew Porter's attention to the conclusion of the book, where he writes: "No one would claim that the record of the British Empire was unblemished. On the contrary, I have tried to show how often it failed to live up to its own ideal of individual liberty, particularly in the early era of enslavement, transportation and the 'ethnic cleansing' of indigenous peoples." Ferguson argues however that the British Empire was preferable to the alternatives:The 19th-century empire undeniably pioneered free trade, free capital movements and, with the abolition of slavery, free labour. It invested immense sums in developing a global network of modern communications. It spread and enforced the rule of law over vast areas. Though it fought many small wars, the empire maintained a global peace unmatched before or since. In the 20th century too the empire more than justified its own existence. For the alternatives to British rule represented by the German and Japanese empires were clearly – and they admitted it themselves – far worse. And without its empire, it is inconceivable that Britain could have withstood them.In his 2005 book, "Colossus: The Rise and Fall of the American Empire," Ferguson proposes that the United States aspires to globalize free markets, the rule of law, and representative government, but shies away from the long-term commitments of manpower and money that are indispensable, in taking a more active role in resolving conflict arising from the failure of states. The U.S. is an empire in denial, not acknowledging the scale of global responsibilities. The American writer Michael Lind, responding to Ferguson's advocation of an enlarged American military through conscription, accused Ferguson of engaging in apocalyptic alarmism about the possibility of a world without the United States as the dominant power and of a casual disregard for the value of human life.In "War of the World", published in 2006, Ferguson argued that a combination of economic volatility, decaying empires, psychopathic dictators, racially/ethnically motivated and institutionalised violence resulted in the wars and genocides of what he calls "History's Age of Hatred". "The New York Times Book Review" named "War of the World" one of the 100 Notable Books of the Year in 2006, while the "International Herald Tribune" called it "one of the most intriguing attempts by an historian to explain man's inhumanity to man". Ferguson addresses the paradox that, though the 20th century was "so bloody", it was also "a time of unparalleled [economic] progress". As with his earlier work "Empire", "War of the World" was accompanied by a Channel 4 television series presented by Ferguson.Published in 2008, "The Ascent of Money" examines the history of money, credit, and banking. In it Ferguson predicts a financial crisis as a result of the world economy and in particular the United States using too much credit. He cites the China–United States dynamic which he refers to as Chimerica where an Asian "savings glut" helped create the subprime mortgage crisis with an influx of easy money. While researching this book, in early 2007, Ferguson attended a session at a conference in Las Vegas at which a hedge fund manager stated there would never be another recession. Ferguson challenged this, and later the two agreed on a $14,000, 7 to 1 bet, that there would be a recession within five years. Ferguson collected $98,000.Published in 2011, "Civilization: The West and the Rest" examines what Ferguson calls the most "interesting question" of our day: "Why, beginning around 1500, did a few small polities on the western end of the Eurasian landmass come to dominate the rest of the world?" The "Economist" in a review wrote: In 1500 Europe's future imperial powers controlled 10% of the world's territories and generated just over 40% of its wealth. By 1913, at the height of empire, the West controlled almost 60% of the territories, which together generated almost 80% of the wealth. This stunning fact is lost, he regrets, on a generation that has supplanted history's sweep with a feeble-minded relativism that holds "all civilisations as somehow equal".Ferguson attributes this divergence to the West's development of six "killer apps", which he finds were largely missing elsewhere in the world in 1500 – "competition, the scientific method, the rule of law, modern medicine, consumerism and the work ethic".Ferguson compared and contrasted how the West's "killer apps" allowed the West to triumph over "the Rest" citing examples. Ferguson argued the rowdy and savage competition between European merchants created far more wealth than did the static and ordered society of Qing China. Tolerance extended to thinkers like Sir Isaac Newton in Stuart England had no counterpart in the Ottoman Empire, where Takiyuddin's "blasphemous" observatory was demolished for contradicting the teachings of Islam. This ensured that Western civilization was capable of making scientific advances that Islamic civilization never could. Respect for private property was far stronger in British America than it ever was in Spanish America, which led to the United States and Canada becoming prosperous societies while Latin America was and remains mired in poverty.Ferguson also argued that the modern West had lost its edge and the future belongs to the nations of Asia, especially China, which has adopted the West's "killer apps". Ferguson argues that in the coming years we will see a steady decline of the West, while China and the rest of the Asian nations will be the rising powers.A related documentary "" was broadcast as a six-part series on Channel 4 in March and April 2011."Kissinger The Idealist", Volume I, published in September 2015, is the first part of a planned two-part biography of Henry Kissinger based on his private papers. The book starts with a quote from a letter which Kissinger wrote in 1972. The book examines Kissinger's life from being a refugee and fleeing Germany in 1938, to serving in the US army as a "free man" in World War II, to studying at Harvard. The book also explores the history of Kissinger joining the Kennedy administration and later becoming critical of its foreign policy, to supporting Nelson Rockefeller on three failed presidential bids, to finally joining the Nixon administration. The book also includes Kissinger's early evaluation of the Vietnam war and his efforts to negotiate with the North Vietnamese in Paris.Historians and political scientists gave the book mixed reviews. "The Economist" wrote in a review about "The Idealist": "Mr Ferguson, a British historian also at Harvard, has in the past sometimes produced work that is rushed and uneven. Not here. Like Mr Kissinger or loathe him, this is a work of engrossing scholarship." In a negative review of "The Idealist", the American journalist Michael O'Donnell questioned Ferguson's interpretation of Kissinger's actions leading up to Nixon's election as President. Andrew Roberts praised the book in The New York Times, concluding: "Niall Ferguson already has many important, scholarly and controversial books to his credit. But if the second volume of 'Kissinger' is anywhere near as comprehensive, well written and riveting as the first, this will be his masterpiece."Ferguson proposed a modified version of group selection that history can be explained by the evolution of human networks. He wrote, "Man, with his unrivaled neural network, was born "to" network." The title refers to a transition from hierarchical, "tower" networks to flatter, "square" network connections between individuals. John Gray in a review of the book was not convinced. He wrote, "He offers a mix of metaphor and what purports to be a new science." "Niall Ferguson has again written a brilliant book," wrote Deirdre McCloskey in The Wall Street Journal, "this time in defence of traditional top-down principles of governing the wild market and the wilder international order. "The Square and the Tower" raises the question of just how much the unruly world should be governedand by whom. Not everyone will agree, but everyone will be charmed and educated. … 'The Square and the Tower' is always readable, intelligent, original. You can swallow a chapter a night before sleep and your dreams will overflow with scenes of Stendhal's 'The Red and the Black,' Napoleon, Kissinger. In 400 pages you will have restocked your mind. Do it."In this book Ferguson offers a global history of disaster. Damon Linker of the "New York Times" argues that the book is "often insightful, productively provocative and downright brilliant" and suggests that Ferguson displays "an impressive command of the latest research in a large number of specialized fields, among them medical history, epidemiology, probability theory, cliodynamics and network theory". However Linker also criticises the book's "perplexing lacunae".In a review for "The Times", David Aaronovitch described Ferguson's theory as "nebulous".Ferguson has been referred to as a conservative historian by some commentators and fellow historians. Ferguson himself stated in a 2018 interview on the "Rubin Report" that his views align to classical liberalism and has referred to himself as a "classic Scottish enlightenment liberal" on other occasions. Some of his research and conclusions have resulted in controversy, particularly from people who hold left-wing politics.In 1998, Ferguson published "The Pity of War: Explaining World War One", which with the help of research assistants he was able to write in just five months. This is an analytic account of what Ferguson considered to be the ten great myths of the Great War. The book generated much controversy, particularly Ferguson's suggestion that it might have proved more beneficial for Europe if Britain had stayed out of the First World War in 1914, thereby allowing Germany to win. Ferguson has argued that the British decision to intervene was what stopped a German victory in 1914–15. Furthermore, Ferguson expressed disagreement with the "Sonderweg" interpretation of German history championed by some German historians such as Fritz Fischer, Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Hans Mommsen and Wolfgang Mommsen, who argued that the German Empire deliberately started an aggressive war in 1914. Likewise, Ferguson has often attacked the work of the German historian Michael Stürmer, who argued that it was Germany's geographical situation in Central Europe that determined the course of German history.On the contrary, Ferguson maintained that Germany waged a preventive war in 1914, a war largely forced on the Germans by reckless and irresponsible British diplomacy. In particular, Ferguson accused the British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey of maintaining an ambiguous attitude to the question of whether Britain would enter the war or not, and thus confusing Berlin over just what was the British attitude towards the question of intervention in the war. Ferguson accused London of unnecessarily allowing a regional war in Europe to escalate into a world war. Moreover, Ferguson denied that the origins of National Socialism could be traced back to Imperial Germany; instead Ferguson asserted the origins of Nazism could only be traced back to the First World War and its aftermath.Ferguson attacked a number of ideas that he called "myths" in the book. They are listed here (with his counter-arguments in parentheses):Another controversial aspect of "The Pity of War" is Ferguson's use of counterfactual history also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history. In the book, Ferguson presents a hypothetical version of Europe being, under Imperial German domination, a peaceful, prosperous, democratic continent, without ideologies like communism or Italian fascism. In Ferguson's view, had Germany won World War I, then the lives of millions would have been saved, something like the European Union would have been founded in 1914, and Britain would have remained an empire as well as the world's dominant financial power.The French historians Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau and Annette Becker were dubious about much of Ferguson's methodology and conclusions in "The Pity of War", but praised him for the chapter dealing with the executions of POWs, arguing that Ferguson had exposed a dark side of the war that until then had been ignored. The American writer Michael Lind wrote about "The Pity of War":Like the historian John Charmley, who expressed the same wish in the case of World War II, Ferguson belongs to the fringe element of British conservatism that regrets the absence of a German-British deal in the first half of the 20th century that would have marginalized the United States and might have allowed the British Empire to survive to this day. According to Ferguson, Britain should have stayed out of World War I and allowed Imperial Germany to smash France and Russia and create a continental empire from the Atlantic to the Middle East. The joke is on Ferguson's American conservative admirers, inasmuch as he laments the defeat of the Kaiser's Germany because it accelerated the replacement of the British Empire by the United States of America and the eclipse of the City of London by Wall Street. The German-born American historian Gerhard Weinberg in a review of "The Pity of War" strongly criticized Ferguson for advancing the thesis that it was idiotic for Britain to have fought a Germany that allegedly posed no danger. Weinberg accused Ferguson of completely ignoring the chief foreign policy aim of Wilhelm II from 1897 onwards, namely "Weltpolitik" ("World Politics") and argued it was absurd for Ferguson to claim that allowing Germany to defeat France and Russia would have posed no danger to Britain. Weinberg wrote that Ferguson was wrong to claim that Germany's interests were limited only to Europe, and maintained that if the "Reich" did defeat France in 1914, then Germany would have taken over the French colonies in Asia and Africa which would have definitely affected the balance of power all over the world, not just in Europe. Finally, Weinberg attacked Ferguson for claiming that the Tirpitz Plan was not a danger to Britain and that Britain had no reason to fear Germany's naval ambitions, sarcastically asking if that was really the case, then why did the British redeploy so much of their fleet from around the world to the North Sea and spend so much money building warships in the Anglo-German naval arms race? Weinberg accused Ferguson of distorting both German and British history and ignoring any evidence that did not fit with his thesis that Britain should never have fought Germany, stating that "The Pity of War" was interesting as a historical provocation, but was not persuasive as history.Ferguson wrote two volumes about the prominent Rothschild family: "The House of Rothschild: Volume 1: Money's Prophets: 1798–1848" and "The House of Rothschild: Volume 2: The World's Banker: 1849–1999". These books were the result of original archival research. The books won the Wadsworth Prize for Business History and were also short-listed for the Jewish Quarterly-Wingate Literary Award and the American National Jewish Book Award.The books were widely acclaimed by some historians, although they did receive some criticism. John Lewis Gaddis, a Cold War–era historian, praised Ferguson's "unrivaled range, productivity and visibility", while criticising the book as unpersuasive and containing contradictory claims. Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm had praised Ferguson as an excellent historian, but criticised him as a "nostalgist for empire". In a mixed review of a later book by Ferguson, "The War of the World: History's Age of Hatred", a reviewer for "The Economist" described how many regard Ferguson's two books on the Rothschilds "as one of the finest studies of its kind." Jeremy Wormell wrote that while "The World's Banker: A History of the House of Rothschild" had its virtues, it contained "many errors" which meant it was "unsafe to use it as a source for the debt markets."Writing in The New York Review of Books, Robert Skidelsky praised Ferguson: "Taken together, Ferguson's two volumes are a stupendous achievement, a triumph of historical research and imagination. No serious historian can write about the connection between the politics, diplomacy, and economics of the nineteenth century in the same way again. And, as any good work of history should do, it constantly prompts us to ask questions about our own age, when once again we have embarked on the grand experiment of a world economy without a world government."Ferguson sometimes champions counterfactual history, also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history, and edited a collection of essays, titled "Virtual History: Alternatives and Counterfactuals" (1997), exploring the subject. Ferguson likes to imagine alternative outcomes as a way of stressing the contingent aspects of history. For Ferguson, great forces don't make history; individuals do, and nothing is predetermined. Thus, for Ferguson, there are no paths in history that will determine how things will work out. The world is neither progressing nor regressing; only the actions of individuals determine whether we will live in a better or worse world. His championing of the method has been controversial within the field. In a 2011 review of Ferguson's book "Civilization: The West and the Rest", Noel Malcolm (Senior Research Fellow in History at All Souls College at Oxford University) stated that: "Students may find this an intriguing introduction to a wide range of human history; but they will get an odd idea of how historical argument is to be conducted, if they learn it from this book."In 2003, former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger provided Ferguson with access to his White House diaries, letters, and archives for what Ferguson calls a "warts-and-all biography" of Kissinger. In 2015, he published the first volume in a two-part biography titled "Kissinger: 1923–1968: The Idealist" from Penguin Press.The thesis of this first volume was that Kissinger was very much influenced in his academic and political development by the philosopher Immanuel Kant, and especially by an interpretation of Kant that he learned from a mentor at Harvard University, William Yandell Elliott.Ferguson has praised the British Empire, stating, "I think it's hard to make the case, which implicitly the left makes, that somehow the world would have been better off if the Europeans had stayed home." Ferguson is critical of what he calls the "self-flagellation" that he says characterises modern European thought.Historians and commentators have considered his views on this issue and expressed their critical evaluation in various terms, from "audacious" yet "wrong", "informative", "ambitious" and "troubling", to "false and dangerous" apologia. Richard Drayton, Rhodes Professor of Imperial History at King's College London, has stated that it was correct of Seumas Milne to associate "Ferguson with an attempt to "rehabilitate empire" in the service of contemporary great power interests". In November 2011 Pankaj Mishra reviewed "Civilisation: The West and the Rest" unfavourably in the "London Review of Books". Ferguson demanded an apology and threatened to sue Mishra on charges of libel due to allegations of racism.Jon Wilson, a professor of the Department of History at King’s College London, is the author of "India Conquered," a 2016 book intended to rebut Ferguson's arguments in "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," who catalogues the negative elements of the British Raj, and describes the "Empire" TV program (2003) as "false and dangerous" Wilson agrees with Ferguson's point that the British innovations brought to India, civil services, education, and railways, had beneficial side effects, but faults them for being done in a spirit of self-interest rather than altruism.About Ferguson's claim that Britain "made the modern world" by spreading democracy, free trade, capitalism, the rule of law, Protestantism and the English language, Wilson charged that Ferguson never explained precisely how this was done, arguing that the reason was the lack of interest in the history of the people ruled by the British on Ferguson's part, who therefore could not perceive that the interaction between the colonisers and the colonised in places like India, where the population embraced aspects of British culture and rule that were appealing to them while rejecting others that were unappealing. Wilson argues that this interaction between the rulers and the ruled is more complex, and contradicts Ferguson's one-sided picture of the British "transforming" India that portrays the British as active and the Indians as passive. Wilson charged that Ferguson failed to look at the empire via non-British eyes because to do so would be to challenge his claim that Britain "made the modern world" by imposing its values on "the Other", and that the history of the empire was far more complicated than the simplistic version that Ferguson is trying to present.Matthew Carr wrote in "Race & Class" that "Niall Ferguson, the conservative English [sic] historian and enthusiastic advocate of a new American empire, has also embraced the Eurabian idea in a widely reproduced article entitled 'Eurabia?', in which he laments the 'de-Christianization of Europe' and the secularism of the continent that leaves it 'weak in the face of fanaticism'." Carr adds that "Ferguson sees the recent establishment of a department of Islamic studies in his (Oxford college) as another symptom of 'the creeping Islamicization of a decadent Christendom'," and in a 2004 lecture at the American Enterprise Institute entitled 'The End of Europe?',Ferguson struck a similarly Spenglerian note, conjuring the term 'impire' to depict a process in which a 'political entity, instead of expanding outwards towards its periphery, exporting power, implodes—when the energies come from outside into that entity'. In Ferguson's opinion, this process was already under way in a decadent 'post-Christian' Europe that was drifting inexorably towards the dark denouement of a vanquished civilisation and the fatal embrace of Islam.In 2015, Ferguson deplored the Paris attacks committed by Islamic State terrorists, but stated he was not going to "stand" with the French as he argued that France was a lost cause, a declining state faced with an unstoppable Islamic wave that would sweep away everything that tried to oppose it. Ferguson compared the modern European Union to the Western Roman Empire, describing modern Europe as not that different from the world depicted by Edward Gibbon in his book "The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire". Ferguson wrote that:Uncannily similar processes are destroying the European Union today...Let us be clear about what is happening. Like the Roman Empire in the early fifth century, Europe has allowed its defenses to crumble. As its wealth has grown, so its military prowess has shrunk, along with its self-belief. It has grown decadent in its shopping malls and sports stadiums. At the same time, it has opened its gates to outsiders who have coveted its wealth without renouncing their ancestral faith. Ferguson wrote the mass influx of refugees into Europe from Syria was a modern version of the "Völkerwanderung" when the Huns burst out of Asia and invaded Europe, causing millions of the Germanic peoples to flee into the presumed safety of the Roman Empire, smashing their way in as the Romans attempted unsuccessfully to stop the Germans from entering the empire. Ferguson writes that Gibbon was wrong to claim the Roman Empire collapsed slowly and argues that the view among a growing number of modern scholars is that the collapse of the Roman empire was swift and violent; unforeseeable by Romans of the day, just as the collapse of modern European civilization would likewise be for modern Europeans.In 2017, Ferguson opined that the West had insufficiently heeded the rise of militant Islam and its global consequences in the same way it failed to predict that the rise of Lenin would lead to the further spread of communism and conflict around the world:Ask yourself how effectively we in the West have responded to the rise of militant Islam since the Iranian Revolution unleashed its Shi’ite variant and since 9/11 revealed the even more aggressive character of Sunni Islamism. I fear we have done no better than our grandfathers did.Foreign intervention—the millions of dollars that have found their way from the Gulf to radical mosques and Islamic centres in the West.Incompetent liberals—the proponents of multiculturalism who brand any opponent of jihad an “Islamophobe”. Clueless bankers—the sort who fall over themselves to offer “sharia-compliant” loans and bonds. Fellow travellers—the leftists who line up with the Muslim Brotherhood to castigate Israel at every opportunity. And the faint-hearted—those who were so quick to pull out of Iraq in 2009 that they allowed the rump of al-Qaeda to morph into Isis.A century ago it was the West’s great blunder to think it would not matter if Lenin and his confederates took over the Russian Empire, despite their stated intention to plot world revolution and overthrow both democracy and capitalism. Incredible as it may seem, I believe we are capable of repeating that catastrophic error. I fear that, one day, we shall wake with a start to discover that the Islamists have repeated the Bolshevik achievement, which was to acquire the resources and capability to threaten our existence.During a 2018 debate, Ferguson asserted that he is not anti-immigration or opposed to Muslims, but felt that sections of Europe's political and intellectual classes had failed to predict the cultural and political consequences of large scale immigration. He furthermore stated that Islam differs from Judaism and Christianity through being "designed differently" as a political ideology that does not recognize the separation of mosque with the secular and temporal, and that the Muslim world has mostly followed an opposite trend to Western society by becoming less secularized and more literal in interpreting holy scripture. He concluded that if Europe kept pursuing large scale migration from pious Muslim societies combined with poor structures of economic and cultural integration, especially in an era when existing migrant communities are either unassimilated or loosely integrated into the host society, it is "highly likely" that networks of fundamentalist "dawah" will grow in which Islamic extremists draw in the culturally and economically unassimilated Muslims of immigrant backgrounds. Ferguson has also pointed out that even when living in Western nations, both he and his wife Ayaan Hirsi Ali have to live with permanent security measures as a result of her public critiques of Islam and status as a former Muslim.Ferguson supported the 2003 Iraq War, and he is on record as being not necessarily opposed to future western incursions around the world. It's all very well for us to sit here in the West with our high incomes and cushy lives, and say it's immoral to violate the sovereignty of another state. But if the effect of that is to bring people in that country economic and political freedom, to raise their standard of living, to increase their life expectancy, then don't rule it out.On the rise of Republican Party presidential candidate Donald Trump, Ferguson was quoted in early 2016: "If you bother to read some of the serious analysis of Trump's support, you realize that it's a very fragile thing and highly unlikely to deliver what he needs in the crucial first phase of the primaries ... By the time we get to March–April, it's all over. I think there's going to be a wonderful catharsis, I'm really looking forward to it: Trump's humiliation. Bring it on." Trump eventually won the nomination.Three weeks before the 2016 United States presidential election, after the Access Hollywood tape scandal, Ferguson stated in an interview that it "was over for Donald Trump"; that "Trump had flamed out in all three Presidential debates"; that, "I don't think there can be any last minute surprise to rescue him [Trump]"; that there was no hope of Donald Trump winning Independent voters and that Trump was "gone as a candidate", adding that "it seems to me clear that she [Hillary Clinton] is going to be the first female President of the United States. The only question is how bad does his [Trump's] flaming out affect candidates for the Senate, candidates for the House, further down on the ballot." However after Brexit, Ferguson stated that Trump could win via the Electoral College if certain demographics turned out to vote in key swing states. Trump was elected president and the Republican Party retained control of both the Senate and House of Representatives.In an article from November 2016 in "The Boston Globe", Ferguson advised that Trump should support the efforts of Prime Minister Theresa May to have Britain leave the European Union as the best way of breaking up the EU, and sign a free trade agreement with the United Kingdom once Brexit is complete. Ferguson advised that Trump should give recognition to Russia as a Great Power, and work with President Vladimir Putin by giving Russia a sphere of influence in Eurasia. In the same column, Ferguson advised Trump not to engage in a trade war with China, and work with President Xi Jinping to create a US-Chinese partnership. Ferguson argued that Trump and Putin should work for the victory of Marine Le Pen (who wants France to leave the EU) and the "Front national" in the 2017 French elections, arguing that Le Pen was the French politician most congenial to the Trump administration. Ferguson argued that a quintumvirate of Trump, Putin, Xi, May and Le Pen was the world's best hope for peace and prosperity.In its edition of 15 August 2005, "The New Republic" published "The New New Deal", an essay by Ferguson and Laurence J. Kotlikoff, a professor of economics at Boston University. The two scholars called for the following changes to the American government's fiscal and income security policies:In November 2012, Ferguson stated in a video with CNN that the U.S. has enough energy resources to move towards energy independence and could possibly enter a new economic golden age due to the related socio-economic growth—coming out of the post-world economic recession doldrums.Ferguson was an attendee of the 2012 Bilderberg Group meeting, where he was a speaker on economic policy.Ferguson was highly critical of Britain's vote to leave the European Union, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire". Later, after backing the Remain campaign during the referendum, Ferguson changed his mind and came out in support of Britain's exit from the EU.In May 2009, Ferguson became involved in a high-profile exchange of views with economist Paul Krugman arising out of a panel discussion hosted by PEN/"New York Review" on 30 April 2009, regarding the U.S. economy. Ferguson contended that the Obama administration's policies are simultaneously Keynesian and monetarist, in an "incoherent" mix, and specifically claimed that the government's issuance of a multitude of new bonds would cause an increase in interest rates.Krugman argued that Ferguson's view is "resurrecting 75-year old fallacies" and full of "basic errors". He also stated that Ferguson is a "poseur" who "hasn't bothered to understand the basics, relying on snide comments and surface cleverness to convey the impression of wisdom. It's all style, no comprehension of substance."In 2012, Jonathan Portes, the director of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research, said that subsequent events had shown Ferguson to be wrong: "As we all know, since then both the US and UK have had deficits running at historically extremely high levels, and long-term interest rates at historic lows: as Krugman has repeatedly pointed out, the (IS-LM) textbook has been spot on."Later in 2012, after Ferguson wrote a cover story for "Newsweek" arguing that Mitt Romney should be elected in the upcoming US presidential election, Krugman wrote that there were multiple errors and misrepresentations in the story, concluding "We're not talking about ideology or even economic analysis here—just a plain misrepresentation of the facts, with an august publication letting itself be used to misinform readers. The "Times" would require an abject correction if something like that slipped through. Will "Newsweek"?" Ferguson denied that he had misrepresented the facts in an online rebuttal. Matthew O'Brien countered that Ferguson was still distorting the meaning of the Congressional Budget Office report being discussed, and that the entire piece could be read as an effort to deceive.In 2013, Ferguson, naming Dean Baker, Josh Barro, Brad DeLong, Matthew O'Brien, Noah Smith, Matthew Yglesias and Justin Wolfers, attacked "Krugman and his acolytes," in his three-part essay on why he dislikes Paul Krugman. The essay title ('Krugtron the Invincible') originally comes from a post by Noah Smith.At a May 2013 investment conference in Carlsbad, California, Ferguson was asked about his views on economist John Maynard Keynes' quotation that "in the long run we are all dead." Ferguson stated that Keynes was indifferent to the future because he was gay and did not have children. The remarks were widely criticised for being offensive, factually inaccurate, and a distortion of Keynes' ideas.Ferguson posted an apology for these statements shortly after reports of his words were widely disseminated, saying his comments were "as stupid as they were insensitive". In the apology, Ferguson stated: "My disagreements with Keynes's economic philosophy have never had anything to do with his sexual orientation. It is simply false to suggest, as I did, that his approach to economic policy was inspired by any aspect of his personal life."In spring 2018, Professor Ferguson was involved with college Republican leaders at Stanford to oppose a left-leaning student take over of the Cardinal Conversations initiative. In leaked emails, he was quoted as asking for opposition research on the student involved. He later apologized and resigned from the said initiative when emails were leaked revealing his involvement in the events. "I very much regret the publication of these emails. I also regret having written them," Ferguson wrote in a statement to "The Daily".Ferguson was an early skeptic of cryptocurrencies, famously dismissing his teenage son's recommendation to buy Bitcoin in 2014. By 2017, he had changed his mind on Bitcoin's utility, saying it had established itself as a form of "digital gold: a store of value for wealthy investors, especially those located in countries with weak rule of law and high political risk." In February 2019, Ferguson became an advisor for digital asset protocol firm Ampleforth Protocol, saying he was attracted by the firm's plan to "reinvent money in a way that protects individual freedom and to create a payments system that treats everyone equally." In March 2019, Ferguson spoke at an Australian Financial Review Business Summit, where he admitted to being "wrong to think there was no … use for a form of currency based on blockchain technology… I don't think this will turn out to be a complete delusion."Ferguson has stated that he identified as a Scottish nationalist as a teenager, but moderated his views after moving to England to study history. He has argued that Scottish nationalism is sometimes fueled by a distorted view that Scots have always been oppressed by the English and is misconceived by people from outside of the United Kingdom as choice between being Scottish or English. Ferguson states that in contrast to the subjugations of Wales and Ireland, Scotland was united as an "equal" country to England during the Act of Union, and cites events such as King James VI of Scotland inheriting the English crown, the failed Darien scheme to colonize Panama which prompted Scottish political elites to support the Union and that Scots were an integral part of the East India Company to question the narrative that Scotland was oppressed. Ferguson has also argued (citing Walter Scott's "Waverley") that Scotland after the Jacobite rebellion remained a land divided by warring clans and religious factions, and that the Union helped to quell some of the conflicts.During the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, Ferguson supported Scotland remaining within the United Kingdom, citing potential economic consequences of Scottish independence, but argued that the "No" campaign needed to focus on Scotland's history of cosmopolitanism as well as economic points to save the Union. In 2021, ahead of the 2021 Scottish Parliament election, Ferguson argued that the Labour administration under Tony Blair had made a mistake in believing devolution would stem Scottish nationalism, but instead it enabled the Scottish National Party to assume regional power and criticised the SNP government of Nicola Sturgeon for its management of the Scottish economy, education and freedom of speech. Ferguson furthermore claimed that the best way for the British government to thwart independence and the SNP's separationist demands was not by "unthinkingly accepting the SNP’s argument that it has a moral right to a referendum on secession every time it wins a parliamentary election" and allowing a slim "Yes" vote to decide the outcome, but instead by following the example of Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien and minister Stephane Dion's who handled the Parti Quebecois's calls for Quebec secessionism by taking the matter to the Canadian Supreme Court and introducing the Clarity Act rather than letting it solely be up to "a slim majority of the voters of Quebec if Canada broke up."In 2011, Ferguson predicted that "Grexit" (the notion of Greece leaving the Euro currency) was unlikely to happen, but that Britain would leave the European Union in the near future as it would be easier for Britain to leave the EU owing to the fact it was not part of the Eurozone and that returning to a national currency would be harder for countries who had signed up to a single currency. In 2012, he described the Eurozone as a "disaster waiting to happen."During the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum, Ferguson was initially critical of the idea of Britain leaving the EU despite his criticisms of the latter, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire" and endorsed a Remain vote. However, after backing the Remain campaign, Ferguson changed his stance and came out in support of Brexit, admitting that his support to stay in had been motivated in part on a personal level by not wanting the government of David Cameron (with whom he had a friendship) to collapse and in turn risk Jeremy Corbyn becoming Prime Minister. Ferguson elaborated that while Brexit would still have some economic consequences, the EU had been a "disaster" on its monetary, immigration, national security and radical Islam policies. He also added that the "I think one has to recognise that the European elite's performances over the last decade entirely justified the revolt of provincial England."In 2020, Ferguson predicted that the EU is destined to become "moribund" and was at risk of collapse in the near future and that the single currency had only benefited Northern Europe and Germany in particular while causing economic havoc in Southern Europe. However, he also argued the "real disintegration of Europe" will happen over the EU's migration policies that have both exacerbated and failed to provide solutions to illegal immigration to the European continent from North Africa and the Middle East. Ferguson stated that high levels of illegal immigration from majority Muslim nations would in turn further the rise of populist and eurosceptic movements committed to rolling back or leaving the European Union. Ferguson also predicted that in a decade's time, Britain would question why there had been fuss, outcry or debates over the manner of how to leave the EU over Brexit because "we'll have left something that was essentially disintegrating" and that "it would be a little bit like getting a divorce and then your ex drops dead, and you spent all that money on the divorce courts, if only you'd known how sick the ex was. The European Union is sick, and people don't really want to admit that, least of all in Brussels."Ferguson married journalist Sue Douglas in 1994 after meeting in 1987 when she was his editor at "The Sunday Times". They have three children: Felix, Freya, and Lachlan.In February 2010, Ferguson separated from Douglas and started dating former Dutch MP Ayaan Hirsi Ali. Ferguson and Douglas divorced in 2011. Ferguson married Hirsi Ali on 10 September 2011 and Hirsi Ali gave birth to their son Thomas in December 2011. In an interview in April 2011, Ferguson complained about the media coverage of his relationship with Ali, stating: "No, I never read their shitty coverage of people's private lives. I don't care about the sex lives of celebrities, so I was a little unprepared for having my private life all over the country. So yeah, I was naive, yeah. Because you have to stoop to conquer," – but will never write for "The Daily Mail" again. "That's because I'm a vendetta person. Yes, absolutely. Implacable."Ferguson dedicated his book "Civilization" to "Ayaan". In an interview with "The Guardian", Ferguson spoke about his love for Ali, whom, he writes in the preface, "understands better than anyone I know what Western civilisation really means – and what it still has to offer the world".Ferguson's self-confessed workaholism has placed strains on his personal relations in the past. Ferguson has commented that:...from 2002, the combination of making TV programmes and teaching at Harvard took me away from my children too much. You don't get those years back. You have to ask yourself: "Was it a smart decision to do those things?" I think the success I have enjoyed since then has been bought at a significant price. In hindsight, there would have been a bunch of things that I would have said no to. In an interview, Ferguson described his relationship with the left: "No, they love being provoked by me! Honestly, it makes them feel so much better about their lives to think that I'm a reactionary; it's a substitute for thought. 'Imperialist scumbag' and all that. Oh dear, we're back in a 1980s student union debate."Ferguson was the inspiration for Alan Bennett's play "The History Boys" (2004), particularly the character of Irwin, a history teacher who urges his pupils to find a counterintuitive angle, and goes on to become a television historian. Bennett's character "Irwin", writes David Smith of "The Observer", gives the impression that "an entire career can be built on the trick of contrariness."In 2018, Ferguson became naturalised as a US citizen.	[ "London School of Economics and Political Science", "University of Cambridge", "Hoover Institution", "Harvard University", "New York University" ]
Which employer did Niall Ferguson work for in 1998-08-30?	August 30, 1998	{ "text": [ "University of Oxford" ] }	L2_Q377638_P108_1	Niall Ferguson works for Hoover Institution from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022. Niall Ferguson works for University of Oxford from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2002. Niall Ferguson works for New York University from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2004. Niall Ferguson works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1992. Niall Ferguson works for Harvard University from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2016. Niall Ferguson works for London School of Economics and Political Science from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.	Niall FergusonNiall Campbell Ferguson (; born 18 April 1964) is a Scottish-American historian and the Milbank Family Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. Previously, he was a professor at Harvard University, the London School of Economics and New York University, visiting professor at New College of the Humanities and senior research fellow at Jesus College, Oxford.Ferguson writes and lectures on international history, economic and financial history and British and American imperialism. He is known for his positive views concerning the British Empire. He once ironically called himself "a fully paid-up member of the neo-imperialist gang" following the 2003 invasion of Iraq.Ferguson has been a contributing editor for Bloomberg Television and a columnist for "Newsweek". He began writing a twice-a-month column for "Bloomberg Opinion" in June 2020.Ferguson has written and presented numerous television documentary series, including "The Ascent of Money", which won an International Emmy award for Best Documentary in 2009. In 2004, he was named as one of "TIME" magazine's 100 most influential people in the world.Ferguson was born in Glasgow, Scotland, on 18 April 1964 to James Campbell Ferguson, a doctor, and Molly Archibald Hamilton, a physics teacher. Ferguson grew up in the Ibrox area Glasgow in a home close to the Ibrox Park football stadium. He attended The Glasgow Academy. He was brought up as, and remains, an atheist, though he has encouraged his children to study religion and attends church occasionally.Ferguson cites his father as instilling in him a strong sense of self-discipline and of the moral value of work, while his mother encouraged his creative side. His maternal grandfather, a journalist, encouraged him to write. He has described his parents as "both very much products of the Scottish Enlightenment." Ferguson ascribes his decision to read history at university instead of English literature to two main factors: Leo Tolstoy's reflections on history at the end of "War and Peace" (which he read at the age of fifteen), and his admiration of historian A. J. P. Taylor.Ferguson received a demyship (highest scholarship) from Magdalen College, Oxford. Whilst a student there, he wrote a 90-minute student film "The Labours of Hercules Sprote", played double bass in a jazz band "Night in Tunisia", edited the student magazine "Tributary", and befriended Andrew Sullivan, who shared his interest in right-wing politics and punk music. He had become a Thatcherite by 1982. He graduated with a first-class honours degree in history in 1985.Ferguson studied as a Hanseatic Scholar in Hamburg and Berlin in 1987 and 1988. He received his Doctor of Philosophy degree from the University of Oxford in 1989: his dissertation was titled "Business and Politics in the German Inflation: Hamburg 1914–1924".In 1989, Ferguson worked as a research fellow at Christ's College, Cambridge. From 1990 to 1992 he was an official fellow and lecturer at Peterhouse, Cambridge. He then became a fellow and tutor in modern history at Jesus College, Oxford, where in 2000 he was named a professor of political and financial history. In 2002 Ferguson became the John Herzog Professor in Financial History at New York University Stern School of Business, and in 2004 he became the Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History at Harvard University and William Ziegler Professor of Business Administration at Harvard Business School. From 2010 to 2011, Ferguson held the Philippe Roman Chair in history and international affairs at the London School of Economics. In 2016 Ferguson left Harvard to become a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, where he had been an adjunct fellow since 2005.Ferguson has received honorary degrees from the University of Buckingham, Macquarie University (Australia) and Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez (Chile). In May 2010, Michael Gove, education secretary, asked Ferguson to advise on the development of a new history syllabus, to be entitled "history as a connected narrative", for schools in England and Wales. In June 2011, he joined other academics to set up the New College of the Humanities, a private college in London.In 2018, Ferguson apologized after fellow historians criticized him for only inviting white men as speakers to a Stanford conference on applied history.Also in 2018, emails documenting Ferguson's attempts to discredit a progressive activist student at Stanford University who had been critical of Ferguson's choices of speakers invited to the Cardinal Conversations free speech initiative were released to the public and university administrators. He teamed with a Republican student group to find information that might discredit the student. Ferguson resigned from leadership of the program once university administrators became aware of his actions. Ferguson responded in his column saying, "Re-reading my emails now, I am struck by their juvenile, jocular tone. “A famous victory,” I wrote the morning after the Murray event. “Now we turn to the more subtle game of grinding them down on the committee. The price of liberty is eternal vigilance.” Then I added: “Some opposition research on Mr O might also be worthwhile”—a reference to the leader of the protests. None of this happened. The meetings of the student committee were repeatedly postponed. No one ever did any digging on “Mr O”. The spring vacation arrived. The only thing that came of the emails was that their circulation led to my stepping down."In 2000, Ferguson was a founding director of Boxmind, an Oxford-based educational technology company.In 2006, he set up Chimerica Media Ltd., a London based television production company.In 2007, Ferguson was appointed as an investment management consultant by GLG Partners, to advise on geopolitical risk as well as current structural issues in economic behaviour relating to investment decisions. GLG is a UK-based hedge fund management firm headed by Noam Gottesman. Ferguson was also an adviser to Morgan Stanley, the investment bank.In 2011, he set up Greenmantle LLC, an advisory business specializing in macroeconomics and geopolitics.He also serves as a non-executive director on the board of Affiliated Managers Group.Ferguson was an advisor to John McCain's U.S. presidential campaign in 2008, supported Mitt Romney in his 2012 campaign and was a vocal critic of Barack Obama.Ferguson is a trustee of the New York Historical Society and the London-based Centre for Policy Studies.Ferguson has written regularly for British newspapers and magazines since the mid 1980s. At that time, he was lead writer for "The Daily Telegraph," and a regular book reviewer for "The Daily Mail".In the summer on 1989, while travelling in Berlin, he wrote an article for a British newspaper with the provisional headline "The Berlin Wall is Crumbling", but it was not published.In the early 2000s he wrote a weekly column for "The Sunday Telegraph" and Los Angeles Times, leaving in 2007 to become a contributing editor to the "Financial Times". Between 2008 and 2012 he wrote regularly for "Newsweek". Since 2015 he has written a weekly column for The Sunday Times and The Boston Globe, which also appears in numerous papers around the world.Ferguson's television series The Ascent of Money won the 2009 International Emmy award for Best Documentary. In 2011 his film company Chimerica Media released its first feature-length documentary, "Kissinger", which won the New York Film Festival's prize for Best Documentary.In May 2012, the BBC announced Niall Ferguson was to present its annual Reith Lectures – a prestigious series of radio lectures which were first broadcast in 1948. These four lectures, titled "The Rule of Law and its Enemies", examine the role man-made institutions have played in the economic and political spheres.In the first lecture, held at the London School of Economics, titled "The Human Hive", Ferguson argues for greater openness from governments, saying they should publish accounts which clearly state all assets and liabilities. Governments, he said, should also follow the lead of business and adopt the Generally Accepted Accounting Principles and, above all, generational accounts should be prepared on a regular basis to make absolutely clear the inter-generational implications of current fiscal policy. In the lecture, Ferguson says young voters should be more supportive of government austerity measures if they do not wish to pay further down the line for the profligacy of the baby boomer generation.In the second lecture, "The Darwinian Economy", Ferguson reflects on the causes of the global financial crisis, and erroneous conclusions that many people have drawn from it about the role of regulation, and asks whether regulation is in fact "the disease of which it purports to be the cure"."The Landscape of Law" was the third lecture, delivered at Gresham College. It examines the rule of law in comparative terms, asking how far the common law's claims to superiority over other systems are credible, and whether we are living through a time of 'creeping legal degeneration' in the English-speaking world.The fourth and final lecture, "Civil and Uncivil Societies", focuses on institutions (outside the political, economic and legal realms) designed to preserve and transmit particular knowledge and values. Ferguson asks whether the modern state is quietly killing civil society in the Western world, and what non-Western societies can do to build a vibrant civil society.The first lecture was broadcast on BBC Radio 4 and the BBC World Service on Tuesday, 19 June 2012. The series is available as a BBC podcast.In his 2001 book, "The Cash Nexus", which he wrote following a year as Houblon-Norman Fellow at the Bank of England, Ferguson argues that the popular saying, "money makes the world go 'round", is wrong; instead he presented a case for human actions in history motivated by far more than just economic concerns.In his 2003 book, "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," Ferguson conducts a provocative reinterpretation of the British Empire, casting it as one of the world's great modernising forces. The Empire produced durable changes and globalisation with steampower, telegraphs, and engineers.Bernard Porter, famous for expressing his views during the Porter–MacKenzie debate on the British Empire, attacked "Empire" in "The London Review of Books" as a "panegyric to British colonialism". Ferguson, in response to this, drew Porter's attention to the conclusion of the book, where he writes: "No one would claim that the record of the British Empire was unblemished. On the contrary, I have tried to show how often it failed to live up to its own ideal of individual liberty, particularly in the early era of enslavement, transportation and the 'ethnic cleansing' of indigenous peoples." Ferguson argues however that the British Empire was preferable to the alternatives:The 19th-century empire undeniably pioneered free trade, free capital movements and, with the abolition of slavery, free labour. It invested immense sums in developing a global network of modern communications. It spread and enforced the rule of law over vast areas. Though it fought many small wars, the empire maintained a global peace unmatched before or since. In the 20th century too the empire more than justified its own existence. For the alternatives to British rule represented by the German and Japanese empires were clearly – and they admitted it themselves – far worse. And without its empire, it is inconceivable that Britain could have withstood them.In his 2005 book, "Colossus: The Rise and Fall of the American Empire," Ferguson proposes that the United States aspires to globalize free markets, the rule of law, and representative government, but shies away from the long-term commitments of manpower and money that are indispensable, in taking a more active role in resolving conflict arising from the failure of states. The U.S. is an empire in denial, not acknowledging the scale of global responsibilities. The American writer Michael Lind, responding to Ferguson's advocation of an enlarged American military through conscription, accused Ferguson of engaging in apocalyptic alarmism about the possibility of a world without the United States as the dominant power and of a casual disregard for the value of human life.In "War of the World", published in 2006, Ferguson argued that a combination of economic volatility, decaying empires, psychopathic dictators, racially/ethnically motivated and institutionalised violence resulted in the wars and genocides of what he calls "History's Age of Hatred". "The New York Times Book Review" named "War of the World" one of the 100 Notable Books of the Year in 2006, while the "International Herald Tribune" called it "one of the most intriguing attempts by an historian to explain man's inhumanity to man". Ferguson addresses the paradox that, though the 20th century was "so bloody", it was also "a time of unparalleled [economic] progress". As with his earlier work "Empire", "War of the World" was accompanied by a Channel 4 television series presented by Ferguson.Published in 2008, "The Ascent of Money" examines the history of money, credit, and banking. In it Ferguson predicts a financial crisis as a result of the world economy and in particular the United States using too much credit. He cites the China–United States dynamic which he refers to as Chimerica where an Asian "savings glut" helped create the subprime mortgage crisis with an influx of easy money. While researching this book, in early 2007, Ferguson attended a session at a conference in Las Vegas at which a hedge fund manager stated there would never be another recession. Ferguson challenged this, and later the two agreed on a $14,000, 7 to 1 bet, that there would be a recession within five years. Ferguson collected $98,000.Published in 2011, "Civilization: The West and the Rest" examines what Ferguson calls the most "interesting question" of our day: "Why, beginning around 1500, did a few small polities on the western end of the Eurasian landmass come to dominate the rest of the world?" The "Economist" in a review wrote: In 1500 Europe's future imperial powers controlled 10% of the world's territories and generated just over 40% of its wealth. By 1913, at the height of empire, the West controlled almost 60% of the territories, which together generated almost 80% of the wealth. This stunning fact is lost, he regrets, on a generation that has supplanted history's sweep with a feeble-minded relativism that holds "all civilisations as somehow equal".Ferguson attributes this divergence to the West's development of six "killer apps", which he finds were largely missing elsewhere in the world in 1500 – "competition, the scientific method, the rule of law, modern medicine, consumerism and the work ethic".Ferguson compared and contrasted how the West's "killer apps" allowed the West to triumph over "the Rest" citing examples. Ferguson argued the rowdy and savage competition between European merchants created far more wealth than did the static and ordered society of Qing China. Tolerance extended to thinkers like Sir Isaac Newton in Stuart England had no counterpart in the Ottoman Empire, where Takiyuddin's "blasphemous" observatory was demolished for contradicting the teachings of Islam. This ensured that Western civilization was capable of making scientific advances that Islamic civilization never could. Respect for private property was far stronger in British America than it ever was in Spanish America, which led to the United States and Canada becoming prosperous societies while Latin America was and remains mired in poverty.Ferguson also argued that the modern West had lost its edge and the future belongs to the nations of Asia, especially China, which has adopted the West's "killer apps". Ferguson argues that in the coming years we will see a steady decline of the West, while China and the rest of the Asian nations will be the rising powers.A related documentary "" was broadcast as a six-part series on Channel 4 in March and April 2011."Kissinger The Idealist", Volume I, published in September 2015, is the first part of a planned two-part biography of Henry Kissinger based on his private papers. The book starts with a quote from a letter which Kissinger wrote in 1972. The book examines Kissinger's life from being a refugee and fleeing Germany in 1938, to serving in the US army as a "free man" in World War II, to studying at Harvard. The book also explores the history of Kissinger joining the Kennedy administration and later becoming critical of its foreign policy, to supporting Nelson Rockefeller on three failed presidential bids, to finally joining the Nixon administration. The book also includes Kissinger's early evaluation of the Vietnam war and his efforts to negotiate with the North Vietnamese in Paris.Historians and political scientists gave the book mixed reviews. "The Economist" wrote in a review about "The Idealist": "Mr Ferguson, a British historian also at Harvard, has in the past sometimes produced work that is rushed and uneven. Not here. Like Mr Kissinger or loathe him, this is a work of engrossing scholarship." In a negative review of "The Idealist", the American journalist Michael O'Donnell questioned Ferguson's interpretation of Kissinger's actions leading up to Nixon's election as President. Andrew Roberts praised the book in The New York Times, concluding: "Niall Ferguson already has many important, scholarly and controversial books to his credit. But if the second volume of 'Kissinger' is anywhere near as comprehensive, well written and riveting as the first, this will be his masterpiece."Ferguson proposed a modified version of group selection that history can be explained by the evolution of human networks. He wrote, "Man, with his unrivaled neural network, was born "to" network." The title refers to a transition from hierarchical, "tower" networks to flatter, "square" network connections between individuals. John Gray in a review of the book was not convinced. He wrote, "He offers a mix of metaphor and what purports to be a new science." "Niall Ferguson has again written a brilliant book," wrote Deirdre McCloskey in The Wall Street Journal, "this time in defence of traditional top-down principles of governing the wild market and the wilder international order. "The Square and the Tower" raises the question of just how much the unruly world should be governedand by whom. Not everyone will agree, but everyone will be charmed and educated. … 'The Square and the Tower' is always readable, intelligent, original. You can swallow a chapter a night before sleep and your dreams will overflow with scenes of Stendhal's 'The Red and the Black,' Napoleon, Kissinger. In 400 pages you will have restocked your mind. Do it."In this book Ferguson offers a global history of disaster. Damon Linker of the "New York Times" argues that the book is "often insightful, productively provocative and downright brilliant" and suggests that Ferguson displays "an impressive command of the latest research in a large number of specialized fields, among them medical history, epidemiology, probability theory, cliodynamics and network theory". However Linker also criticises the book's "perplexing lacunae".In a review for "The Times", David Aaronovitch described Ferguson's theory as "nebulous".Ferguson has been referred to as a conservative historian by some commentators and fellow historians. Ferguson himself stated in a 2018 interview on the "Rubin Report" that his views align to classical liberalism and has referred to himself as a "classic Scottish enlightenment liberal" on other occasions. Some of his research and conclusions have resulted in controversy, particularly from people who hold left-wing politics.In 1998, Ferguson published "The Pity of War: Explaining World War One", which with the help of research assistants he was able to write in just five months. This is an analytic account of what Ferguson considered to be the ten great myths of the Great War. The book generated much controversy, particularly Ferguson's suggestion that it might have proved more beneficial for Europe if Britain had stayed out of the First World War in 1914, thereby allowing Germany to win. Ferguson has argued that the British decision to intervene was what stopped a German victory in 1914–15. Furthermore, Ferguson expressed disagreement with the "Sonderweg" interpretation of German history championed by some German historians such as Fritz Fischer, Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Hans Mommsen and Wolfgang Mommsen, who argued that the German Empire deliberately started an aggressive war in 1914. Likewise, Ferguson has often attacked the work of the German historian Michael Stürmer, who argued that it was Germany's geographical situation in Central Europe that determined the course of German history.On the contrary, Ferguson maintained that Germany waged a preventive war in 1914, a war largely forced on the Germans by reckless and irresponsible British diplomacy. In particular, Ferguson accused the British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey of maintaining an ambiguous attitude to the question of whether Britain would enter the war or not, and thus confusing Berlin over just what was the British attitude towards the question of intervention in the war. Ferguson accused London of unnecessarily allowing a regional war in Europe to escalate into a world war. Moreover, Ferguson denied that the origins of National Socialism could be traced back to Imperial Germany; instead Ferguson asserted the origins of Nazism could only be traced back to the First World War and its aftermath.Ferguson attacked a number of ideas that he called "myths" in the book. They are listed here (with his counter-arguments in parentheses):Another controversial aspect of "The Pity of War" is Ferguson's use of counterfactual history also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history. In the book, Ferguson presents a hypothetical version of Europe being, under Imperial German domination, a peaceful, prosperous, democratic continent, without ideologies like communism or Italian fascism. In Ferguson's view, had Germany won World War I, then the lives of millions would have been saved, something like the European Union would have been founded in 1914, and Britain would have remained an empire as well as the world's dominant financial power.The French historians Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau and Annette Becker were dubious about much of Ferguson's methodology and conclusions in "The Pity of War", but praised him for the chapter dealing with the executions of POWs, arguing that Ferguson had exposed a dark side of the war that until then had been ignored. The American writer Michael Lind wrote about "The Pity of War":Like the historian John Charmley, who expressed the same wish in the case of World War II, Ferguson belongs to the fringe element of British conservatism that regrets the absence of a German-British deal in the first half of the 20th century that would have marginalized the United States and might have allowed the British Empire to survive to this day. According to Ferguson, Britain should have stayed out of World War I and allowed Imperial Germany to smash France and Russia and create a continental empire from the Atlantic to the Middle East. The joke is on Ferguson's American conservative admirers, inasmuch as he laments the defeat of the Kaiser's Germany because it accelerated the replacement of the British Empire by the United States of America and the eclipse of the City of London by Wall Street. The German-born American historian Gerhard Weinberg in a review of "The Pity of War" strongly criticized Ferguson for advancing the thesis that it was idiotic for Britain to have fought a Germany that allegedly posed no danger. Weinberg accused Ferguson of completely ignoring the chief foreign policy aim of Wilhelm II from 1897 onwards, namely "Weltpolitik" ("World Politics") and argued it was absurd for Ferguson to claim that allowing Germany to defeat France and Russia would have posed no danger to Britain. Weinberg wrote that Ferguson was wrong to claim that Germany's interests were limited only to Europe, and maintained that if the "Reich" did defeat France in 1914, then Germany would have taken over the French colonies in Asia and Africa which would have definitely affected the balance of power all over the world, not just in Europe. Finally, Weinberg attacked Ferguson for claiming that the Tirpitz Plan was not a danger to Britain and that Britain had no reason to fear Germany's naval ambitions, sarcastically asking if that was really the case, then why did the British redeploy so much of their fleet from around the world to the North Sea and spend so much money building warships in the Anglo-German naval arms race? Weinberg accused Ferguson of distorting both German and British history and ignoring any evidence that did not fit with his thesis that Britain should never have fought Germany, stating that "The Pity of War" was interesting as a historical provocation, but was not persuasive as history.Ferguson wrote two volumes about the prominent Rothschild family: "The House of Rothschild: Volume 1: Money's Prophets: 1798–1848" and "The House of Rothschild: Volume 2: The World's Banker: 1849–1999". These books were the result of original archival research. The books won the Wadsworth Prize for Business History and were also short-listed for the Jewish Quarterly-Wingate Literary Award and the American National Jewish Book Award.The books were widely acclaimed by some historians, although they did receive some criticism. John Lewis Gaddis, a Cold War–era historian, praised Ferguson's "unrivaled range, productivity and visibility", while criticising the book as unpersuasive and containing contradictory claims. Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm had praised Ferguson as an excellent historian, but criticised him as a "nostalgist for empire". In a mixed review of a later book by Ferguson, "The War of the World: History's Age of Hatred", a reviewer for "The Economist" described how many regard Ferguson's two books on the Rothschilds "as one of the finest studies of its kind." Jeremy Wormell wrote that while "The World's Banker: A History of the House of Rothschild" had its virtues, it contained "many errors" which meant it was "unsafe to use it as a source for the debt markets."Writing in The New York Review of Books, Robert Skidelsky praised Ferguson: "Taken together, Ferguson's two volumes are a stupendous achievement, a triumph of historical research and imagination. No serious historian can write about the connection between the politics, diplomacy, and economics of the nineteenth century in the same way again. And, as any good work of history should do, it constantly prompts us to ask questions about our own age, when once again we have embarked on the grand experiment of a world economy without a world government."Ferguson sometimes champions counterfactual history, also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history, and edited a collection of essays, titled "Virtual History: Alternatives and Counterfactuals" (1997), exploring the subject. Ferguson likes to imagine alternative outcomes as a way of stressing the contingent aspects of history. For Ferguson, great forces don't make history; individuals do, and nothing is predetermined. Thus, for Ferguson, there are no paths in history that will determine how things will work out. The world is neither progressing nor regressing; only the actions of individuals determine whether we will live in a better or worse world. His championing of the method has been controversial within the field. In a 2011 review of Ferguson's book "Civilization: The West and the Rest", Noel Malcolm (Senior Research Fellow in History at All Souls College at Oxford University) stated that: "Students may find this an intriguing introduction to a wide range of human history; but they will get an odd idea of how historical argument is to be conducted, if they learn it from this book."In 2003, former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger provided Ferguson with access to his White House diaries, letters, and archives for what Ferguson calls a "warts-and-all biography" of Kissinger. In 2015, he published the first volume in a two-part biography titled "Kissinger: 1923–1968: The Idealist" from Penguin Press.The thesis of this first volume was that Kissinger was very much influenced in his academic and political development by the philosopher Immanuel Kant, and especially by an interpretation of Kant that he learned from a mentor at Harvard University, William Yandell Elliott.Ferguson has praised the British Empire, stating, "I think it's hard to make the case, which implicitly the left makes, that somehow the world would have been better off if the Europeans had stayed home." Ferguson is critical of what he calls the "self-flagellation" that he says characterises modern European thought.Historians and commentators have considered his views on this issue and expressed their critical evaluation in various terms, from "audacious" yet "wrong", "informative", "ambitious" and "troubling", to "false and dangerous" apologia. Richard Drayton, Rhodes Professor of Imperial History at King's College London, has stated that it was correct of Seumas Milne to associate "Ferguson with an attempt to "rehabilitate empire" in the service of contemporary great power interests". In November 2011 Pankaj Mishra reviewed "Civilisation: The West and the Rest" unfavourably in the "London Review of Books". Ferguson demanded an apology and threatened to sue Mishra on charges of libel due to allegations of racism.Jon Wilson, a professor of the Department of History at King’s College London, is the author of "India Conquered," a 2016 book intended to rebut Ferguson's arguments in "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," who catalogues the negative elements of the British Raj, and describes the "Empire" TV program (2003) as "false and dangerous" Wilson agrees with Ferguson's point that the British innovations brought to India, civil services, education, and railways, had beneficial side effects, but faults them for being done in a spirit of self-interest rather than altruism.About Ferguson's claim that Britain "made the modern world" by spreading democracy, free trade, capitalism, the rule of law, Protestantism and the English language, Wilson charged that Ferguson never explained precisely how this was done, arguing that the reason was the lack of interest in the history of the people ruled by the British on Ferguson's part, who therefore could not perceive that the interaction between the colonisers and the colonised in places like India, where the population embraced aspects of British culture and rule that were appealing to them while rejecting others that were unappealing. Wilson argues that this interaction between the rulers and the ruled is more complex, and contradicts Ferguson's one-sided picture of the British "transforming" India that portrays the British as active and the Indians as passive. Wilson charged that Ferguson failed to look at the empire via non-British eyes because to do so would be to challenge his claim that Britain "made the modern world" by imposing its values on "the Other", and that the history of the empire was far more complicated than the simplistic version that Ferguson is trying to present.Matthew Carr wrote in "Race & Class" that "Niall Ferguson, the conservative English [sic] historian and enthusiastic advocate of a new American empire, has also embraced the Eurabian idea in a widely reproduced article entitled 'Eurabia?', in which he laments the 'de-Christianization of Europe' and the secularism of the continent that leaves it 'weak in the face of fanaticism'." Carr adds that "Ferguson sees the recent establishment of a department of Islamic studies in his (Oxford college) as another symptom of 'the creeping Islamicization of a decadent Christendom'," and in a 2004 lecture at the American Enterprise Institute entitled 'The End of Europe?',Ferguson struck a similarly Spenglerian note, conjuring the term 'impire' to depict a process in which a 'political entity, instead of expanding outwards towards its periphery, exporting power, implodes—when the energies come from outside into that entity'. In Ferguson's opinion, this process was already under way in a decadent 'post-Christian' Europe that was drifting inexorably towards the dark denouement of a vanquished civilisation and the fatal embrace of Islam.In 2015, Ferguson deplored the Paris attacks committed by Islamic State terrorists, but stated he was not going to "stand" with the French as he argued that France was a lost cause, a declining state faced with an unstoppable Islamic wave that would sweep away everything that tried to oppose it. Ferguson compared the modern European Union to the Western Roman Empire, describing modern Europe as not that different from the world depicted by Edward Gibbon in his book "The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire". Ferguson wrote that:Uncannily similar processes are destroying the European Union today...Let us be clear about what is happening. Like the Roman Empire in the early fifth century, Europe has allowed its defenses to crumble. As its wealth has grown, so its military prowess has shrunk, along with its self-belief. It has grown decadent in its shopping malls and sports stadiums. At the same time, it has opened its gates to outsiders who have coveted its wealth without renouncing their ancestral faith. Ferguson wrote the mass influx of refugees into Europe from Syria was a modern version of the "Völkerwanderung" when the Huns burst out of Asia and invaded Europe, causing millions of the Germanic peoples to flee into the presumed safety of the Roman Empire, smashing their way in as the Romans attempted unsuccessfully to stop the Germans from entering the empire. Ferguson writes that Gibbon was wrong to claim the Roman Empire collapsed slowly and argues that the view among a growing number of modern scholars is that the collapse of the Roman empire was swift and violent; unforeseeable by Romans of the day, just as the collapse of modern European civilization would likewise be for modern Europeans.In 2017, Ferguson opined that the West had insufficiently heeded the rise of militant Islam and its global consequences in the same way it failed to predict that the rise of Lenin would lead to the further spread of communism and conflict around the world:Ask yourself how effectively we in the West have responded to the rise of militant Islam since the Iranian Revolution unleashed its Shi’ite variant and since 9/11 revealed the even more aggressive character of Sunni Islamism. I fear we have done no better than our grandfathers did.Foreign intervention—the millions of dollars that have found their way from the Gulf to radical mosques and Islamic centres in the West.Incompetent liberals—the proponents of multiculturalism who brand any opponent of jihad an “Islamophobe”. Clueless bankers—the sort who fall over themselves to offer “sharia-compliant” loans and bonds. Fellow travellers—the leftists who line up with the Muslim Brotherhood to castigate Israel at every opportunity. And the faint-hearted—those who were so quick to pull out of Iraq in 2009 that they allowed the rump of al-Qaeda to morph into Isis.A century ago it was the West’s great blunder to think it would not matter if Lenin and his confederates took over the Russian Empire, despite their stated intention to plot world revolution and overthrow both democracy and capitalism. Incredible as it may seem, I believe we are capable of repeating that catastrophic error. I fear that, one day, we shall wake with a start to discover that the Islamists have repeated the Bolshevik achievement, which was to acquire the resources and capability to threaten our existence.During a 2018 debate, Ferguson asserted that he is not anti-immigration or opposed to Muslims, but felt that sections of Europe's political and intellectual classes had failed to predict the cultural and political consequences of large scale immigration. He furthermore stated that Islam differs from Judaism and Christianity through being "designed differently" as a political ideology that does not recognize the separation of mosque with the secular and temporal, and that the Muslim world has mostly followed an opposite trend to Western society by becoming less secularized and more literal in interpreting holy scripture. He concluded that if Europe kept pursuing large scale migration from pious Muslim societies combined with poor structures of economic and cultural integration, especially in an era when existing migrant communities are either unassimilated or loosely integrated into the host society, it is "highly likely" that networks of fundamentalist "dawah" will grow in which Islamic extremists draw in the culturally and economically unassimilated Muslims of immigrant backgrounds. Ferguson has also pointed out that even when living in Western nations, both he and his wife Ayaan Hirsi Ali have to live with permanent security measures as a result of her public critiques of Islam and status as a former Muslim.Ferguson supported the 2003 Iraq War, and he is on record as being not necessarily opposed to future western incursions around the world. It's all very well for us to sit here in the West with our high incomes and cushy lives, and say it's immoral to violate the sovereignty of another state. But if the effect of that is to bring people in that country economic and political freedom, to raise their standard of living, to increase their life expectancy, then don't rule it out.On the rise of Republican Party presidential candidate Donald Trump, Ferguson was quoted in early 2016: "If you bother to read some of the serious analysis of Trump's support, you realize that it's a very fragile thing and highly unlikely to deliver what he needs in the crucial first phase of the primaries ... By the time we get to March–April, it's all over. I think there's going to be a wonderful catharsis, I'm really looking forward to it: Trump's humiliation. Bring it on." Trump eventually won the nomination.Three weeks before the 2016 United States presidential election, after the Access Hollywood tape scandal, Ferguson stated in an interview that it "was over for Donald Trump"; that "Trump had flamed out in all three Presidential debates"; that, "I don't think there can be any last minute surprise to rescue him [Trump]"; that there was no hope of Donald Trump winning Independent voters and that Trump was "gone as a candidate", adding that "it seems to me clear that she [Hillary Clinton] is going to be the first female President of the United States. The only question is how bad does his [Trump's] flaming out affect candidates for the Senate, candidates for the House, further down on the ballot." However after Brexit, Ferguson stated that Trump could win via the Electoral College if certain demographics turned out to vote in key swing states. Trump was elected president and the Republican Party retained control of both the Senate and House of Representatives.In an article from November 2016 in "The Boston Globe", Ferguson advised that Trump should support the efforts of Prime Minister Theresa May to have Britain leave the European Union as the best way of breaking up the EU, and sign a free trade agreement with the United Kingdom once Brexit is complete. Ferguson advised that Trump should give recognition to Russia as a Great Power, and work with President Vladimir Putin by giving Russia a sphere of influence in Eurasia. In the same column, Ferguson advised Trump not to engage in a trade war with China, and work with President Xi Jinping to create a US-Chinese partnership. Ferguson argued that Trump and Putin should work for the victory of Marine Le Pen (who wants France to leave the EU) and the "Front national" in the 2017 French elections, arguing that Le Pen was the French politician most congenial to the Trump administration. Ferguson argued that a quintumvirate of Trump, Putin, Xi, May and Le Pen was the world's best hope for peace and prosperity.In its edition of 15 August 2005, "The New Republic" published "The New New Deal", an essay by Ferguson and Laurence J. Kotlikoff, a professor of economics at Boston University. The two scholars called for the following changes to the American government's fiscal and income security policies:In November 2012, Ferguson stated in a video with CNN that the U.S. has enough energy resources to move towards energy independence and could possibly enter a new economic golden age due to the related socio-economic growth—coming out of the post-world economic recession doldrums.Ferguson was an attendee of the 2012 Bilderberg Group meeting, where he was a speaker on economic policy.Ferguson was highly critical of Britain's vote to leave the European Union, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire". Later, after backing the Remain campaign during the referendum, Ferguson changed his mind and came out in support of Britain's exit from the EU.In May 2009, Ferguson became involved in a high-profile exchange of views with economist Paul Krugman arising out of a panel discussion hosted by PEN/"New York Review" on 30 April 2009, regarding the U.S. economy. Ferguson contended that the Obama administration's policies are simultaneously Keynesian and monetarist, in an "incoherent" mix, and specifically claimed that the government's issuance of a multitude of new bonds would cause an increase in interest rates.Krugman argued that Ferguson's view is "resurrecting 75-year old fallacies" and full of "basic errors". He also stated that Ferguson is a "poseur" who "hasn't bothered to understand the basics, relying on snide comments and surface cleverness to convey the impression of wisdom. It's all style, no comprehension of substance."In 2012, Jonathan Portes, the director of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research, said that subsequent events had shown Ferguson to be wrong: "As we all know, since then both the US and UK have had deficits running at historically extremely high levels, and long-term interest rates at historic lows: as Krugman has repeatedly pointed out, the (IS-LM) textbook has been spot on."Later in 2012, after Ferguson wrote a cover story for "Newsweek" arguing that Mitt Romney should be elected in the upcoming US presidential election, Krugman wrote that there were multiple errors and misrepresentations in the story, concluding "We're not talking about ideology or even economic analysis here—just a plain misrepresentation of the facts, with an august publication letting itself be used to misinform readers. The "Times" would require an abject correction if something like that slipped through. Will "Newsweek"?" Ferguson denied that he had misrepresented the facts in an online rebuttal. Matthew O'Brien countered that Ferguson was still distorting the meaning of the Congressional Budget Office report being discussed, and that the entire piece could be read as an effort to deceive.In 2013, Ferguson, naming Dean Baker, Josh Barro, Brad DeLong, Matthew O'Brien, Noah Smith, Matthew Yglesias and Justin Wolfers, attacked "Krugman and his acolytes," in his three-part essay on why he dislikes Paul Krugman. The essay title ('Krugtron the Invincible') originally comes from a post by Noah Smith.At a May 2013 investment conference in Carlsbad, California, Ferguson was asked about his views on economist John Maynard Keynes' quotation that "in the long run we are all dead." Ferguson stated that Keynes was indifferent to the future because he was gay and did not have children. The remarks were widely criticised for being offensive, factually inaccurate, and a distortion of Keynes' ideas.Ferguson posted an apology for these statements shortly after reports of his words were widely disseminated, saying his comments were "as stupid as they were insensitive". In the apology, Ferguson stated: "My disagreements with Keynes's economic philosophy have never had anything to do with his sexual orientation. It is simply false to suggest, as I did, that his approach to economic policy was inspired by any aspect of his personal life."In spring 2018, Professor Ferguson was involved with college Republican leaders at Stanford to oppose a left-leaning student take over of the Cardinal Conversations initiative. In leaked emails, he was quoted as asking for opposition research on the student involved. He later apologized and resigned from the said initiative when emails were leaked revealing his involvement in the events. "I very much regret the publication of these emails. I also regret having written them," Ferguson wrote in a statement to "The Daily".Ferguson was an early skeptic of cryptocurrencies, famously dismissing his teenage son's recommendation to buy Bitcoin in 2014. By 2017, he had changed his mind on Bitcoin's utility, saying it had established itself as a form of "digital gold: a store of value for wealthy investors, especially those located in countries with weak rule of law and high political risk." In February 2019, Ferguson became an advisor for digital asset protocol firm Ampleforth Protocol, saying he was attracted by the firm's plan to "reinvent money in a way that protects individual freedom and to create a payments system that treats everyone equally." In March 2019, Ferguson spoke at an Australian Financial Review Business Summit, where he admitted to being "wrong to think there was no … use for a form of currency based on blockchain technology… I don't think this will turn out to be a complete delusion."Ferguson has stated that he identified as a Scottish nationalist as a teenager, but moderated his views after moving to England to study history. He has argued that Scottish nationalism is sometimes fueled by a distorted view that Scots have always been oppressed by the English and is misconceived by people from outside of the United Kingdom as choice between being Scottish or English. Ferguson states that in contrast to the subjugations of Wales and Ireland, Scotland was united as an "equal" country to England during the Act of Union, and cites events such as King James VI of Scotland inheriting the English crown, the failed Darien scheme to colonize Panama which prompted Scottish political elites to support the Union and that Scots were an integral part of the East India Company to question the narrative that Scotland was oppressed. Ferguson has also argued (citing Walter Scott's "Waverley") that Scotland after the Jacobite rebellion remained a land divided by warring clans and religious factions, and that the Union helped to quell some of the conflicts.During the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, Ferguson supported Scotland remaining within the United Kingdom, citing potential economic consequences of Scottish independence, but argued that the "No" campaign needed to focus on Scotland's history of cosmopolitanism as well as economic points to save the Union. In 2021, ahead of the 2021 Scottish Parliament election, Ferguson argued that the Labour administration under Tony Blair had made a mistake in believing devolution would stem Scottish nationalism, but instead it enabled the Scottish National Party to assume regional power and criticised the SNP government of Nicola Sturgeon for its management of the Scottish economy, education and freedom of speech. Ferguson furthermore claimed that the best way for the British government to thwart independence and the SNP's separationist demands was not by "unthinkingly accepting the SNP’s argument that it has a moral right to a referendum on secession every time it wins a parliamentary election" and allowing a slim "Yes" vote to decide the outcome, but instead by following the example of Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien and minister Stephane Dion's who handled the Parti Quebecois's calls for Quebec secessionism by taking the matter to the Canadian Supreme Court and introducing the Clarity Act rather than letting it solely be up to "a slim majority of the voters of Quebec if Canada broke up."In 2011, Ferguson predicted that "Grexit" (the notion of Greece leaving the Euro currency) was unlikely to happen, but that Britain would leave the European Union in the near future as it would be easier for Britain to leave the EU owing to the fact it was not part of the Eurozone and that returning to a national currency would be harder for countries who had signed up to a single currency. In 2012, he described the Eurozone as a "disaster waiting to happen."During the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum, Ferguson was initially critical of the idea of Britain leaving the EU despite his criticisms of the latter, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire" and endorsed a Remain vote. However, after backing the Remain campaign, Ferguson changed his stance and came out in support of Brexit, admitting that his support to stay in had been motivated in part on a personal level by not wanting the government of David Cameron (with whom he had a friendship) to collapse and in turn risk Jeremy Corbyn becoming Prime Minister. Ferguson elaborated that while Brexit would still have some economic consequences, the EU had been a "disaster" on its monetary, immigration, national security and radical Islam policies. He also added that the "I think one has to recognise that the European elite's performances over the last decade entirely justified the revolt of provincial England."In 2020, Ferguson predicted that the EU is destined to become "moribund" and was at risk of collapse in the near future and that the single currency had only benefited Northern Europe and Germany in particular while causing economic havoc in Southern Europe. However, he also argued the "real disintegration of Europe" will happen over the EU's migration policies that have both exacerbated and failed to provide solutions to illegal immigration to the European continent from North Africa and the Middle East. Ferguson stated that high levels of illegal immigration from majority Muslim nations would in turn further the rise of populist and eurosceptic movements committed to rolling back or leaving the European Union. Ferguson also predicted that in a decade's time, Britain would question why there had been fuss, outcry or debates over the manner of how to leave the EU over Brexit because "we'll have left something that was essentially disintegrating" and that "it would be a little bit like getting a divorce and then your ex drops dead, and you spent all that money on the divorce courts, if only you'd known how sick the ex was. The European Union is sick, and people don't really want to admit that, least of all in Brussels."Ferguson married journalist Sue Douglas in 1994 after meeting in 1987 when she was his editor at "The Sunday Times". They have three children: Felix, Freya, and Lachlan.In February 2010, Ferguson separated from Douglas and started dating former Dutch MP Ayaan Hirsi Ali. Ferguson and Douglas divorced in 2011. Ferguson married Hirsi Ali on 10 September 2011 and Hirsi Ali gave birth to their son Thomas in December 2011. In an interview in April 2011, Ferguson complained about the media coverage of his relationship with Ali, stating: "No, I never read their shitty coverage of people's private lives. I don't care about the sex lives of celebrities, so I was a little unprepared for having my private life all over the country. So yeah, I was naive, yeah. Because you have to stoop to conquer," – but will never write for "The Daily Mail" again. "That's because I'm a vendetta person. Yes, absolutely. Implacable."Ferguson dedicated his book "Civilization" to "Ayaan". In an interview with "The Guardian", Ferguson spoke about his love for Ali, whom, he writes in the preface, "understands better than anyone I know what Western civilisation really means – and what it still has to offer the world".Ferguson's self-confessed workaholism has placed strains on his personal relations in the past. Ferguson has commented that:...from 2002, the combination of making TV programmes and teaching at Harvard took me away from my children too much. You don't get those years back. You have to ask yourself: "Was it a smart decision to do those things?" I think the success I have enjoyed since then has been bought at a significant price. In hindsight, there would have been a bunch of things that I would have said no to. In an interview, Ferguson described his relationship with the left: "No, they love being provoked by me! Honestly, it makes them feel so much better about their lives to think that I'm a reactionary; it's a substitute for thought. 'Imperialist scumbag' and all that. Oh dear, we're back in a 1980s student union debate."Ferguson was the inspiration for Alan Bennett's play "The History Boys" (2004), particularly the character of Irwin, a history teacher who urges his pupils to find a counterintuitive angle, and goes on to become a television historian. Bennett's character "Irwin", writes David Smith of "The Observer", gives the impression that "an entire career can be built on the trick of contrariness."In 2018, Ferguson became naturalised as a US citizen.	[ "London School of Economics and Political Science", "University of Cambridge", "Hoover Institution", "Harvard University", "New York University" ]
Which employer did Niall Ferguson work for in 30/08/1998?	August 30, 1998	{ "text": [ "University of Oxford" ] }	L2_Q377638_P108_1	Niall Ferguson works for Hoover Institution from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022. Niall Ferguson works for University of Oxford from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2002. Niall Ferguson works for New York University from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2004. Niall Ferguson works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1992. Niall Ferguson works for Harvard University from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2016. Niall Ferguson works for London School of Economics and Political Science from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.	Niall FergusonNiall Campbell Ferguson (; born 18 April 1964) is a Scottish-American historian and the Milbank Family Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. Previously, he was a professor at Harvard University, the London School of Economics and New York University, visiting professor at New College of the Humanities and senior research fellow at Jesus College, Oxford.Ferguson writes and lectures on international history, economic and financial history and British and American imperialism. He is known for his positive views concerning the British Empire. He once ironically called himself "a fully paid-up member of the neo-imperialist gang" following the 2003 invasion of Iraq.Ferguson has been a contributing editor for Bloomberg Television and a columnist for "Newsweek". He began writing a twice-a-month column for "Bloomberg Opinion" in June 2020.Ferguson has written and presented numerous television documentary series, including "The Ascent of Money", which won an International Emmy award for Best Documentary in 2009. In 2004, he was named as one of "TIME" magazine's 100 most influential people in the world.Ferguson was born in Glasgow, Scotland, on 18 April 1964 to James Campbell Ferguson, a doctor, and Molly Archibald Hamilton, a physics teacher. Ferguson grew up in the Ibrox area Glasgow in a home close to the Ibrox Park football stadium. He attended The Glasgow Academy. He was brought up as, and remains, an atheist, though he has encouraged his children to study religion and attends church occasionally.Ferguson cites his father as instilling in him a strong sense of self-discipline and of the moral value of work, while his mother encouraged his creative side. His maternal grandfather, a journalist, encouraged him to write. He has described his parents as "both very much products of the Scottish Enlightenment." Ferguson ascribes his decision to read history at university instead of English literature to two main factors: Leo Tolstoy's reflections on history at the end of "War and Peace" (which he read at the age of fifteen), and his admiration of historian A. J. P. Taylor.Ferguson received a demyship (highest scholarship) from Magdalen College, Oxford. Whilst a student there, he wrote a 90-minute student film "The Labours of Hercules Sprote", played double bass in a jazz band "Night in Tunisia", edited the student magazine "Tributary", and befriended Andrew Sullivan, who shared his interest in right-wing politics and punk music. He had become a Thatcherite by 1982. He graduated with a first-class honours degree in history in 1985.Ferguson studied as a Hanseatic Scholar in Hamburg and Berlin in 1987 and 1988. He received his Doctor of Philosophy degree from the University of Oxford in 1989: his dissertation was titled "Business and Politics in the German Inflation: Hamburg 1914–1924".In 1989, Ferguson worked as a research fellow at Christ's College, Cambridge. From 1990 to 1992 he was an official fellow and lecturer at Peterhouse, Cambridge. He then became a fellow and tutor in modern history at Jesus College, Oxford, where in 2000 he was named a professor of political and financial history. In 2002 Ferguson became the John Herzog Professor in Financial History at New York University Stern School of Business, and in 2004 he became the Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History at Harvard University and William Ziegler Professor of Business Administration at Harvard Business School. From 2010 to 2011, Ferguson held the Philippe Roman Chair in history and international affairs at the London School of Economics. In 2016 Ferguson left Harvard to become a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, where he had been an adjunct fellow since 2005.Ferguson has received honorary degrees from the University of Buckingham, Macquarie University (Australia) and Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez (Chile). In May 2010, Michael Gove, education secretary, asked Ferguson to advise on the development of a new history syllabus, to be entitled "history as a connected narrative", for schools in England and Wales. In June 2011, he joined other academics to set up the New College of the Humanities, a private college in London.In 2018, Ferguson apologized after fellow historians criticized him for only inviting white men as speakers to a Stanford conference on applied history.Also in 2018, emails documenting Ferguson's attempts to discredit a progressive activist student at Stanford University who had been critical of Ferguson's choices of speakers invited to the Cardinal Conversations free speech initiative were released to the public and university administrators. He teamed with a Republican student group to find information that might discredit the student. Ferguson resigned from leadership of the program once university administrators became aware of his actions. Ferguson responded in his column saying, "Re-reading my emails now, I am struck by their juvenile, jocular tone. “A famous victory,” I wrote the morning after the Murray event. “Now we turn to the more subtle game of grinding them down on the committee. The price of liberty is eternal vigilance.” Then I added: “Some opposition research on Mr O might also be worthwhile”—a reference to the leader of the protests. None of this happened. The meetings of the student committee were repeatedly postponed. No one ever did any digging on “Mr O”. The spring vacation arrived. The only thing that came of the emails was that their circulation led to my stepping down."In 2000, Ferguson was a founding director of Boxmind, an Oxford-based educational technology company.In 2006, he set up Chimerica Media Ltd., a London based television production company.In 2007, Ferguson was appointed as an investment management consultant by GLG Partners, to advise on geopolitical risk as well as current structural issues in economic behaviour relating to investment decisions. GLG is a UK-based hedge fund management firm headed by Noam Gottesman. Ferguson was also an adviser to Morgan Stanley, the investment bank.In 2011, he set up Greenmantle LLC, an advisory business specializing in macroeconomics and geopolitics.He also serves as a non-executive director on the board of Affiliated Managers Group.Ferguson was an advisor to John McCain's U.S. presidential campaign in 2008, supported Mitt Romney in his 2012 campaign and was a vocal critic of Barack Obama.Ferguson is a trustee of the New York Historical Society and the London-based Centre for Policy Studies.Ferguson has written regularly for British newspapers and magazines since the mid 1980s. At that time, he was lead writer for "The Daily Telegraph," and a regular book reviewer for "The Daily Mail".In the summer on 1989, while travelling in Berlin, he wrote an article for a British newspaper with the provisional headline "The Berlin Wall is Crumbling", but it was not published.In the early 2000s he wrote a weekly column for "The Sunday Telegraph" and Los Angeles Times, leaving in 2007 to become a contributing editor to the "Financial Times". Between 2008 and 2012 he wrote regularly for "Newsweek". Since 2015 he has written a weekly column for The Sunday Times and The Boston Globe, which also appears in numerous papers around the world.Ferguson's television series The Ascent of Money won the 2009 International Emmy award for Best Documentary. In 2011 his film company Chimerica Media released its first feature-length documentary, "Kissinger", which won the New York Film Festival's prize for Best Documentary.In May 2012, the BBC announced Niall Ferguson was to present its annual Reith Lectures – a prestigious series of radio lectures which were first broadcast in 1948. These four lectures, titled "The Rule of Law and its Enemies", examine the role man-made institutions have played in the economic and political spheres.In the first lecture, held at the London School of Economics, titled "The Human Hive", Ferguson argues for greater openness from governments, saying they should publish accounts which clearly state all assets and liabilities. Governments, he said, should also follow the lead of business and adopt the Generally Accepted Accounting Principles and, above all, generational accounts should be prepared on a regular basis to make absolutely clear the inter-generational implications of current fiscal policy. In the lecture, Ferguson says young voters should be more supportive of government austerity measures if they do not wish to pay further down the line for the profligacy of the baby boomer generation.In the second lecture, "The Darwinian Economy", Ferguson reflects on the causes of the global financial crisis, and erroneous conclusions that many people have drawn from it about the role of regulation, and asks whether regulation is in fact "the disease of which it purports to be the cure"."The Landscape of Law" was the third lecture, delivered at Gresham College. It examines the rule of law in comparative terms, asking how far the common law's claims to superiority over other systems are credible, and whether we are living through a time of 'creeping legal degeneration' in the English-speaking world.The fourth and final lecture, "Civil and Uncivil Societies", focuses on institutions (outside the political, economic and legal realms) designed to preserve and transmit particular knowledge and values. Ferguson asks whether the modern state is quietly killing civil society in the Western world, and what non-Western societies can do to build a vibrant civil society.The first lecture was broadcast on BBC Radio 4 and the BBC World Service on Tuesday, 19 June 2012. The series is available as a BBC podcast.In his 2001 book, "The Cash Nexus", which he wrote following a year as Houblon-Norman Fellow at the Bank of England, Ferguson argues that the popular saying, "money makes the world go 'round", is wrong; instead he presented a case for human actions in history motivated by far more than just economic concerns.In his 2003 book, "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," Ferguson conducts a provocative reinterpretation of the British Empire, casting it as one of the world's great modernising forces. The Empire produced durable changes and globalisation with steampower, telegraphs, and engineers.Bernard Porter, famous for expressing his views during the Porter–MacKenzie debate on the British Empire, attacked "Empire" in "The London Review of Books" as a "panegyric to British colonialism". Ferguson, in response to this, drew Porter's attention to the conclusion of the book, where he writes: "No one would claim that the record of the British Empire was unblemished. On the contrary, I have tried to show how often it failed to live up to its own ideal of individual liberty, particularly in the early era of enslavement, transportation and the 'ethnic cleansing' of indigenous peoples." Ferguson argues however that the British Empire was preferable to the alternatives:The 19th-century empire undeniably pioneered free trade, free capital movements and, with the abolition of slavery, free labour. It invested immense sums in developing a global network of modern communications. It spread and enforced the rule of law over vast areas. Though it fought many small wars, the empire maintained a global peace unmatched before or since. In the 20th century too the empire more than justified its own existence. For the alternatives to British rule represented by the German and Japanese empires were clearly – and they admitted it themselves – far worse. And without its empire, it is inconceivable that Britain could have withstood them.In his 2005 book, "Colossus: The Rise and Fall of the American Empire," Ferguson proposes that the United States aspires to globalize free markets, the rule of law, and representative government, but shies away from the long-term commitments of manpower and money that are indispensable, in taking a more active role in resolving conflict arising from the failure of states. The U.S. is an empire in denial, not acknowledging the scale of global responsibilities. The American writer Michael Lind, responding to Ferguson's advocation of an enlarged American military through conscription, accused Ferguson of engaging in apocalyptic alarmism about the possibility of a world without the United States as the dominant power and of a casual disregard for the value of human life.In "War of the World", published in 2006, Ferguson argued that a combination of economic volatility, decaying empires, psychopathic dictators, racially/ethnically motivated and institutionalised violence resulted in the wars and genocides of what he calls "History's Age of Hatred". "The New York Times Book Review" named "War of the World" one of the 100 Notable Books of the Year in 2006, while the "International Herald Tribune" called it "one of the most intriguing attempts by an historian to explain man's inhumanity to man". Ferguson addresses the paradox that, though the 20th century was "so bloody", it was also "a time of unparalleled [economic] progress". As with his earlier work "Empire", "War of the World" was accompanied by a Channel 4 television series presented by Ferguson.Published in 2008, "The Ascent of Money" examines the history of money, credit, and banking. In it Ferguson predicts a financial crisis as a result of the world economy and in particular the United States using too much credit. He cites the China–United States dynamic which he refers to as Chimerica where an Asian "savings glut" helped create the subprime mortgage crisis with an influx of easy money. While researching this book, in early 2007, Ferguson attended a session at a conference in Las Vegas at which a hedge fund manager stated there would never be another recession. Ferguson challenged this, and later the two agreed on a $14,000, 7 to 1 bet, that there would be a recession within five years. Ferguson collected $98,000.Published in 2011, "Civilization: The West and the Rest" examines what Ferguson calls the most "interesting question" of our day: "Why, beginning around 1500, did a few small polities on the western end of the Eurasian landmass come to dominate the rest of the world?" The "Economist" in a review wrote: In 1500 Europe's future imperial powers controlled 10% of the world's territories and generated just over 40% of its wealth. By 1913, at the height of empire, the West controlled almost 60% of the territories, which together generated almost 80% of the wealth. This stunning fact is lost, he regrets, on a generation that has supplanted history's sweep with a feeble-minded relativism that holds "all civilisations as somehow equal".Ferguson attributes this divergence to the West's development of six "killer apps", which he finds were largely missing elsewhere in the world in 1500 – "competition, the scientific method, the rule of law, modern medicine, consumerism and the work ethic".Ferguson compared and contrasted how the West's "killer apps" allowed the West to triumph over "the Rest" citing examples. Ferguson argued the rowdy and savage competition between European merchants created far more wealth than did the static and ordered society of Qing China. Tolerance extended to thinkers like Sir Isaac Newton in Stuart England had no counterpart in the Ottoman Empire, where Takiyuddin's "blasphemous" observatory was demolished for contradicting the teachings of Islam. This ensured that Western civilization was capable of making scientific advances that Islamic civilization never could. Respect for private property was far stronger in British America than it ever was in Spanish America, which led to the United States and Canada becoming prosperous societies while Latin America was and remains mired in poverty.Ferguson also argued that the modern West had lost its edge and the future belongs to the nations of Asia, especially China, which has adopted the West's "killer apps". Ferguson argues that in the coming years we will see a steady decline of the West, while China and the rest of the Asian nations will be the rising powers.A related documentary "" was broadcast as a six-part series on Channel 4 in March and April 2011."Kissinger The Idealist", Volume I, published in September 2015, is the first part of a planned two-part biography of Henry Kissinger based on his private papers. The book starts with a quote from a letter which Kissinger wrote in 1972. The book examines Kissinger's life from being a refugee and fleeing Germany in 1938, to serving in the US army as a "free man" in World War II, to studying at Harvard. The book also explores the history of Kissinger joining the Kennedy administration and later becoming critical of its foreign policy, to supporting Nelson Rockefeller on three failed presidential bids, to finally joining the Nixon administration. The book also includes Kissinger's early evaluation of the Vietnam war and his efforts to negotiate with the North Vietnamese in Paris.Historians and political scientists gave the book mixed reviews. "The Economist" wrote in a review about "The Idealist": "Mr Ferguson, a British historian also at Harvard, has in the past sometimes produced work that is rushed and uneven. Not here. Like Mr Kissinger or loathe him, this is a work of engrossing scholarship." In a negative review of "The Idealist", the American journalist Michael O'Donnell questioned Ferguson's interpretation of Kissinger's actions leading up to Nixon's election as President. Andrew Roberts praised the book in The New York Times, concluding: "Niall Ferguson already has many important, scholarly and controversial books to his credit. But if the second volume of 'Kissinger' is anywhere near as comprehensive, well written and riveting as the first, this will be his masterpiece."Ferguson proposed a modified version of group selection that history can be explained by the evolution of human networks. He wrote, "Man, with his unrivaled neural network, was born "to" network." The title refers to a transition from hierarchical, "tower" networks to flatter, "square" network connections between individuals. John Gray in a review of the book was not convinced. He wrote, "He offers a mix of metaphor and what purports to be a new science." "Niall Ferguson has again written a brilliant book," wrote Deirdre McCloskey in The Wall Street Journal, "this time in defence of traditional top-down principles of governing the wild market and the wilder international order. "The Square and the Tower" raises the question of just how much the unruly world should be governedand by whom. Not everyone will agree, but everyone will be charmed and educated. … 'The Square and the Tower' is always readable, intelligent, original. You can swallow a chapter a night before sleep and your dreams will overflow with scenes of Stendhal's 'The Red and the Black,' Napoleon, Kissinger. In 400 pages you will have restocked your mind. Do it."In this book Ferguson offers a global history of disaster. Damon Linker of the "New York Times" argues that the book is "often insightful, productively provocative and downright brilliant" and suggests that Ferguson displays "an impressive command of the latest research in a large number of specialized fields, among them medical history, epidemiology, probability theory, cliodynamics and network theory". However Linker also criticises the book's "perplexing lacunae".In a review for "The Times", David Aaronovitch described Ferguson's theory as "nebulous".Ferguson has been referred to as a conservative historian by some commentators and fellow historians. Ferguson himself stated in a 2018 interview on the "Rubin Report" that his views align to classical liberalism and has referred to himself as a "classic Scottish enlightenment liberal" on other occasions. Some of his research and conclusions have resulted in controversy, particularly from people who hold left-wing politics.In 1998, Ferguson published "The Pity of War: Explaining World War One", which with the help of research assistants he was able to write in just five months. This is an analytic account of what Ferguson considered to be the ten great myths of the Great War. The book generated much controversy, particularly Ferguson's suggestion that it might have proved more beneficial for Europe if Britain had stayed out of the First World War in 1914, thereby allowing Germany to win. Ferguson has argued that the British decision to intervene was what stopped a German victory in 1914–15. Furthermore, Ferguson expressed disagreement with the "Sonderweg" interpretation of German history championed by some German historians such as Fritz Fischer, Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Hans Mommsen and Wolfgang Mommsen, who argued that the German Empire deliberately started an aggressive war in 1914. Likewise, Ferguson has often attacked the work of the German historian Michael Stürmer, who argued that it was Germany's geographical situation in Central Europe that determined the course of German history.On the contrary, Ferguson maintained that Germany waged a preventive war in 1914, a war largely forced on the Germans by reckless and irresponsible British diplomacy. In particular, Ferguson accused the British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey of maintaining an ambiguous attitude to the question of whether Britain would enter the war or not, and thus confusing Berlin over just what was the British attitude towards the question of intervention in the war. Ferguson accused London of unnecessarily allowing a regional war in Europe to escalate into a world war. Moreover, Ferguson denied that the origins of National Socialism could be traced back to Imperial Germany; instead Ferguson asserted the origins of Nazism could only be traced back to the First World War and its aftermath.Ferguson attacked a number of ideas that he called "myths" in the book. They are listed here (with his counter-arguments in parentheses):Another controversial aspect of "The Pity of War" is Ferguson's use of counterfactual history also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history. In the book, Ferguson presents a hypothetical version of Europe being, under Imperial German domination, a peaceful, prosperous, democratic continent, without ideologies like communism or Italian fascism. In Ferguson's view, had Germany won World War I, then the lives of millions would have been saved, something like the European Union would have been founded in 1914, and Britain would have remained an empire as well as the world's dominant financial power.The French historians Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau and Annette Becker were dubious about much of Ferguson's methodology and conclusions in "The Pity of War", but praised him for the chapter dealing with the executions of POWs, arguing that Ferguson had exposed a dark side of the war that until then had been ignored. The American writer Michael Lind wrote about "The Pity of War":Like the historian John Charmley, who expressed the same wish in the case of World War II, Ferguson belongs to the fringe element of British conservatism that regrets the absence of a German-British deal in the first half of the 20th century that would have marginalized the United States and might have allowed the British Empire to survive to this day. According to Ferguson, Britain should have stayed out of World War I and allowed Imperial Germany to smash France and Russia and create a continental empire from the Atlantic to the Middle East. The joke is on Ferguson's American conservative admirers, inasmuch as he laments the defeat of the Kaiser's Germany because it accelerated the replacement of the British Empire by the United States of America and the eclipse of the City of London by Wall Street. The German-born American historian Gerhard Weinberg in a review of "The Pity of War" strongly criticized Ferguson for advancing the thesis that it was idiotic for Britain to have fought a Germany that allegedly posed no danger. Weinberg accused Ferguson of completely ignoring the chief foreign policy aim of Wilhelm II from 1897 onwards, namely "Weltpolitik" ("World Politics") and argued it was absurd for Ferguson to claim that allowing Germany to defeat France and Russia would have posed no danger to Britain. Weinberg wrote that Ferguson was wrong to claim that Germany's interests were limited only to Europe, and maintained that if the "Reich" did defeat France in 1914, then Germany would have taken over the French colonies in Asia and Africa which would have definitely affected the balance of power all over the world, not just in Europe. Finally, Weinberg attacked Ferguson for claiming that the Tirpitz Plan was not a danger to Britain and that Britain had no reason to fear Germany's naval ambitions, sarcastically asking if that was really the case, then why did the British redeploy so much of their fleet from around the world to the North Sea and spend so much money building warships in the Anglo-German naval arms race? Weinberg accused Ferguson of distorting both German and British history and ignoring any evidence that did not fit with his thesis that Britain should never have fought Germany, stating that "The Pity of War" was interesting as a historical provocation, but was not persuasive as history.Ferguson wrote two volumes about the prominent Rothschild family: "The House of Rothschild: Volume 1: Money's Prophets: 1798–1848" and "The House of Rothschild: Volume 2: The World's Banker: 1849–1999". These books were the result of original archival research. The books won the Wadsworth Prize for Business History and were also short-listed for the Jewish Quarterly-Wingate Literary Award and the American National Jewish Book Award.The books were widely acclaimed by some historians, although they did receive some criticism. John Lewis Gaddis, a Cold War–era historian, praised Ferguson's "unrivaled range, productivity and visibility", while criticising the book as unpersuasive and containing contradictory claims. Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm had praised Ferguson as an excellent historian, but criticised him as a "nostalgist for empire". In a mixed review of a later book by Ferguson, "The War of the World: History's Age of Hatred", a reviewer for "The Economist" described how many regard Ferguson's two books on the Rothschilds "as one of the finest studies of its kind." Jeremy Wormell wrote that while "The World's Banker: A History of the House of Rothschild" had its virtues, it contained "many errors" which meant it was "unsafe to use it as a source for the debt markets."Writing in The New York Review of Books, Robert Skidelsky praised Ferguson: "Taken together, Ferguson's two volumes are a stupendous achievement, a triumph of historical research and imagination. No serious historian can write about the connection between the politics, diplomacy, and economics of the nineteenth century in the same way again. And, as any good work of history should do, it constantly prompts us to ask questions about our own age, when once again we have embarked on the grand experiment of a world economy without a world government."Ferguson sometimes champions counterfactual history, also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history, and edited a collection of essays, titled "Virtual History: Alternatives and Counterfactuals" (1997), exploring the subject. Ferguson likes to imagine alternative outcomes as a way of stressing the contingent aspects of history. For Ferguson, great forces don't make history; individuals do, and nothing is predetermined. Thus, for Ferguson, there are no paths in history that will determine how things will work out. The world is neither progressing nor regressing; only the actions of individuals determine whether we will live in a better or worse world. His championing of the method has been controversial within the field. In a 2011 review of Ferguson's book "Civilization: The West and the Rest", Noel Malcolm (Senior Research Fellow in History at All Souls College at Oxford University) stated that: "Students may find this an intriguing introduction to a wide range of human history; but they will get an odd idea of how historical argument is to be conducted, if they learn it from this book."In 2003, former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger provided Ferguson with access to his White House diaries, letters, and archives for what Ferguson calls a "warts-and-all biography" of Kissinger. In 2015, he published the first volume in a two-part biography titled "Kissinger: 1923–1968: The Idealist" from Penguin Press.The thesis of this first volume was that Kissinger was very much influenced in his academic and political development by the philosopher Immanuel Kant, and especially by an interpretation of Kant that he learned from a mentor at Harvard University, William Yandell Elliott.Ferguson has praised the British Empire, stating, "I think it's hard to make the case, which implicitly the left makes, that somehow the world would have been better off if the Europeans had stayed home." Ferguson is critical of what he calls the "self-flagellation" that he says characterises modern European thought.Historians and commentators have considered his views on this issue and expressed their critical evaluation in various terms, from "audacious" yet "wrong", "informative", "ambitious" and "troubling", to "false and dangerous" apologia. Richard Drayton, Rhodes Professor of Imperial History at King's College London, has stated that it was correct of Seumas Milne to associate "Ferguson with an attempt to "rehabilitate empire" in the service of contemporary great power interests". In November 2011 Pankaj Mishra reviewed "Civilisation: The West and the Rest" unfavourably in the "London Review of Books". Ferguson demanded an apology and threatened to sue Mishra on charges of libel due to allegations of racism.Jon Wilson, a professor of the Department of History at King’s College London, is the author of "India Conquered," a 2016 book intended to rebut Ferguson's arguments in "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," who catalogues the negative elements of the British Raj, and describes the "Empire" TV program (2003) as "false and dangerous" Wilson agrees with Ferguson's point that the British innovations brought to India, civil services, education, and railways, had beneficial side effects, but faults them for being done in a spirit of self-interest rather than altruism.About Ferguson's claim that Britain "made the modern world" by spreading democracy, free trade, capitalism, the rule of law, Protestantism and the English language, Wilson charged that Ferguson never explained precisely how this was done, arguing that the reason was the lack of interest in the history of the people ruled by the British on Ferguson's part, who therefore could not perceive that the interaction between the colonisers and the colonised in places like India, where the population embraced aspects of British culture and rule that were appealing to them while rejecting others that were unappealing. Wilson argues that this interaction between the rulers and the ruled is more complex, and contradicts Ferguson's one-sided picture of the British "transforming" India that portrays the British as active and the Indians as passive. Wilson charged that Ferguson failed to look at the empire via non-British eyes because to do so would be to challenge his claim that Britain "made the modern world" by imposing its values on "the Other", and that the history of the empire was far more complicated than the simplistic version that Ferguson is trying to present.Matthew Carr wrote in "Race & Class" that "Niall Ferguson, the conservative English [sic] historian and enthusiastic advocate of a new American empire, has also embraced the Eurabian idea in a widely reproduced article entitled 'Eurabia?', in which he laments the 'de-Christianization of Europe' and the secularism of the continent that leaves it 'weak in the face of fanaticism'." Carr adds that "Ferguson sees the recent establishment of a department of Islamic studies in his (Oxford college) as another symptom of 'the creeping Islamicization of a decadent Christendom'," and in a 2004 lecture at the American Enterprise Institute entitled 'The End of Europe?',Ferguson struck a similarly Spenglerian note, conjuring the term 'impire' to depict a process in which a 'political entity, instead of expanding outwards towards its periphery, exporting power, implodes—when the energies come from outside into that entity'. In Ferguson's opinion, this process was already under way in a decadent 'post-Christian' Europe that was drifting inexorably towards the dark denouement of a vanquished civilisation and the fatal embrace of Islam.In 2015, Ferguson deplored the Paris attacks committed by Islamic State terrorists, but stated he was not going to "stand" with the French as he argued that France was a lost cause, a declining state faced with an unstoppable Islamic wave that would sweep away everything that tried to oppose it. Ferguson compared the modern European Union to the Western Roman Empire, describing modern Europe as not that different from the world depicted by Edward Gibbon in his book "The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire". Ferguson wrote that:Uncannily similar processes are destroying the European Union today...Let us be clear about what is happening. Like the Roman Empire in the early fifth century, Europe has allowed its defenses to crumble. As its wealth has grown, so its military prowess has shrunk, along with its self-belief. It has grown decadent in its shopping malls and sports stadiums. At the same time, it has opened its gates to outsiders who have coveted its wealth without renouncing their ancestral faith. Ferguson wrote the mass influx of refugees into Europe from Syria was a modern version of the "Völkerwanderung" when the Huns burst out of Asia and invaded Europe, causing millions of the Germanic peoples to flee into the presumed safety of the Roman Empire, smashing their way in as the Romans attempted unsuccessfully to stop the Germans from entering the empire. Ferguson writes that Gibbon was wrong to claim the Roman Empire collapsed slowly and argues that the view among a growing number of modern scholars is that the collapse of the Roman empire was swift and violent; unforeseeable by Romans of the day, just as the collapse of modern European civilization would likewise be for modern Europeans.In 2017, Ferguson opined that the West had insufficiently heeded the rise of militant Islam and its global consequences in the same way it failed to predict that the rise of Lenin would lead to the further spread of communism and conflict around the world:Ask yourself how effectively we in the West have responded to the rise of militant Islam since the Iranian Revolution unleashed its Shi’ite variant and since 9/11 revealed the even more aggressive character of Sunni Islamism. I fear we have done no better than our grandfathers did.Foreign intervention—the millions of dollars that have found their way from the Gulf to radical mosques and Islamic centres in the West.Incompetent liberals—the proponents of multiculturalism who brand any opponent of jihad an “Islamophobe”. Clueless bankers—the sort who fall over themselves to offer “sharia-compliant” loans and bonds. Fellow travellers—the leftists who line up with the Muslim Brotherhood to castigate Israel at every opportunity. And the faint-hearted—those who were so quick to pull out of Iraq in 2009 that they allowed the rump of al-Qaeda to morph into Isis.A century ago it was the West’s great blunder to think it would not matter if Lenin and his confederates took over the Russian Empire, despite their stated intention to plot world revolution and overthrow both democracy and capitalism. Incredible as it may seem, I believe we are capable of repeating that catastrophic error. I fear that, one day, we shall wake with a start to discover that the Islamists have repeated the Bolshevik achievement, which was to acquire the resources and capability to threaten our existence.During a 2018 debate, Ferguson asserted that he is not anti-immigration or opposed to Muslims, but felt that sections of Europe's political and intellectual classes had failed to predict the cultural and political consequences of large scale immigration. He furthermore stated that Islam differs from Judaism and Christianity through being "designed differently" as a political ideology that does not recognize the separation of mosque with the secular and temporal, and that the Muslim world has mostly followed an opposite trend to Western society by becoming less secularized and more literal in interpreting holy scripture. He concluded that if Europe kept pursuing large scale migration from pious Muslim societies combined with poor structures of economic and cultural integration, especially in an era when existing migrant communities are either unassimilated or loosely integrated into the host society, it is "highly likely" that networks of fundamentalist "dawah" will grow in which Islamic extremists draw in the culturally and economically unassimilated Muslims of immigrant backgrounds. Ferguson has also pointed out that even when living in Western nations, both he and his wife Ayaan Hirsi Ali have to live with permanent security measures as a result of her public critiques of Islam and status as a former Muslim.Ferguson supported the 2003 Iraq War, and he is on record as being not necessarily opposed to future western incursions around the world. It's all very well for us to sit here in the West with our high incomes and cushy lives, and say it's immoral to violate the sovereignty of another state. But if the effect of that is to bring people in that country economic and political freedom, to raise their standard of living, to increase their life expectancy, then don't rule it out.On the rise of Republican Party presidential candidate Donald Trump, Ferguson was quoted in early 2016: "If you bother to read some of the serious analysis of Trump's support, you realize that it's a very fragile thing and highly unlikely to deliver what he needs in the crucial first phase of the primaries ... By the time we get to March–April, it's all over. I think there's going to be a wonderful catharsis, I'm really looking forward to it: Trump's humiliation. Bring it on." Trump eventually won the nomination.Three weeks before the 2016 United States presidential election, after the Access Hollywood tape scandal, Ferguson stated in an interview that it "was over for Donald Trump"; that "Trump had flamed out in all three Presidential debates"; that, "I don't think there can be any last minute surprise to rescue him [Trump]"; that there was no hope of Donald Trump winning Independent voters and that Trump was "gone as a candidate", adding that "it seems to me clear that she [Hillary Clinton] is going to be the first female President of the United States. The only question is how bad does his [Trump's] flaming out affect candidates for the Senate, candidates for the House, further down on the ballot." However after Brexit, Ferguson stated that Trump could win via the Electoral College if certain demographics turned out to vote in key swing states. Trump was elected president and the Republican Party retained control of both the Senate and House of Representatives.In an article from November 2016 in "The Boston Globe", Ferguson advised that Trump should support the efforts of Prime Minister Theresa May to have Britain leave the European Union as the best way of breaking up the EU, and sign a free trade agreement with the United Kingdom once Brexit is complete. Ferguson advised that Trump should give recognition to Russia as a Great Power, and work with President Vladimir Putin by giving Russia a sphere of influence in Eurasia. In the same column, Ferguson advised Trump not to engage in a trade war with China, and work with President Xi Jinping to create a US-Chinese partnership. Ferguson argued that Trump and Putin should work for the victory of Marine Le Pen (who wants France to leave the EU) and the "Front national" in the 2017 French elections, arguing that Le Pen was the French politician most congenial to the Trump administration. Ferguson argued that a quintumvirate of Trump, Putin, Xi, May and Le Pen was the world's best hope for peace and prosperity.In its edition of 15 August 2005, "The New Republic" published "The New New Deal", an essay by Ferguson and Laurence J. Kotlikoff, a professor of economics at Boston University. The two scholars called for the following changes to the American government's fiscal and income security policies:In November 2012, Ferguson stated in a video with CNN that the U.S. has enough energy resources to move towards energy independence and could possibly enter a new economic golden age due to the related socio-economic growth—coming out of the post-world economic recession doldrums.Ferguson was an attendee of the 2012 Bilderberg Group meeting, where he was a speaker on economic policy.Ferguson was highly critical of Britain's vote to leave the European Union, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire". Later, after backing the Remain campaign during the referendum, Ferguson changed his mind and came out in support of Britain's exit from the EU.In May 2009, Ferguson became involved in a high-profile exchange of views with economist Paul Krugman arising out of a panel discussion hosted by PEN/"New York Review" on 30 April 2009, regarding the U.S. economy. Ferguson contended that the Obama administration's policies are simultaneously Keynesian and monetarist, in an "incoherent" mix, and specifically claimed that the government's issuance of a multitude of new bonds would cause an increase in interest rates.Krugman argued that Ferguson's view is "resurrecting 75-year old fallacies" and full of "basic errors". He also stated that Ferguson is a "poseur" who "hasn't bothered to understand the basics, relying on snide comments and surface cleverness to convey the impression of wisdom. It's all style, no comprehension of substance."In 2012, Jonathan Portes, the director of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research, said that subsequent events had shown Ferguson to be wrong: "As we all know, since then both the US and UK have had deficits running at historically extremely high levels, and long-term interest rates at historic lows: as Krugman has repeatedly pointed out, the (IS-LM) textbook has been spot on."Later in 2012, after Ferguson wrote a cover story for "Newsweek" arguing that Mitt Romney should be elected in the upcoming US presidential election, Krugman wrote that there were multiple errors and misrepresentations in the story, concluding "We're not talking about ideology or even economic analysis here—just a plain misrepresentation of the facts, with an august publication letting itself be used to misinform readers. The "Times" would require an abject correction if something like that slipped through. Will "Newsweek"?" Ferguson denied that he had misrepresented the facts in an online rebuttal. Matthew O'Brien countered that Ferguson was still distorting the meaning of the Congressional Budget Office report being discussed, and that the entire piece could be read as an effort to deceive.In 2013, Ferguson, naming Dean Baker, Josh Barro, Brad DeLong, Matthew O'Brien, Noah Smith, Matthew Yglesias and Justin Wolfers, attacked "Krugman and his acolytes," in his three-part essay on why he dislikes Paul Krugman. The essay title ('Krugtron the Invincible') originally comes from a post by Noah Smith.At a May 2013 investment conference in Carlsbad, California, Ferguson was asked about his views on economist John Maynard Keynes' quotation that "in the long run we are all dead." Ferguson stated that Keynes was indifferent to the future because he was gay and did not have children. The remarks were widely criticised for being offensive, factually inaccurate, and a distortion of Keynes' ideas.Ferguson posted an apology for these statements shortly after reports of his words were widely disseminated, saying his comments were "as stupid as they were insensitive". In the apology, Ferguson stated: "My disagreements with Keynes's economic philosophy have never had anything to do with his sexual orientation. It is simply false to suggest, as I did, that his approach to economic policy was inspired by any aspect of his personal life."In spring 2018, Professor Ferguson was involved with college Republican leaders at Stanford to oppose a left-leaning student take over of the Cardinal Conversations initiative. In leaked emails, he was quoted as asking for opposition research on the student involved. He later apologized and resigned from the said initiative when emails were leaked revealing his involvement in the events. "I very much regret the publication of these emails. I also regret having written them," Ferguson wrote in a statement to "The Daily".Ferguson was an early skeptic of cryptocurrencies, famously dismissing his teenage son's recommendation to buy Bitcoin in 2014. By 2017, he had changed his mind on Bitcoin's utility, saying it had established itself as a form of "digital gold: a store of value for wealthy investors, especially those located in countries with weak rule of law and high political risk." In February 2019, Ferguson became an advisor for digital asset protocol firm Ampleforth Protocol, saying he was attracted by the firm's plan to "reinvent money in a way that protects individual freedom and to create a payments system that treats everyone equally." In March 2019, Ferguson spoke at an Australian Financial Review Business Summit, where he admitted to being "wrong to think there was no … use for a form of currency based on blockchain technology… I don't think this will turn out to be a complete delusion."Ferguson has stated that he identified as a Scottish nationalist as a teenager, but moderated his views after moving to England to study history. He has argued that Scottish nationalism is sometimes fueled by a distorted view that Scots have always been oppressed by the English and is misconceived by people from outside of the United Kingdom as choice between being Scottish or English. Ferguson states that in contrast to the subjugations of Wales and Ireland, Scotland was united as an "equal" country to England during the Act of Union, and cites events such as King James VI of Scotland inheriting the English crown, the failed Darien scheme to colonize Panama which prompted Scottish political elites to support the Union and that Scots were an integral part of the East India Company to question the narrative that Scotland was oppressed. Ferguson has also argued (citing Walter Scott's "Waverley") that Scotland after the Jacobite rebellion remained a land divided by warring clans and religious factions, and that the Union helped to quell some of the conflicts.During the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, Ferguson supported Scotland remaining within the United Kingdom, citing potential economic consequences of Scottish independence, but argued that the "No" campaign needed to focus on Scotland's history of cosmopolitanism as well as economic points to save the Union. In 2021, ahead of the 2021 Scottish Parliament election, Ferguson argued that the Labour administration under Tony Blair had made a mistake in believing devolution would stem Scottish nationalism, but instead it enabled the Scottish National Party to assume regional power and criticised the SNP government of Nicola Sturgeon for its management of the Scottish economy, education and freedom of speech. Ferguson furthermore claimed that the best way for the British government to thwart independence and the SNP's separationist demands was not by "unthinkingly accepting the SNP’s argument that it has a moral right to a referendum on secession every time it wins a parliamentary election" and allowing a slim "Yes" vote to decide the outcome, but instead by following the example of Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien and minister Stephane Dion's who handled the Parti Quebecois's calls for Quebec secessionism by taking the matter to the Canadian Supreme Court and introducing the Clarity Act rather than letting it solely be up to "a slim majority of the voters of Quebec if Canada broke up."In 2011, Ferguson predicted that "Grexit" (the notion of Greece leaving the Euro currency) was unlikely to happen, but that Britain would leave the European Union in the near future as it would be easier for Britain to leave the EU owing to the fact it was not part of the Eurozone and that returning to a national currency would be harder for countries who had signed up to a single currency. In 2012, he described the Eurozone as a "disaster waiting to happen."During the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum, Ferguson was initially critical of the idea of Britain leaving the EU despite his criticisms of the latter, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire" and endorsed a Remain vote. However, after backing the Remain campaign, Ferguson changed his stance and came out in support of Brexit, admitting that his support to stay in had been motivated in part on a personal level by not wanting the government of David Cameron (with whom he had a friendship) to collapse and in turn risk Jeremy Corbyn becoming Prime Minister. Ferguson elaborated that while Brexit would still have some economic consequences, the EU had been a "disaster" on its monetary, immigration, national security and radical Islam policies. He also added that the "I think one has to recognise that the European elite's performances over the last decade entirely justified the revolt of provincial England."In 2020, Ferguson predicted that the EU is destined to become "moribund" and was at risk of collapse in the near future and that the single currency had only benefited Northern Europe and Germany in particular while causing economic havoc in Southern Europe. However, he also argued the "real disintegration of Europe" will happen over the EU's migration policies that have both exacerbated and failed to provide solutions to illegal immigration to the European continent from North Africa and the Middle East. Ferguson stated that high levels of illegal immigration from majority Muslim nations would in turn further the rise of populist and eurosceptic movements committed to rolling back or leaving the European Union. Ferguson also predicted that in a decade's time, Britain would question why there had been fuss, outcry or debates over the manner of how to leave the EU over Brexit because "we'll have left something that was essentially disintegrating" and that "it would be a little bit like getting a divorce and then your ex drops dead, and you spent all that money on the divorce courts, if only you'd known how sick the ex was. The European Union is sick, and people don't really want to admit that, least of all in Brussels."Ferguson married journalist Sue Douglas in 1994 after meeting in 1987 when she was his editor at "The Sunday Times". They have three children: Felix, Freya, and Lachlan.In February 2010, Ferguson separated from Douglas and started dating former Dutch MP Ayaan Hirsi Ali. Ferguson and Douglas divorced in 2011. Ferguson married Hirsi Ali on 10 September 2011 and Hirsi Ali gave birth to their son Thomas in December 2011. In an interview in April 2011, Ferguson complained about the media coverage of his relationship with Ali, stating: "No, I never read their shitty coverage of people's private lives. I don't care about the sex lives of celebrities, so I was a little unprepared for having my private life all over the country. So yeah, I was naive, yeah. Because you have to stoop to conquer," – but will never write for "The Daily Mail" again. "That's because I'm a vendetta person. Yes, absolutely. Implacable."Ferguson dedicated his book "Civilization" to "Ayaan". In an interview with "The Guardian", Ferguson spoke about his love for Ali, whom, he writes in the preface, "understands better than anyone I know what Western civilisation really means – and what it still has to offer the world".Ferguson's self-confessed workaholism has placed strains on his personal relations in the past. Ferguson has commented that:...from 2002, the combination of making TV programmes and teaching at Harvard took me away from my children too much. You don't get those years back. You have to ask yourself: "Was it a smart decision to do those things?" I think the success I have enjoyed since then has been bought at a significant price. In hindsight, there would have been a bunch of things that I would have said no to. In an interview, Ferguson described his relationship with the left: "No, they love being provoked by me! Honestly, it makes them feel so much better about their lives to think that I'm a reactionary; it's a substitute for thought. 'Imperialist scumbag' and all that. Oh dear, we're back in a 1980s student union debate."Ferguson was the inspiration for Alan Bennett's play "The History Boys" (2004), particularly the character of Irwin, a history teacher who urges his pupils to find a counterintuitive angle, and goes on to become a television historian. Bennett's character "Irwin", writes David Smith of "The Observer", gives the impression that "an entire career can be built on the trick of contrariness."In 2018, Ferguson became naturalised as a US citizen.	[ "London School of Economics and Political Science", "University of Cambridge", "Hoover Institution", "Harvard University", "New York University" ]
Which employer did Niall Ferguson work for in Aug 30, 1998?	August 30, 1998	{ "text": [ "University of Oxford" ] }	L2_Q377638_P108_1	Niall Ferguson works for Hoover Institution from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022. Niall Ferguson works for University of Oxford from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2002. Niall Ferguson works for New York University from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2004. Niall Ferguson works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1992. Niall Ferguson works for Harvard University from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2016. Niall Ferguson works for London School of Economics and Political Science from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.	Niall FergusonNiall Campbell Ferguson (; born 18 April 1964) is a Scottish-American historian and the Milbank Family Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. Previously, he was a professor at Harvard University, the London School of Economics and New York University, visiting professor at New College of the Humanities and senior research fellow at Jesus College, Oxford.Ferguson writes and lectures on international history, economic and financial history and British and American imperialism. He is known for his positive views concerning the British Empire. He once ironically called himself "a fully paid-up member of the neo-imperialist gang" following the 2003 invasion of Iraq.Ferguson has been a contributing editor for Bloomberg Television and a columnist for "Newsweek". He began writing a twice-a-month column for "Bloomberg Opinion" in June 2020.Ferguson has written and presented numerous television documentary series, including "The Ascent of Money", which won an International Emmy award for Best Documentary in 2009. In 2004, he was named as one of "TIME" magazine's 100 most influential people in the world.Ferguson was born in Glasgow, Scotland, on 18 April 1964 to James Campbell Ferguson, a doctor, and Molly Archibald Hamilton, a physics teacher. Ferguson grew up in the Ibrox area Glasgow in a home close to the Ibrox Park football stadium. He attended The Glasgow Academy. He was brought up as, and remains, an atheist, though he has encouraged his children to study religion and attends church occasionally.Ferguson cites his father as instilling in him a strong sense of self-discipline and of the moral value of work, while his mother encouraged his creative side. His maternal grandfather, a journalist, encouraged him to write. He has described his parents as "both very much products of the Scottish Enlightenment." Ferguson ascribes his decision to read history at university instead of English literature to two main factors: Leo Tolstoy's reflections on history at the end of "War and Peace" (which he read at the age of fifteen), and his admiration of historian A. J. P. Taylor.Ferguson received a demyship (highest scholarship) from Magdalen College, Oxford. Whilst a student there, he wrote a 90-minute student film "The Labours of Hercules Sprote", played double bass in a jazz band "Night in Tunisia", edited the student magazine "Tributary", and befriended Andrew Sullivan, who shared his interest in right-wing politics and punk music. He had become a Thatcherite by 1982. He graduated with a first-class honours degree in history in 1985.Ferguson studied as a Hanseatic Scholar in Hamburg and Berlin in 1987 and 1988. He received his Doctor of Philosophy degree from the University of Oxford in 1989: his dissertation was titled "Business and Politics in the German Inflation: Hamburg 1914–1924".In 1989, Ferguson worked as a research fellow at Christ's College, Cambridge. From 1990 to 1992 he was an official fellow and lecturer at Peterhouse, Cambridge. He then became a fellow and tutor in modern history at Jesus College, Oxford, where in 2000 he was named a professor of political and financial history. In 2002 Ferguson became the John Herzog Professor in Financial History at New York University Stern School of Business, and in 2004 he became the Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History at Harvard University and William Ziegler Professor of Business Administration at Harvard Business School. From 2010 to 2011, Ferguson held the Philippe Roman Chair in history and international affairs at the London School of Economics. In 2016 Ferguson left Harvard to become a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, where he had been an adjunct fellow since 2005.Ferguson has received honorary degrees from the University of Buckingham, Macquarie University (Australia) and Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez (Chile). In May 2010, Michael Gove, education secretary, asked Ferguson to advise on the development of a new history syllabus, to be entitled "history as a connected narrative", for schools in England and Wales. In June 2011, he joined other academics to set up the New College of the Humanities, a private college in London.In 2018, Ferguson apologized after fellow historians criticized him for only inviting white men as speakers to a Stanford conference on applied history.Also in 2018, emails documenting Ferguson's attempts to discredit a progressive activist student at Stanford University who had been critical of Ferguson's choices of speakers invited to the Cardinal Conversations free speech initiative were released to the public and university administrators. He teamed with a Republican student group to find information that might discredit the student. Ferguson resigned from leadership of the program once university administrators became aware of his actions. Ferguson responded in his column saying, "Re-reading my emails now, I am struck by their juvenile, jocular tone. “A famous victory,” I wrote the morning after the Murray event. “Now we turn to the more subtle game of grinding them down on the committee. The price of liberty is eternal vigilance.” Then I added: “Some opposition research on Mr O might also be worthwhile”—a reference to the leader of the protests. None of this happened. The meetings of the student committee were repeatedly postponed. No one ever did any digging on “Mr O”. The spring vacation arrived. The only thing that came of the emails was that their circulation led to my stepping down."In 2000, Ferguson was a founding director of Boxmind, an Oxford-based educational technology company.In 2006, he set up Chimerica Media Ltd., a London based television production company.In 2007, Ferguson was appointed as an investment management consultant by GLG Partners, to advise on geopolitical risk as well as current structural issues in economic behaviour relating to investment decisions. GLG is a UK-based hedge fund management firm headed by Noam Gottesman. Ferguson was also an adviser to Morgan Stanley, the investment bank.In 2011, he set up Greenmantle LLC, an advisory business specializing in macroeconomics and geopolitics.He also serves as a non-executive director on the board of Affiliated Managers Group.Ferguson was an advisor to John McCain's U.S. presidential campaign in 2008, supported Mitt Romney in his 2012 campaign and was a vocal critic of Barack Obama.Ferguson is a trustee of the New York Historical Society and the London-based Centre for Policy Studies.Ferguson has written regularly for British newspapers and magazines since the mid 1980s. At that time, he was lead writer for "The Daily Telegraph," and a regular book reviewer for "The Daily Mail".In the summer on 1989, while travelling in Berlin, he wrote an article for a British newspaper with the provisional headline "The Berlin Wall is Crumbling", but it was not published.In the early 2000s he wrote a weekly column for "The Sunday Telegraph" and Los Angeles Times, leaving in 2007 to become a contributing editor to the "Financial Times". Between 2008 and 2012 he wrote regularly for "Newsweek". Since 2015 he has written a weekly column for The Sunday Times and The Boston Globe, which also appears in numerous papers around the world.Ferguson's television series The Ascent of Money won the 2009 International Emmy award for Best Documentary. In 2011 his film company Chimerica Media released its first feature-length documentary, "Kissinger", which won the New York Film Festival's prize for Best Documentary.In May 2012, the BBC announced Niall Ferguson was to present its annual Reith Lectures – a prestigious series of radio lectures which were first broadcast in 1948. These four lectures, titled "The Rule of Law and its Enemies", examine the role man-made institutions have played in the economic and political spheres.In the first lecture, held at the London School of Economics, titled "The Human Hive", Ferguson argues for greater openness from governments, saying they should publish accounts which clearly state all assets and liabilities. Governments, he said, should also follow the lead of business and adopt the Generally Accepted Accounting Principles and, above all, generational accounts should be prepared on a regular basis to make absolutely clear the inter-generational implications of current fiscal policy. In the lecture, Ferguson says young voters should be more supportive of government austerity measures if they do not wish to pay further down the line for the profligacy of the baby boomer generation.In the second lecture, "The Darwinian Economy", Ferguson reflects on the causes of the global financial crisis, and erroneous conclusions that many people have drawn from it about the role of regulation, and asks whether regulation is in fact "the disease of which it purports to be the cure"."The Landscape of Law" was the third lecture, delivered at Gresham College. It examines the rule of law in comparative terms, asking how far the common law's claims to superiority over other systems are credible, and whether we are living through a time of 'creeping legal degeneration' in the English-speaking world.The fourth and final lecture, "Civil and Uncivil Societies", focuses on institutions (outside the political, economic and legal realms) designed to preserve and transmit particular knowledge and values. Ferguson asks whether the modern state is quietly killing civil society in the Western world, and what non-Western societies can do to build a vibrant civil society.The first lecture was broadcast on BBC Radio 4 and the BBC World Service on Tuesday, 19 June 2012. The series is available as a BBC podcast.In his 2001 book, "The Cash Nexus", which he wrote following a year as Houblon-Norman Fellow at the Bank of England, Ferguson argues that the popular saying, "money makes the world go 'round", is wrong; instead he presented a case for human actions in history motivated by far more than just economic concerns.In his 2003 book, "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," Ferguson conducts a provocative reinterpretation of the British Empire, casting it as one of the world's great modernising forces. The Empire produced durable changes and globalisation with steampower, telegraphs, and engineers.Bernard Porter, famous for expressing his views during the Porter–MacKenzie debate on the British Empire, attacked "Empire" in "The London Review of Books" as a "panegyric to British colonialism". Ferguson, in response to this, drew Porter's attention to the conclusion of the book, where he writes: "No one would claim that the record of the British Empire was unblemished. On the contrary, I have tried to show how often it failed to live up to its own ideal of individual liberty, particularly in the early era of enslavement, transportation and the 'ethnic cleansing' of indigenous peoples." Ferguson argues however that the British Empire was preferable to the alternatives:The 19th-century empire undeniably pioneered free trade, free capital movements and, with the abolition of slavery, free labour. It invested immense sums in developing a global network of modern communications. It spread and enforced the rule of law over vast areas. Though it fought many small wars, the empire maintained a global peace unmatched before or since. In the 20th century too the empire more than justified its own existence. For the alternatives to British rule represented by the German and Japanese empires were clearly – and they admitted it themselves – far worse. And without its empire, it is inconceivable that Britain could have withstood them.In his 2005 book, "Colossus: The Rise and Fall of the American Empire," Ferguson proposes that the United States aspires to globalize free markets, the rule of law, and representative government, but shies away from the long-term commitments of manpower and money that are indispensable, in taking a more active role in resolving conflict arising from the failure of states. The U.S. is an empire in denial, not acknowledging the scale of global responsibilities. The American writer Michael Lind, responding to Ferguson's advocation of an enlarged American military through conscription, accused Ferguson of engaging in apocalyptic alarmism about the possibility of a world without the United States as the dominant power and of a casual disregard for the value of human life.In "War of the World", published in 2006, Ferguson argued that a combination of economic volatility, decaying empires, psychopathic dictators, racially/ethnically motivated and institutionalised violence resulted in the wars and genocides of what he calls "History's Age of Hatred". "The New York Times Book Review" named "War of the World" one of the 100 Notable Books of the Year in 2006, while the "International Herald Tribune" called it "one of the most intriguing attempts by an historian to explain man's inhumanity to man". Ferguson addresses the paradox that, though the 20th century was "so bloody", it was also "a time of unparalleled [economic] progress". As with his earlier work "Empire", "War of the World" was accompanied by a Channel 4 television series presented by Ferguson.Published in 2008, "The Ascent of Money" examines the history of money, credit, and banking. In it Ferguson predicts a financial crisis as a result of the world economy and in particular the United States using too much credit. He cites the China–United States dynamic which he refers to as Chimerica where an Asian "savings glut" helped create the subprime mortgage crisis with an influx of easy money. While researching this book, in early 2007, Ferguson attended a session at a conference in Las Vegas at which a hedge fund manager stated there would never be another recession. Ferguson challenged this, and later the two agreed on a $14,000, 7 to 1 bet, that there would be a recession within five years. Ferguson collected $98,000.Published in 2011, "Civilization: The West and the Rest" examines what Ferguson calls the most "interesting question" of our day: "Why, beginning around 1500, did a few small polities on the western end of the Eurasian landmass come to dominate the rest of the world?" The "Economist" in a review wrote: In 1500 Europe's future imperial powers controlled 10% of the world's territories and generated just over 40% of its wealth. By 1913, at the height of empire, the West controlled almost 60% of the territories, which together generated almost 80% of the wealth. This stunning fact is lost, he regrets, on a generation that has supplanted history's sweep with a feeble-minded relativism that holds "all civilisations as somehow equal".Ferguson attributes this divergence to the West's development of six "killer apps", which he finds were largely missing elsewhere in the world in 1500 – "competition, the scientific method, the rule of law, modern medicine, consumerism and the work ethic".Ferguson compared and contrasted how the West's "killer apps" allowed the West to triumph over "the Rest" citing examples. Ferguson argued the rowdy and savage competition between European merchants created far more wealth than did the static and ordered society of Qing China. Tolerance extended to thinkers like Sir Isaac Newton in Stuart England had no counterpart in the Ottoman Empire, where Takiyuddin's "blasphemous" observatory was demolished for contradicting the teachings of Islam. This ensured that Western civilization was capable of making scientific advances that Islamic civilization never could. Respect for private property was far stronger in British America than it ever was in Spanish America, which led to the United States and Canada becoming prosperous societies while Latin America was and remains mired in poverty.Ferguson also argued that the modern West had lost its edge and the future belongs to the nations of Asia, especially China, which has adopted the West's "killer apps". Ferguson argues that in the coming years we will see a steady decline of the West, while China and the rest of the Asian nations will be the rising powers.A related documentary "" was broadcast as a six-part series on Channel 4 in March and April 2011."Kissinger The Idealist", Volume I, published in September 2015, is the first part of a planned two-part biography of Henry Kissinger based on his private papers. The book starts with a quote from a letter which Kissinger wrote in 1972. The book examines Kissinger's life from being a refugee and fleeing Germany in 1938, to serving in the US army as a "free man" in World War II, to studying at Harvard. The book also explores the history of Kissinger joining the Kennedy administration and later becoming critical of its foreign policy, to supporting Nelson Rockefeller on three failed presidential bids, to finally joining the Nixon administration. The book also includes Kissinger's early evaluation of the Vietnam war and his efforts to negotiate with the North Vietnamese in Paris.Historians and political scientists gave the book mixed reviews. "The Economist" wrote in a review about "The Idealist": "Mr Ferguson, a British historian also at Harvard, has in the past sometimes produced work that is rushed and uneven. Not here. Like Mr Kissinger or loathe him, this is a work of engrossing scholarship." In a negative review of "The Idealist", the American journalist Michael O'Donnell questioned Ferguson's interpretation of Kissinger's actions leading up to Nixon's election as President. Andrew Roberts praised the book in The New York Times, concluding: "Niall Ferguson already has many important, scholarly and controversial books to his credit. But if the second volume of 'Kissinger' is anywhere near as comprehensive, well written and riveting as the first, this will be his masterpiece."Ferguson proposed a modified version of group selection that history can be explained by the evolution of human networks. He wrote, "Man, with his unrivaled neural network, was born "to" network." The title refers to a transition from hierarchical, "tower" networks to flatter, "square" network connections between individuals. John Gray in a review of the book was not convinced. He wrote, "He offers a mix of metaphor and what purports to be a new science." "Niall Ferguson has again written a brilliant book," wrote Deirdre McCloskey in The Wall Street Journal, "this time in defence of traditional top-down principles of governing the wild market and the wilder international order. "The Square and the Tower" raises the question of just how much the unruly world should be governedand by whom. Not everyone will agree, but everyone will be charmed and educated. … 'The Square and the Tower' is always readable, intelligent, original. You can swallow a chapter a night before sleep and your dreams will overflow with scenes of Stendhal's 'The Red and the Black,' Napoleon, Kissinger. In 400 pages you will have restocked your mind. Do it."In this book Ferguson offers a global history of disaster. Damon Linker of the "New York Times" argues that the book is "often insightful, productively provocative and downright brilliant" and suggests that Ferguson displays "an impressive command of the latest research in a large number of specialized fields, among them medical history, epidemiology, probability theory, cliodynamics and network theory". However Linker also criticises the book's "perplexing lacunae".In a review for "The Times", David Aaronovitch described Ferguson's theory as "nebulous".Ferguson has been referred to as a conservative historian by some commentators and fellow historians. Ferguson himself stated in a 2018 interview on the "Rubin Report" that his views align to classical liberalism and has referred to himself as a "classic Scottish enlightenment liberal" on other occasions. Some of his research and conclusions have resulted in controversy, particularly from people who hold left-wing politics.In 1998, Ferguson published "The Pity of War: Explaining World War One", which with the help of research assistants he was able to write in just five months. This is an analytic account of what Ferguson considered to be the ten great myths of the Great War. The book generated much controversy, particularly Ferguson's suggestion that it might have proved more beneficial for Europe if Britain had stayed out of the First World War in 1914, thereby allowing Germany to win. Ferguson has argued that the British decision to intervene was what stopped a German victory in 1914–15. Furthermore, Ferguson expressed disagreement with the "Sonderweg" interpretation of German history championed by some German historians such as Fritz Fischer, Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Hans Mommsen and Wolfgang Mommsen, who argued that the German Empire deliberately started an aggressive war in 1914. Likewise, Ferguson has often attacked the work of the German historian Michael Stürmer, who argued that it was Germany's geographical situation in Central Europe that determined the course of German history.On the contrary, Ferguson maintained that Germany waged a preventive war in 1914, a war largely forced on the Germans by reckless and irresponsible British diplomacy. In particular, Ferguson accused the British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey of maintaining an ambiguous attitude to the question of whether Britain would enter the war or not, and thus confusing Berlin over just what was the British attitude towards the question of intervention in the war. Ferguson accused London of unnecessarily allowing a regional war in Europe to escalate into a world war. Moreover, Ferguson denied that the origins of National Socialism could be traced back to Imperial Germany; instead Ferguson asserted the origins of Nazism could only be traced back to the First World War and its aftermath.Ferguson attacked a number of ideas that he called "myths" in the book. They are listed here (with his counter-arguments in parentheses):Another controversial aspect of "The Pity of War" is Ferguson's use of counterfactual history also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history. In the book, Ferguson presents a hypothetical version of Europe being, under Imperial German domination, a peaceful, prosperous, democratic continent, without ideologies like communism or Italian fascism. In Ferguson's view, had Germany won World War I, then the lives of millions would have been saved, something like the European Union would have been founded in 1914, and Britain would have remained an empire as well as the world's dominant financial power.The French historians Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau and Annette Becker were dubious about much of Ferguson's methodology and conclusions in "The Pity of War", but praised him for the chapter dealing with the executions of POWs, arguing that Ferguson had exposed a dark side of the war that until then had been ignored. The American writer Michael Lind wrote about "The Pity of War":Like the historian John Charmley, who expressed the same wish in the case of World War II, Ferguson belongs to the fringe element of British conservatism that regrets the absence of a German-British deal in the first half of the 20th century that would have marginalized the United States and might have allowed the British Empire to survive to this day. According to Ferguson, Britain should have stayed out of World War I and allowed Imperial Germany to smash France and Russia and create a continental empire from the Atlantic to the Middle East. The joke is on Ferguson's American conservative admirers, inasmuch as he laments the defeat of the Kaiser's Germany because it accelerated the replacement of the British Empire by the United States of America and the eclipse of the City of London by Wall Street. The German-born American historian Gerhard Weinberg in a review of "The Pity of War" strongly criticized Ferguson for advancing the thesis that it was idiotic for Britain to have fought a Germany that allegedly posed no danger. Weinberg accused Ferguson of completely ignoring the chief foreign policy aim of Wilhelm II from 1897 onwards, namely "Weltpolitik" ("World Politics") and argued it was absurd for Ferguson to claim that allowing Germany to defeat France and Russia would have posed no danger to Britain. Weinberg wrote that Ferguson was wrong to claim that Germany's interests were limited only to Europe, and maintained that if the "Reich" did defeat France in 1914, then Germany would have taken over the French colonies in Asia and Africa which would have definitely affected the balance of power all over the world, not just in Europe. Finally, Weinberg attacked Ferguson for claiming that the Tirpitz Plan was not a danger to Britain and that Britain had no reason to fear Germany's naval ambitions, sarcastically asking if that was really the case, then why did the British redeploy so much of their fleet from around the world to the North Sea and spend so much money building warships in the Anglo-German naval arms race? Weinberg accused Ferguson of distorting both German and British history and ignoring any evidence that did not fit with his thesis that Britain should never have fought Germany, stating that "The Pity of War" was interesting as a historical provocation, but was not persuasive as history.Ferguson wrote two volumes about the prominent Rothschild family: "The House of Rothschild: Volume 1: Money's Prophets: 1798–1848" and "The House of Rothschild: Volume 2: The World's Banker: 1849–1999". These books were the result of original archival research. The books won the Wadsworth Prize for Business History and were also short-listed for the Jewish Quarterly-Wingate Literary Award and the American National Jewish Book Award.The books were widely acclaimed by some historians, although they did receive some criticism. John Lewis Gaddis, a Cold War–era historian, praised Ferguson's "unrivaled range, productivity and visibility", while criticising the book as unpersuasive and containing contradictory claims. Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm had praised Ferguson as an excellent historian, but criticised him as a "nostalgist for empire". In a mixed review of a later book by Ferguson, "The War of the World: History's Age of Hatred", a reviewer for "The Economist" described how many regard Ferguson's two books on the Rothschilds "as one of the finest studies of its kind." Jeremy Wormell wrote that while "The World's Banker: A History of the House of Rothschild" had its virtues, it contained "many errors" which meant it was "unsafe to use it as a source for the debt markets."Writing in The New York Review of Books, Robert Skidelsky praised Ferguson: "Taken together, Ferguson's two volumes are a stupendous achievement, a triumph of historical research and imagination. No serious historian can write about the connection between the politics, diplomacy, and economics of the nineteenth century in the same way again. And, as any good work of history should do, it constantly prompts us to ask questions about our own age, when once again we have embarked on the grand experiment of a world economy without a world government."Ferguson sometimes champions counterfactual history, also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history, and edited a collection of essays, titled "Virtual History: Alternatives and Counterfactuals" (1997), exploring the subject. Ferguson likes to imagine alternative outcomes as a way of stressing the contingent aspects of history. For Ferguson, great forces don't make history; individuals do, and nothing is predetermined. Thus, for Ferguson, there are no paths in history that will determine how things will work out. The world is neither progressing nor regressing; only the actions of individuals determine whether we will live in a better or worse world. His championing of the method has been controversial within the field. In a 2011 review of Ferguson's book "Civilization: The West and the Rest", Noel Malcolm (Senior Research Fellow in History at All Souls College at Oxford University) stated that: "Students may find this an intriguing introduction to a wide range of human history; but they will get an odd idea of how historical argument is to be conducted, if they learn it from this book."In 2003, former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger provided Ferguson with access to his White House diaries, letters, and archives for what Ferguson calls a "warts-and-all biography" of Kissinger. In 2015, he published the first volume in a two-part biography titled "Kissinger: 1923–1968: The Idealist" from Penguin Press.The thesis of this first volume was that Kissinger was very much influenced in his academic and political development by the philosopher Immanuel Kant, and especially by an interpretation of Kant that he learned from a mentor at Harvard University, William Yandell Elliott.Ferguson has praised the British Empire, stating, "I think it's hard to make the case, which implicitly the left makes, that somehow the world would have been better off if the Europeans had stayed home." Ferguson is critical of what he calls the "self-flagellation" that he says characterises modern European thought.Historians and commentators have considered his views on this issue and expressed their critical evaluation in various terms, from "audacious" yet "wrong", "informative", "ambitious" and "troubling", to "false and dangerous" apologia. Richard Drayton, Rhodes Professor of Imperial History at King's College London, has stated that it was correct of Seumas Milne to associate "Ferguson with an attempt to "rehabilitate empire" in the service of contemporary great power interests". In November 2011 Pankaj Mishra reviewed "Civilisation: The West and the Rest" unfavourably in the "London Review of Books". Ferguson demanded an apology and threatened to sue Mishra on charges of libel due to allegations of racism.Jon Wilson, a professor of the Department of History at King’s College London, is the author of "India Conquered," a 2016 book intended to rebut Ferguson's arguments in "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," who catalogues the negative elements of the British Raj, and describes the "Empire" TV program (2003) as "false and dangerous" Wilson agrees with Ferguson's point that the British innovations brought to India, civil services, education, and railways, had beneficial side effects, but faults them for being done in a spirit of self-interest rather than altruism.About Ferguson's claim that Britain "made the modern world" by spreading democracy, free trade, capitalism, the rule of law, Protestantism and the English language, Wilson charged that Ferguson never explained precisely how this was done, arguing that the reason was the lack of interest in the history of the people ruled by the British on Ferguson's part, who therefore could not perceive that the interaction between the colonisers and the colonised in places like India, where the population embraced aspects of British culture and rule that were appealing to them while rejecting others that were unappealing. Wilson argues that this interaction between the rulers and the ruled is more complex, and contradicts Ferguson's one-sided picture of the British "transforming" India that portrays the British as active and the Indians as passive. Wilson charged that Ferguson failed to look at the empire via non-British eyes because to do so would be to challenge his claim that Britain "made the modern world" by imposing its values on "the Other", and that the history of the empire was far more complicated than the simplistic version that Ferguson is trying to present.Matthew Carr wrote in "Race & Class" that "Niall Ferguson, the conservative English [sic] historian and enthusiastic advocate of a new American empire, has also embraced the Eurabian idea in a widely reproduced article entitled 'Eurabia?', in which he laments the 'de-Christianization of Europe' and the secularism of the continent that leaves it 'weak in the face of fanaticism'." Carr adds that "Ferguson sees the recent establishment of a department of Islamic studies in his (Oxford college) as another symptom of 'the creeping Islamicization of a decadent Christendom'," and in a 2004 lecture at the American Enterprise Institute entitled 'The End of Europe?',Ferguson struck a similarly Spenglerian note, conjuring the term 'impire' to depict a process in which a 'political entity, instead of expanding outwards towards its periphery, exporting power, implodes—when the energies come from outside into that entity'. In Ferguson's opinion, this process was already under way in a decadent 'post-Christian' Europe that was drifting inexorably towards the dark denouement of a vanquished civilisation and the fatal embrace of Islam.In 2015, Ferguson deplored the Paris attacks committed by Islamic State terrorists, but stated he was not going to "stand" with the French as he argued that France was a lost cause, a declining state faced with an unstoppable Islamic wave that would sweep away everything that tried to oppose it. Ferguson compared the modern European Union to the Western Roman Empire, describing modern Europe as not that different from the world depicted by Edward Gibbon in his book "The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire". Ferguson wrote that:Uncannily similar processes are destroying the European Union today...Let us be clear about what is happening. Like the Roman Empire in the early fifth century, Europe has allowed its defenses to crumble. As its wealth has grown, so its military prowess has shrunk, along with its self-belief. It has grown decadent in its shopping malls and sports stadiums. At the same time, it has opened its gates to outsiders who have coveted its wealth without renouncing their ancestral faith. Ferguson wrote the mass influx of refugees into Europe from Syria was a modern version of the "Völkerwanderung" when the Huns burst out of Asia and invaded Europe, causing millions of the Germanic peoples to flee into the presumed safety of the Roman Empire, smashing their way in as the Romans attempted unsuccessfully to stop the Germans from entering the empire. Ferguson writes that Gibbon was wrong to claim the Roman Empire collapsed slowly and argues that the view among a growing number of modern scholars is that the collapse of the Roman empire was swift and violent; unforeseeable by Romans of the day, just as the collapse of modern European civilization would likewise be for modern Europeans.In 2017, Ferguson opined that the West had insufficiently heeded the rise of militant Islam and its global consequences in the same way it failed to predict that the rise of Lenin would lead to the further spread of communism and conflict around the world:Ask yourself how effectively we in the West have responded to the rise of militant Islam since the Iranian Revolution unleashed its Shi’ite variant and since 9/11 revealed the even more aggressive character of Sunni Islamism. I fear we have done no better than our grandfathers did.Foreign intervention—the millions of dollars that have found their way from the Gulf to radical mosques and Islamic centres in the West.Incompetent liberals—the proponents of multiculturalism who brand any opponent of jihad an “Islamophobe”. Clueless bankers—the sort who fall over themselves to offer “sharia-compliant” loans and bonds. Fellow travellers—the leftists who line up with the Muslim Brotherhood to castigate Israel at every opportunity. And the faint-hearted—those who were so quick to pull out of Iraq in 2009 that they allowed the rump of al-Qaeda to morph into Isis.A century ago it was the West’s great blunder to think it would not matter if Lenin and his confederates took over the Russian Empire, despite their stated intention to plot world revolution and overthrow both democracy and capitalism. Incredible as it may seem, I believe we are capable of repeating that catastrophic error. I fear that, one day, we shall wake with a start to discover that the Islamists have repeated the Bolshevik achievement, which was to acquire the resources and capability to threaten our existence.During a 2018 debate, Ferguson asserted that he is not anti-immigration or opposed to Muslims, but felt that sections of Europe's political and intellectual classes had failed to predict the cultural and political consequences of large scale immigration. He furthermore stated that Islam differs from Judaism and Christianity through being "designed differently" as a political ideology that does not recognize the separation of mosque with the secular and temporal, and that the Muslim world has mostly followed an opposite trend to Western society by becoming less secularized and more literal in interpreting holy scripture. He concluded that if Europe kept pursuing large scale migration from pious Muslim societies combined with poor structures of economic and cultural integration, especially in an era when existing migrant communities are either unassimilated or loosely integrated into the host society, it is "highly likely" that networks of fundamentalist "dawah" will grow in which Islamic extremists draw in the culturally and economically unassimilated Muslims of immigrant backgrounds. Ferguson has also pointed out that even when living in Western nations, both he and his wife Ayaan Hirsi Ali have to live with permanent security measures as a result of her public critiques of Islam and status as a former Muslim.Ferguson supported the 2003 Iraq War, and he is on record as being not necessarily opposed to future western incursions around the world. It's all very well for us to sit here in the West with our high incomes and cushy lives, and say it's immoral to violate the sovereignty of another state. But if the effect of that is to bring people in that country economic and political freedom, to raise their standard of living, to increase their life expectancy, then don't rule it out.On the rise of Republican Party presidential candidate Donald Trump, Ferguson was quoted in early 2016: "If you bother to read some of the serious analysis of Trump's support, you realize that it's a very fragile thing and highly unlikely to deliver what he needs in the crucial first phase of the primaries ... By the time we get to March–April, it's all over. I think there's going to be a wonderful catharsis, I'm really looking forward to it: Trump's humiliation. Bring it on." Trump eventually won the nomination.Three weeks before the 2016 United States presidential election, after the Access Hollywood tape scandal, Ferguson stated in an interview that it "was over for Donald Trump"; that "Trump had flamed out in all three Presidential debates"; that, "I don't think there can be any last minute surprise to rescue him [Trump]"; that there was no hope of Donald Trump winning Independent voters and that Trump was "gone as a candidate", adding that "it seems to me clear that she [Hillary Clinton] is going to be the first female President of the United States. The only question is how bad does his [Trump's] flaming out affect candidates for the Senate, candidates for the House, further down on the ballot." However after Brexit, Ferguson stated that Trump could win via the Electoral College if certain demographics turned out to vote in key swing states. Trump was elected president and the Republican Party retained control of both the Senate and House of Representatives.In an article from November 2016 in "The Boston Globe", Ferguson advised that Trump should support the efforts of Prime Minister Theresa May to have Britain leave the European Union as the best way of breaking up the EU, and sign a free trade agreement with the United Kingdom once Brexit is complete. Ferguson advised that Trump should give recognition to Russia as a Great Power, and work with President Vladimir Putin by giving Russia a sphere of influence in Eurasia. In the same column, Ferguson advised Trump not to engage in a trade war with China, and work with President Xi Jinping to create a US-Chinese partnership. Ferguson argued that Trump and Putin should work for the victory of Marine Le Pen (who wants France to leave the EU) and the "Front national" in the 2017 French elections, arguing that Le Pen was the French politician most congenial to the Trump administration. Ferguson argued that a quintumvirate of Trump, Putin, Xi, May and Le Pen was the world's best hope for peace and prosperity.In its edition of 15 August 2005, "The New Republic" published "The New New Deal", an essay by Ferguson and Laurence J. Kotlikoff, a professor of economics at Boston University. The two scholars called for the following changes to the American government's fiscal and income security policies:In November 2012, Ferguson stated in a video with CNN that the U.S. has enough energy resources to move towards energy independence and could possibly enter a new economic golden age due to the related socio-economic growth—coming out of the post-world economic recession doldrums.Ferguson was an attendee of the 2012 Bilderberg Group meeting, where he was a speaker on economic policy.Ferguson was highly critical of Britain's vote to leave the European Union, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire". Later, after backing the Remain campaign during the referendum, Ferguson changed his mind and came out in support of Britain's exit from the EU.In May 2009, Ferguson became involved in a high-profile exchange of views with economist Paul Krugman arising out of a panel discussion hosted by PEN/"New York Review" on 30 April 2009, regarding the U.S. economy. Ferguson contended that the Obama administration's policies are simultaneously Keynesian and monetarist, in an "incoherent" mix, and specifically claimed that the government's issuance of a multitude of new bonds would cause an increase in interest rates.Krugman argued that Ferguson's view is "resurrecting 75-year old fallacies" and full of "basic errors". He also stated that Ferguson is a "poseur" who "hasn't bothered to understand the basics, relying on snide comments and surface cleverness to convey the impression of wisdom. It's all style, no comprehension of substance."In 2012, Jonathan Portes, the director of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research, said that subsequent events had shown Ferguson to be wrong: "As we all know, since then both the US and UK have had deficits running at historically extremely high levels, and long-term interest rates at historic lows: as Krugman has repeatedly pointed out, the (IS-LM) textbook has been spot on."Later in 2012, after Ferguson wrote a cover story for "Newsweek" arguing that Mitt Romney should be elected in the upcoming US presidential election, Krugman wrote that there were multiple errors and misrepresentations in the story, concluding "We're not talking about ideology or even economic analysis here—just a plain misrepresentation of the facts, with an august publication letting itself be used to misinform readers. The "Times" would require an abject correction if something like that slipped through. Will "Newsweek"?" Ferguson denied that he had misrepresented the facts in an online rebuttal. Matthew O'Brien countered that Ferguson was still distorting the meaning of the Congressional Budget Office report being discussed, and that the entire piece could be read as an effort to deceive.In 2013, Ferguson, naming Dean Baker, Josh Barro, Brad DeLong, Matthew O'Brien, Noah Smith, Matthew Yglesias and Justin Wolfers, attacked "Krugman and his acolytes," in his three-part essay on why he dislikes Paul Krugman. The essay title ('Krugtron the Invincible') originally comes from a post by Noah Smith.At a May 2013 investment conference in Carlsbad, California, Ferguson was asked about his views on economist John Maynard Keynes' quotation that "in the long run we are all dead." Ferguson stated that Keynes was indifferent to the future because he was gay and did not have children. The remarks were widely criticised for being offensive, factually inaccurate, and a distortion of Keynes' ideas.Ferguson posted an apology for these statements shortly after reports of his words were widely disseminated, saying his comments were "as stupid as they were insensitive". In the apology, Ferguson stated: "My disagreements with Keynes's economic philosophy have never had anything to do with his sexual orientation. It is simply false to suggest, as I did, that his approach to economic policy was inspired by any aspect of his personal life."In spring 2018, Professor Ferguson was involved with college Republican leaders at Stanford to oppose a left-leaning student take over of the Cardinal Conversations initiative. In leaked emails, he was quoted as asking for opposition research on the student involved. He later apologized and resigned from the said initiative when emails were leaked revealing his involvement in the events. "I very much regret the publication of these emails. I also regret having written them," Ferguson wrote in a statement to "The Daily".Ferguson was an early skeptic of cryptocurrencies, famously dismissing his teenage son's recommendation to buy Bitcoin in 2014. By 2017, he had changed his mind on Bitcoin's utility, saying it had established itself as a form of "digital gold: a store of value for wealthy investors, especially those located in countries with weak rule of law and high political risk." In February 2019, Ferguson became an advisor for digital asset protocol firm Ampleforth Protocol, saying he was attracted by the firm's plan to "reinvent money in a way that protects individual freedom and to create a payments system that treats everyone equally." In March 2019, Ferguson spoke at an Australian Financial Review Business Summit, where he admitted to being "wrong to think there was no … use for a form of currency based on blockchain technology… I don't think this will turn out to be a complete delusion."Ferguson has stated that he identified as a Scottish nationalist as a teenager, but moderated his views after moving to England to study history. He has argued that Scottish nationalism is sometimes fueled by a distorted view that Scots have always been oppressed by the English and is misconceived by people from outside of the United Kingdom as choice between being Scottish or English. Ferguson states that in contrast to the subjugations of Wales and Ireland, Scotland was united as an "equal" country to England during the Act of Union, and cites events such as King James VI of Scotland inheriting the English crown, the failed Darien scheme to colonize Panama which prompted Scottish political elites to support the Union and that Scots were an integral part of the East India Company to question the narrative that Scotland was oppressed. Ferguson has also argued (citing Walter Scott's "Waverley") that Scotland after the Jacobite rebellion remained a land divided by warring clans and religious factions, and that the Union helped to quell some of the conflicts.During the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, Ferguson supported Scotland remaining within the United Kingdom, citing potential economic consequences of Scottish independence, but argued that the "No" campaign needed to focus on Scotland's history of cosmopolitanism as well as economic points to save the Union. In 2021, ahead of the 2021 Scottish Parliament election, Ferguson argued that the Labour administration under Tony Blair had made a mistake in believing devolution would stem Scottish nationalism, but instead it enabled the Scottish National Party to assume regional power and criticised the SNP government of Nicola Sturgeon for its management of the Scottish economy, education and freedom of speech. Ferguson furthermore claimed that the best way for the British government to thwart independence and the SNP's separationist demands was not by "unthinkingly accepting the SNP’s argument that it has a moral right to a referendum on secession every time it wins a parliamentary election" and allowing a slim "Yes" vote to decide the outcome, but instead by following the example of Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien and minister Stephane Dion's who handled the Parti Quebecois's calls for Quebec secessionism by taking the matter to the Canadian Supreme Court and introducing the Clarity Act rather than letting it solely be up to "a slim majority of the voters of Quebec if Canada broke up."In 2011, Ferguson predicted that "Grexit" (the notion of Greece leaving the Euro currency) was unlikely to happen, but that Britain would leave the European Union in the near future as it would be easier for Britain to leave the EU owing to the fact it was not part of the Eurozone and that returning to a national currency would be harder for countries who had signed up to a single currency. In 2012, he described the Eurozone as a "disaster waiting to happen."During the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum, Ferguson was initially critical of the idea of Britain leaving the EU despite his criticisms of the latter, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire" and endorsed a Remain vote. However, after backing the Remain campaign, Ferguson changed his stance and came out in support of Brexit, admitting that his support to stay in had been motivated in part on a personal level by not wanting the government of David Cameron (with whom he had a friendship) to collapse and in turn risk Jeremy Corbyn becoming Prime Minister. Ferguson elaborated that while Brexit would still have some economic consequences, the EU had been a "disaster" on its monetary, immigration, national security and radical Islam policies. He also added that the "I think one has to recognise that the European elite's performances over the last decade entirely justified the revolt of provincial England."In 2020, Ferguson predicted that the EU is destined to become "moribund" and was at risk of collapse in the near future and that the single currency had only benefited Northern Europe and Germany in particular while causing economic havoc in Southern Europe. However, he also argued the "real disintegration of Europe" will happen over the EU's migration policies that have both exacerbated and failed to provide solutions to illegal immigration to the European continent from North Africa and the Middle East. Ferguson stated that high levels of illegal immigration from majority Muslim nations would in turn further the rise of populist and eurosceptic movements committed to rolling back or leaving the European Union. Ferguson also predicted that in a decade's time, Britain would question why there had been fuss, outcry or debates over the manner of how to leave the EU over Brexit because "we'll have left something that was essentially disintegrating" and that "it would be a little bit like getting a divorce and then your ex drops dead, and you spent all that money on the divorce courts, if only you'd known how sick the ex was. The European Union is sick, and people don't really want to admit that, least of all in Brussels."Ferguson married journalist Sue Douglas in 1994 after meeting in 1987 when she was his editor at "The Sunday Times". They have three children: Felix, Freya, and Lachlan.In February 2010, Ferguson separated from Douglas and started dating former Dutch MP Ayaan Hirsi Ali. Ferguson and Douglas divorced in 2011. Ferguson married Hirsi Ali on 10 September 2011 and Hirsi Ali gave birth to their son Thomas in December 2011. In an interview in April 2011, Ferguson complained about the media coverage of his relationship with Ali, stating: "No, I never read their shitty coverage of people's private lives. I don't care about the sex lives of celebrities, so I was a little unprepared for having my private life all over the country. So yeah, I was naive, yeah. Because you have to stoop to conquer," – but will never write for "The Daily Mail" again. "That's because I'm a vendetta person. Yes, absolutely. Implacable."Ferguson dedicated his book "Civilization" to "Ayaan". In an interview with "The Guardian", Ferguson spoke about his love for Ali, whom, he writes in the preface, "understands better than anyone I know what Western civilisation really means – and what it still has to offer the world".Ferguson's self-confessed workaholism has placed strains on his personal relations in the past. Ferguson has commented that:...from 2002, the combination of making TV programmes and teaching at Harvard took me away from my children too much. You don't get those years back. You have to ask yourself: "Was it a smart decision to do those things?" I think the success I have enjoyed since then has been bought at a significant price. In hindsight, there would have been a bunch of things that I would have said no to. In an interview, Ferguson described his relationship with the left: "No, they love being provoked by me! Honestly, it makes them feel so much better about their lives to think that I'm a reactionary; it's a substitute for thought. 'Imperialist scumbag' and all that. Oh dear, we're back in a 1980s student union debate."Ferguson was the inspiration for Alan Bennett's play "The History Boys" (2004), particularly the character of Irwin, a history teacher who urges his pupils to find a counterintuitive angle, and goes on to become a television historian. Bennett's character "Irwin", writes David Smith of "The Observer", gives the impression that "an entire career can be built on the trick of contrariness."In 2018, Ferguson became naturalised as a US citizen.	[ "London School of Economics and Political Science", "University of Cambridge", "Hoover Institution", "Harvard University", "New York University" ]
Which employer did Niall Ferguson work for in 08/30/1998?	August 30, 1998	{ "text": [ "University of Oxford" ] }	L2_Q377638_P108_1	Niall Ferguson works for Hoover Institution from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022. Niall Ferguson works for University of Oxford from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2002. Niall Ferguson works for New York University from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2004. Niall Ferguson works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1992. Niall Ferguson works for Harvard University from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2016. Niall Ferguson works for London School of Economics and Political Science from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.	Niall FergusonNiall Campbell Ferguson (; born 18 April 1964) is a Scottish-American historian and the Milbank Family Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. Previously, he was a professor at Harvard University, the London School of Economics and New York University, visiting professor at New College of the Humanities and senior research fellow at Jesus College, Oxford.Ferguson writes and lectures on international history, economic and financial history and British and American imperialism. He is known for his positive views concerning the British Empire. He once ironically called himself "a fully paid-up member of the neo-imperialist gang" following the 2003 invasion of Iraq.Ferguson has been a contributing editor for Bloomberg Television and a columnist for "Newsweek". He began writing a twice-a-month column for "Bloomberg Opinion" in June 2020.Ferguson has written and presented numerous television documentary series, including "The Ascent of Money", which won an International Emmy award for Best Documentary in 2009. In 2004, he was named as one of "TIME" magazine's 100 most influential people in the world.Ferguson was born in Glasgow, Scotland, on 18 April 1964 to James Campbell Ferguson, a doctor, and Molly Archibald Hamilton, a physics teacher. Ferguson grew up in the Ibrox area Glasgow in a home close to the Ibrox Park football stadium. He attended The Glasgow Academy. He was brought up as, and remains, an atheist, though he has encouraged his children to study religion and attends church occasionally.Ferguson cites his father as instilling in him a strong sense of self-discipline and of the moral value of work, while his mother encouraged his creative side. His maternal grandfather, a journalist, encouraged him to write. He has described his parents as "both very much products of the Scottish Enlightenment." Ferguson ascribes his decision to read history at university instead of English literature to two main factors: Leo Tolstoy's reflections on history at the end of "War and Peace" (which he read at the age of fifteen), and his admiration of historian A. J. P. Taylor.Ferguson received a demyship (highest scholarship) from Magdalen College, Oxford. Whilst a student there, he wrote a 90-minute student film "The Labours of Hercules Sprote", played double bass in a jazz band "Night in Tunisia", edited the student magazine "Tributary", and befriended Andrew Sullivan, who shared his interest in right-wing politics and punk music. He had become a Thatcherite by 1982. He graduated with a first-class honours degree in history in 1985.Ferguson studied as a Hanseatic Scholar in Hamburg and Berlin in 1987 and 1988. He received his Doctor of Philosophy degree from the University of Oxford in 1989: his dissertation was titled "Business and Politics in the German Inflation: Hamburg 1914–1924".In 1989, Ferguson worked as a research fellow at Christ's College, Cambridge. From 1990 to 1992 he was an official fellow and lecturer at Peterhouse, Cambridge. He then became a fellow and tutor in modern history at Jesus College, Oxford, where in 2000 he was named a professor of political and financial history. In 2002 Ferguson became the John Herzog Professor in Financial History at New York University Stern School of Business, and in 2004 he became the Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History at Harvard University and William Ziegler Professor of Business Administration at Harvard Business School. From 2010 to 2011, Ferguson held the Philippe Roman Chair in history and international affairs at the London School of Economics. In 2016 Ferguson left Harvard to become a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, where he had been an adjunct fellow since 2005.Ferguson has received honorary degrees from the University of Buckingham, Macquarie University (Australia) and Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez (Chile). In May 2010, Michael Gove, education secretary, asked Ferguson to advise on the development of a new history syllabus, to be entitled "history as a connected narrative", for schools in England and Wales. In June 2011, he joined other academics to set up the New College of the Humanities, a private college in London.In 2018, Ferguson apologized after fellow historians criticized him for only inviting white men as speakers to a Stanford conference on applied history.Also in 2018, emails documenting Ferguson's attempts to discredit a progressive activist student at Stanford University who had been critical of Ferguson's choices of speakers invited to the Cardinal Conversations free speech initiative were released to the public and university administrators. He teamed with a Republican student group to find information that might discredit the student. Ferguson resigned from leadership of the program once university administrators became aware of his actions. Ferguson responded in his column saying, "Re-reading my emails now, I am struck by their juvenile, jocular tone. “A famous victory,” I wrote the morning after the Murray event. “Now we turn to the more subtle game of grinding them down on the committee. The price of liberty is eternal vigilance.” Then I added: “Some opposition research on Mr O might also be worthwhile”—a reference to the leader of the protests. None of this happened. The meetings of the student committee were repeatedly postponed. No one ever did any digging on “Mr O”. The spring vacation arrived. The only thing that came of the emails was that their circulation led to my stepping down."In 2000, Ferguson was a founding director of Boxmind, an Oxford-based educational technology company.In 2006, he set up Chimerica Media Ltd., a London based television production company.In 2007, Ferguson was appointed as an investment management consultant by GLG Partners, to advise on geopolitical risk as well as current structural issues in economic behaviour relating to investment decisions. GLG is a UK-based hedge fund management firm headed by Noam Gottesman. Ferguson was also an adviser to Morgan Stanley, the investment bank.In 2011, he set up Greenmantle LLC, an advisory business specializing in macroeconomics and geopolitics.He also serves as a non-executive director on the board of Affiliated Managers Group.Ferguson was an advisor to John McCain's U.S. presidential campaign in 2008, supported Mitt Romney in his 2012 campaign and was a vocal critic of Barack Obama.Ferguson is a trustee of the New York Historical Society and the London-based Centre for Policy Studies.Ferguson has written regularly for British newspapers and magazines since the mid 1980s. At that time, he was lead writer for "The Daily Telegraph," and a regular book reviewer for "The Daily Mail".In the summer on 1989, while travelling in Berlin, he wrote an article for a British newspaper with the provisional headline "The Berlin Wall is Crumbling", but it was not published.In the early 2000s he wrote a weekly column for "The Sunday Telegraph" and Los Angeles Times, leaving in 2007 to become a contributing editor to the "Financial Times". Between 2008 and 2012 he wrote regularly for "Newsweek". Since 2015 he has written a weekly column for The Sunday Times and The Boston Globe, which also appears in numerous papers around the world.Ferguson's television series The Ascent of Money won the 2009 International Emmy award for Best Documentary. In 2011 his film company Chimerica Media released its first feature-length documentary, "Kissinger", which won the New York Film Festival's prize for Best Documentary.In May 2012, the BBC announced Niall Ferguson was to present its annual Reith Lectures – a prestigious series of radio lectures which were first broadcast in 1948. These four lectures, titled "The Rule of Law and its Enemies", examine the role man-made institutions have played in the economic and political spheres.In the first lecture, held at the London School of Economics, titled "The Human Hive", Ferguson argues for greater openness from governments, saying they should publish accounts which clearly state all assets and liabilities. Governments, he said, should also follow the lead of business and adopt the Generally Accepted Accounting Principles and, above all, generational accounts should be prepared on a regular basis to make absolutely clear the inter-generational implications of current fiscal policy. In the lecture, Ferguson says young voters should be more supportive of government austerity measures if they do not wish to pay further down the line for the profligacy of the baby boomer generation.In the second lecture, "The Darwinian Economy", Ferguson reflects on the causes of the global financial crisis, and erroneous conclusions that many people have drawn from it about the role of regulation, and asks whether regulation is in fact "the disease of which it purports to be the cure"."The Landscape of Law" was the third lecture, delivered at Gresham College. It examines the rule of law in comparative terms, asking how far the common law's claims to superiority over other systems are credible, and whether we are living through a time of 'creeping legal degeneration' in the English-speaking world.The fourth and final lecture, "Civil and Uncivil Societies", focuses on institutions (outside the political, economic and legal realms) designed to preserve and transmit particular knowledge and values. Ferguson asks whether the modern state is quietly killing civil society in the Western world, and what non-Western societies can do to build a vibrant civil society.The first lecture was broadcast on BBC Radio 4 and the BBC World Service on Tuesday, 19 June 2012. The series is available as a BBC podcast.In his 2001 book, "The Cash Nexus", which he wrote following a year as Houblon-Norman Fellow at the Bank of England, Ferguson argues that the popular saying, "money makes the world go 'round", is wrong; instead he presented a case for human actions in history motivated by far more than just economic concerns.In his 2003 book, "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," Ferguson conducts a provocative reinterpretation of the British Empire, casting it as one of the world's great modernising forces. The Empire produced durable changes and globalisation with steampower, telegraphs, and engineers.Bernard Porter, famous for expressing his views during the Porter–MacKenzie debate on the British Empire, attacked "Empire" in "The London Review of Books" as a "panegyric to British colonialism". Ferguson, in response to this, drew Porter's attention to the conclusion of the book, where he writes: "No one would claim that the record of the British Empire was unblemished. On the contrary, I have tried to show how often it failed to live up to its own ideal of individual liberty, particularly in the early era of enslavement, transportation and the 'ethnic cleansing' of indigenous peoples." Ferguson argues however that the British Empire was preferable to the alternatives:The 19th-century empire undeniably pioneered free trade, free capital movements and, with the abolition of slavery, free labour. It invested immense sums in developing a global network of modern communications. It spread and enforced the rule of law over vast areas. Though it fought many small wars, the empire maintained a global peace unmatched before or since. In the 20th century too the empire more than justified its own existence. For the alternatives to British rule represented by the German and Japanese empires were clearly – and they admitted it themselves – far worse. And without its empire, it is inconceivable that Britain could have withstood them.In his 2005 book, "Colossus: The Rise and Fall of the American Empire," Ferguson proposes that the United States aspires to globalize free markets, the rule of law, and representative government, but shies away from the long-term commitments of manpower and money that are indispensable, in taking a more active role in resolving conflict arising from the failure of states. The U.S. is an empire in denial, not acknowledging the scale of global responsibilities. The American writer Michael Lind, responding to Ferguson's advocation of an enlarged American military through conscription, accused Ferguson of engaging in apocalyptic alarmism about the possibility of a world without the United States as the dominant power and of a casual disregard for the value of human life.In "War of the World", published in 2006, Ferguson argued that a combination of economic volatility, decaying empires, psychopathic dictators, racially/ethnically motivated and institutionalised violence resulted in the wars and genocides of what he calls "History's Age of Hatred". "The New York Times Book Review" named "War of the World" one of the 100 Notable Books of the Year in 2006, while the "International Herald Tribune" called it "one of the most intriguing attempts by an historian to explain man's inhumanity to man". Ferguson addresses the paradox that, though the 20th century was "so bloody", it was also "a time of unparalleled [economic] progress". As with his earlier work "Empire", "War of the World" was accompanied by a Channel 4 television series presented by Ferguson.Published in 2008, "The Ascent of Money" examines the history of money, credit, and banking. In it Ferguson predicts a financial crisis as a result of the world economy and in particular the United States using too much credit. He cites the China–United States dynamic which he refers to as Chimerica where an Asian "savings glut" helped create the subprime mortgage crisis with an influx of easy money. While researching this book, in early 2007, Ferguson attended a session at a conference in Las Vegas at which a hedge fund manager stated there would never be another recession. Ferguson challenged this, and later the two agreed on a $14,000, 7 to 1 bet, that there would be a recession within five years. Ferguson collected $98,000.Published in 2011, "Civilization: The West and the Rest" examines what Ferguson calls the most "interesting question" of our day: "Why, beginning around 1500, did a few small polities on the western end of the Eurasian landmass come to dominate the rest of the world?" The "Economist" in a review wrote: In 1500 Europe's future imperial powers controlled 10% of the world's territories and generated just over 40% of its wealth. By 1913, at the height of empire, the West controlled almost 60% of the territories, which together generated almost 80% of the wealth. This stunning fact is lost, he regrets, on a generation that has supplanted history's sweep with a feeble-minded relativism that holds "all civilisations as somehow equal".Ferguson attributes this divergence to the West's development of six "killer apps", which he finds were largely missing elsewhere in the world in 1500 – "competition, the scientific method, the rule of law, modern medicine, consumerism and the work ethic".Ferguson compared and contrasted how the West's "killer apps" allowed the West to triumph over "the Rest" citing examples. Ferguson argued the rowdy and savage competition between European merchants created far more wealth than did the static and ordered society of Qing China. Tolerance extended to thinkers like Sir Isaac Newton in Stuart England had no counterpart in the Ottoman Empire, where Takiyuddin's "blasphemous" observatory was demolished for contradicting the teachings of Islam. This ensured that Western civilization was capable of making scientific advances that Islamic civilization never could. Respect for private property was far stronger in British America than it ever was in Spanish America, which led to the United States and Canada becoming prosperous societies while Latin America was and remains mired in poverty.Ferguson also argued that the modern West had lost its edge and the future belongs to the nations of Asia, especially China, which has adopted the West's "killer apps". Ferguson argues that in the coming years we will see a steady decline of the West, while China and the rest of the Asian nations will be the rising powers.A related documentary "" was broadcast as a six-part series on Channel 4 in March and April 2011."Kissinger The Idealist", Volume I, published in September 2015, is the first part of a planned two-part biography of Henry Kissinger based on his private papers. The book starts with a quote from a letter which Kissinger wrote in 1972. The book examines Kissinger's life from being a refugee and fleeing Germany in 1938, to serving in the US army as a "free man" in World War II, to studying at Harvard. The book also explores the history of Kissinger joining the Kennedy administration and later becoming critical of its foreign policy, to supporting Nelson Rockefeller on three failed presidential bids, to finally joining the Nixon administration. The book also includes Kissinger's early evaluation of the Vietnam war and his efforts to negotiate with the North Vietnamese in Paris.Historians and political scientists gave the book mixed reviews. "The Economist" wrote in a review about "The Idealist": "Mr Ferguson, a British historian also at Harvard, has in the past sometimes produced work that is rushed and uneven. Not here. Like Mr Kissinger or loathe him, this is a work of engrossing scholarship." In a negative review of "The Idealist", the American journalist Michael O'Donnell questioned Ferguson's interpretation of Kissinger's actions leading up to Nixon's election as President. Andrew Roberts praised the book in The New York Times, concluding: "Niall Ferguson already has many important, scholarly and controversial books to his credit. But if the second volume of 'Kissinger' is anywhere near as comprehensive, well written and riveting as the first, this will be his masterpiece."Ferguson proposed a modified version of group selection that history can be explained by the evolution of human networks. He wrote, "Man, with his unrivaled neural network, was born "to" network." The title refers to a transition from hierarchical, "tower" networks to flatter, "square" network connections between individuals. John Gray in a review of the book was not convinced. He wrote, "He offers a mix of metaphor and what purports to be a new science." "Niall Ferguson has again written a brilliant book," wrote Deirdre McCloskey in The Wall Street Journal, "this time in defence of traditional top-down principles of governing the wild market and the wilder international order. "The Square and the Tower" raises the question of just how much the unruly world should be governedand by whom. Not everyone will agree, but everyone will be charmed and educated. … 'The Square and the Tower' is always readable, intelligent, original. You can swallow a chapter a night before sleep and your dreams will overflow with scenes of Stendhal's 'The Red and the Black,' Napoleon, Kissinger. In 400 pages you will have restocked your mind. Do it."In this book Ferguson offers a global history of disaster. Damon Linker of the "New York Times" argues that the book is "often insightful, productively provocative and downright brilliant" and suggests that Ferguson displays "an impressive command of the latest research in a large number of specialized fields, among them medical history, epidemiology, probability theory, cliodynamics and network theory". However Linker also criticises the book's "perplexing lacunae".In a review for "The Times", David Aaronovitch described Ferguson's theory as "nebulous".Ferguson has been referred to as a conservative historian by some commentators and fellow historians. Ferguson himself stated in a 2018 interview on the "Rubin Report" that his views align to classical liberalism and has referred to himself as a "classic Scottish enlightenment liberal" on other occasions. Some of his research and conclusions have resulted in controversy, particularly from people who hold left-wing politics.In 1998, Ferguson published "The Pity of War: Explaining World War One", which with the help of research assistants he was able to write in just five months. This is an analytic account of what Ferguson considered to be the ten great myths of the Great War. The book generated much controversy, particularly Ferguson's suggestion that it might have proved more beneficial for Europe if Britain had stayed out of the First World War in 1914, thereby allowing Germany to win. Ferguson has argued that the British decision to intervene was what stopped a German victory in 1914–15. Furthermore, Ferguson expressed disagreement with the "Sonderweg" interpretation of German history championed by some German historians such as Fritz Fischer, Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Hans Mommsen and Wolfgang Mommsen, who argued that the German Empire deliberately started an aggressive war in 1914. Likewise, Ferguson has often attacked the work of the German historian Michael Stürmer, who argued that it was Germany's geographical situation in Central Europe that determined the course of German history.On the contrary, Ferguson maintained that Germany waged a preventive war in 1914, a war largely forced on the Germans by reckless and irresponsible British diplomacy. In particular, Ferguson accused the British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey of maintaining an ambiguous attitude to the question of whether Britain would enter the war or not, and thus confusing Berlin over just what was the British attitude towards the question of intervention in the war. Ferguson accused London of unnecessarily allowing a regional war in Europe to escalate into a world war. Moreover, Ferguson denied that the origins of National Socialism could be traced back to Imperial Germany; instead Ferguson asserted the origins of Nazism could only be traced back to the First World War and its aftermath.Ferguson attacked a number of ideas that he called "myths" in the book. They are listed here (with his counter-arguments in parentheses):Another controversial aspect of "The Pity of War" is Ferguson's use of counterfactual history also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history. In the book, Ferguson presents a hypothetical version of Europe being, under Imperial German domination, a peaceful, prosperous, democratic continent, without ideologies like communism or Italian fascism. In Ferguson's view, had Germany won World War I, then the lives of millions would have been saved, something like the European Union would have been founded in 1914, and Britain would have remained an empire as well as the world's dominant financial power.The French historians Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau and Annette Becker were dubious about much of Ferguson's methodology and conclusions in "The Pity of War", but praised him for the chapter dealing with the executions of POWs, arguing that Ferguson had exposed a dark side of the war that until then had been ignored. The American writer Michael Lind wrote about "The Pity of War":Like the historian John Charmley, who expressed the same wish in the case of World War II, Ferguson belongs to the fringe element of British conservatism that regrets the absence of a German-British deal in the first half of the 20th century that would have marginalized the United States and might have allowed the British Empire to survive to this day. According to Ferguson, Britain should have stayed out of World War I and allowed Imperial Germany to smash France and Russia and create a continental empire from the Atlantic to the Middle East. The joke is on Ferguson's American conservative admirers, inasmuch as he laments the defeat of the Kaiser's Germany because it accelerated the replacement of the British Empire by the United States of America and the eclipse of the City of London by Wall Street. The German-born American historian Gerhard Weinberg in a review of "The Pity of War" strongly criticized Ferguson for advancing the thesis that it was idiotic for Britain to have fought a Germany that allegedly posed no danger. Weinberg accused Ferguson of completely ignoring the chief foreign policy aim of Wilhelm II from 1897 onwards, namely "Weltpolitik" ("World Politics") and argued it was absurd for Ferguson to claim that allowing Germany to defeat France and Russia would have posed no danger to Britain. Weinberg wrote that Ferguson was wrong to claim that Germany's interests were limited only to Europe, and maintained that if the "Reich" did defeat France in 1914, then Germany would have taken over the French colonies in Asia and Africa which would have definitely affected the balance of power all over the world, not just in Europe. Finally, Weinberg attacked Ferguson for claiming that the Tirpitz Plan was not a danger to Britain and that Britain had no reason to fear Germany's naval ambitions, sarcastically asking if that was really the case, then why did the British redeploy so much of their fleet from around the world to the North Sea and spend so much money building warships in the Anglo-German naval arms race? Weinberg accused Ferguson of distorting both German and British history and ignoring any evidence that did not fit with his thesis that Britain should never have fought Germany, stating that "The Pity of War" was interesting as a historical provocation, but was not persuasive as history.Ferguson wrote two volumes about the prominent Rothschild family: "The House of Rothschild: Volume 1: Money's Prophets: 1798–1848" and "The House of Rothschild: Volume 2: The World's Banker: 1849–1999". These books were the result of original archival research. The books won the Wadsworth Prize for Business History and were also short-listed for the Jewish Quarterly-Wingate Literary Award and the American National Jewish Book Award.The books were widely acclaimed by some historians, although they did receive some criticism. John Lewis Gaddis, a Cold War–era historian, praised Ferguson's "unrivaled range, productivity and visibility", while criticising the book as unpersuasive and containing contradictory claims. Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm had praised Ferguson as an excellent historian, but criticised him as a "nostalgist for empire". In a mixed review of a later book by Ferguson, "The War of the World: History's Age of Hatred", a reviewer for "The Economist" described how many regard Ferguson's two books on the Rothschilds "as one of the finest studies of its kind." Jeremy Wormell wrote that while "The World's Banker: A History of the House of Rothschild" had its virtues, it contained "many errors" which meant it was "unsafe to use it as a source for the debt markets."Writing in The New York Review of Books, Robert Skidelsky praised Ferguson: "Taken together, Ferguson's two volumes are a stupendous achievement, a triumph of historical research and imagination. No serious historian can write about the connection between the politics, diplomacy, and economics of the nineteenth century in the same way again. And, as any good work of history should do, it constantly prompts us to ask questions about our own age, when once again we have embarked on the grand experiment of a world economy without a world government."Ferguson sometimes champions counterfactual history, also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history, and edited a collection of essays, titled "Virtual History: Alternatives and Counterfactuals" (1997), exploring the subject. Ferguson likes to imagine alternative outcomes as a way of stressing the contingent aspects of history. For Ferguson, great forces don't make history; individuals do, and nothing is predetermined. Thus, for Ferguson, there are no paths in history that will determine how things will work out. The world is neither progressing nor regressing; only the actions of individuals determine whether we will live in a better or worse world. His championing of the method has been controversial within the field. In a 2011 review of Ferguson's book "Civilization: The West and the Rest", Noel Malcolm (Senior Research Fellow in History at All Souls College at Oxford University) stated that: "Students may find this an intriguing introduction to a wide range of human history; but they will get an odd idea of how historical argument is to be conducted, if they learn it from this book."In 2003, former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger provided Ferguson with access to his White House diaries, letters, and archives for what Ferguson calls a "warts-and-all biography" of Kissinger. In 2015, he published the first volume in a two-part biography titled "Kissinger: 1923–1968: The Idealist" from Penguin Press.The thesis of this first volume was that Kissinger was very much influenced in his academic and political development by the philosopher Immanuel Kant, and especially by an interpretation of Kant that he learned from a mentor at Harvard University, William Yandell Elliott.Ferguson has praised the British Empire, stating, "I think it's hard to make the case, which implicitly the left makes, that somehow the world would have been better off if the Europeans had stayed home." Ferguson is critical of what he calls the "self-flagellation" that he says characterises modern European thought.Historians and commentators have considered his views on this issue and expressed their critical evaluation in various terms, from "audacious" yet "wrong", "informative", "ambitious" and "troubling", to "false and dangerous" apologia. Richard Drayton, Rhodes Professor of Imperial History at King's College London, has stated that it was correct of Seumas Milne to associate "Ferguson with an attempt to "rehabilitate empire" in the service of contemporary great power interests". In November 2011 Pankaj Mishra reviewed "Civilisation: The West and the Rest" unfavourably in the "London Review of Books". Ferguson demanded an apology and threatened to sue Mishra on charges of libel due to allegations of racism.Jon Wilson, a professor of the Department of History at King’s College London, is the author of "India Conquered," a 2016 book intended to rebut Ferguson's arguments in "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," who catalogues the negative elements of the British Raj, and describes the "Empire" TV program (2003) as "false and dangerous" Wilson agrees with Ferguson's point that the British innovations brought to India, civil services, education, and railways, had beneficial side effects, but faults them for being done in a spirit of self-interest rather than altruism.About Ferguson's claim that Britain "made the modern world" by spreading democracy, free trade, capitalism, the rule of law, Protestantism and the English language, Wilson charged that Ferguson never explained precisely how this was done, arguing that the reason was the lack of interest in the history of the people ruled by the British on Ferguson's part, who therefore could not perceive that the interaction between the colonisers and the colonised in places like India, where the population embraced aspects of British culture and rule that were appealing to them while rejecting others that were unappealing. Wilson argues that this interaction between the rulers and the ruled is more complex, and contradicts Ferguson's one-sided picture of the British "transforming" India that portrays the British as active and the Indians as passive. Wilson charged that Ferguson failed to look at the empire via non-British eyes because to do so would be to challenge his claim that Britain "made the modern world" by imposing its values on "the Other", and that the history of the empire was far more complicated than the simplistic version that Ferguson is trying to present.Matthew Carr wrote in "Race & Class" that "Niall Ferguson, the conservative English [sic] historian and enthusiastic advocate of a new American empire, has also embraced the Eurabian idea in a widely reproduced article entitled 'Eurabia?', in which he laments the 'de-Christianization of Europe' and the secularism of the continent that leaves it 'weak in the face of fanaticism'." Carr adds that "Ferguson sees the recent establishment of a department of Islamic studies in his (Oxford college) as another symptom of 'the creeping Islamicization of a decadent Christendom'," and in a 2004 lecture at the American Enterprise Institute entitled 'The End of Europe?',Ferguson struck a similarly Spenglerian note, conjuring the term 'impire' to depict a process in which a 'political entity, instead of expanding outwards towards its periphery, exporting power, implodes—when the energies come from outside into that entity'. In Ferguson's opinion, this process was already under way in a decadent 'post-Christian' Europe that was drifting inexorably towards the dark denouement of a vanquished civilisation and the fatal embrace of Islam.In 2015, Ferguson deplored the Paris attacks committed by Islamic State terrorists, but stated he was not going to "stand" with the French as he argued that France was a lost cause, a declining state faced with an unstoppable Islamic wave that would sweep away everything that tried to oppose it. Ferguson compared the modern European Union to the Western Roman Empire, describing modern Europe as not that different from the world depicted by Edward Gibbon in his book "The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire". Ferguson wrote that:Uncannily similar processes are destroying the European Union today...Let us be clear about what is happening. Like the Roman Empire in the early fifth century, Europe has allowed its defenses to crumble. As its wealth has grown, so its military prowess has shrunk, along with its self-belief. It has grown decadent in its shopping malls and sports stadiums. At the same time, it has opened its gates to outsiders who have coveted its wealth without renouncing their ancestral faith. Ferguson wrote the mass influx of refugees into Europe from Syria was a modern version of the "Völkerwanderung" when the Huns burst out of Asia and invaded Europe, causing millions of the Germanic peoples to flee into the presumed safety of the Roman Empire, smashing their way in as the Romans attempted unsuccessfully to stop the Germans from entering the empire. Ferguson writes that Gibbon was wrong to claim the Roman Empire collapsed slowly and argues that the view among a growing number of modern scholars is that the collapse of the Roman empire was swift and violent; unforeseeable by Romans of the day, just as the collapse of modern European civilization would likewise be for modern Europeans.In 2017, Ferguson opined that the West had insufficiently heeded the rise of militant Islam and its global consequences in the same way it failed to predict that the rise of Lenin would lead to the further spread of communism and conflict around the world:Ask yourself how effectively we in the West have responded to the rise of militant Islam since the Iranian Revolution unleashed its Shi’ite variant and since 9/11 revealed the even more aggressive character of Sunni Islamism. I fear we have done no better than our grandfathers did.Foreign intervention—the millions of dollars that have found their way from the Gulf to radical mosques and Islamic centres in the West.Incompetent liberals—the proponents of multiculturalism who brand any opponent of jihad an “Islamophobe”. Clueless bankers—the sort who fall over themselves to offer “sharia-compliant” loans and bonds. Fellow travellers—the leftists who line up with the Muslim Brotherhood to castigate Israel at every opportunity. And the faint-hearted—those who were so quick to pull out of Iraq in 2009 that they allowed the rump of al-Qaeda to morph into Isis.A century ago it was the West’s great blunder to think it would not matter if Lenin and his confederates took over the Russian Empire, despite their stated intention to plot world revolution and overthrow both democracy and capitalism. Incredible as it may seem, I believe we are capable of repeating that catastrophic error. I fear that, one day, we shall wake with a start to discover that the Islamists have repeated the Bolshevik achievement, which was to acquire the resources and capability to threaten our existence.During a 2018 debate, Ferguson asserted that he is not anti-immigration or opposed to Muslims, but felt that sections of Europe's political and intellectual classes had failed to predict the cultural and political consequences of large scale immigration. He furthermore stated that Islam differs from Judaism and Christianity through being "designed differently" as a political ideology that does not recognize the separation of mosque with the secular and temporal, and that the Muslim world has mostly followed an opposite trend to Western society by becoming less secularized and more literal in interpreting holy scripture. He concluded that if Europe kept pursuing large scale migration from pious Muslim societies combined with poor structures of economic and cultural integration, especially in an era when existing migrant communities are either unassimilated or loosely integrated into the host society, it is "highly likely" that networks of fundamentalist "dawah" will grow in which Islamic extremists draw in the culturally and economically unassimilated Muslims of immigrant backgrounds. Ferguson has also pointed out that even when living in Western nations, both he and his wife Ayaan Hirsi Ali have to live with permanent security measures as a result of her public critiques of Islam and status as a former Muslim.Ferguson supported the 2003 Iraq War, and he is on record as being not necessarily opposed to future western incursions around the world. It's all very well for us to sit here in the West with our high incomes and cushy lives, and say it's immoral to violate the sovereignty of another state. But if the effect of that is to bring people in that country economic and political freedom, to raise their standard of living, to increase their life expectancy, then don't rule it out.On the rise of Republican Party presidential candidate Donald Trump, Ferguson was quoted in early 2016: "If you bother to read some of the serious analysis of Trump's support, you realize that it's a very fragile thing and highly unlikely to deliver what he needs in the crucial first phase of the primaries ... By the time we get to March–April, it's all over. I think there's going to be a wonderful catharsis, I'm really looking forward to it: Trump's humiliation. Bring it on." Trump eventually won the nomination.Three weeks before the 2016 United States presidential election, after the Access Hollywood tape scandal, Ferguson stated in an interview that it "was over for Donald Trump"; that "Trump had flamed out in all three Presidential debates"; that, "I don't think there can be any last minute surprise to rescue him [Trump]"; that there was no hope of Donald Trump winning Independent voters and that Trump was "gone as a candidate", adding that "it seems to me clear that she [Hillary Clinton] is going to be the first female President of the United States. The only question is how bad does his [Trump's] flaming out affect candidates for the Senate, candidates for the House, further down on the ballot." However after Brexit, Ferguson stated that Trump could win via the Electoral College if certain demographics turned out to vote in key swing states. Trump was elected president and the Republican Party retained control of both the Senate and House of Representatives.In an article from November 2016 in "The Boston Globe", Ferguson advised that Trump should support the efforts of Prime Minister Theresa May to have Britain leave the European Union as the best way of breaking up the EU, and sign a free trade agreement with the United Kingdom once Brexit is complete. Ferguson advised that Trump should give recognition to Russia as a Great Power, and work with President Vladimir Putin by giving Russia a sphere of influence in Eurasia. In the same column, Ferguson advised Trump not to engage in a trade war with China, and work with President Xi Jinping to create a US-Chinese partnership. Ferguson argued that Trump and Putin should work for the victory of Marine Le Pen (who wants France to leave the EU) and the "Front national" in the 2017 French elections, arguing that Le Pen was the French politician most congenial to the Trump administration. Ferguson argued that a quintumvirate of Trump, Putin, Xi, May and Le Pen was the world's best hope for peace and prosperity.In its edition of 15 August 2005, "The New Republic" published "The New New Deal", an essay by Ferguson and Laurence J. Kotlikoff, a professor of economics at Boston University. The two scholars called for the following changes to the American government's fiscal and income security policies:In November 2012, Ferguson stated in a video with CNN that the U.S. has enough energy resources to move towards energy independence and could possibly enter a new economic golden age due to the related socio-economic growth—coming out of the post-world economic recession doldrums.Ferguson was an attendee of the 2012 Bilderberg Group meeting, where he was a speaker on economic policy.Ferguson was highly critical of Britain's vote to leave the European Union, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire". Later, after backing the Remain campaign during the referendum, Ferguson changed his mind and came out in support of Britain's exit from the EU.In May 2009, Ferguson became involved in a high-profile exchange of views with economist Paul Krugman arising out of a panel discussion hosted by PEN/"New York Review" on 30 April 2009, regarding the U.S. economy. Ferguson contended that the Obama administration's policies are simultaneously Keynesian and monetarist, in an "incoherent" mix, and specifically claimed that the government's issuance of a multitude of new bonds would cause an increase in interest rates.Krugman argued that Ferguson's view is "resurrecting 75-year old fallacies" and full of "basic errors". He also stated that Ferguson is a "poseur" who "hasn't bothered to understand the basics, relying on snide comments and surface cleverness to convey the impression of wisdom. It's all style, no comprehension of substance."In 2012, Jonathan Portes, the director of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research, said that subsequent events had shown Ferguson to be wrong: "As we all know, since then both the US and UK have had deficits running at historically extremely high levels, and long-term interest rates at historic lows: as Krugman has repeatedly pointed out, the (IS-LM) textbook has been spot on."Later in 2012, after Ferguson wrote a cover story for "Newsweek" arguing that Mitt Romney should be elected in the upcoming US presidential election, Krugman wrote that there were multiple errors and misrepresentations in the story, concluding "We're not talking about ideology or even economic analysis here—just a plain misrepresentation of the facts, with an august publication letting itself be used to misinform readers. The "Times" would require an abject correction if something like that slipped through. Will "Newsweek"?" Ferguson denied that he had misrepresented the facts in an online rebuttal. Matthew O'Brien countered that Ferguson was still distorting the meaning of the Congressional Budget Office report being discussed, and that the entire piece could be read as an effort to deceive.In 2013, Ferguson, naming Dean Baker, Josh Barro, Brad DeLong, Matthew O'Brien, Noah Smith, Matthew Yglesias and Justin Wolfers, attacked "Krugman and his acolytes," in his three-part essay on why he dislikes Paul Krugman. The essay title ('Krugtron the Invincible') originally comes from a post by Noah Smith.At a May 2013 investment conference in Carlsbad, California, Ferguson was asked about his views on economist John Maynard Keynes' quotation that "in the long run we are all dead." Ferguson stated that Keynes was indifferent to the future because he was gay and did not have children. The remarks were widely criticised for being offensive, factually inaccurate, and a distortion of Keynes' ideas.Ferguson posted an apology for these statements shortly after reports of his words were widely disseminated, saying his comments were "as stupid as they were insensitive". In the apology, Ferguson stated: "My disagreements with Keynes's economic philosophy have never had anything to do with his sexual orientation. It is simply false to suggest, as I did, that his approach to economic policy was inspired by any aspect of his personal life."In spring 2018, Professor Ferguson was involved with college Republican leaders at Stanford to oppose a left-leaning student take over of the Cardinal Conversations initiative. In leaked emails, he was quoted as asking for opposition research on the student involved. He later apologized and resigned from the said initiative when emails were leaked revealing his involvement in the events. "I very much regret the publication of these emails. I also regret having written them," Ferguson wrote in a statement to "The Daily".Ferguson was an early skeptic of cryptocurrencies, famously dismissing his teenage son's recommendation to buy Bitcoin in 2014. By 2017, he had changed his mind on Bitcoin's utility, saying it had established itself as a form of "digital gold: a store of value for wealthy investors, especially those located in countries with weak rule of law and high political risk." In February 2019, Ferguson became an advisor for digital asset protocol firm Ampleforth Protocol, saying he was attracted by the firm's plan to "reinvent money in a way that protects individual freedom and to create a payments system that treats everyone equally." In March 2019, Ferguson spoke at an Australian Financial Review Business Summit, where he admitted to being "wrong to think there was no … use for a form of currency based on blockchain technology… I don't think this will turn out to be a complete delusion."Ferguson has stated that he identified as a Scottish nationalist as a teenager, but moderated his views after moving to England to study history. He has argued that Scottish nationalism is sometimes fueled by a distorted view that Scots have always been oppressed by the English and is misconceived by people from outside of the United Kingdom as choice between being Scottish or English. Ferguson states that in contrast to the subjugations of Wales and Ireland, Scotland was united as an "equal" country to England during the Act of Union, and cites events such as King James VI of Scotland inheriting the English crown, the failed Darien scheme to colonize Panama which prompted Scottish political elites to support the Union and that Scots were an integral part of the East India Company to question the narrative that Scotland was oppressed. Ferguson has also argued (citing Walter Scott's "Waverley") that Scotland after the Jacobite rebellion remained a land divided by warring clans and religious factions, and that the Union helped to quell some of the conflicts.During the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, Ferguson supported Scotland remaining within the United Kingdom, citing potential economic consequences of Scottish independence, but argued that the "No" campaign needed to focus on Scotland's history of cosmopolitanism as well as economic points to save the Union. In 2021, ahead of the 2021 Scottish Parliament election, Ferguson argued that the Labour administration under Tony Blair had made a mistake in believing devolution would stem Scottish nationalism, but instead it enabled the Scottish National Party to assume regional power and criticised the SNP government of Nicola Sturgeon for its management of the Scottish economy, education and freedom of speech. Ferguson furthermore claimed that the best way for the British government to thwart independence and the SNP's separationist demands was not by "unthinkingly accepting the SNP’s argument that it has a moral right to a referendum on secession every time it wins a parliamentary election" and allowing a slim "Yes" vote to decide the outcome, but instead by following the example of Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien and minister Stephane Dion's who handled the Parti Quebecois's calls for Quebec secessionism by taking the matter to the Canadian Supreme Court and introducing the Clarity Act rather than letting it solely be up to "a slim majority of the voters of Quebec if Canada broke up."In 2011, Ferguson predicted that "Grexit" (the notion of Greece leaving the Euro currency) was unlikely to happen, but that Britain would leave the European Union in the near future as it would be easier for Britain to leave the EU owing to the fact it was not part of the Eurozone and that returning to a national currency would be harder for countries who had signed up to a single currency. In 2012, he described the Eurozone as a "disaster waiting to happen."During the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum, Ferguson was initially critical of the idea of Britain leaving the EU despite his criticisms of the latter, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire" and endorsed a Remain vote. However, after backing the Remain campaign, Ferguson changed his stance and came out in support of Brexit, admitting that his support to stay in had been motivated in part on a personal level by not wanting the government of David Cameron (with whom he had a friendship) to collapse and in turn risk Jeremy Corbyn becoming Prime Minister. Ferguson elaborated that while Brexit would still have some economic consequences, the EU had been a "disaster" on its monetary, immigration, national security and radical Islam policies. He also added that the "I think one has to recognise that the European elite's performances over the last decade entirely justified the revolt of provincial England."In 2020, Ferguson predicted that the EU is destined to become "moribund" and was at risk of collapse in the near future and that the single currency had only benefited Northern Europe and Germany in particular while causing economic havoc in Southern Europe. However, he also argued the "real disintegration of Europe" will happen over the EU's migration policies that have both exacerbated and failed to provide solutions to illegal immigration to the European continent from North Africa and the Middle East. Ferguson stated that high levels of illegal immigration from majority Muslim nations would in turn further the rise of populist and eurosceptic movements committed to rolling back or leaving the European Union. Ferguson also predicted that in a decade's time, Britain would question why there had been fuss, outcry or debates over the manner of how to leave the EU over Brexit because "we'll have left something that was essentially disintegrating" and that "it would be a little bit like getting a divorce and then your ex drops dead, and you spent all that money on the divorce courts, if only you'd known how sick the ex was. The European Union is sick, and people don't really want to admit that, least of all in Brussels."Ferguson married journalist Sue Douglas in 1994 after meeting in 1987 when she was his editor at "The Sunday Times". They have three children: Felix, Freya, and Lachlan.In February 2010, Ferguson separated from Douglas and started dating former Dutch MP Ayaan Hirsi Ali. Ferguson and Douglas divorced in 2011. Ferguson married Hirsi Ali on 10 September 2011 and Hirsi Ali gave birth to their son Thomas in December 2011. In an interview in April 2011, Ferguson complained about the media coverage of his relationship with Ali, stating: "No, I never read their shitty coverage of people's private lives. I don't care about the sex lives of celebrities, so I was a little unprepared for having my private life all over the country. So yeah, I was naive, yeah. Because you have to stoop to conquer," – but will never write for "The Daily Mail" again. "That's because I'm a vendetta person. Yes, absolutely. Implacable."Ferguson dedicated his book "Civilization" to "Ayaan". In an interview with "The Guardian", Ferguson spoke about his love for Ali, whom, he writes in the preface, "understands better than anyone I know what Western civilisation really means – and what it still has to offer the world".Ferguson's self-confessed workaholism has placed strains on his personal relations in the past. Ferguson has commented that:...from 2002, the combination of making TV programmes and teaching at Harvard took me away from my children too much. You don't get those years back. You have to ask yourself: "Was it a smart decision to do those things?" I think the success I have enjoyed since then has been bought at a significant price. In hindsight, there would have been a bunch of things that I would have said no to. In an interview, Ferguson described his relationship with the left: "No, they love being provoked by me! Honestly, it makes them feel so much better about their lives to think that I'm a reactionary; it's a substitute for thought. 'Imperialist scumbag' and all that. Oh dear, we're back in a 1980s student union debate."Ferguson was the inspiration for Alan Bennett's play "The History Boys" (2004), particularly the character of Irwin, a history teacher who urges his pupils to find a counterintuitive angle, and goes on to become a television historian. Bennett's character "Irwin", writes David Smith of "The Observer", gives the impression that "an entire career can be built on the trick of contrariness."In 2018, Ferguson became naturalised as a US citizen.	[ "London School of Economics and Political Science", "University of Cambridge", "Hoover Institution", "Harvard University", "New York University" ]
Which employer did Niall Ferguson work for in 30-Aug-199830-August-1998?	August 30, 1998	{ "text": [ "University of Oxford" ] }	L2_Q377638_P108_1	Niall Ferguson works for Hoover Institution from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022. Niall Ferguson works for University of Oxford from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2002. Niall Ferguson works for New York University from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2004. Niall Ferguson works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1992. Niall Ferguson works for Harvard University from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2016. Niall Ferguson works for London School of Economics and Political Science from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.	Niall FergusonNiall Campbell Ferguson (; born 18 April 1964) is a Scottish-American historian and the Milbank Family Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. Previously, he was a professor at Harvard University, the London School of Economics and New York University, visiting professor at New College of the Humanities and senior research fellow at Jesus College, Oxford.Ferguson writes and lectures on international history, economic and financial history and British and American imperialism. He is known for his positive views concerning the British Empire. He once ironically called himself "a fully paid-up member of the neo-imperialist gang" following the 2003 invasion of Iraq.Ferguson has been a contributing editor for Bloomberg Television and a columnist for "Newsweek". He began writing a twice-a-month column for "Bloomberg Opinion" in June 2020.Ferguson has written and presented numerous television documentary series, including "The Ascent of Money", which won an International Emmy award for Best Documentary in 2009. In 2004, he was named as one of "TIME" magazine's 100 most influential people in the world.Ferguson was born in Glasgow, Scotland, on 18 April 1964 to James Campbell Ferguson, a doctor, and Molly Archibald Hamilton, a physics teacher. Ferguson grew up in the Ibrox area Glasgow in a home close to the Ibrox Park football stadium. He attended The Glasgow Academy. He was brought up as, and remains, an atheist, though he has encouraged his children to study religion and attends church occasionally.Ferguson cites his father as instilling in him a strong sense of self-discipline and of the moral value of work, while his mother encouraged his creative side. His maternal grandfather, a journalist, encouraged him to write. He has described his parents as "both very much products of the Scottish Enlightenment." Ferguson ascribes his decision to read history at university instead of English literature to two main factors: Leo Tolstoy's reflections on history at the end of "War and Peace" (which he read at the age of fifteen), and his admiration of historian A. J. P. Taylor.Ferguson received a demyship (highest scholarship) from Magdalen College, Oxford. Whilst a student there, he wrote a 90-minute student film "The Labours of Hercules Sprote", played double bass in a jazz band "Night in Tunisia", edited the student magazine "Tributary", and befriended Andrew Sullivan, who shared his interest in right-wing politics and punk music. He had become a Thatcherite by 1982. He graduated with a first-class honours degree in history in 1985.Ferguson studied as a Hanseatic Scholar in Hamburg and Berlin in 1987 and 1988. He received his Doctor of Philosophy degree from the University of Oxford in 1989: his dissertation was titled "Business and Politics in the German Inflation: Hamburg 1914–1924".In 1989, Ferguson worked as a research fellow at Christ's College, Cambridge. From 1990 to 1992 he was an official fellow and lecturer at Peterhouse, Cambridge. He then became a fellow and tutor in modern history at Jesus College, Oxford, where in 2000 he was named a professor of political and financial history. In 2002 Ferguson became the John Herzog Professor in Financial History at New York University Stern School of Business, and in 2004 he became the Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History at Harvard University and William Ziegler Professor of Business Administration at Harvard Business School. From 2010 to 2011, Ferguson held the Philippe Roman Chair in history and international affairs at the London School of Economics. In 2016 Ferguson left Harvard to become a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, where he had been an adjunct fellow since 2005.Ferguson has received honorary degrees from the University of Buckingham, Macquarie University (Australia) and Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez (Chile). In May 2010, Michael Gove, education secretary, asked Ferguson to advise on the development of a new history syllabus, to be entitled "history as a connected narrative", for schools in England and Wales. In June 2011, he joined other academics to set up the New College of the Humanities, a private college in London.In 2018, Ferguson apologized after fellow historians criticized him for only inviting white men as speakers to a Stanford conference on applied history.Also in 2018, emails documenting Ferguson's attempts to discredit a progressive activist student at Stanford University who had been critical of Ferguson's choices of speakers invited to the Cardinal Conversations free speech initiative were released to the public and university administrators. He teamed with a Republican student group to find information that might discredit the student. Ferguson resigned from leadership of the program once university administrators became aware of his actions. Ferguson responded in his column saying, "Re-reading my emails now, I am struck by their juvenile, jocular tone. “A famous victory,” I wrote the morning after the Murray event. “Now we turn to the more subtle game of grinding them down on the committee. The price of liberty is eternal vigilance.” Then I added: “Some opposition research on Mr O might also be worthwhile”—a reference to the leader of the protests. None of this happened. The meetings of the student committee were repeatedly postponed. No one ever did any digging on “Mr O”. The spring vacation arrived. The only thing that came of the emails was that their circulation led to my stepping down."In 2000, Ferguson was a founding director of Boxmind, an Oxford-based educational technology company.In 2006, he set up Chimerica Media Ltd., a London based television production company.In 2007, Ferguson was appointed as an investment management consultant by GLG Partners, to advise on geopolitical risk as well as current structural issues in economic behaviour relating to investment decisions. GLG is a UK-based hedge fund management firm headed by Noam Gottesman. Ferguson was also an adviser to Morgan Stanley, the investment bank.In 2011, he set up Greenmantle LLC, an advisory business specializing in macroeconomics and geopolitics.He also serves as a non-executive director on the board of Affiliated Managers Group.Ferguson was an advisor to John McCain's U.S. presidential campaign in 2008, supported Mitt Romney in his 2012 campaign and was a vocal critic of Barack Obama.Ferguson is a trustee of the New York Historical Society and the London-based Centre for Policy Studies.Ferguson has written regularly for British newspapers and magazines since the mid 1980s. At that time, he was lead writer for "The Daily Telegraph," and a regular book reviewer for "The Daily Mail".In the summer on 1989, while travelling in Berlin, he wrote an article for a British newspaper with the provisional headline "The Berlin Wall is Crumbling", but it was not published.In the early 2000s he wrote a weekly column for "The Sunday Telegraph" and Los Angeles Times, leaving in 2007 to become a contributing editor to the "Financial Times". Between 2008 and 2012 he wrote regularly for "Newsweek". Since 2015 he has written a weekly column for The Sunday Times and The Boston Globe, which also appears in numerous papers around the world.Ferguson's television series The Ascent of Money won the 2009 International Emmy award for Best Documentary. In 2011 his film company Chimerica Media released its first feature-length documentary, "Kissinger", which won the New York Film Festival's prize for Best Documentary.In May 2012, the BBC announced Niall Ferguson was to present its annual Reith Lectures – a prestigious series of radio lectures which were first broadcast in 1948. These four lectures, titled "The Rule of Law and its Enemies", examine the role man-made institutions have played in the economic and political spheres.In the first lecture, held at the London School of Economics, titled "The Human Hive", Ferguson argues for greater openness from governments, saying they should publish accounts which clearly state all assets and liabilities. Governments, he said, should also follow the lead of business and adopt the Generally Accepted Accounting Principles and, above all, generational accounts should be prepared on a regular basis to make absolutely clear the inter-generational implications of current fiscal policy. In the lecture, Ferguson says young voters should be more supportive of government austerity measures if they do not wish to pay further down the line for the profligacy of the baby boomer generation.In the second lecture, "The Darwinian Economy", Ferguson reflects on the causes of the global financial crisis, and erroneous conclusions that many people have drawn from it about the role of regulation, and asks whether regulation is in fact "the disease of which it purports to be the cure"."The Landscape of Law" was the third lecture, delivered at Gresham College. It examines the rule of law in comparative terms, asking how far the common law's claims to superiority over other systems are credible, and whether we are living through a time of 'creeping legal degeneration' in the English-speaking world.The fourth and final lecture, "Civil and Uncivil Societies", focuses on institutions (outside the political, economic and legal realms) designed to preserve and transmit particular knowledge and values. Ferguson asks whether the modern state is quietly killing civil society in the Western world, and what non-Western societies can do to build a vibrant civil society.The first lecture was broadcast on BBC Radio 4 and the BBC World Service on Tuesday, 19 June 2012. The series is available as a BBC podcast.In his 2001 book, "The Cash Nexus", which he wrote following a year as Houblon-Norman Fellow at the Bank of England, Ferguson argues that the popular saying, "money makes the world go 'round", is wrong; instead he presented a case for human actions in history motivated by far more than just economic concerns.In his 2003 book, "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," Ferguson conducts a provocative reinterpretation of the British Empire, casting it as one of the world's great modernising forces. The Empire produced durable changes and globalisation with steampower, telegraphs, and engineers.Bernard Porter, famous for expressing his views during the Porter–MacKenzie debate on the British Empire, attacked "Empire" in "The London Review of Books" as a "panegyric to British colonialism". Ferguson, in response to this, drew Porter's attention to the conclusion of the book, where he writes: "No one would claim that the record of the British Empire was unblemished. On the contrary, I have tried to show how often it failed to live up to its own ideal of individual liberty, particularly in the early era of enslavement, transportation and the 'ethnic cleansing' of indigenous peoples." Ferguson argues however that the British Empire was preferable to the alternatives:The 19th-century empire undeniably pioneered free trade, free capital movements and, with the abolition of slavery, free labour. It invested immense sums in developing a global network of modern communications. It spread and enforced the rule of law over vast areas. Though it fought many small wars, the empire maintained a global peace unmatched before or since. In the 20th century too the empire more than justified its own existence. For the alternatives to British rule represented by the German and Japanese empires were clearly – and they admitted it themselves – far worse. And without its empire, it is inconceivable that Britain could have withstood them.In his 2005 book, "Colossus: The Rise and Fall of the American Empire," Ferguson proposes that the United States aspires to globalize free markets, the rule of law, and representative government, but shies away from the long-term commitments of manpower and money that are indispensable, in taking a more active role in resolving conflict arising from the failure of states. The U.S. is an empire in denial, not acknowledging the scale of global responsibilities. The American writer Michael Lind, responding to Ferguson's advocation of an enlarged American military through conscription, accused Ferguson of engaging in apocalyptic alarmism about the possibility of a world without the United States as the dominant power and of a casual disregard for the value of human life.In "War of the World", published in 2006, Ferguson argued that a combination of economic volatility, decaying empires, psychopathic dictators, racially/ethnically motivated and institutionalised violence resulted in the wars and genocides of what he calls "History's Age of Hatred". "The New York Times Book Review" named "War of the World" one of the 100 Notable Books of the Year in 2006, while the "International Herald Tribune" called it "one of the most intriguing attempts by an historian to explain man's inhumanity to man". Ferguson addresses the paradox that, though the 20th century was "so bloody", it was also "a time of unparalleled [economic] progress". As with his earlier work "Empire", "War of the World" was accompanied by a Channel 4 television series presented by Ferguson.Published in 2008, "The Ascent of Money" examines the history of money, credit, and banking. In it Ferguson predicts a financial crisis as a result of the world economy and in particular the United States using too much credit. He cites the China–United States dynamic which he refers to as Chimerica where an Asian "savings glut" helped create the subprime mortgage crisis with an influx of easy money. While researching this book, in early 2007, Ferguson attended a session at a conference in Las Vegas at which a hedge fund manager stated there would never be another recession. Ferguson challenged this, and later the two agreed on a $14,000, 7 to 1 bet, that there would be a recession within five years. Ferguson collected $98,000.Published in 2011, "Civilization: The West and the Rest" examines what Ferguson calls the most "interesting question" of our day: "Why, beginning around 1500, did a few small polities on the western end of the Eurasian landmass come to dominate the rest of the world?" The "Economist" in a review wrote: In 1500 Europe's future imperial powers controlled 10% of the world's territories and generated just over 40% of its wealth. By 1913, at the height of empire, the West controlled almost 60% of the territories, which together generated almost 80% of the wealth. This stunning fact is lost, he regrets, on a generation that has supplanted history's sweep with a feeble-minded relativism that holds "all civilisations as somehow equal".Ferguson attributes this divergence to the West's development of six "killer apps", which he finds were largely missing elsewhere in the world in 1500 – "competition, the scientific method, the rule of law, modern medicine, consumerism and the work ethic".Ferguson compared and contrasted how the West's "killer apps" allowed the West to triumph over "the Rest" citing examples. Ferguson argued the rowdy and savage competition between European merchants created far more wealth than did the static and ordered society of Qing China. Tolerance extended to thinkers like Sir Isaac Newton in Stuart England had no counterpart in the Ottoman Empire, where Takiyuddin's "blasphemous" observatory was demolished for contradicting the teachings of Islam. This ensured that Western civilization was capable of making scientific advances that Islamic civilization never could. Respect for private property was far stronger in British America than it ever was in Spanish America, which led to the United States and Canada becoming prosperous societies while Latin America was and remains mired in poverty.Ferguson also argued that the modern West had lost its edge and the future belongs to the nations of Asia, especially China, which has adopted the West's "killer apps". Ferguson argues that in the coming years we will see a steady decline of the West, while China and the rest of the Asian nations will be the rising powers.A related documentary "" was broadcast as a six-part series on Channel 4 in March and April 2011."Kissinger The Idealist", Volume I, published in September 2015, is the first part of a planned two-part biography of Henry Kissinger based on his private papers. The book starts with a quote from a letter which Kissinger wrote in 1972. The book examines Kissinger's life from being a refugee and fleeing Germany in 1938, to serving in the US army as a "free man" in World War II, to studying at Harvard. The book also explores the history of Kissinger joining the Kennedy administration and later becoming critical of its foreign policy, to supporting Nelson Rockefeller on three failed presidential bids, to finally joining the Nixon administration. The book also includes Kissinger's early evaluation of the Vietnam war and his efforts to negotiate with the North Vietnamese in Paris.Historians and political scientists gave the book mixed reviews. "The Economist" wrote in a review about "The Idealist": "Mr Ferguson, a British historian also at Harvard, has in the past sometimes produced work that is rushed and uneven. Not here. Like Mr Kissinger or loathe him, this is a work of engrossing scholarship." In a negative review of "The Idealist", the American journalist Michael O'Donnell questioned Ferguson's interpretation of Kissinger's actions leading up to Nixon's election as President. Andrew Roberts praised the book in The New York Times, concluding: "Niall Ferguson already has many important, scholarly and controversial books to his credit. But if the second volume of 'Kissinger' is anywhere near as comprehensive, well written and riveting as the first, this will be his masterpiece."Ferguson proposed a modified version of group selection that history can be explained by the evolution of human networks. He wrote, "Man, with his unrivaled neural network, was born "to" network." The title refers to a transition from hierarchical, "tower" networks to flatter, "square" network connections between individuals. John Gray in a review of the book was not convinced. He wrote, "He offers a mix of metaphor and what purports to be a new science." "Niall Ferguson has again written a brilliant book," wrote Deirdre McCloskey in The Wall Street Journal, "this time in defence of traditional top-down principles of governing the wild market and the wilder international order. "The Square and the Tower" raises the question of just how much the unruly world should be governedand by whom. Not everyone will agree, but everyone will be charmed and educated. … 'The Square and the Tower' is always readable, intelligent, original. You can swallow a chapter a night before sleep and your dreams will overflow with scenes of Stendhal's 'The Red and the Black,' Napoleon, Kissinger. In 400 pages you will have restocked your mind. Do it."In this book Ferguson offers a global history of disaster. Damon Linker of the "New York Times" argues that the book is "often insightful, productively provocative and downright brilliant" and suggests that Ferguson displays "an impressive command of the latest research in a large number of specialized fields, among them medical history, epidemiology, probability theory, cliodynamics and network theory". However Linker also criticises the book's "perplexing lacunae".In a review for "The Times", David Aaronovitch described Ferguson's theory as "nebulous".Ferguson has been referred to as a conservative historian by some commentators and fellow historians. Ferguson himself stated in a 2018 interview on the "Rubin Report" that his views align to classical liberalism and has referred to himself as a "classic Scottish enlightenment liberal" on other occasions. Some of his research and conclusions have resulted in controversy, particularly from people who hold left-wing politics.In 1998, Ferguson published "The Pity of War: Explaining World War One", which with the help of research assistants he was able to write in just five months. This is an analytic account of what Ferguson considered to be the ten great myths of the Great War. The book generated much controversy, particularly Ferguson's suggestion that it might have proved more beneficial for Europe if Britain had stayed out of the First World War in 1914, thereby allowing Germany to win. Ferguson has argued that the British decision to intervene was what stopped a German victory in 1914–15. Furthermore, Ferguson expressed disagreement with the "Sonderweg" interpretation of German history championed by some German historians such as Fritz Fischer, Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Hans Mommsen and Wolfgang Mommsen, who argued that the German Empire deliberately started an aggressive war in 1914. Likewise, Ferguson has often attacked the work of the German historian Michael Stürmer, who argued that it was Germany's geographical situation in Central Europe that determined the course of German history.On the contrary, Ferguson maintained that Germany waged a preventive war in 1914, a war largely forced on the Germans by reckless and irresponsible British diplomacy. In particular, Ferguson accused the British Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey of maintaining an ambiguous attitude to the question of whether Britain would enter the war or not, and thus confusing Berlin over just what was the British attitude towards the question of intervention in the war. Ferguson accused London of unnecessarily allowing a regional war in Europe to escalate into a world war. Moreover, Ferguson denied that the origins of National Socialism could be traced back to Imperial Germany; instead Ferguson asserted the origins of Nazism could only be traced back to the First World War and its aftermath.Ferguson attacked a number of ideas that he called "myths" in the book. They are listed here (with his counter-arguments in parentheses):Another controversial aspect of "The Pity of War" is Ferguson's use of counterfactual history also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history. In the book, Ferguson presents a hypothetical version of Europe being, under Imperial German domination, a peaceful, prosperous, democratic continent, without ideologies like communism or Italian fascism. In Ferguson's view, had Germany won World War I, then the lives of millions would have been saved, something like the European Union would have been founded in 1914, and Britain would have remained an empire as well as the world's dominant financial power.The French historians Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau and Annette Becker were dubious about much of Ferguson's methodology and conclusions in "The Pity of War", but praised him for the chapter dealing with the executions of POWs, arguing that Ferguson had exposed a dark side of the war that until then had been ignored. The American writer Michael Lind wrote about "The Pity of War":Like the historian John Charmley, who expressed the same wish in the case of World War II, Ferguson belongs to the fringe element of British conservatism that regrets the absence of a German-British deal in the first half of the 20th century that would have marginalized the United States and might have allowed the British Empire to survive to this day. According to Ferguson, Britain should have stayed out of World War I and allowed Imperial Germany to smash France and Russia and create a continental empire from the Atlantic to the Middle East. The joke is on Ferguson's American conservative admirers, inasmuch as he laments the defeat of the Kaiser's Germany because it accelerated the replacement of the British Empire by the United States of America and the eclipse of the City of London by Wall Street. The German-born American historian Gerhard Weinberg in a review of "The Pity of War" strongly criticized Ferguson for advancing the thesis that it was idiotic for Britain to have fought a Germany that allegedly posed no danger. Weinberg accused Ferguson of completely ignoring the chief foreign policy aim of Wilhelm II from 1897 onwards, namely "Weltpolitik" ("World Politics") and argued it was absurd for Ferguson to claim that allowing Germany to defeat France and Russia would have posed no danger to Britain. Weinberg wrote that Ferguson was wrong to claim that Germany's interests were limited only to Europe, and maintained that if the "Reich" did defeat France in 1914, then Germany would have taken over the French colonies in Asia and Africa which would have definitely affected the balance of power all over the world, not just in Europe. Finally, Weinberg attacked Ferguson for claiming that the Tirpitz Plan was not a danger to Britain and that Britain had no reason to fear Germany's naval ambitions, sarcastically asking if that was really the case, then why did the British redeploy so much of their fleet from around the world to the North Sea and spend so much money building warships in the Anglo-German naval arms race? Weinberg accused Ferguson of distorting both German and British history and ignoring any evidence that did not fit with his thesis that Britain should never have fought Germany, stating that "The Pity of War" was interesting as a historical provocation, but was not persuasive as history.Ferguson wrote two volumes about the prominent Rothschild family: "The House of Rothschild: Volume 1: Money's Prophets: 1798–1848" and "The House of Rothschild: Volume 2: The World's Banker: 1849–1999". These books were the result of original archival research. The books won the Wadsworth Prize for Business History and were also short-listed for the Jewish Quarterly-Wingate Literary Award and the American National Jewish Book Award.The books were widely acclaimed by some historians, although they did receive some criticism. John Lewis Gaddis, a Cold War–era historian, praised Ferguson's "unrivaled range, productivity and visibility", while criticising the book as unpersuasive and containing contradictory claims. Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm had praised Ferguson as an excellent historian, but criticised him as a "nostalgist for empire". In a mixed review of a later book by Ferguson, "The War of the World: History's Age of Hatred", a reviewer for "The Economist" described how many regard Ferguson's two books on the Rothschilds "as one of the finest studies of its kind." Jeremy Wormell wrote that while "The World's Banker: A History of the House of Rothschild" had its virtues, it contained "many errors" which meant it was "unsafe to use it as a source for the debt markets."Writing in The New York Review of Books, Robert Skidelsky praised Ferguson: "Taken together, Ferguson's two volumes are a stupendous achievement, a triumph of historical research and imagination. No serious historian can write about the connection between the politics, diplomacy, and economics of the nineteenth century in the same way again. And, as any good work of history should do, it constantly prompts us to ask questions about our own age, when once again we have embarked on the grand experiment of a world economy without a world government."Ferguson sometimes champions counterfactual history, also known as "speculative" or "hypothetical" history, and edited a collection of essays, titled "Virtual History: Alternatives and Counterfactuals" (1997), exploring the subject. Ferguson likes to imagine alternative outcomes as a way of stressing the contingent aspects of history. For Ferguson, great forces don't make history; individuals do, and nothing is predetermined. Thus, for Ferguson, there are no paths in history that will determine how things will work out. The world is neither progressing nor regressing; only the actions of individuals determine whether we will live in a better or worse world. His championing of the method has been controversial within the field. In a 2011 review of Ferguson's book "Civilization: The West and the Rest", Noel Malcolm (Senior Research Fellow in History at All Souls College at Oxford University) stated that: "Students may find this an intriguing introduction to a wide range of human history; but they will get an odd idea of how historical argument is to be conducted, if they learn it from this book."In 2003, former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger provided Ferguson with access to his White House diaries, letters, and archives for what Ferguson calls a "warts-and-all biography" of Kissinger. In 2015, he published the first volume in a two-part biography titled "Kissinger: 1923–1968: The Idealist" from Penguin Press.The thesis of this first volume was that Kissinger was very much influenced in his academic and political development by the philosopher Immanuel Kant, and especially by an interpretation of Kant that he learned from a mentor at Harvard University, William Yandell Elliott.Ferguson has praised the British Empire, stating, "I think it's hard to make the case, which implicitly the left makes, that somehow the world would have been better off if the Europeans had stayed home." Ferguson is critical of what he calls the "self-flagellation" that he says characterises modern European thought.Historians and commentators have considered his views on this issue and expressed their critical evaluation in various terms, from "audacious" yet "wrong", "informative", "ambitious" and "troubling", to "false and dangerous" apologia. Richard Drayton, Rhodes Professor of Imperial History at King's College London, has stated that it was correct of Seumas Milne to associate "Ferguson with an attempt to "rehabilitate empire" in the service of contemporary great power interests". In November 2011 Pankaj Mishra reviewed "Civilisation: The West and the Rest" unfavourably in the "London Review of Books". Ferguson demanded an apology and threatened to sue Mishra on charges of libel due to allegations of racism.Jon Wilson, a professor of the Department of History at King’s College London, is the author of "India Conquered," a 2016 book intended to rebut Ferguson's arguments in "Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World," who catalogues the negative elements of the British Raj, and describes the "Empire" TV program (2003) as "false and dangerous" Wilson agrees with Ferguson's point that the British innovations brought to India, civil services, education, and railways, had beneficial side effects, but faults them for being done in a spirit of self-interest rather than altruism.About Ferguson's claim that Britain "made the modern world" by spreading democracy, free trade, capitalism, the rule of law, Protestantism and the English language, Wilson charged that Ferguson never explained precisely how this was done, arguing that the reason was the lack of interest in the history of the people ruled by the British on Ferguson's part, who therefore could not perceive that the interaction between the colonisers and the colonised in places like India, where the population embraced aspects of British culture and rule that were appealing to them while rejecting others that were unappealing. Wilson argues that this interaction between the rulers and the ruled is more complex, and contradicts Ferguson's one-sided picture of the British "transforming" India that portrays the British as active and the Indians as passive. Wilson charged that Ferguson failed to look at the empire via non-British eyes because to do so would be to challenge his claim that Britain "made the modern world" by imposing its values on "the Other", and that the history of the empire was far more complicated than the simplistic version that Ferguson is trying to present.Matthew Carr wrote in "Race & Class" that "Niall Ferguson, the conservative English [sic] historian and enthusiastic advocate of a new American empire, has also embraced the Eurabian idea in a widely reproduced article entitled 'Eurabia?', in which he laments the 'de-Christianization of Europe' and the secularism of the continent that leaves it 'weak in the face of fanaticism'." Carr adds that "Ferguson sees the recent establishment of a department of Islamic studies in his (Oxford college) as another symptom of 'the creeping Islamicization of a decadent Christendom'," and in a 2004 lecture at the American Enterprise Institute entitled 'The End of Europe?',Ferguson struck a similarly Spenglerian note, conjuring the term 'impire' to depict a process in which a 'political entity, instead of expanding outwards towards its periphery, exporting power, implodes—when the energies come from outside into that entity'. In Ferguson's opinion, this process was already under way in a decadent 'post-Christian' Europe that was drifting inexorably towards the dark denouement of a vanquished civilisation and the fatal embrace of Islam.In 2015, Ferguson deplored the Paris attacks committed by Islamic State terrorists, but stated he was not going to "stand" with the French as he argued that France was a lost cause, a declining state faced with an unstoppable Islamic wave that would sweep away everything that tried to oppose it. Ferguson compared the modern European Union to the Western Roman Empire, describing modern Europe as not that different from the world depicted by Edward Gibbon in his book "The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire". Ferguson wrote that:Uncannily similar processes are destroying the European Union today...Let us be clear about what is happening. Like the Roman Empire in the early fifth century, Europe has allowed its defenses to crumble. As its wealth has grown, so its military prowess has shrunk, along with its self-belief. It has grown decadent in its shopping malls and sports stadiums. At the same time, it has opened its gates to outsiders who have coveted its wealth without renouncing their ancestral faith. Ferguson wrote the mass influx of refugees into Europe from Syria was a modern version of the "Völkerwanderung" when the Huns burst out of Asia and invaded Europe, causing millions of the Germanic peoples to flee into the presumed safety of the Roman Empire, smashing their way in as the Romans attempted unsuccessfully to stop the Germans from entering the empire. Ferguson writes that Gibbon was wrong to claim the Roman Empire collapsed slowly and argues that the view among a growing number of modern scholars is that the collapse of the Roman empire was swift and violent; unforeseeable by Romans of the day, just as the collapse of modern European civilization would likewise be for modern Europeans.In 2017, Ferguson opined that the West had insufficiently heeded the rise of militant Islam and its global consequences in the same way it failed to predict that the rise of Lenin would lead to the further spread of communism and conflict around the world:Ask yourself how effectively we in the West have responded to the rise of militant Islam since the Iranian Revolution unleashed its Shi’ite variant and since 9/11 revealed the even more aggressive character of Sunni Islamism. I fear we have done no better than our grandfathers did.Foreign intervention—the millions of dollars that have found their way from the Gulf to radical mosques and Islamic centres in the West.Incompetent liberals—the proponents of multiculturalism who brand any opponent of jihad an “Islamophobe”. Clueless bankers—the sort who fall over themselves to offer “sharia-compliant” loans and bonds. Fellow travellers—the leftists who line up with the Muslim Brotherhood to castigate Israel at every opportunity. And the faint-hearted—those who were so quick to pull out of Iraq in 2009 that they allowed the rump of al-Qaeda to morph into Isis.A century ago it was the West’s great blunder to think it would not matter if Lenin and his confederates took over the Russian Empire, despite their stated intention to plot world revolution and overthrow both democracy and capitalism. Incredible as it may seem, I believe we are capable of repeating that catastrophic error. I fear that, one day, we shall wake with a start to discover that the Islamists have repeated the Bolshevik achievement, which was to acquire the resources and capability to threaten our existence.During a 2018 debate, Ferguson asserted that he is not anti-immigration or opposed to Muslims, but felt that sections of Europe's political and intellectual classes had failed to predict the cultural and political consequences of large scale immigration. He furthermore stated that Islam differs from Judaism and Christianity through being "designed differently" as a political ideology that does not recognize the separation of mosque with the secular and temporal, and that the Muslim world has mostly followed an opposite trend to Western society by becoming less secularized and more literal in interpreting holy scripture. He concluded that if Europe kept pursuing large scale migration from pious Muslim societies combined with poor structures of economic and cultural integration, especially in an era when existing migrant communities are either unassimilated or loosely integrated into the host society, it is "highly likely" that networks of fundamentalist "dawah" will grow in which Islamic extremists draw in the culturally and economically unassimilated Muslims of immigrant backgrounds. Ferguson has also pointed out that even when living in Western nations, both he and his wife Ayaan Hirsi Ali have to live with permanent security measures as a result of her public critiques of Islam and status as a former Muslim.Ferguson supported the 2003 Iraq War, and he is on record as being not necessarily opposed to future western incursions around the world. It's all very well for us to sit here in the West with our high incomes and cushy lives, and say it's immoral to violate the sovereignty of another state. But if the effect of that is to bring people in that country economic and political freedom, to raise their standard of living, to increase their life expectancy, then don't rule it out.On the rise of Republican Party presidential candidate Donald Trump, Ferguson was quoted in early 2016: "If you bother to read some of the serious analysis of Trump's support, you realize that it's a very fragile thing and highly unlikely to deliver what he needs in the crucial first phase of the primaries ... By the time we get to March–April, it's all over. I think there's going to be a wonderful catharsis, I'm really looking forward to it: Trump's humiliation. Bring it on." Trump eventually won the nomination.Three weeks before the 2016 United States presidential election, after the Access Hollywood tape scandal, Ferguson stated in an interview that it "was over for Donald Trump"; that "Trump had flamed out in all three Presidential debates"; that, "I don't think there can be any last minute surprise to rescue him [Trump]"; that there was no hope of Donald Trump winning Independent voters and that Trump was "gone as a candidate", adding that "it seems to me clear that she [Hillary Clinton] is going to be the first female President of the United States. The only question is how bad does his [Trump's] flaming out affect candidates for the Senate, candidates for the House, further down on the ballot." However after Brexit, Ferguson stated that Trump could win via the Electoral College if certain demographics turned out to vote in key swing states. Trump was elected president and the Republican Party retained control of both the Senate and House of Representatives.In an article from November 2016 in "The Boston Globe", Ferguson advised that Trump should support the efforts of Prime Minister Theresa May to have Britain leave the European Union as the best way of breaking up the EU, and sign a free trade agreement with the United Kingdom once Brexit is complete. Ferguson advised that Trump should give recognition to Russia as a Great Power, and work with President Vladimir Putin by giving Russia a sphere of influence in Eurasia. In the same column, Ferguson advised Trump not to engage in a trade war with China, and work with President Xi Jinping to create a US-Chinese partnership. Ferguson argued that Trump and Putin should work for the victory of Marine Le Pen (who wants France to leave the EU) and the "Front national" in the 2017 French elections, arguing that Le Pen was the French politician most congenial to the Trump administration. Ferguson argued that a quintumvirate of Trump, Putin, Xi, May and Le Pen was the world's best hope for peace and prosperity.In its edition of 15 August 2005, "The New Republic" published "The New New Deal", an essay by Ferguson and Laurence J. Kotlikoff, a professor of economics at Boston University. The two scholars called for the following changes to the American government's fiscal and income security policies:In November 2012, Ferguson stated in a video with CNN that the U.S. has enough energy resources to move towards energy independence and could possibly enter a new economic golden age due to the related socio-economic growth—coming out of the post-world economic recession doldrums.Ferguson was an attendee of the 2012 Bilderberg Group meeting, where he was a speaker on economic policy.Ferguson was highly critical of Britain's vote to leave the European Union, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire". Later, after backing the Remain campaign during the referendum, Ferguson changed his mind and came out in support of Britain's exit from the EU.In May 2009, Ferguson became involved in a high-profile exchange of views with economist Paul Krugman arising out of a panel discussion hosted by PEN/"New York Review" on 30 April 2009, regarding the U.S. economy. Ferguson contended that the Obama administration's policies are simultaneously Keynesian and monetarist, in an "incoherent" mix, and specifically claimed that the government's issuance of a multitude of new bonds would cause an increase in interest rates.Krugman argued that Ferguson's view is "resurrecting 75-year old fallacies" and full of "basic errors". He also stated that Ferguson is a "poseur" who "hasn't bothered to understand the basics, relying on snide comments and surface cleverness to convey the impression of wisdom. It's all style, no comprehension of substance."In 2012, Jonathan Portes, the director of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research, said that subsequent events had shown Ferguson to be wrong: "As we all know, since then both the US and UK have had deficits running at historically extremely high levels, and long-term interest rates at historic lows: as Krugman has repeatedly pointed out, the (IS-LM) textbook has been spot on."Later in 2012, after Ferguson wrote a cover story for "Newsweek" arguing that Mitt Romney should be elected in the upcoming US presidential election, Krugman wrote that there were multiple errors and misrepresentations in the story, concluding "We're not talking about ideology or even economic analysis here—just a plain misrepresentation of the facts, with an august publication letting itself be used to misinform readers. The "Times" would require an abject correction if something like that slipped through. Will "Newsweek"?" Ferguson denied that he had misrepresented the facts in an online rebuttal. Matthew O'Brien countered that Ferguson was still distorting the meaning of the Congressional Budget Office report being discussed, and that the entire piece could be read as an effort to deceive.In 2013, Ferguson, naming Dean Baker, Josh Barro, Brad DeLong, Matthew O'Brien, Noah Smith, Matthew Yglesias and Justin Wolfers, attacked "Krugman and his acolytes," in his three-part essay on why he dislikes Paul Krugman. The essay title ('Krugtron the Invincible') originally comes from a post by Noah Smith.At a May 2013 investment conference in Carlsbad, California, Ferguson was asked about his views on economist John Maynard Keynes' quotation that "in the long run we are all dead." Ferguson stated that Keynes was indifferent to the future because he was gay and did not have children. The remarks were widely criticised for being offensive, factually inaccurate, and a distortion of Keynes' ideas.Ferguson posted an apology for these statements shortly after reports of his words were widely disseminated, saying his comments were "as stupid as they were insensitive". In the apology, Ferguson stated: "My disagreements with Keynes's economic philosophy have never had anything to do with his sexual orientation. It is simply false to suggest, as I did, that his approach to economic policy was inspired by any aspect of his personal life."In spring 2018, Professor Ferguson was involved with college Republican leaders at Stanford to oppose a left-leaning student take over of the Cardinal Conversations initiative. In leaked emails, he was quoted as asking for opposition research on the student involved. He later apologized and resigned from the said initiative when emails were leaked revealing his involvement in the events. "I very much regret the publication of these emails. I also regret having written them," Ferguson wrote in a statement to "The Daily".Ferguson was an early skeptic of cryptocurrencies, famously dismissing his teenage son's recommendation to buy Bitcoin in 2014. By 2017, he had changed his mind on Bitcoin's utility, saying it had established itself as a form of "digital gold: a store of value for wealthy investors, especially those located in countries with weak rule of law and high political risk." In February 2019, Ferguson became an advisor for digital asset protocol firm Ampleforth Protocol, saying he was attracted by the firm's plan to "reinvent money in a way that protects individual freedom and to create a payments system that treats everyone equally." In March 2019, Ferguson spoke at an Australian Financial Review Business Summit, where he admitted to being "wrong to think there was no … use for a form of currency based on blockchain technology… I don't think this will turn out to be a complete delusion."Ferguson has stated that he identified as a Scottish nationalist as a teenager, but moderated his views after moving to England to study history. He has argued that Scottish nationalism is sometimes fueled by a distorted view that Scots have always been oppressed by the English and is misconceived by people from outside of the United Kingdom as choice between being Scottish or English. Ferguson states that in contrast to the subjugations of Wales and Ireland, Scotland was united as an "equal" country to England during the Act of Union, and cites events such as King James VI of Scotland inheriting the English crown, the failed Darien scheme to colonize Panama which prompted Scottish political elites to support the Union and that Scots were an integral part of the East India Company to question the narrative that Scotland was oppressed. Ferguson has also argued (citing Walter Scott's "Waverley") that Scotland after the Jacobite rebellion remained a land divided by warring clans and religious factions, and that the Union helped to quell some of the conflicts.During the 2014 Scottish independence referendum, Ferguson supported Scotland remaining within the United Kingdom, citing potential economic consequences of Scottish independence, but argued that the "No" campaign needed to focus on Scotland's history of cosmopolitanism as well as economic points to save the Union. In 2021, ahead of the 2021 Scottish Parliament election, Ferguson argued that the Labour administration under Tony Blair had made a mistake in believing devolution would stem Scottish nationalism, but instead it enabled the Scottish National Party to assume regional power and criticised the SNP government of Nicola Sturgeon for its management of the Scottish economy, education and freedom of speech. Ferguson furthermore claimed that the best way for the British government to thwart independence and the SNP's separationist demands was not by "unthinkingly accepting the SNP’s argument that it has a moral right to a referendum on secession every time it wins a parliamentary election" and allowing a slim "Yes" vote to decide the outcome, but instead by following the example of Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien and minister Stephane Dion's who handled the Parti Quebecois's calls for Quebec secessionism by taking the matter to the Canadian Supreme Court and introducing the Clarity Act rather than letting it solely be up to "a slim majority of the voters of Quebec if Canada broke up."In 2011, Ferguson predicted that "Grexit" (the notion of Greece leaving the Euro currency) was unlikely to happen, but that Britain would leave the European Union in the near future as it would be easier for Britain to leave the EU owing to the fact it was not part of the Eurozone and that returning to a national currency would be harder for countries who had signed up to a single currency. In 2012, he described the Eurozone as a "disaster waiting to happen."During the 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum, Ferguson was initially critical of the idea of Britain leaving the EU despite his criticisms of the latter, warning that "the economic consequences will be dire" and endorsed a Remain vote. However, after backing the Remain campaign, Ferguson changed his stance and came out in support of Brexit, admitting that his support to stay in had been motivated in part on a personal level by not wanting the government of David Cameron (with whom he had a friendship) to collapse and in turn risk Jeremy Corbyn becoming Prime Minister. Ferguson elaborated that while Brexit would still have some economic consequences, the EU had been a "disaster" on its monetary, immigration, national security and radical Islam policies. He also added that the "I think one has to recognise that the European elite's performances over the last decade entirely justified the revolt of provincial England."In 2020, Ferguson predicted that the EU is destined to become "moribund" and was at risk of collapse in the near future and that the single currency had only benefited Northern Europe and Germany in particular while causing economic havoc in Southern Europe. However, he also argued the "real disintegration of Europe" will happen over the EU's migration policies that have both exacerbated and failed to provide solutions to illegal immigration to the European continent from North Africa and the Middle East. Ferguson stated that high levels of illegal immigration from majority Muslim nations would in turn further the rise of populist and eurosceptic movements committed to rolling back or leaving the European Union. Ferguson also predicted that in a decade's time, Britain would question why there had been fuss, outcry or debates over the manner of how to leave the EU over Brexit because "we'll have left something that was essentially disintegrating" and that "it would be a little bit like getting a divorce and then your ex drops dead, and you spent all that money on the divorce courts, if only you'd known how sick the ex was. The European Union is sick, and people don't really want to admit that, least of all in Brussels."Ferguson married journalist Sue Douglas in 1994 after meeting in 1987 when she was his editor at "The Sunday Times". They have three children: Felix, Freya, and Lachlan.In February 2010, Ferguson separated from Douglas and started dating former Dutch MP Ayaan Hirsi Ali. Ferguson and Douglas divorced in 2011. Ferguson married Hirsi Ali on 10 September 2011 and Hirsi Ali gave birth to their son Thomas in December 2011. In an interview in April 2011, Ferguson complained about the media coverage of his relationship with Ali, stating: "No, I never read their shitty coverage of people's private lives. I don't care about the sex lives of celebrities, so I was a little unprepared for having my private life all over the country. So yeah, I was naive, yeah. Because you have to stoop to conquer," – but will never write for "The Daily Mail" again. "That's because I'm a vendetta person. Yes, absolutely. Implacable."Ferguson dedicated his book "Civilization" to "Ayaan". In an interview with "The Guardian", Ferguson spoke about his love for Ali, whom, he writes in the preface, "understands better than anyone I know what Western civilisation really means – and what it still has to offer the world".Ferguson's self-confessed workaholism has placed strains on his personal relations in the past. Ferguson has commented that:...from 2002, the combination of making TV programmes and teaching at Harvard took me away from my children too much. You don't get those years back. You have to ask yourself: "Was it a smart decision to do those things?" I think the success I have enjoyed since then has been bought at a significant price. In hindsight, there would have been a bunch of things that I would have said no to. In an interview, Ferguson described his relationship with the left: "No, they love being provoked by me! Honestly, it makes them feel so much better about their lives to think that I'm a reactionary; it's a substitute for thought. 'Imperialist scumbag' and all that. Oh dear, we're back in a 1980s student union debate."Ferguson was the inspiration for Alan Bennett's play "The History Boys" (2004), particularly the character of Irwin, a history teacher who urges his pupils to find a counterintuitive angle, and goes on to become a television historian. Bennett's character "Irwin", writes David Smith of "The Observer", gives the impression that "an entire career can be built on the trick of contrariness."In 2018, Ferguson became naturalised as a US citizen.	[ "London School of Economics and Political Science", "University of Cambridge", "Hoover Institution", "Harvard University", "New York University" ]
Which position did John Russell, 1st Earl Russell hold in Jun, 1861?	June 05, 1861	{ "text": [ "Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs" ] }	L2_Q157259_P39_20	John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1813 to Feb, 1817. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1830 to Apr, 1831. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Mar, 1857. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of president of the Royal Statistical Society from Jan, 1859 to Jan, 1861. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1861. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1826 to Jul, 1830. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1865 to Jun, 1866. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs from Jun, 1859 to Nov, 1865. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1831 to May, 1831. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1818 to Feb, 1820. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1835 to Jul, 1837. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Secretary of State for the Colonies from May, 1855 to Jul, 1855. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Leader of the House of Commons from Dec, 1852 to Jan, 1855. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Leader of the Opposition from Jun, 1866 to Dec, 1868. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Secretary of State for War and the Colonies from Sep, 1839 to Sep, 1841. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Leader of the House of Lords from Oct, 1865 to Jun, 1866. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Lord President of the Council from Jun, 1854 to Feb, 1855. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Home Secretary from Apr, 1835 to Aug, 1839. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1857 to Apr, 1859.	John Russell, 1st Earl RussellJohn Russell, 1st Earl Russell, (18 August 1792 – 28 May 1878), known by his courtesy title Lord John Russell before 1861, was a British Whig and Liberal statesman who served as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1846 to 1852 and again from 1865 to 1866.The third son of the 6th Duke of Bedford, Russell was educated at Westminster School and Edinburgh University before entering Parliament in 1813. In 1828 he took a leading role in the repeal of the Test Acts which discriminated against Catholics and Protestant dissenters. He was one of the principal architects of the Reform Act 1832, which was the first major reform of Parliament since the Restoration, and a significant early step on the road to democracy and away from rule by the aristocracy and landed gentry. He favoured expanding the right to vote to the middle classes and enfranchising Britain's growing industrial towns and cities but he never advocated universal suffrage and he opposed the secret ballot. Russell was outspoken on many issues over the course of his career, advocating Catholic emancipation in the 1820s, calling for the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1845, denouncing Pope Pius IX's revival of Catholic bishoprics in 1850, and supporting Italian unification during the 1860s.Russell's ministerial career spanned four decades. In addition to his two terms as prime minister, between 1831 and 1865 he served in the cabinets of Earl Grey, Viscount Melbourne, the Earl of Aberdeen, and Viscount Palmerston. Russell's relationship with Palmerston was often stormy and contributed to bringing down Russell's first government in 1852 and Palmerston's first government in 1858. However, their renewed alliance from 1859 was one of the foundations of the united Liberal Party, which would go on to dominate British politics in the following decades. While Russell was an energetic and effective minister during the 1830s and helped to commit the Whigs to a reform agenda, he proved less successful as prime minister. During his two periods as prime minister he often suffered from a disunited cabinet and weak support in the House of Commons, meaning he was unable to carry out much of his agenda. During his first premiership, his government failed to deal effectively with the Irish Famine, a disaster that saw the loss of a quarter of Ireland's population through death and emigration. During his second premiership, he split his party by pressing for further parliamentary reform and was forced from office only to watch Derby and Disraeli carry a more ambitious Reform Bill. It has been said that Russell's ministry of 1846–1852 was the ruin of the old Whig party and that his ministry of 1865–1866 was very nearly the ruin of the Liberal Party that took its place.Russell was born on 18 August 1792 into the highest echelons of the British aristocracy, being the third son of John Russell, later 6th Duke of Bedford, and Georgiana Byng, daughter of George Byng, 4th Viscount Torrington. The Russell family had been one of the principal Whig dynasties in England since the 17th century, and were among the richest handful of aristocratic landowning families in the country, but as a younger son of the 6th Duke of Bedford, he was not expected to inherit the family estates. As a younger son of a duke, he bore the courtesy title "Lord John Russell", but he was not a peer in his own right. He was, therefore, able to sit in the House of Commons until he was made an earl in 1861 and was elevated to the House of Lords.Russell was born two months premature and was small and sickly as a child (even in adulthood he remained under 5 feet 5 inches tall, and his small stature was frequently the butt of jokes by political opponents and caricaturists). In 1801 at the age of nine he was sent away to school. Shortly thereafter his mother died. After being withdrawn from Westminster School in 1804 due to ill health, Russell was educated by tutors, including Edmund Cartwright. In 1806 Russell's father was made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in the short-live Ministry of All the Talents and it was during this time that the young Russell met Charles James Fox. Fox was Russell's formative political hero and would remain an inspiration throughout his life. Russell attended the University of Edinburgh from 1809 to 1812, lodging with Professor John Playfair, who oversaw his studies. He did not take a degree. Although often in poor health, he travelled widely in Britain and on the continent, and held commission as Captain in the Bedfordshire Militia in 1810. During his continental travels Russell visited Spain where his brother was serving as aide-de-camp to Lord Wellington in the Peninsular War. The following year he had a 90-minute meeting with Napoleon in December 1814 during the former emperor's exile at Elba.Russell entered the House of Commons as a Whig in 1813 at the age of 20. The future reformer gained his seat by virtue of his father, the Duke of Bedford, instructing the 30 or so electors of Tavistock to return him as an MP even though at the time Russell was abroad and under age. Russell entered Parliament more out of a sense of duty and family tradition than out of serious political ambition. With the exception the 1806-1807 coalition government in which Russell's father had served, the Whigs had been out of power since 1783, and Russell could have had had no certain expectation of a ministerial career. In June 1815 Russell denounced the Bourbon Restoration and Britain's declaration of war against the recently-returned Napoleon by arguing in the House of Commons that foreign powers had no right to dictate France's form of government. In 1817, tired of the prospect of perpetual opposition, Russell resigned from Parliament. After spending a year out of politics and travelling on the continent, he changed his mind and re-entered Parliament for Tavistock at the 1818 general election. In 1819 Russell embraced the cause of parliamentary reform and he led the more reformist wing of the Whigs throughout the 1820s. In 1828, while still an opposition backbencher, Russell introduced a Sacramental Test bill with the aim of abolishing the prohibitions on Catholics and Protestant dissenters being elected to local government and from holding civil and military offices. The bill gained the backing of the Tory Home Secretary Sir Robert Peel and was passed into law.When the Whigs came to power in 1830, Russell entered Earl Grey's government as Paymaster of the Forces. Despite being a relatively junior minister, as a vocal advocate for Parliamentary reform for over a decade, Russell became a principal leader in the fight for the Reform Act 1832. He was one of the committee of four tasked by Grey with drafting the reform bill, alongside cabinet ministers Lord Durham, Lord Duncannon and Sir James Graham. Despite not yet being in the Cabinet, Russell was chosen to introduce the bill in March 1831 and over the following year he successfully steered the Reform Act's difficult progress through the Commons. Russell earned the nickname "Finality Jack" from his pronouncing the Act a final measure but in later years he would go on to push for further reform of Parliament. In May 1834 Russell made a speech on the Irish Tithes bill, in which he argued that the revenue generated by tithes was more than was justified by the size of the established Protestant church in Ireland. Russell argued that a proportion the tithe revenue should instead be appropriated for the education of the Irish poor, regardless of denomination. The speech was seen by its opponents as an attack on the established church in Ireland and it cemented a split within Grey's government over the issue of Irish tithes. The following month four members of the Cabinet resigned over the issue, weakening the government's hold on Parliament. Sensing that his position was now hopeless, Grey offered his resignation to the King in July, and was replaced by Viscount Melbourne at the head of the government.In November 1834, when the leader of the Commons, Lord Althorp, succeeded to the peerage as Earl Spencer, Russell became the leader of the Whigs in the Commons. Russell's appointment prompted King William IV to terminate Melbourne's government, in part because the King objected to Russell's views on the Irish Church. This remains the last time in British history that a monarch has dismissed a government. The subsequent minority Conservative government lasted less than five months before resigning in April 1835. Russell then returned to office as Home Secretary in Melbourne's second government, before serving as Secretary of State for War and the Colonies from 1839 to 1841. Through this period Russell continued to lead the more reformist wing of the Whig party.As Home Secretary Russell recommended and secured royal pardons for the Tolpuddle Martyrs and partial commutation of their sentences. In 1836 he introduced the Marriages Act, which introduced civil marriages in England and Wales and allowed Catholics and Protestant Dissenters to marry in their own churches. In 1837 he steered a series of seven Acts through Parliament, which together reduced the number of offences carrying a sentence of death from thirty-seven to sixteen. This number was reduced further by the Substitution of Punishments of Death Act 1841. After these reforms the death penalty was rarely used in the United Kingdom for crimes other than murder. As Home Secretary Russell also introduced the public registration for births, marriages and deaths and played a large role in democratising the government of cities outside of London.In 1841 the Whigs lost the general election to the Conservatives and Russell and his colleagues returned to opposition. In November 1845, following the failure of that year's potato harvest across Britain and Ireland, Russell came out in favour of the repeal of the Corn Laws and called upon the Prime Minister Sir Robert Peel to take urgent action to alleviate the emerging food crisis. Peel had by this time already become convinced of the need for repeal but he was opposed in this by the majority of his own cabinet and party. On 11 December 1845, frustrated by his party's unwillingness to support him on repeal, Peel resigned as Prime Minister and Queen Victoria invited Russell to form a new government. With the Whigs a minority in the Commons however, Russell struggled to assemble the necessary support. When Lord Grey declared that he would not serve in cabinet if Lord Palmerston was made Foreign Secretary it became clear to Russell that he could not form a viable government. Russell declined the Queen's invitation on 21 December and Peel agreed to stay on as Prime Minister. In June the following year Peel repealed the Corn Laws with Whig support, bitterly dividing the Conservative Party in the process. Later that same night Peel's Irish Coercion Bill was defeated after vengeful anti-repeal Tories voted with the opposition and Peel, taking this as a vote of no confidence, resigned as Prime Minister. Russell accepted the Queen's offer to form a government, this time Grey not objecting to Palmerston's appointment.Russell took office as Prime Minister with the Whigs only a minority in the House of Commons. It was the bitter split in the Conservative Party over the Corn Laws that allowed Russell's government to remain in power in spite of this, with Sir Robert Peel and his supporters offering tentative support to the new ministry in order to keep the protectionist Conservatives under Lord Stanley in opposition. At the general election of August 1847 the Whigs made gains at the expense of the Conservatives, but remained a minority, with Russell's government still dependent on the votes of Peelite and Irish Repealer MPs to win divisions in the Commons. Russell's political agenda was frequently frustrated by his lack of a reliable Commons majority. However, his government was able to secure a number of notable social reforms. Russell introduced teachers' pensions and used Orders in Council to make grants for teacher training. The Public Baths and Wash-houses Acts of 1847 and 1848 enabled local authorities to build municipal baths and washing facilities for the growing urban working classes. Russell lent his support to the passage of the Factories Act 1847, which restricted the working hours of women and young persons (aged 13–18) in textile mills to 10 hours per day. 1848 saw the introduction of the Metropolitan Commission of Sewers and the Public Health Act 1848, by which the state assumed responsibility for sewerage, clean water supply, refuse collection and other aspects of public health across much of England and Wales.Following the election of Lionel de Rothschild in the 1847 general election, Russell introduced a Jewish Relief bill, which would have allowed Rothschild and other Jews to sit in the House of Commons without their having to take the explicitly Christian oath of allegiance. In 1848, the bill was passed by the House of Commons, receiving support from the Whigs and a minority of Conservatives (including future Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli). However, it was twice rejected by the Tory dominated House of Lords, as was a new bill in 1851. Rothschild was re-elected in the 1852 general election following the fall of the Russell government but was unable to take his seat until the Jews Relief Act was finally passed in 1858.Russell's government led the calamitous response to the Irish Famine. During the course of the famine, an estimated 1 million people died from a combination of malnutrition, disease and starvation and well over 1 million more were left with little choice but to emigrate from Ireland. After taking office in 1846 Russell's ministry introduced a programme of public works that by the end of that year employed some half-a-million but proved impossible to administer. In January 1847, the government abandoned this policy, realising that it had failed, and turned to a mixture of "indoor" and "outdoor" direct relief; the former administered in workhouses through the Irish Poor Laws, the latter through soup kitchens. The costs of the Poor Law fell primarily on the local landlords, some of whom in turn attempted to reduce their liability by evicting their tenants. In June 1847 the Poor Law Extension Act was passed, which embodied the principle, popular in Britain, that Irish property should support Irish poverty. Irish landlords were believed in Britain to have created the conditions that led to the famine, a view which Russell shared.In 1847 Russell's government was confronted by a financial crisis. Sir Robert Peel's 1844 Bank Charter Act required that all bank notes issued by the Bank of England be fully backed by gold. However, the failure of harvests in Britain and Ireland during 1846 had led to large outflows of gold in order to pay for imported grain, resulting in a dramatic decline in the Bank's gold reserves over the course of 1847. Faced with the prospect of running out of gold and being unable to issue money, the Bank of England repeatedly raised the discount rate at which it would lend money to other banks, leading to a drastic curtailment of available commercial credit and contributing to the collapse of numerous businesses. This in turn led to a loss of public confidence in the creditworthiness of the banks, culminated in the "week of terror" of 17-23 October when multiple banks were forced to close their doors as frightened depositors attempted to withdraw their funds. Faced with the potential collapse of the banking system, on Monday 25 October Russell and the Chancellor of the Exchequer Charles Wood wrote a letter to the Governor of the Bank of England authorising him to break the terms of the Bank Charter Act and issue new notes without gold backing to facilitate lending to other banks. This move restored depositor confidence in the banks, and the crisis abated.In the first half of his premiership Russell aimed to improve the British government's relations with the Papacy and the Catholic clergy in Ireland, which he saw as one of the keys to making Ireland a more willing part of the United Kingdom. Russell proposed to make an annual grant of £340,000 to the Catholic Church in Ireland, with the aim of ameliorating Irish Catholic opinion towards the Union. In 1847 Russell's father-in-law the Earl of Minto was dispatched on a confidential mission to Rome to seek the Pope's support for the grants plan. In the end, the idea had to be abandoned due to Catholic objections to what they saw as an attempt to control their clergy. However, Russell pressed ahead with plans to re-establish formal diplomatic relations between the Court of St James's and the Holy See, which had been severed when James II was deposed in 1688. Russell managed to pass an Act to authorise an exchange of ambassadors with Rome, but not before the bill was amended by Parliament to stipulate that the Pope's ambassador must be a layman. The Pope refused to accept such a restriction on his choice of representative and so the exchange of ambassadors did not take place. It would not be until 1914 that formal UK-Vatican diplomatic relations were finally established.Relations with the Papacy soured badly in late 1850 after Pope Pius IX issued the bull Universalis Ecclesiae. By this bull Pius unilaterally reintroduced Catholic bishops to England and Wales for the first time since the Reformation. Anti-Catholic feelings ran high with many protestants incensed at what they saw as impertinent foreign interference in the prerogative of the established Church of England to appoint bishops. Russell, not withstanding his long record of advocating civil liberties for Catholics, shared the traditional Whig suspicion of the Catholic hierarchy, and was angered at what he saw as a Papal imposition. On 4 November 1850, in a letter to the Bishop of Durham published in "The Times" the same day, Russell wrote that the Pope's actions suggested a "pretension to supremacy" and declared that "No foreign prince or potentate will be permitted to fasten his fetters upon a nation which has so long and so nobly vindicated its right to freedom of opinion, civil, political, and religious." Russell's "Durham letter" won him popular support in England but in Ireland it was viewed as an unwarranted insult to the Pope. It lost Russell the confidence of Irish Repealer MPs and the cabinet were angered that he had made such an incendiary statement without having consulting them. The following year Russell passed the Ecclesiastical Titles Act 1851 with Tory support, which made it a criminal offence carrying a fine of £100 for anyone outside of the Church of England to assume an episcopal title "of any city, town or place, or of any territory or district...in the United Kingdom." The Act was widely ignored without consequences and only served to further alienate Irish MPs, thereby weakening the government's position in the Commons.Russell frequently clashed with his headstrong Foreign Secretary, Lord Palmerston, whose belligerence and support for continental revolution he found embarrassing. In 1847 Palmerston provoked a confrontation with the French government by undermining the plans of the Spanish court to marry the young Spanish Queen and her sister into the French royal family.He subsequently clashed with Russell over plans to increase the size of the army and the navy to defend against the perceived threat of French invasion, which subsided after the overthrow of the French king in 1848.In 1850 further tension arose between the two over Palmerston's gunboat diplomacy in the Don Pacifico affair in which Palmerston sought compensation from the Greek government for the ransacking and the burning of the house of David Pacifico, a Gibraltarian holder of a British passport. Russell considered the matter "hardly worth the interposition of the British lion," and when Palmerston ignored some of his instructions, the Prime Minister wrote to Palmerston telling him he had informed the Queen that he "thought the interests of the country required that a change should take place at the Foreign Department." However, less than a month later Lord Stanley successfully led the House of Lords into passing a motion of censure of the Government over its handling of the affair and Russell realised that he needed to align with Palmerston in order to prevent a similar motion being passed by the House of Commons, which would have obliged the Government to resign. The Government prevailed, but Palmerston came out of the affair with his popularity at new heights since he was seen as the champion of defending British subjects anywhere in the world.Russell forced Palmerston to resign as Foreign Secretary after Palmerston recognised Napoleon III's coup of 2 December 1851 without first consulting the Queen or Cabinet. Russell tried to strengthen his government by recruiting leading Peelites such as Sir James Graham and the Duke of Newcastle to his administration, but they declined. Out of office, Palmerston sought revenge by turning a vote on a militia bill into a vote of confidence in the Government. A majority vote in favour of an amendment proposed by Palmerston caused the downfall of Russell's ministry on 21 February 1852. This was Palmerston's famous "tit for tat with Johnny Russell."Following Russell's resignation, on the 23 February 1852 the Earl of Derby accepted the Queen's invitation to form a government. The new Conservative ministry were a minority in the Commons due to the continuing rift with the Peelites. Derby called a general election for July but failed to secure a majority. After the election Derby's Conservatives held 292 out of the 662 seats in the Commons but were able to carry on in office due to divisions among the opposition. Negotiations over a Whig-Peelite coalition stalled over the question of who would lead it. Russell's authority and popularity within the Whigs had been dented by his falling out with Palmerston, who flatly refused to serve under him again. Moreover he had alienated many in the Peelites and the Irish Brigade, who held the balance of power in the Commons, leaving them unwilling to support another Russell-led government. Palmerston proposed Lord Lansdowne as a compromise candidate. This was acceptable to Russell but Lansdowne was reluctant to take on the burdens of leading a government. The defeat of Disraeli's Budget in December 1852 forced the issue. Derby's government resigned and the Queen sent for Lansdowne and the Peelite Lord Aberdeen. Lansdowne declined the Queen's invitation, pleading ill-health and so Aberdeen was tasked with forming a government.Russell, as the leader of the Whigs, agreed to bring his party into a coalition with the Peelites, headed by Aberdeen. As the leader of the largest party in the coalition, Russell was reluctant to serve under Aberdeen in a subordinate position, but agreed to take on the role of Foreign Secretary on a temporary basis, to lend stability to the fledgling government. He resigned the role in February 1853 in favour of Clarendon, but continued to lead for the government in the Commons and attended cabinet without ministerial responsibilities. Russell was unhappy that half of Aberdeen's cabinet was made up of Peelites, despite the fact that the Whigs contributed hundreds of MPs to the Government's support in the Commons, and the Peelites only around 40. However, he came to admire some of his Peelite colleagues, particularly the Chancellor of the Exchequer William Gladstone, who would go on to become an important political ally in later years. With Aberdeen's agreement, Russell used his position as Leader of the House of Commons to push for a new Reform Act. Although Russell had promoted the 1832 Reform Act as a one-off measure to re-balance the constitution, after twenty years he had become convinced of the need for further electoral reform. In February 1854 Russell introduced his bill to the House. The property qualification was to be reduced from £10 to £6 in boroughs, and from £50 to £10 in the counties. Additionally 66 seats would be removed from undersized constituencies and redistributed. The second reading of the bill was set for March 1854, but the prospect of imminent war with Russia led to it being postponed until April. After the outbreak of war on 28 March Russell came under pressure from the cabinet to withdraw the bill entirely. Russell threatened to resign if the cabinet abandoned the reform bill but he was convinced to stay on by Aberdeen, who promised that he would support the reform bill if Russell reintroduced it in a future session. However, with the fall of the Aberdeen government the following year, it would be 12 years before Russell had another chance to introduce a reform bill. Together with Palmerston, Russell supported the government taking a hard line against Russian territorial ambitions in the Ottoman Empire, a policy which ultimately resulted in Britain's entry into the Crimean War in March 1854, an outcome which the more cautious Aberdeen had hoped to avoid. In the following months Russell grew frustrated by what he saw as a lack of effective war leadership by Aberdeen and the Secretary of State for War, the Duke of Newcastle. Dispatches from the front reported that the army was suffering from supply shortages and a lack of adequate accommodation and medical facilities. In November 1854 Russell urged Aberdeen to replace Newcastle with the Palmerston, who he believed would get a firmer grip on the organisation of the war, but these suggestions came to nothing. In January 1855, after a series of military setbacks, a Commons motion was brought by the radical MP John Roebuck to appoint a select committee to investigate the management of the war. Russell, not wishing to vote against an inquiry he believed was badly needed, resigned from the cabinet in order to abstain. Aberdeen viewed the Roebuck motion as a vote of no confidence in his leadership and, accordingly, when it passed by 305-148, he resigned. In the eyes of many, including the Queen and Aberdeen, Russell's temperamental behaviour and personal ambition had undermined the stability of the coalition. On visiting Windsor Castle to resign, Aberdeen told the Queen "Had it not been for the incessant attempts of Lord John Russell to keep up party differences, it must be acknowledged that the experiment of a coalition had succeeded admirably," an assessment with which the Queen agreed. Russell accepted an invitation from the Queen to form a new government but found that he could not assemble the necessary support, with many of his colleagues having been angered by his abandonment of Aberdeen over the Roebuck motion. Palmerston became Prime Minister, and Russell reluctantly accepted the role of Colonial Secretary in his cabinet. Russell was sent to Vienna to negotiate peace terms with Russia, but his proposals were rejected and he resigned from the cabinet and returned to the backbenches in July 1855.Following his resignation Russell wrote to his father-in-law that he would not serve again under Palmerston or any other Prime Minister. For a time it appeared as if his career in frontbench politics might be over. Russell continued to speak out from the backbenches on the issues he most cared about - lobbying for increased government grants for education and for reduction in the property qualification for Parliamentary elections. In early 1857 Russell became a vocal critic of Palmerston's government over the Anglo-Persian War and the Second Opium War. Russell spoke in support of a motion tabled by Richard Cobden, which criticised British military action in China and calling for a select committee inquiry. When the motion passed on 3 March, Palmerston dissolved Parliament and went to the country. In the subsequent general election Palmerston was swept back into power on a tide of patriotic feeling with an increased majority. Many of Palmerston's critics lost their seats but Russell hung on in the City of London, after fighting off an attempt to deselect him and replace him with a pro-Palmerston Whig candidate. Palmerston's triumph was short-lived. In February 1858 the Government rushed through a Conspiracy to Murder bill, following the attempted assassination of Napoleon III by Italian nationalist Felice Orsini - an attack planned in Britain using British-made explosives. Russell attacked the bill, which he saw as undermined traditional British political liberties to appease a foreign government. On 19 February Russell voted in favour of Thomas Milner Gibson's motion, which criticised the government for bowing to French demands. When the motion passed by 19 votes Palmerston's government resigned.In 1859, following another short-lived Conservative government, Palmerston and Russell made up their differences, and Russell consented to serve as Foreign Secretary in a new Palmerston cabinet, usually considered the first true Liberal cabinet. This period was a particularly eventful one in the world outside Britain, seeing the Unification of Italy (the change of British government to one sympathetic to Italian nationalism had a marked part in this process), the American Civil War, and the 1864 war over Schleswig-Holstein between Denmark and the German states. Russell arranged the London Conference of 1864, but failed to establish peace in the war. His tenure of the Foreign Office was noteworthy for the famous dispatch in which he defended Italian unification: "Her Majesty's Government will turn their eyes rather to the gratifying prospect of a people building up the edifice of their liberties, and consolidating the work of their independence, amid the sympathies and good wishes of Europe" (27 October 1860).In 1861 Russell was elevated to the peerage as Earl Russell, of Kingston Russell in the County of Dorset, and as Viscount Amberley, of Amberley in the County of Gloucester, and of Ardsalla in the County of Meathin the Peerage of the United Kingdom. Henceforth, as a suo jure peer, rather than merely being known as 'Lord' because he was the son of a Duke, he sat in the House of Lords for the remainder of his career.When Palmerston suddenly died in late 1865, Russell again became Prime Minister. His second premiership was short and frustrating, and Russell failed in his great ambition of expanding the franchise, a task that would be left to his Conservative successors, Derby and Benjamin Disraeli. In 1866, party disunity again brought down his government. Russell never again held any office. His last contribution to the House of Lords was on 3 August 1875.Russell married Adelaide Lister (widow of Thomas Lister, 2nd Baron Ribblesdale, who had died in 1832.) on 11 April 1835. Together they had two daughters:Adelaide came down with a fever following the birth of their second child and died a few days later on 1 November 1838. Following her death, Russell continued to raise his late wife's four children from her first marriage, as well their two daughters.On 20 July 1841 Russell remarried, to Lady Frances ("Fanny") Elliot-Murray-Kynynmound, daughter of Russell's cabinet colleague Gilbert Elliot, 2nd Earl of Minto. Together they had four children:In 1847 Queen Victoria granted Pembroke Lodge in Richmond Park to Lord and Lady John. It remained their family home for the rest of their lives.Russell was religious in a simple non-dogmatic way and supported the "Broad church" element in the Church of England. He opposed the "Oxford Movement" because its "Tractarian" members were too dogmatic and too close to Roman Catholicism. He supported Broad Churchmen or Latitudinarians by several appointments of liberal churchmen as bishops. In 1859 he reversed himself and decided to free non-Anglicans of the duty of paying rates (taxes) to the local Anglican parish. His political clumsiness and opposition to Church finance made him a target of attack and ridicule in many Church circles.Following the death of their daughter-in-law Viscountess Amberley in 1874 and their son Viscount Amberley in 1876, Earl Russell and Countess Russell brought up their orphaned grandchildren, John ("Frank") Russell, who became 2nd Earl Russell on his grandfather's death, and Bertrand Russell who would go on to become a noted philosopher and who in later life recalled his elderly grandfather as "a kindly old man in a wheelchair."Earl Russell died at home at Pembroke Lodge on 28 May 1878. The Prime Minister, the Earl of Beaconsfield, offered a public funeral and burial at Westminster Abbey for Russell but this was declined by Countess Russell in accordance with her late husband's wish to be buried among his family and ancestors. He is buried at the 'Bedford Chapel' at St. Michael's Church, Chenies, Buckinghamshire.Scion of one of the most powerful aristocratic families, Russell was a leading reformer who weakened the power of the aristocracy. His great achievements, wrote A. J. P. Taylor, were based on his persistent battles in Parliament over the years on behalf of the expansion of liberty; after each loss he tried again and again, until finally, his efforts were largely successful. E. L. Woodward, however, argued that he was too much the abstract theorist:He was succeeded as Liberal leader by former Peelite William Gladstone, and was thus the last true Whig to serve as Prime Minister. Generally taken as the model for Anthony Trollope's Mr Mildmay, aspects of his character may also have suggested those of Plantagenet Palliser. An ideal statesman, said Trollope, should have "unblemished, unextinguishable, inexhaustible love of country... But he should also be scrupulous, and, as being scrupulous, weak."The 1832 Reform Act and extension of the franchise to British cities are partly attributed to his efforts. He also worked for emancipation, leading the attack on the Test and Corporation acts, which were repealed in 1828, as well as towards legislation limiting working hours in factories in the 1847 Factory Act, and the Public Health Act of 1848.His government's approach to dealing with the Great Irish Famine is now widely condemned as counterproductive, ill-informed and disastrous. Russell himself was sympathetic to the plight of the Irish poor, and many of his relief proposals were blocked by his cabinet or by the British Parliament.Queen Victoria's attitude toward Russell was coloured by his role in the Aberdeen administration. On his death in 1878 her journal records that he was "a man of much talent, who leaves a name behind him, kind, & good, with a great knowledge of the constitution, who behaved very well, on many trying occasions; but he was impulsive, very selfish (as shown on many occasions, especially during Ld Aberdeen's administration) vain, & often reckless & imprudent."A public house in Bloomsbury, large parts of which are still owned by the Bedford Estate, is named after Russell, located on Marchmont Street.Russell published numerous books and essays over the course of his life, especially during periods out of office. He principally wrote on politics and history, but also turned his hand to a variety of other topics and genres. His published works include: "A Tale of Two Cities" by Charles Dickens was dedicated to Lord John Russell, "In remembrance of many public services and private kindnesses." In speech given in 1869, Dickens remarked of Russell that "there is no man in England whom I respect more in his public capacity, whom I love more in his private capacity."	[ "Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "president of the Royal Statistical Society", "Lord President of the Council", "Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Secretary of State for War and the Colonies", "Home Secretary", "Leader of the House of Commons", "Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Secretary of State for the Colonies", "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Prime Minister of the United Kingdom", "Leader of the Opposition", "Leader of the House of Lords", "Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did John Russell, 1st Earl Russell hold in 1861-06-05?	June 05, 1861	{ "text": [ "Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs" ] }	L2_Q157259_P39_20	John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1813 to Feb, 1817. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1830 to Apr, 1831. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Mar, 1857. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of president of the Royal Statistical Society from Jan, 1859 to Jan, 1861. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1861. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1826 to Jul, 1830. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1865 to Jun, 1866. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs from Jun, 1859 to Nov, 1865. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1831 to May, 1831. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1818 to Feb, 1820. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1835 to Jul, 1837. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Secretary of State for the Colonies from May, 1855 to Jul, 1855. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Leader of the House of Commons from Dec, 1852 to Jan, 1855. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Leader of the Opposition from Jun, 1866 to Dec, 1868. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Secretary of State for War and the Colonies from Sep, 1839 to Sep, 1841. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Leader of the House of Lords from Oct, 1865 to Jun, 1866. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Lord President of the Council from Jun, 1854 to Feb, 1855. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Home Secretary from Apr, 1835 to Aug, 1839. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1857 to Apr, 1859.	John Russell, 1st Earl RussellJohn Russell, 1st Earl Russell, (18 August 1792 – 28 May 1878), known by his courtesy title Lord John Russell before 1861, was a British Whig and Liberal statesman who served as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1846 to 1852 and again from 1865 to 1866.The third son of the 6th Duke of Bedford, Russell was educated at Westminster School and Edinburgh University before entering Parliament in 1813. In 1828 he took a leading role in the repeal of the Test Acts which discriminated against Catholics and Protestant dissenters. He was one of the principal architects of the Reform Act 1832, which was the first major reform of Parliament since the Restoration, and a significant early step on the road to democracy and away from rule by the aristocracy and landed gentry. He favoured expanding the right to vote to the middle classes and enfranchising Britain's growing industrial towns and cities but he never advocated universal suffrage and he opposed the secret ballot. Russell was outspoken on many issues over the course of his career, advocating Catholic emancipation in the 1820s, calling for the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1845, denouncing Pope Pius IX's revival of Catholic bishoprics in 1850, and supporting Italian unification during the 1860s.Russell's ministerial career spanned four decades. In addition to his two terms as prime minister, between 1831 and 1865 he served in the cabinets of Earl Grey, Viscount Melbourne, the Earl of Aberdeen, and Viscount Palmerston. Russell's relationship with Palmerston was often stormy and contributed to bringing down Russell's first government in 1852 and Palmerston's first government in 1858. However, their renewed alliance from 1859 was one of the foundations of the united Liberal Party, which would go on to dominate British politics in the following decades. While Russell was an energetic and effective minister during the 1830s and helped to commit the Whigs to a reform agenda, he proved less successful as prime minister. During his two periods as prime minister he often suffered from a disunited cabinet and weak support in the House of Commons, meaning he was unable to carry out much of his agenda. During his first premiership, his government failed to deal effectively with the Irish Famine, a disaster that saw the loss of a quarter of Ireland's population through death and emigration. During his second premiership, he split his party by pressing for further parliamentary reform and was forced from office only to watch Derby and Disraeli carry a more ambitious Reform Bill. It has been said that Russell's ministry of 1846–1852 was the ruin of the old Whig party and that his ministry of 1865–1866 was very nearly the ruin of the Liberal Party that took its place.Russell was born on 18 August 1792 into the highest echelons of the British aristocracy, being the third son of John Russell, later 6th Duke of Bedford, and Georgiana Byng, daughter of George Byng, 4th Viscount Torrington. The Russell family had been one of the principal Whig dynasties in England since the 17th century, and were among the richest handful of aristocratic landowning families in the country, but as a younger son of the 6th Duke of Bedford, he was not expected to inherit the family estates. As a younger son of a duke, he bore the courtesy title "Lord John Russell", but he was not a peer in his own right. He was, therefore, able to sit in the House of Commons until he was made an earl in 1861 and was elevated to the House of Lords.Russell was born two months premature and was small and sickly as a child (even in adulthood he remained under 5 feet 5 inches tall, and his small stature was frequently the butt of jokes by political opponents and caricaturists). In 1801 at the age of nine he was sent away to school. Shortly thereafter his mother died. After being withdrawn from Westminster School in 1804 due to ill health, Russell was educated by tutors, including Edmund Cartwright. In 1806 Russell's father was made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in the short-live Ministry of All the Talents and it was during this time that the young Russell met Charles James Fox. Fox was Russell's formative political hero and would remain an inspiration throughout his life. Russell attended the University of Edinburgh from 1809 to 1812, lodging with Professor John Playfair, who oversaw his studies. He did not take a degree. Although often in poor health, he travelled widely in Britain and on the continent, and held commission as Captain in the Bedfordshire Militia in 1810. During his continental travels Russell visited Spain where his brother was serving as aide-de-camp to Lord Wellington in the Peninsular War. The following year he had a 90-minute meeting with Napoleon in December 1814 during the former emperor's exile at Elba.Russell entered the House of Commons as a Whig in 1813 at the age of 20. The future reformer gained his seat by virtue of his father, the Duke of Bedford, instructing the 30 or so electors of Tavistock to return him as an MP even though at the time Russell was abroad and under age. Russell entered Parliament more out of a sense of duty and family tradition than out of serious political ambition. With the exception the 1806-1807 coalition government in which Russell's father had served, the Whigs had been out of power since 1783, and Russell could have had had no certain expectation of a ministerial career. In June 1815 Russell denounced the Bourbon Restoration and Britain's declaration of war against the recently-returned Napoleon by arguing in the House of Commons that foreign powers had no right to dictate France's form of government. In 1817, tired of the prospect of perpetual opposition, Russell resigned from Parliament. After spending a year out of politics and travelling on the continent, he changed his mind and re-entered Parliament for Tavistock at the 1818 general election. In 1819 Russell embraced the cause of parliamentary reform and he led the more reformist wing of the Whigs throughout the 1820s. In 1828, while still an opposition backbencher, Russell introduced a Sacramental Test bill with the aim of abolishing the prohibitions on Catholics and Protestant dissenters being elected to local government and from holding civil and military offices. The bill gained the backing of the Tory Home Secretary Sir Robert Peel and was passed into law.When the Whigs came to power in 1830, Russell entered Earl Grey's government as Paymaster of the Forces. Despite being a relatively junior minister, as a vocal advocate for Parliamentary reform for over a decade, Russell became a principal leader in the fight for the Reform Act 1832. He was one of the committee of four tasked by Grey with drafting the reform bill, alongside cabinet ministers Lord Durham, Lord Duncannon and Sir James Graham. Despite not yet being in the Cabinet, Russell was chosen to introduce the bill in March 1831 and over the following year he successfully steered the Reform Act's difficult progress through the Commons. Russell earned the nickname "Finality Jack" from his pronouncing the Act a final measure but in later years he would go on to push for further reform of Parliament. In May 1834 Russell made a speech on the Irish Tithes bill, in which he argued that the revenue generated by tithes was more than was justified by the size of the established Protestant church in Ireland. Russell argued that a proportion the tithe revenue should instead be appropriated for the education of the Irish poor, regardless of denomination. The speech was seen by its opponents as an attack on the established church in Ireland and it cemented a split within Grey's government over the issue of Irish tithes. The following month four members of the Cabinet resigned over the issue, weakening the government's hold on Parliament. Sensing that his position was now hopeless, Grey offered his resignation to the King in July, and was replaced by Viscount Melbourne at the head of the government.In November 1834, when the leader of the Commons, Lord Althorp, succeeded to the peerage as Earl Spencer, Russell became the leader of the Whigs in the Commons. Russell's appointment prompted King William IV to terminate Melbourne's government, in part because the King objected to Russell's views on the Irish Church. This remains the last time in British history that a monarch has dismissed a government. The subsequent minority Conservative government lasted less than five months before resigning in April 1835. Russell then returned to office as Home Secretary in Melbourne's second government, before serving as Secretary of State for War and the Colonies from 1839 to 1841. Through this period Russell continued to lead the more reformist wing of the Whig party.As Home Secretary Russell recommended and secured royal pardons for the Tolpuddle Martyrs and partial commutation of their sentences. In 1836 he introduced the Marriages Act, which introduced civil marriages in England and Wales and allowed Catholics and Protestant Dissenters to marry in their own churches. In 1837 he steered a series of seven Acts through Parliament, which together reduced the number of offences carrying a sentence of death from thirty-seven to sixteen. This number was reduced further by the Substitution of Punishments of Death Act 1841. After these reforms the death penalty was rarely used in the United Kingdom for crimes other than murder. As Home Secretary Russell also introduced the public registration for births, marriages and deaths and played a large role in democratising the government of cities outside of London.In 1841 the Whigs lost the general election to the Conservatives and Russell and his colleagues returned to opposition. In November 1845, following the failure of that year's potato harvest across Britain and Ireland, Russell came out in favour of the repeal of the Corn Laws and called upon the Prime Minister Sir Robert Peel to take urgent action to alleviate the emerging food crisis. Peel had by this time already become convinced of the need for repeal but he was opposed in this by the majority of his own cabinet and party. On 11 December 1845, frustrated by his party's unwillingness to support him on repeal, Peel resigned as Prime Minister and Queen Victoria invited Russell to form a new government. With the Whigs a minority in the Commons however, Russell struggled to assemble the necessary support. When Lord Grey declared that he would not serve in cabinet if Lord Palmerston was made Foreign Secretary it became clear to Russell that he could not form a viable government. Russell declined the Queen's invitation on 21 December and Peel agreed to stay on as Prime Minister. In June the following year Peel repealed the Corn Laws with Whig support, bitterly dividing the Conservative Party in the process. Later that same night Peel's Irish Coercion Bill was defeated after vengeful anti-repeal Tories voted with the opposition and Peel, taking this as a vote of no confidence, resigned as Prime Minister. Russell accepted the Queen's offer to form a government, this time Grey not objecting to Palmerston's appointment.Russell took office as Prime Minister with the Whigs only a minority in the House of Commons. It was the bitter split in the Conservative Party over the Corn Laws that allowed Russell's government to remain in power in spite of this, with Sir Robert Peel and his supporters offering tentative support to the new ministry in order to keep the protectionist Conservatives under Lord Stanley in opposition. At the general election of August 1847 the Whigs made gains at the expense of the Conservatives, but remained a minority, with Russell's government still dependent on the votes of Peelite and Irish Repealer MPs to win divisions in the Commons. Russell's political agenda was frequently frustrated by his lack of a reliable Commons majority. However, his government was able to secure a number of notable social reforms. Russell introduced teachers' pensions and used Orders in Council to make grants for teacher training. The Public Baths and Wash-houses Acts of 1847 and 1848 enabled local authorities to build municipal baths and washing facilities for the growing urban working classes. Russell lent his support to the passage of the Factories Act 1847, which restricted the working hours of women and young persons (aged 13–18) in textile mills to 10 hours per day. 1848 saw the introduction of the Metropolitan Commission of Sewers and the Public Health Act 1848, by which the state assumed responsibility for sewerage, clean water supply, refuse collection and other aspects of public health across much of England and Wales.Following the election of Lionel de Rothschild in the 1847 general election, Russell introduced a Jewish Relief bill, which would have allowed Rothschild and other Jews to sit in the House of Commons without their having to take the explicitly Christian oath of allegiance. In 1848, the bill was passed by the House of Commons, receiving support from the Whigs and a minority of Conservatives (including future Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli). However, it was twice rejected by the Tory dominated House of Lords, as was a new bill in 1851. Rothschild was re-elected in the 1852 general election following the fall of the Russell government but was unable to take his seat until the Jews Relief Act was finally passed in 1858.Russell's government led the calamitous response to the Irish Famine. During the course of the famine, an estimated 1 million people died from a combination of malnutrition, disease and starvation and well over 1 million more were left with little choice but to emigrate from Ireland. After taking office in 1846 Russell's ministry introduced a programme of public works that by the end of that year employed some half-a-million but proved impossible to administer. In January 1847, the government abandoned this policy, realising that it had failed, and turned to a mixture of "indoor" and "outdoor" direct relief; the former administered in workhouses through the Irish Poor Laws, the latter through soup kitchens. The costs of the Poor Law fell primarily on the local landlords, some of whom in turn attempted to reduce their liability by evicting their tenants. In June 1847 the Poor Law Extension Act was passed, which embodied the principle, popular in Britain, that Irish property should support Irish poverty. Irish landlords were believed in Britain to have created the conditions that led to the famine, a view which Russell shared.In 1847 Russell's government was confronted by a financial crisis. Sir Robert Peel's 1844 Bank Charter Act required that all bank notes issued by the Bank of England be fully backed by gold. However, the failure of harvests in Britain and Ireland during 1846 had led to large outflows of gold in order to pay for imported grain, resulting in a dramatic decline in the Bank's gold reserves over the course of 1847. Faced with the prospect of running out of gold and being unable to issue money, the Bank of England repeatedly raised the discount rate at which it would lend money to other banks, leading to a drastic curtailment of available commercial credit and contributing to the collapse of numerous businesses. This in turn led to a loss of public confidence in the creditworthiness of the banks, culminated in the "week of terror" of 17-23 October when multiple banks were forced to close their doors as frightened depositors attempted to withdraw their funds. Faced with the potential collapse of the banking system, on Monday 25 October Russell and the Chancellor of the Exchequer Charles Wood wrote a letter to the Governor of the Bank of England authorising him to break the terms of the Bank Charter Act and issue new notes without gold backing to facilitate lending to other banks. This move restored depositor confidence in the banks, and the crisis abated.In the first half of his premiership Russell aimed to improve the British government's relations with the Papacy and the Catholic clergy in Ireland, which he saw as one of the keys to making Ireland a more willing part of the United Kingdom. Russell proposed to make an annual grant of £340,000 to the Catholic Church in Ireland, with the aim of ameliorating Irish Catholic opinion towards the Union. In 1847 Russell's father-in-law the Earl of Minto was dispatched on a confidential mission to Rome to seek the Pope's support for the grants plan. In the end, the idea had to be abandoned due to Catholic objections to what they saw as an attempt to control their clergy. However, Russell pressed ahead with plans to re-establish formal diplomatic relations between the Court of St James's and the Holy See, which had been severed when James II was deposed in 1688. Russell managed to pass an Act to authorise an exchange of ambassadors with Rome, but not before the bill was amended by Parliament to stipulate that the Pope's ambassador must be a layman. The Pope refused to accept such a restriction on his choice of representative and so the exchange of ambassadors did not take place. It would not be until 1914 that formal UK-Vatican diplomatic relations were finally established.Relations with the Papacy soured badly in late 1850 after Pope Pius IX issued the bull Universalis Ecclesiae. By this bull Pius unilaterally reintroduced Catholic bishops to England and Wales for the first time since the Reformation. Anti-Catholic feelings ran high with many protestants incensed at what they saw as impertinent foreign interference in the prerogative of the established Church of England to appoint bishops. Russell, not withstanding his long record of advocating civil liberties for Catholics, shared the traditional Whig suspicion of the Catholic hierarchy, and was angered at what he saw as a Papal imposition. On 4 November 1850, in a letter to the Bishop of Durham published in "The Times" the same day, Russell wrote that the Pope's actions suggested a "pretension to supremacy" and declared that "No foreign prince or potentate will be permitted to fasten his fetters upon a nation which has so long and so nobly vindicated its right to freedom of opinion, civil, political, and religious." Russell's "Durham letter" won him popular support in England but in Ireland it was viewed as an unwarranted insult to the Pope. It lost Russell the confidence of Irish Repealer MPs and the cabinet were angered that he had made such an incendiary statement without having consulting them. The following year Russell passed the Ecclesiastical Titles Act 1851 with Tory support, which made it a criminal offence carrying a fine of £100 for anyone outside of the Church of England to assume an episcopal title "of any city, town or place, or of any territory or district...in the United Kingdom." The Act was widely ignored without consequences and only served to further alienate Irish MPs, thereby weakening the government's position in the Commons.Russell frequently clashed with his headstrong Foreign Secretary, Lord Palmerston, whose belligerence and support for continental revolution he found embarrassing. In 1847 Palmerston provoked a confrontation with the French government by undermining the plans of the Spanish court to marry the young Spanish Queen and her sister into the French royal family.He subsequently clashed with Russell over plans to increase the size of the army and the navy to defend against the perceived threat of French invasion, which subsided after the overthrow of the French king in 1848.In 1850 further tension arose between the two over Palmerston's gunboat diplomacy in the Don Pacifico affair in which Palmerston sought compensation from the Greek government for the ransacking and the burning of the house of David Pacifico, a Gibraltarian holder of a British passport. Russell considered the matter "hardly worth the interposition of the British lion," and when Palmerston ignored some of his instructions, the Prime Minister wrote to Palmerston telling him he had informed the Queen that he "thought the interests of the country required that a change should take place at the Foreign Department." However, less than a month later Lord Stanley successfully led the House of Lords into passing a motion of censure of the Government over its handling of the affair and Russell realised that he needed to align with Palmerston in order to prevent a similar motion being passed by the House of Commons, which would have obliged the Government to resign. The Government prevailed, but Palmerston came out of the affair with his popularity at new heights since he was seen as the champion of defending British subjects anywhere in the world.Russell forced Palmerston to resign as Foreign Secretary after Palmerston recognised Napoleon III's coup of 2 December 1851 without first consulting the Queen or Cabinet. Russell tried to strengthen his government by recruiting leading Peelites such as Sir James Graham and the Duke of Newcastle to his administration, but they declined. Out of office, Palmerston sought revenge by turning a vote on a militia bill into a vote of confidence in the Government. A majority vote in favour of an amendment proposed by Palmerston caused the downfall of Russell's ministry on 21 February 1852. This was Palmerston's famous "tit for tat with Johnny Russell."Following Russell's resignation, on the 23 February 1852 the Earl of Derby accepted the Queen's invitation to form a government. The new Conservative ministry were a minority in the Commons due to the continuing rift with the Peelites. Derby called a general election for July but failed to secure a majority. After the election Derby's Conservatives held 292 out of the 662 seats in the Commons but were able to carry on in office due to divisions among the opposition. Negotiations over a Whig-Peelite coalition stalled over the question of who would lead it. Russell's authority and popularity within the Whigs had been dented by his falling out with Palmerston, who flatly refused to serve under him again. Moreover he had alienated many in the Peelites and the Irish Brigade, who held the balance of power in the Commons, leaving them unwilling to support another Russell-led government. Palmerston proposed Lord Lansdowne as a compromise candidate. This was acceptable to Russell but Lansdowne was reluctant to take on the burdens of leading a government. The defeat of Disraeli's Budget in December 1852 forced the issue. Derby's government resigned and the Queen sent for Lansdowne and the Peelite Lord Aberdeen. Lansdowne declined the Queen's invitation, pleading ill-health and so Aberdeen was tasked with forming a government.Russell, as the leader of the Whigs, agreed to bring his party into a coalition with the Peelites, headed by Aberdeen. As the leader of the largest party in the coalition, Russell was reluctant to serve under Aberdeen in a subordinate position, but agreed to take on the role of Foreign Secretary on a temporary basis, to lend stability to the fledgling government. He resigned the role in February 1853 in favour of Clarendon, but continued to lead for the government in the Commons and attended cabinet without ministerial responsibilities. Russell was unhappy that half of Aberdeen's cabinet was made up of Peelites, despite the fact that the Whigs contributed hundreds of MPs to the Government's support in the Commons, and the Peelites only around 40. However, he came to admire some of his Peelite colleagues, particularly the Chancellor of the Exchequer William Gladstone, who would go on to become an important political ally in later years. With Aberdeen's agreement, Russell used his position as Leader of the House of Commons to push for a new Reform Act. Although Russell had promoted the 1832 Reform Act as a one-off measure to re-balance the constitution, after twenty years he had become convinced of the need for further electoral reform. In February 1854 Russell introduced his bill to the House. The property qualification was to be reduced from £10 to £6 in boroughs, and from £50 to £10 in the counties. Additionally 66 seats would be removed from undersized constituencies and redistributed. The second reading of the bill was set for March 1854, but the prospect of imminent war with Russia led to it being postponed until April. After the outbreak of war on 28 March Russell came under pressure from the cabinet to withdraw the bill entirely. Russell threatened to resign if the cabinet abandoned the reform bill but he was convinced to stay on by Aberdeen, who promised that he would support the reform bill if Russell reintroduced it in a future session. However, with the fall of the Aberdeen government the following year, it would be 12 years before Russell had another chance to introduce a reform bill. Together with Palmerston, Russell supported the government taking a hard line against Russian territorial ambitions in the Ottoman Empire, a policy which ultimately resulted in Britain's entry into the Crimean War in March 1854, an outcome which the more cautious Aberdeen had hoped to avoid. In the following months Russell grew frustrated by what he saw as a lack of effective war leadership by Aberdeen and the Secretary of State for War, the Duke of Newcastle. Dispatches from the front reported that the army was suffering from supply shortages and a lack of adequate accommodation and medical facilities. In November 1854 Russell urged Aberdeen to replace Newcastle with the Palmerston, who he believed would get a firmer grip on the organisation of the war, but these suggestions came to nothing. In January 1855, after a series of military setbacks, a Commons motion was brought by the radical MP John Roebuck to appoint a select committee to investigate the management of the war. Russell, not wishing to vote against an inquiry he believed was badly needed, resigned from the cabinet in order to abstain. Aberdeen viewed the Roebuck motion as a vote of no confidence in his leadership and, accordingly, when it passed by 305-148, he resigned. In the eyes of many, including the Queen and Aberdeen, Russell's temperamental behaviour and personal ambition had undermined the stability of the coalition. On visiting Windsor Castle to resign, Aberdeen told the Queen "Had it not been for the incessant attempts of Lord John Russell to keep up party differences, it must be acknowledged that the experiment of a coalition had succeeded admirably," an assessment with which the Queen agreed. Russell accepted an invitation from the Queen to form a new government but found that he could not assemble the necessary support, with many of his colleagues having been angered by his abandonment of Aberdeen over the Roebuck motion. Palmerston became Prime Minister, and Russell reluctantly accepted the role of Colonial Secretary in his cabinet. Russell was sent to Vienna to negotiate peace terms with Russia, but his proposals were rejected and he resigned from the cabinet and returned to the backbenches in July 1855.Following his resignation Russell wrote to his father-in-law that he would not serve again under Palmerston or any other Prime Minister. For a time it appeared as if his career in frontbench politics might be over. Russell continued to speak out from the backbenches on the issues he most cared about - lobbying for increased government grants for education and for reduction in the property qualification for Parliamentary elections. In early 1857 Russell became a vocal critic of Palmerston's government over the Anglo-Persian War and the Second Opium War. Russell spoke in support of a motion tabled by Richard Cobden, which criticised British military action in China and calling for a select committee inquiry. When the motion passed on 3 March, Palmerston dissolved Parliament and went to the country. In the subsequent general election Palmerston was swept back into power on a tide of patriotic feeling with an increased majority. Many of Palmerston's critics lost their seats but Russell hung on in the City of London, after fighting off an attempt to deselect him and replace him with a pro-Palmerston Whig candidate. Palmerston's triumph was short-lived. In February 1858 the Government rushed through a Conspiracy to Murder bill, following the attempted assassination of Napoleon III by Italian nationalist Felice Orsini - an attack planned in Britain using British-made explosives. Russell attacked the bill, which he saw as undermined traditional British political liberties to appease a foreign government. On 19 February Russell voted in favour of Thomas Milner Gibson's motion, which criticised the government for bowing to French demands. When the motion passed by 19 votes Palmerston's government resigned.In 1859, following another short-lived Conservative government, Palmerston and Russell made up their differences, and Russell consented to serve as Foreign Secretary in a new Palmerston cabinet, usually considered the first true Liberal cabinet. This period was a particularly eventful one in the world outside Britain, seeing the Unification of Italy (the change of British government to one sympathetic to Italian nationalism had a marked part in this process), the American Civil War, and the 1864 war over Schleswig-Holstein between Denmark and the German states. Russell arranged the London Conference of 1864, but failed to establish peace in the war. His tenure of the Foreign Office was noteworthy for the famous dispatch in which he defended Italian unification: "Her Majesty's Government will turn their eyes rather to the gratifying prospect of a people building up the edifice of their liberties, and consolidating the work of their independence, amid the sympathies and good wishes of Europe" (27 October 1860).In 1861 Russell was elevated to the peerage as Earl Russell, of Kingston Russell in the County of Dorset, and as Viscount Amberley, of Amberley in the County of Gloucester, and of Ardsalla in the County of Meathin the Peerage of the United Kingdom. Henceforth, as a suo jure peer, rather than merely being known as 'Lord' because he was the son of a Duke, he sat in the House of Lords for the remainder of his career.When Palmerston suddenly died in late 1865, Russell again became Prime Minister. His second premiership was short and frustrating, and Russell failed in his great ambition of expanding the franchise, a task that would be left to his Conservative successors, Derby and Benjamin Disraeli. In 1866, party disunity again brought down his government. Russell never again held any office. His last contribution to the House of Lords was on 3 August 1875.Russell married Adelaide Lister (widow of Thomas Lister, 2nd Baron Ribblesdale, who had died in 1832.) on 11 April 1835. Together they had two daughters:Adelaide came down with a fever following the birth of their second child and died a few days later on 1 November 1838. Following her death, Russell continued to raise his late wife's four children from her first marriage, as well their two daughters.On 20 July 1841 Russell remarried, to Lady Frances ("Fanny") Elliot-Murray-Kynynmound, daughter of Russell's cabinet colleague Gilbert Elliot, 2nd Earl of Minto. Together they had four children:In 1847 Queen Victoria granted Pembroke Lodge in Richmond Park to Lord and Lady John. It remained their family home for the rest of their lives.Russell was religious in a simple non-dogmatic way and supported the "Broad church" element in the Church of England. He opposed the "Oxford Movement" because its "Tractarian" members were too dogmatic and too close to Roman Catholicism. He supported Broad Churchmen or Latitudinarians by several appointments of liberal churchmen as bishops. In 1859 he reversed himself and decided to free non-Anglicans of the duty of paying rates (taxes) to the local Anglican parish. His political clumsiness and opposition to Church finance made him a target of attack and ridicule in many Church circles.Following the death of their daughter-in-law Viscountess Amberley in 1874 and their son Viscount Amberley in 1876, Earl Russell and Countess Russell brought up their orphaned grandchildren, John ("Frank") Russell, who became 2nd Earl Russell on his grandfather's death, and Bertrand Russell who would go on to become a noted philosopher and who in later life recalled his elderly grandfather as "a kindly old man in a wheelchair."Earl Russell died at home at Pembroke Lodge on 28 May 1878. The Prime Minister, the Earl of Beaconsfield, offered a public funeral and burial at Westminster Abbey for Russell but this was declined by Countess Russell in accordance with her late husband's wish to be buried among his family and ancestors. He is buried at the 'Bedford Chapel' at St. Michael's Church, Chenies, Buckinghamshire.Scion of one of the most powerful aristocratic families, Russell was a leading reformer who weakened the power of the aristocracy. His great achievements, wrote A. J. P. Taylor, were based on his persistent battles in Parliament over the years on behalf of the expansion of liberty; after each loss he tried again and again, until finally, his efforts were largely successful. E. L. Woodward, however, argued that he was too much the abstract theorist:He was succeeded as Liberal leader by former Peelite William Gladstone, and was thus the last true Whig to serve as Prime Minister. Generally taken as the model for Anthony Trollope's Mr Mildmay, aspects of his character may also have suggested those of Plantagenet Palliser. An ideal statesman, said Trollope, should have "unblemished, unextinguishable, inexhaustible love of country... But he should also be scrupulous, and, as being scrupulous, weak."The 1832 Reform Act and extension of the franchise to British cities are partly attributed to his efforts. He also worked for emancipation, leading the attack on the Test and Corporation acts, which were repealed in 1828, as well as towards legislation limiting working hours in factories in the 1847 Factory Act, and the Public Health Act of 1848.His government's approach to dealing with the Great Irish Famine is now widely condemned as counterproductive, ill-informed and disastrous. Russell himself was sympathetic to the plight of the Irish poor, and many of his relief proposals were blocked by his cabinet or by the British Parliament.Queen Victoria's attitude toward Russell was coloured by his role in the Aberdeen administration. On his death in 1878 her journal records that he was "a man of much talent, who leaves a name behind him, kind, & good, with a great knowledge of the constitution, who behaved very well, on many trying occasions; but he was impulsive, very selfish (as shown on many occasions, especially during Ld Aberdeen's administration) vain, & often reckless & imprudent."A public house in Bloomsbury, large parts of which are still owned by the Bedford Estate, is named after Russell, located on Marchmont Street.Russell published numerous books and essays over the course of his life, especially during periods out of office. He principally wrote on politics and history, but also turned his hand to a variety of other topics and genres. His published works include: "A Tale of Two Cities" by Charles Dickens was dedicated to Lord John Russell, "In remembrance of many public services and private kindnesses." In speech given in 1869, Dickens remarked of Russell that "there is no man in England whom I respect more in his public capacity, whom I love more in his private capacity."	[ "Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "president of the Royal Statistical Society", "Lord President of the Council", "Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Secretary of State for War and the Colonies", "Home Secretary", "Leader of the House of Commons", "Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Secretary of State for the Colonies", "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Prime Minister of the United Kingdom", "Leader of the Opposition", "Leader of the House of Lords", "Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did John Russell, 1st Earl Russell hold in 05/06/1861?	June 05, 1861	{ "text": [ "Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs" ] }	L2_Q157259_P39_20	John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1813 to Feb, 1817. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1830 to Apr, 1831. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Mar, 1857. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of president of the Royal Statistical Society from Jan, 1859 to Jan, 1861. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1861. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1826 to Jul, 1830. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1865 to Jun, 1866. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs from Jun, 1859 to Nov, 1865. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1831 to May, 1831. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1818 to Feb, 1820. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1835 to Jul, 1837. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Secretary of State for the Colonies from May, 1855 to Jul, 1855. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Leader of the House of Commons from Dec, 1852 to Jan, 1855. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Leader of the Opposition from Jun, 1866 to Dec, 1868. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Secretary of State for War and the Colonies from Sep, 1839 to Sep, 1841. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Leader of the House of Lords from Oct, 1865 to Jun, 1866. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Lord President of the Council from Jun, 1854 to Feb, 1855. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Home Secretary from Apr, 1835 to Aug, 1839. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1857 to Apr, 1859.	John Russell, 1st Earl RussellJohn Russell, 1st Earl Russell, (18 August 1792 – 28 May 1878), known by his courtesy title Lord John Russell before 1861, was a British Whig and Liberal statesman who served as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1846 to 1852 and again from 1865 to 1866.The third son of the 6th Duke of Bedford, Russell was educated at Westminster School and Edinburgh University before entering Parliament in 1813. In 1828 he took a leading role in the repeal of the Test Acts which discriminated against Catholics and Protestant dissenters. He was one of the principal architects of the Reform Act 1832, which was the first major reform of Parliament since the Restoration, and a significant early step on the road to democracy and away from rule by the aristocracy and landed gentry. He favoured expanding the right to vote to the middle classes and enfranchising Britain's growing industrial towns and cities but he never advocated universal suffrage and he opposed the secret ballot. Russell was outspoken on many issues over the course of his career, advocating Catholic emancipation in the 1820s, calling for the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1845, denouncing Pope Pius IX's revival of Catholic bishoprics in 1850, and supporting Italian unification during the 1860s.Russell's ministerial career spanned four decades. In addition to his two terms as prime minister, between 1831 and 1865 he served in the cabinets of Earl Grey, Viscount Melbourne, the Earl of Aberdeen, and Viscount Palmerston. Russell's relationship with Palmerston was often stormy and contributed to bringing down Russell's first government in 1852 and Palmerston's first government in 1858. However, their renewed alliance from 1859 was one of the foundations of the united Liberal Party, which would go on to dominate British politics in the following decades. While Russell was an energetic and effective minister during the 1830s and helped to commit the Whigs to a reform agenda, he proved less successful as prime minister. During his two periods as prime minister he often suffered from a disunited cabinet and weak support in the House of Commons, meaning he was unable to carry out much of his agenda. During his first premiership, his government failed to deal effectively with the Irish Famine, a disaster that saw the loss of a quarter of Ireland's population through death and emigration. During his second premiership, he split his party by pressing for further parliamentary reform and was forced from office only to watch Derby and Disraeli carry a more ambitious Reform Bill. It has been said that Russell's ministry of 1846–1852 was the ruin of the old Whig party and that his ministry of 1865–1866 was very nearly the ruin of the Liberal Party that took its place.Russell was born on 18 August 1792 into the highest echelons of the British aristocracy, being the third son of John Russell, later 6th Duke of Bedford, and Georgiana Byng, daughter of George Byng, 4th Viscount Torrington. The Russell family had been one of the principal Whig dynasties in England since the 17th century, and were among the richest handful of aristocratic landowning families in the country, but as a younger son of the 6th Duke of Bedford, he was not expected to inherit the family estates. As a younger son of a duke, he bore the courtesy title "Lord John Russell", but he was not a peer in his own right. He was, therefore, able to sit in the House of Commons until he was made an earl in 1861 and was elevated to the House of Lords.Russell was born two months premature and was small and sickly as a child (even in adulthood he remained under 5 feet 5 inches tall, and his small stature was frequently the butt of jokes by political opponents and caricaturists). In 1801 at the age of nine he was sent away to school. Shortly thereafter his mother died. After being withdrawn from Westminster School in 1804 due to ill health, Russell was educated by tutors, including Edmund Cartwright. In 1806 Russell's father was made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in the short-live Ministry of All the Talents and it was during this time that the young Russell met Charles James Fox. Fox was Russell's formative political hero and would remain an inspiration throughout his life. Russell attended the University of Edinburgh from 1809 to 1812, lodging with Professor John Playfair, who oversaw his studies. He did not take a degree. Although often in poor health, he travelled widely in Britain and on the continent, and held commission as Captain in the Bedfordshire Militia in 1810. During his continental travels Russell visited Spain where his brother was serving as aide-de-camp to Lord Wellington in the Peninsular War. The following year he had a 90-minute meeting with Napoleon in December 1814 during the former emperor's exile at Elba.Russell entered the House of Commons as a Whig in 1813 at the age of 20. The future reformer gained his seat by virtue of his father, the Duke of Bedford, instructing the 30 or so electors of Tavistock to return him as an MP even though at the time Russell was abroad and under age. Russell entered Parliament more out of a sense of duty and family tradition than out of serious political ambition. With the exception the 1806-1807 coalition government in which Russell's father had served, the Whigs had been out of power since 1783, and Russell could have had had no certain expectation of a ministerial career. In June 1815 Russell denounced the Bourbon Restoration and Britain's declaration of war against the recently-returned Napoleon by arguing in the House of Commons that foreign powers had no right to dictate France's form of government. In 1817, tired of the prospect of perpetual opposition, Russell resigned from Parliament. After spending a year out of politics and travelling on the continent, he changed his mind and re-entered Parliament for Tavistock at the 1818 general election. In 1819 Russell embraced the cause of parliamentary reform and he led the more reformist wing of the Whigs throughout the 1820s. In 1828, while still an opposition backbencher, Russell introduced a Sacramental Test bill with the aim of abolishing the prohibitions on Catholics and Protestant dissenters being elected to local government and from holding civil and military offices. The bill gained the backing of the Tory Home Secretary Sir Robert Peel and was passed into law.When the Whigs came to power in 1830, Russell entered Earl Grey's government as Paymaster of the Forces. Despite being a relatively junior minister, as a vocal advocate for Parliamentary reform for over a decade, Russell became a principal leader in the fight for the Reform Act 1832. He was one of the committee of four tasked by Grey with drafting the reform bill, alongside cabinet ministers Lord Durham, Lord Duncannon and Sir James Graham. Despite not yet being in the Cabinet, Russell was chosen to introduce the bill in March 1831 and over the following year he successfully steered the Reform Act's difficult progress through the Commons. Russell earned the nickname "Finality Jack" from his pronouncing the Act a final measure but in later years he would go on to push for further reform of Parliament. In May 1834 Russell made a speech on the Irish Tithes bill, in which he argued that the revenue generated by tithes was more than was justified by the size of the established Protestant church in Ireland. Russell argued that a proportion the tithe revenue should instead be appropriated for the education of the Irish poor, regardless of denomination. The speech was seen by its opponents as an attack on the established church in Ireland and it cemented a split within Grey's government over the issue of Irish tithes. The following month four members of the Cabinet resigned over the issue, weakening the government's hold on Parliament. Sensing that his position was now hopeless, Grey offered his resignation to the King in July, and was replaced by Viscount Melbourne at the head of the government.In November 1834, when the leader of the Commons, Lord Althorp, succeeded to the peerage as Earl Spencer, Russell became the leader of the Whigs in the Commons. Russell's appointment prompted King William IV to terminate Melbourne's government, in part because the King objected to Russell's views on the Irish Church. This remains the last time in British history that a monarch has dismissed a government. The subsequent minority Conservative government lasted less than five months before resigning in April 1835. Russell then returned to office as Home Secretary in Melbourne's second government, before serving as Secretary of State for War and the Colonies from 1839 to 1841. Through this period Russell continued to lead the more reformist wing of the Whig party.As Home Secretary Russell recommended and secured royal pardons for the Tolpuddle Martyrs and partial commutation of their sentences. In 1836 he introduced the Marriages Act, which introduced civil marriages in England and Wales and allowed Catholics and Protestant Dissenters to marry in their own churches. In 1837 he steered a series of seven Acts through Parliament, which together reduced the number of offences carrying a sentence of death from thirty-seven to sixteen. This number was reduced further by the Substitution of Punishments of Death Act 1841. After these reforms the death penalty was rarely used in the United Kingdom for crimes other than murder. As Home Secretary Russell also introduced the public registration for births, marriages and deaths and played a large role in democratising the government of cities outside of London.In 1841 the Whigs lost the general election to the Conservatives and Russell and his colleagues returned to opposition. In November 1845, following the failure of that year's potato harvest across Britain and Ireland, Russell came out in favour of the repeal of the Corn Laws and called upon the Prime Minister Sir Robert Peel to take urgent action to alleviate the emerging food crisis. Peel had by this time already become convinced of the need for repeal but he was opposed in this by the majority of his own cabinet and party. On 11 December 1845, frustrated by his party's unwillingness to support him on repeal, Peel resigned as Prime Minister and Queen Victoria invited Russell to form a new government. With the Whigs a minority in the Commons however, Russell struggled to assemble the necessary support. When Lord Grey declared that he would not serve in cabinet if Lord Palmerston was made Foreign Secretary it became clear to Russell that he could not form a viable government. Russell declined the Queen's invitation on 21 December and Peel agreed to stay on as Prime Minister. In June the following year Peel repealed the Corn Laws with Whig support, bitterly dividing the Conservative Party in the process. Later that same night Peel's Irish Coercion Bill was defeated after vengeful anti-repeal Tories voted with the opposition and Peel, taking this as a vote of no confidence, resigned as Prime Minister. Russell accepted the Queen's offer to form a government, this time Grey not objecting to Palmerston's appointment.Russell took office as Prime Minister with the Whigs only a minority in the House of Commons. It was the bitter split in the Conservative Party over the Corn Laws that allowed Russell's government to remain in power in spite of this, with Sir Robert Peel and his supporters offering tentative support to the new ministry in order to keep the protectionist Conservatives under Lord Stanley in opposition. At the general election of August 1847 the Whigs made gains at the expense of the Conservatives, but remained a minority, with Russell's government still dependent on the votes of Peelite and Irish Repealer MPs to win divisions in the Commons. Russell's political agenda was frequently frustrated by his lack of a reliable Commons majority. However, his government was able to secure a number of notable social reforms. Russell introduced teachers' pensions and used Orders in Council to make grants for teacher training. The Public Baths and Wash-houses Acts of 1847 and 1848 enabled local authorities to build municipal baths and washing facilities for the growing urban working classes. Russell lent his support to the passage of the Factories Act 1847, which restricted the working hours of women and young persons (aged 13–18) in textile mills to 10 hours per day. 1848 saw the introduction of the Metropolitan Commission of Sewers and the Public Health Act 1848, by which the state assumed responsibility for sewerage, clean water supply, refuse collection and other aspects of public health across much of England and Wales.Following the election of Lionel de Rothschild in the 1847 general election, Russell introduced a Jewish Relief bill, which would have allowed Rothschild and other Jews to sit in the House of Commons without their having to take the explicitly Christian oath of allegiance. In 1848, the bill was passed by the House of Commons, receiving support from the Whigs and a minority of Conservatives (including future Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli). However, it was twice rejected by the Tory dominated House of Lords, as was a new bill in 1851. Rothschild was re-elected in the 1852 general election following the fall of the Russell government but was unable to take his seat until the Jews Relief Act was finally passed in 1858.Russell's government led the calamitous response to the Irish Famine. During the course of the famine, an estimated 1 million people died from a combination of malnutrition, disease and starvation and well over 1 million more were left with little choice but to emigrate from Ireland. After taking office in 1846 Russell's ministry introduced a programme of public works that by the end of that year employed some half-a-million but proved impossible to administer. In January 1847, the government abandoned this policy, realising that it had failed, and turned to a mixture of "indoor" and "outdoor" direct relief; the former administered in workhouses through the Irish Poor Laws, the latter through soup kitchens. The costs of the Poor Law fell primarily on the local landlords, some of whom in turn attempted to reduce their liability by evicting their tenants. In June 1847 the Poor Law Extension Act was passed, which embodied the principle, popular in Britain, that Irish property should support Irish poverty. Irish landlords were believed in Britain to have created the conditions that led to the famine, a view which Russell shared.In 1847 Russell's government was confronted by a financial crisis. Sir Robert Peel's 1844 Bank Charter Act required that all bank notes issued by the Bank of England be fully backed by gold. However, the failure of harvests in Britain and Ireland during 1846 had led to large outflows of gold in order to pay for imported grain, resulting in a dramatic decline in the Bank's gold reserves over the course of 1847. Faced with the prospect of running out of gold and being unable to issue money, the Bank of England repeatedly raised the discount rate at which it would lend money to other banks, leading to a drastic curtailment of available commercial credit and contributing to the collapse of numerous businesses. This in turn led to a loss of public confidence in the creditworthiness of the banks, culminated in the "week of terror" of 17-23 October when multiple banks were forced to close their doors as frightened depositors attempted to withdraw their funds. Faced with the potential collapse of the banking system, on Monday 25 October Russell and the Chancellor of the Exchequer Charles Wood wrote a letter to the Governor of the Bank of England authorising him to break the terms of the Bank Charter Act and issue new notes without gold backing to facilitate lending to other banks. This move restored depositor confidence in the banks, and the crisis abated.In the first half of his premiership Russell aimed to improve the British government's relations with the Papacy and the Catholic clergy in Ireland, which he saw as one of the keys to making Ireland a more willing part of the United Kingdom. Russell proposed to make an annual grant of £340,000 to the Catholic Church in Ireland, with the aim of ameliorating Irish Catholic opinion towards the Union. In 1847 Russell's father-in-law the Earl of Minto was dispatched on a confidential mission to Rome to seek the Pope's support for the grants plan. In the end, the idea had to be abandoned due to Catholic objections to what they saw as an attempt to control their clergy. However, Russell pressed ahead with plans to re-establish formal diplomatic relations between the Court of St James's and the Holy See, which had been severed when James II was deposed in 1688. Russell managed to pass an Act to authorise an exchange of ambassadors with Rome, but not before the bill was amended by Parliament to stipulate that the Pope's ambassador must be a layman. The Pope refused to accept such a restriction on his choice of representative and so the exchange of ambassadors did not take place. It would not be until 1914 that formal UK-Vatican diplomatic relations were finally established.Relations with the Papacy soured badly in late 1850 after Pope Pius IX issued the bull Universalis Ecclesiae. By this bull Pius unilaterally reintroduced Catholic bishops to England and Wales for the first time since the Reformation. Anti-Catholic feelings ran high with many protestants incensed at what they saw as impertinent foreign interference in the prerogative of the established Church of England to appoint bishops. Russell, not withstanding his long record of advocating civil liberties for Catholics, shared the traditional Whig suspicion of the Catholic hierarchy, and was angered at what he saw as a Papal imposition. On 4 November 1850, in a letter to the Bishop of Durham published in "The Times" the same day, Russell wrote that the Pope's actions suggested a "pretension to supremacy" and declared that "No foreign prince or potentate will be permitted to fasten his fetters upon a nation which has so long and so nobly vindicated its right to freedom of opinion, civil, political, and religious." Russell's "Durham letter" won him popular support in England but in Ireland it was viewed as an unwarranted insult to the Pope. It lost Russell the confidence of Irish Repealer MPs and the cabinet were angered that he had made such an incendiary statement without having consulting them. The following year Russell passed the Ecclesiastical Titles Act 1851 with Tory support, which made it a criminal offence carrying a fine of £100 for anyone outside of the Church of England to assume an episcopal title "of any city, town or place, or of any territory or district...in the United Kingdom." The Act was widely ignored without consequences and only served to further alienate Irish MPs, thereby weakening the government's position in the Commons.Russell frequently clashed with his headstrong Foreign Secretary, Lord Palmerston, whose belligerence and support for continental revolution he found embarrassing. In 1847 Palmerston provoked a confrontation with the French government by undermining the plans of the Spanish court to marry the young Spanish Queen and her sister into the French royal family.He subsequently clashed with Russell over plans to increase the size of the army and the navy to defend against the perceived threat of French invasion, which subsided after the overthrow of the French king in 1848.In 1850 further tension arose between the two over Palmerston's gunboat diplomacy in the Don Pacifico affair in which Palmerston sought compensation from the Greek government for the ransacking and the burning of the house of David Pacifico, a Gibraltarian holder of a British passport. Russell considered the matter "hardly worth the interposition of the British lion," and when Palmerston ignored some of his instructions, the Prime Minister wrote to Palmerston telling him he had informed the Queen that he "thought the interests of the country required that a change should take place at the Foreign Department." However, less than a month later Lord Stanley successfully led the House of Lords into passing a motion of censure of the Government over its handling of the affair and Russell realised that he needed to align with Palmerston in order to prevent a similar motion being passed by the House of Commons, which would have obliged the Government to resign. The Government prevailed, but Palmerston came out of the affair with his popularity at new heights since he was seen as the champion of defending British subjects anywhere in the world.Russell forced Palmerston to resign as Foreign Secretary after Palmerston recognised Napoleon III's coup of 2 December 1851 without first consulting the Queen or Cabinet. Russell tried to strengthen his government by recruiting leading Peelites such as Sir James Graham and the Duke of Newcastle to his administration, but they declined. Out of office, Palmerston sought revenge by turning a vote on a militia bill into a vote of confidence in the Government. A majority vote in favour of an amendment proposed by Palmerston caused the downfall of Russell's ministry on 21 February 1852. This was Palmerston's famous "tit for tat with Johnny Russell."Following Russell's resignation, on the 23 February 1852 the Earl of Derby accepted the Queen's invitation to form a government. The new Conservative ministry were a minority in the Commons due to the continuing rift with the Peelites. Derby called a general election for July but failed to secure a majority. After the election Derby's Conservatives held 292 out of the 662 seats in the Commons but were able to carry on in office due to divisions among the opposition. Negotiations over a Whig-Peelite coalition stalled over the question of who would lead it. Russell's authority and popularity within the Whigs had been dented by his falling out with Palmerston, who flatly refused to serve under him again. Moreover he had alienated many in the Peelites and the Irish Brigade, who held the balance of power in the Commons, leaving them unwilling to support another Russell-led government. Palmerston proposed Lord Lansdowne as a compromise candidate. This was acceptable to Russell but Lansdowne was reluctant to take on the burdens of leading a government. The defeat of Disraeli's Budget in December 1852 forced the issue. Derby's government resigned and the Queen sent for Lansdowne and the Peelite Lord Aberdeen. Lansdowne declined the Queen's invitation, pleading ill-health and so Aberdeen was tasked with forming a government.Russell, as the leader of the Whigs, agreed to bring his party into a coalition with the Peelites, headed by Aberdeen. As the leader of the largest party in the coalition, Russell was reluctant to serve under Aberdeen in a subordinate position, but agreed to take on the role of Foreign Secretary on a temporary basis, to lend stability to the fledgling government. He resigned the role in February 1853 in favour of Clarendon, but continued to lead for the government in the Commons and attended cabinet without ministerial responsibilities. Russell was unhappy that half of Aberdeen's cabinet was made up of Peelites, despite the fact that the Whigs contributed hundreds of MPs to the Government's support in the Commons, and the Peelites only around 40. However, he came to admire some of his Peelite colleagues, particularly the Chancellor of the Exchequer William Gladstone, who would go on to become an important political ally in later years. With Aberdeen's agreement, Russell used his position as Leader of the House of Commons to push for a new Reform Act. Although Russell had promoted the 1832 Reform Act as a one-off measure to re-balance the constitution, after twenty years he had become convinced of the need for further electoral reform. In February 1854 Russell introduced his bill to the House. The property qualification was to be reduced from £10 to £6 in boroughs, and from £50 to £10 in the counties. Additionally 66 seats would be removed from undersized constituencies and redistributed. The second reading of the bill was set for March 1854, but the prospect of imminent war with Russia led to it being postponed until April. After the outbreak of war on 28 March Russell came under pressure from the cabinet to withdraw the bill entirely. Russell threatened to resign if the cabinet abandoned the reform bill but he was convinced to stay on by Aberdeen, who promised that he would support the reform bill if Russell reintroduced it in a future session. However, with the fall of the Aberdeen government the following year, it would be 12 years before Russell had another chance to introduce a reform bill. Together with Palmerston, Russell supported the government taking a hard line against Russian territorial ambitions in the Ottoman Empire, a policy which ultimately resulted in Britain's entry into the Crimean War in March 1854, an outcome which the more cautious Aberdeen had hoped to avoid. In the following months Russell grew frustrated by what he saw as a lack of effective war leadership by Aberdeen and the Secretary of State for War, the Duke of Newcastle. Dispatches from the front reported that the army was suffering from supply shortages and a lack of adequate accommodation and medical facilities. In November 1854 Russell urged Aberdeen to replace Newcastle with the Palmerston, who he believed would get a firmer grip on the organisation of the war, but these suggestions came to nothing. In January 1855, after a series of military setbacks, a Commons motion was brought by the radical MP John Roebuck to appoint a select committee to investigate the management of the war. Russell, not wishing to vote against an inquiry he believed was badly needed, resigned from the cabinet in order to abstain. Aberdeen viewed the Roebuck motion as a vote of no confidence in his leadership and, accordingly, when it passed by 305-148, he resigned. In the eyes of many, including the Queen and Aberdeen, Russell's temperamental behaviour and personal ambition had undermined the stability of the coalition. On visiting Windsor Castle to resign, Aberdeen told the Queen "Had it not been for the incessant attempts of Lord John Russell to keep up party differences, it must be acknowledged that the experiment of a coalition had succeeded admirably," an assessment with which the Queen agreed. Russell accepted an invitation from the Queen to form a new government but found that he could not assemble the necessary support, with many of his colleagues having been angered by his abandonment of Aberdeen over the Roebuck motion. Palmerston became Prime Minister, and Russell reluctantly accepted the role of Colonial Secretary in his cabinet. Russell was sent to Vienna to negotiate peace terms with Russia, but his proposals were rejected and he resigned from the cabinet and returned to the backbenches in July 1855.Following his resignation Russell wrote to his father-in-law that he would not serve again under Palmerston or any other Prime Minister. For a time it appeared as if his career in frontbench politics might be over. Russell continued to speak out from the backbenches on the issues he most cared about - lobbying for increased government grants for education and for reduction in the property qualification for Parliamentary elections. In early 1857 Russell became a vocal critic of Palmerston's government over the Anglo-Persian War and the Second Opium War. Russell spoke in support of a motion tabled by Richard Cobden, which criticised British military action in China and calling for a select committee inquiry. When the motion passed on 3 March, Palmerston dissolved Parliament and went to the country. In the subsequent general election Palmerston was swept back into power on a tide of patriotic feeling with an increased majority. Many of Palmerston's critics lost their seats but Russell hung on in the City of London, after fighting off an attempt to deselect him and replace him with a pro-Palmerston Whig candidate. Palmerston's triumph was short-lived. In February 1858 the Government rushed through a Conspiracy to Murder bill, following the attempted assassination of Napoleon III by Italian nationalist Felice Orsini - an attack planned in Britain using British-made explosives. Russell attacked the bill, which he saw as undermined traditional British political liberties to appease a foreign government. On 19 February Russell voted in favour of Thomas Milner Gibson's motion, which criticised the government for bowing to French demands. When the motion passed by 19 votes Palmerston's government resigned.In 1859, following another short-lived Conservative government, Palmerston and Russell made up their differences, and Russell consented to serve as Foreign Secretary in a new Palmerston cabinet, usually considered the first true Liberal cabinet. This period was a particularly eventful one in the world outside Britain, seeing the Unification of Italy (the change of British government to one sympathetic to Italian nationalism had a marked part in this process), the American Civil War, and the 1864 war over Schleswig-Holstein between Denmark and the German states. Russell arranged the London Conference of 1864, but failed to establish peace in the war. His tenure of the Foreign Office was noteworthy for the famous dispatch in which he defended Italian unification: "Her Majesty's Government will turn their eyes rather to the gratifying prospect of a people building up the edifice of their liberties, and consolidating the work of their independence, amid the sympathies and good wishes of Europe" (27 October 1860).In 1861 Russell was elevated to the peerage as Earl Russell, of Kingston Russell in the County of Dorset, and as Viscount Amberley, of Amberley in the County of Gloucester, and of Ardsalla in the County of Meathin the Peerage of the United Kingdom. Henceforth, as a suo jure peer, rather than merely being known as 'Lord' because he was the son of a Duke, he sat in the House of Lords for the remainder of his career.When Palmerston suddenly died in late 1865, Russell again became Prime Minister. His second premiership was short and frustrating, and Russell failed in his great ambition of expanding the franchise, a task that would be left to his Conservative successors, Derby and Benjamin Disraeli. In 1866, party disunity again brought down his government. Russell never again held any office. His last contribution to the House of Lords was on 3 August 1875.Russell married Adelaide Lister (widow of Thomas Lister, 2nd Baron Ribblesdale, who had died in 1832.) on 11 April 1835. Together they had two daughters:Adelaide came down with a fever following the birth of their second child and died a few days later on 1 November 1838. Following her death, Russell continued to raise his late wife's four children from her first marriage, as well their two daughters.On 20 July 1841 Russell remarried, to Lady Frances ("Fanny") Elliot-Murray-Kynynmound, daughter of Russell's cabinet colleague Gilbert Elliot, 2nd Earl of Minto. Together they had four children:In 1847 Queen Victoria granted Pembroke Lodge in Richmond Park to Lord and Lady John. It remained their family home for the rest of their lives.Russell was religious in a simple non-dogmatic way and supported the "Broad church" element in the Church of England. He opposed the "Oxford Movement" because its "Tractarian" members were too dogmatic and too close to Roman Catholicism. He supported Broad Churchmen or Latitudinarians by several appointments of liberal churchmen as bishops. In 1859 he reversed himself and decided to free non-Anglicans of the duty of paying rates (taxes) to the local Anglican parish. His political clumsiness and opposition to Church finance made him a target of attack and ridicule in many Church circles.Following the death of their daughter-in-law Viscountess Amberley in 1874 and their son Viscount Amberley in 1876, Earl Russell and Countess Russell brought up their orphaned grandchildren, John ("Frank") Russell, who became 2nd Earl Russell on his grandfather's death, and Bertrand Russell who would go on to become a noted philosopher and who in later life recalled his elderly grandfather as "a kindly old man in a wheelchair."Earl Russell died at home at Pembroke Lodge on 28 May 1878. The Prime Minister, the Earl of Beaconsfield, offered a public funeral and burial at Westminster Abbey for Russell but this was declined by Countess Russell in accordance with her late husband's wish to be buried among his family and ancestors. He is buried at the 'Bedford Chapel' at St. Michael's Church, Chenies, Buckinghamshire.Scion of one of the most powerful aristocratic families, Russell was a leading reformer who weakened the power of the aristocracy. His great achievements, wrote A. J. P. Taylor, were based on his persistent battles in Parliament over the years on behalf of the expansion of liberty; after each loss he tried again and again, until finally, his efforts were largely successful. E. L. Woodward, however, argued that he was too much the abstract theorist:He was succeeded as Liberal leader by former Peelite William Gladstone, and was thus the last true Whig to serve as Prime Minister. Generally taken as the model for Anthony Trollope's Mr Mildmay, aspects of his character may also have suggested those of Plantagenet Palliser. An ideal statesman, said Trollope, should have "unblemished, unextinguishable, inexhaustible love of country... But he should also be scrupulous, and, as being scrupulous, weak."The 1832 Reform Act and extension of the franchise to British cities are partly attributed to his efforts. He also worked for emancipation, leading the attack on the Test and Corporation acts, which were repealed in 1828, as well as towards legislation limiting working hours in factories in the 1847 Factory Act, and the Public Health Act of 1848.His government's approach to dealing with the Great Irish Famine is now widely condemned as counterproductive, ill-informed and disastrous. Russell himself was sympathetic to the plight of the Irish poor, and many of his relief proposals were blocked by his cabinet or by the British Parliament.Queen Victoria's attitude toward Russell was coloured by his role in the Aberdeen administration. On his death in 1878 her journal records that he was "a man of much talent, who leaves a name behind him, kind, & good, with a great knowledge of the constitution, who behaved very well, on many trying occasions; but he was impulsive, very selfish (as shown on many occasions, especially during Ld Aberdeen's administration) vain, & often reckless & imprudent."A public house in Bloomsbury, large parts of which are still owned by the Bedford Estate, is named after Russell, located on Marchmont Street.Russell published numerous books and essays over the course of his life, especially during periods out of office. He principally wrote on politics and history, but also turned his hand to a variety of other topics and genres. His published works include: "A Tale of Two Cities" by Charles Dickens was dedicated to Lord John Russell, "In remembrance of many public services and private kindnesses." In speech given in 1869, Dickens remarked of Russell that "there is no man in England whom I respect more in his public capacity, whom I love more in his private capacity."	[ "Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "president of the Royal Statistical Society", "Lord President of the Council", "Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Secretary of State for War and the Colonies", "Home Secretary", "Leader of the House of Commons", "Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Secretary of State for the Colonies", "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Prime Minister of the United Kingdom", "Leader of the Opposition", "Leader of the House of Lords", "Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did John Russell, 1st Earl Russell hold in Jun 05, 1861?	June 05, 1861	{ "text": [ "Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs" ] }	L2_Q157259_P39_20	John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1813 to Feb, 1817. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1830 to Apr, 1831. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Mar, 1857. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of president of the Royal Statistical Society from Jan, 1859 to Jan, 1861. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1861. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1826 to Jul, 1830. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1865 to Jun, 1866. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs from Jun, 1859 to Nov, 1865. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1831 to May, 1831. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1818 to Feb, 1820. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1835 to Jul, 1837. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Secretary of State for the Colonies from May, 1855 to Jul, 1855. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Leader of the House of Commons from Dec, 1852 to Jan, 1855. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Leader of the Opposition from Jun, 1866 to Dec, 1868. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Secretary of State for War and the Colonies from Sep, 1839 to Sep, 1841. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Leader of the House of Lords from Oct, 1865 to Jun, 1866. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Lord President of the Council from Jun, 1854 to Feb, 1855. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Home Secretary from Apr, 1835 to Aug, 1839. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1857 to Apr, 1859.	John Russell, 1st Earl RussellJohn Russell, 1st Earl Russell, (18 August 1792 – 28 May 1878), known by his courtesy title Lord John Russell before 1861, was a British Whig and Liberal statesman who served as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1846 to 1852 and again from 1865 to 1866.The third son of the 6th Duke of Bedford, Russell was educated at Westminster School and Edinburgh University before entering Parliament in 1813. In 1828 he took a leading role in the repeal of the Test Acts which discriminated against Catholics and Protestant dissenters. He was one of the principal architects of the Reform Act 1832, which was the first major reform of Parliament since the Restoration, and a significant early step on the road to democracy and away from rule by the aristocracy and landed gentry. He favoured expanding the right to vote to the middle classes and enfranchising Britain's growing industrial towns and cities but he never advocated universal suffrage and he opposed the secret ballot. Russell was outspoken on many issues over the course of his career, advocating Catholic emancipation in the 1820s, calling for the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1845, denouncing Pope Pius IX's revival of Catholic bishoprics in 1850, and supporting Italian unification during the 1860s.Russell's ministerial career spanned four decades. In addition to his two terms as prime minister, between 1831 and 1865 he served in the cabinets of Earl Grey, Viscount Melbourne, the Earl of Aberdeen, and Viscount Palmerston. Russell's relationship with Palmerston was often stormy and contributed to bringing down Russell's first government in 1852 and Palmerston's first government in 1858. However, their renewed alliance from 1859 was one of the foundations of the united Liberal Party, which would go on to dominate British politics in the following decades. While Russell was an energetic and effective minister during the 1830s and helped to commit the Whigs to a reform agenda, he proved less successful as prime minister. During his two periods as prime minister he often suffered from a disunited cabinet and weak support in the House of Commons, meaning he was unable to carry out much of his agenda. During his first premiership, his government failed to deal effectively with the Irish Famine, a disaster that saw the loss of a quarter of Ireland's population through death and emigration. During his second premiership, he split his party by pressing for further parliamentary reform and was forced from office only to watch Derby and Disraeli carry a more ambitious Reform Bill. It has been said that Russell's ministry of 1846–1852 was the ruin of the old Whig party and that his ministry of 1865–1866 was very nearly the ruin of the Liberal Party that took its place.Russell was born on 18 August 1792 into the highest echelons of the British aristocracy, being the third son of John Russell, later 6th Duke of Bedford, and Georgiana Byng, daughter of George Byng, 4th Viscount Torrington. The Russell family had been one of the principal Whig dynasties in England since the 17th century, and were among the richest handful of aristocratic landowning families in the country, but as a younger son of the 6th Duke of Bedford, he was not expected to inherit the family estates. As a younger son of a duke, he bore the courtesy title "Lord John Russell", but he was not a peer in his own right. He was, therefore, able to sit in the House of Commons until he was made an earl in 1861 and was elevated to the House of Lords.Russell was born two months premature and was small and sickly as a child (even in adulthood he remained under 5 feet 5 inches tall, and his small stature was frequently the butt of jokes by political opponents and caricaturists). In 1801 at the age of nine he was sent away to school. Shortly thereafter his mother died. After being withdrawn from Westminster School in 1804 due to ill health, Russell was educated by tutors, including Edmund Cartwright. In 1806 Russell's father was made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in the short-live Ministry of All the Talents and it was during this time that the young Russell met Charles James Fox. Fox was Russell's formative political hero and would remain an inspiration throughout his life. Russell attended the University of Edinburgh from 1809 to 1812, lodging with Professor John Playfair, who oversaw his studies. He did not take a degree. Although often in poor health, he travelled widely in Britain and on the continent, and held commission as Captain in the Bedfordshire Militia in 1810. During his continental travels Russell visited Spain where his brother was serving as aide-de-camp to Lord Wellington in the Peninsular War. The following year he had a 90-minute meeting with Napoleon in December 1814 during the former emperor's exile at Elba.Russell entered the House of Commons as a Whig in 1813 at the age of 20. The future reformer gained his seat by virtue of his father, the Duke of Bedford, instructing the 30 or so electors of Tavistock to return him as an MP even though at the time Russell was abroad and under age. Russell entered Parliament more out of a sense of duty and family tradition than out of serious political ambition. With the exception the 1806-1807 coalition government in which Russell's father had served, the Whigs had been out of power since 1783, and Russell could have had had no certain expectation of a ministerial career. In June 1815 Russell denounced the Bourbon Restoration and Britain's declaration of war against the recently-returned Napoleon by arguing in the House of Commons that foreign powers had no right to dictate France's form of government. In 1817, tired of the prospect of perpetual opposition, Russell resigned from Parliament. After spending a year out of politics and travelling on the continent, he changed his mind and re-entered Parliament for Tavistock at the 1818 general election. In 1819 Russell embraced the cause of parliamentary reform and he led the more reformist wing of the Whigs throughout the 1820s. In 1828, while still an opposition backbencher, Russell introduced a Sacramental Test bill with the aim of abolishing the prohibitions on Catholics and Protestant dissenters being elected to local government and from holding civil and military offices. The bill gained the backing of the Tory Home Secretary Sir Robert Peel and was passed into law.When the Whigs came to power in 1830, Russell entered Earl Grey's government as Paymaster of the Forces. Despite being a relatively junior minister, as a vocal advocate for Parliamentary reform for over a decade, Russell became a principal leader in the fight for the Reform Act 1832. He was one of the committee of four tasked by Grey with drafting the reform bill, alongside cabinet ministers Lord Durham, Lord Duncannon and Sir James Graham. Despite not yet being in the Cabinet, Russell was chosen to introduce the bill in March 1831 and over the following year he successfully steered the Reform Act's difficult progress through the Commons. Russell earned the nickname "Finality Jack" from his pronouncing the Act a final measure but in later years he would go on to push for further reform of Parliament. In May 1834 Russell made a speech on the Irish Tithes bill, in which he argued that the revenue generated by tithes was more than was justified by the size of the established Protestant church in Ireland. Russell argued that a proportion the tithe revenue should instead be appropriated for the education of the Irish poor, regardless of denomination. The speech was seen by its opponents as an attack on the established church in Ireland and it cemented a split within Grey's government over the issue of Irish tithes. The following month four members of the Cabinet resigned over the issue, weakening the government's hold on Parliament. Sensing that his position was now hopeless, Grey offered his resignation to the King in July, and was replaced by Viscount Melbourne at the head of the government.In November 1834, when the leader of the Commons, Lord Althorp, succeeded to the peerage as Earl Spencer, Russell became the leader of the Whigs in the Commons. Russell's appointment prompted King William IV to terminate Melbourne's government, in part because the King objected to Russell's views on the Irish Church. This remains the last time in British history that a monarch has dismissed a government. The subsequent minority Conservative government lasted less than five months before resigning in April 1835. Russell then returned to office as Home Secretary in Melbourne's second government, before serving as Secretary of State for War and the Colonies from 1839 to 1841. Through this period Russell continued to lead the more reformist wing of the Whig party.As Home Secretary Russell recommended and secured royal pardons for the Tolpuddle Martyrs and partial commutation of their sentences. In 1836 he introduced the Marriages Act, which introduced civil marriages in England and Wales and allowed Catholics and Protestant Dissenters to marry in their own churches. In 1837 he steered a series of seven Acts through Parliament, which together reduced the number of offences carrying a sentence of death from thirty-seven to sixteen. This number was reduced further by the Substitution of Punishments of Death Act 1841. After these reforms the death penalty was rarely used in the United Kingdom for crimes other than murder. As Home Secretary Russell also introduced the public registration for births, marriages and deaths and played a large role in democratising the government of cities outside of London.In 1841 the Whigs lost the general election to the Conservatives and Russell and his colleagues returned to opposition. In November 1845, following the failure of that year's potato harvest across Britain and Ireland, Russell came out in favour of the repeal of the Corn Laws and called upon the Prime Minister Sir Robert Peel to take urgent action to alleviate the emerging food crisis. Peel had by this time already become convinced of the need for repeal but he was opposed in this by the majority of his own cabinet and party. On 11 December 1845, frustrated by his party's unwillingness to support him on repeal, Peel resigned as Prime Minister and Queen Victoria invited Russell to form a new government. With the Whigs a minority in the Commons however, Russell struggled to assemble the necessary support. When Lord Grey declared that he would not serve in cabinet if Lord Palmerston was made Foreign Secretary it became clear to Russell that he could not form a viable government. Russell declined the Queen's invitation on 21 December and Peel agreed to stay on as Prime Minister. In June the following year Peel repealed the Corn Laws with Whig support, bitterly dividing the Conservative Party in the process. Later that same night Peel's Irish Coercion Bill was defeated after vengeful anti-repeal Tories voted with the opposition and Peel, taking this as a vote of no confidence, resigned as Prime Minister. Russell accepted the Queen's offer to form a government, this time Grey not objecting to Palmerston's appointment.Russell took office as Prime Minister with the Whigs only a minority in the House of Commons. It was the bitter split in the Conservative Party over the Corn Laws that allowed Russell's government to remain in power in spite of this, with Sir Robert Peel and his supporters offering tentative support to the new ministry in order to keep the protectionist Conservatives under Lord Stanley in opposition. At the general election of August 1847 the Whigs made gains at the expense of the Conservatives, but remained a minority, with Russell's government still dependent on the votes of Peelite and Irish Repealer MPs to win divisions in the Commons. Russell's political agenda was frequently frustrated by his lack of a reliable Commons majority. However, his government was able to secure a number of notable social reforms. Russell introduced teachers' pensions and used Orders in Council to make grants for teacher training. The Public Baths and Wash-houses Acts of 1847 and 1848 enabled local authorities to build municipal baths and washing facilities for the growing urban working classes. Russell lent his support to the passage of the Factories Act 1847, which restricted the working hours of women and young persons (aged 13–18) in textile mills to 10 hours per day. 1848 saw the introduction of the Metropolitan Commission of Sewers and the Public Health Act 1848, by which the state assumed responsibility for sewerage, clean water supply, refuse collection and other aspects of public health across much of England and Wales.Following the election of Lionel de Rothschild in the 1847 general election, Russell introduced a Jewish Relief bill, which would have allowed Rothschild and other Jews to sit in the House of Commons without their having to take the explicitly Christian oath of allegiance. In 1848, the bill was passed by the House of Commons, receiving support from the Whigs and a minority of Conservatives (including future Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli). However, it was twice rejected by the Tory dominated House of Lords, as was a new bill in 1851. Rothschild was re-elected in the 1852 general election following the fall of the Russell government but was unable to take his seat until the Jews Relief Act was finally passed in 1858.Russell's government led the calamitous response to the Irish Famine. During the course of the famine, an estimated 1 million people died from a combination of malnutrition, disease and starvation and well over 1 million more were left with little choice but to emigrate from Ireland. After taking office in 1846 Russell's ministry introduced a programme of public works that by the end of that year employed some half-a-million but proved impossible to administer. In January 1847, the government abandoned this policy, realising that it had failed, and turned to a mixture of "indoor" and "outdoor" direct relief; the former administered in workhouses through the Irish Poor Laws, the latter through soup kitchens. The costs of the Poor Law fell primarily on the local landlords, some of whom in turn attempted to reduce their liability by evicting their tenants. In June 1847 the Poor Law Extension Act was passed, which embodied the principle, popular in Britain, that Irish property should support Irish poverty. Irish landlords were believed in Britain to have created the conditions that led to the famine, a view which Russell shared.In 1847 Russell's government was confronted by a financial crisis. Sir Robert Peel's 1844 Bank Charter Act required that all bank notes issued by the Bank of England be fully backed by gold. However, the failure of harvests in Britain and Ireland during 1846 had led to large outflows of gold in order to pay for imported grain, resulting in a dramatic decline in the Bank's gold reserves over the course of 1847. Faced with the prospect of running out of gold and being unable to issue money, the Bank of England repeatedly raised the discount rate at which it would lend money to other banks, leading to a drastic curtailment of available commercial credit and contributing to the collapse of numerous businesses. This in turn led to a loss of public confidence in the creditworthiness of the banks, culminated in the "week of terror" of 17-23 October when multiple banks were forced to close their doors as frightened depositors attempted to withdraw their funds. Faced with the potential collapse of the banking system, on Monday 25 October Russell and the Chancellor of the Exchequer Charles Wood wrote a letter to the Governor of the Bank of England authorising him to break the terms of the Bank Charter Act and issue new notes without gold backing to facilitate lending to other banks. This move restored depositor confidence in the banks, and the crisis abated.In the first half of his premiership Russell aimed to improve the British government's relations with the Papacy and the Catholic clergy in Ireland, which he saw as one of the keys to making Ireland a more willing part of the United Kingdom. Russell proposed to make an annual grant of £340,000 to the Catholic Church in Ireland, with the aim of ameliorating Irish Catholic opinion towards the Union. In 1847 Russell's father-in-law the Earl of Minto was dispatched on a confidential mission to Rome to seek the Pope's support for the grants plan. In the end, the idea had to be abandoned due to Catholic objections to what they saw as an attempt to control their clergy. However, Russell pressed ahead with plans to re-establish formal diplomatic relations between the Court of St James's and the Holy See, which had been severed when James II was deposed in 1688. Russell managed to pass an Act to authorise an exchange of ambassadors with Rome, but not before the bill was amended by Parliament to stipulate that the Pope's ambassador must be a layman. The Pope refused to accept such a restriction on his choice of representative and so the exchange of ambassadors did not take place. It would not be until 1914 that formal UK-Vatican diplomatic relations were finally established.Relations with the Papacy soured badly in late 1850 after Pope Pius IX issued the bull Universalis Ecclesiae. By this bull Pius unilaterally reintroduced Catholic bishops to England and Wales for the first time since the Reformation. Anti-Catholic feelings ran high with many protestants incensed at what they saw as impertinent foreign interference in the prerogative of the established Church of England to appoint bishops. Russell, not withstanding his long record of advocating civil liberties for Catholics, shared the traditional Whig suspicion of the Catholic hierarchy, and was angered at what he saw as a Papal imposition. On 4 November 1850, in a letter to the Bishop of Durham published in "The Times" the same day, Russell wrote that the Pope's actions suggested a "pretension to supremacy" and declared that "No foreign prince or potentate will be permitted to fasten his fetters upon a nation which has so long and so nobly vindicated its right to freedom of opinion, civil, political, and religious." Russell's "Durham letter" won him popular support in England but in Ireland it was viewed as an unwarranted insult to the Pope. It lost Russell the confidence of Irish Repealer MPs and the cabinet were angered that he had made such an incendiary statement without having consulting them. The following year Russell passed the Ecclesiastical Titles Act 1851 with Tory support, which made it a criminal offence carrying a fine of £100 for anyone outside of the Church of England to assume an episcopal title "of any city, town or place, or of any territory or district...in the United Kingdom." The Act was widely ignored without consequences and only served to further alienate Irish MPs, thereby weakening the government's position in the Commons.Russell frequently clashed with his headstrong Foreign Secretary, Lord Palmerston, whose belligerence and support for continental revolution he found embarrassing. In 1847 Palmerston provoked a confrontation with the French government by undermining the plans of the Spanish court to marry the young Spanish Queen and her sister into the French royal family.He subsequently clashed with Russell over plans to increase the size of the army and the navy to defend against the perceived threat of French invasion, which subsided after the overthrow of the French king in 1848.In 1850 further tension arose between the two over Palmerston's gunboat diplomacy in the Don Pacifico affair in which Palmerston sought compensation from the Greek government for the ransacking and the burning of the house of David Pacifico, a Gibraltarian holder of a British passport. Russell considered the matter "hardly worth the interposition of the British lion," and when Palmerston ignored some of his instructions, the Prime Minister wrote to Palmerston telling him he had informed the Queen that he "thought the interests of the country required that a change should take place at the Foreign Department." However, less than a month later Lord Stanley successfully led the House of Lords into passing a motion of censure of the Government over its handling of the affair and Russell realised that he needed to align with Palmerston in order to prevent a similar motion being passed by the House of Commons, which would have obliged the Government to resign. The Government prevailed, but Palmerston came out of the affair with his popularity at new heights since he was seen as the champion of defending British subjects anywhere in the world.Russell forced Palmerston to resign as Foreign Secretary after Palmerston recognised Napoleon III's coup of 2 December 1851 without first consulting the Queen or Cabinet. Russell tried to strengthen his government by recruiting leading Peelites such as Sir James Graham and the Duke of Newcastle to his administration, but they declined. Out of office, Palmerston sought revenge by turning a vote on a militia bill into a vote of confidence in the Government. A majority vote in favour of an amendment proposed by Palmerston caused the downfall of Russell's ministry on 21 February 1852. This was Palmerston's famous "tit for tat with Johnny Russell."Following Russell's resignation, on the 23 February 1852 the Earl of Derby accepted the Queen's invitation to form a government. The new Conservative ministry were a minority in the Commons due to the continuing rift with the Peelites. Derby called a general election for July but failed to secure a majority. After the election Derby's Conservatives held 292 out of the 662 seats in the Commons but were able to carry on in office due to divisions among the opposition. Negotiations over a Whig-Peelite coalition stalled over the question of who would lead it. Russell's authority and popularity within the Whigs had been dented by his falling out with Palmerston, who flatly refused to serve under him again. Moreover he had alienated many in the Peelites and the Irish Brigade, who held the balance of power in the Commons, leaving them unwilling to support another Russell-led government. Palmerston proposed Lord Lansdowne as a compromise candidate. This was acceptable to Russell but Lansdowne was reluctant to take on the burdens of leading a government. The defeat of Disraeli's Budget in December 1852 forced the issue. Derby's government resigned and the Queen sent for Lansdowne and the Peelite Lord Aberdeen. Lansdowne declined the Queen's invitation, pleading ill-health and so Aberdeen was tasked with forming a government.Russell, as the leader of the Whigs, agreed to bring his party into a coalition with the Peelites, headed by Aberdeen. As the leader of the largest party in the coalition, Russell was reluctant to serve under Aberdeen in a subordinate position, but agreed to take on the role of Foreign Secretary on a temporary basis, to lend stability to the fledgling government. He resigned the role in February 1853 in favour of Clarendon, but continued to lead for the government in the Commons and attended cabinet without ministerial responsibilities. Russell was unhappy that half of Aberdeen's cabinet was made up of Peelites, despite the fact that the Whigs contributed hundreds of MPs to the Government's support in the Commons, and the Peelites only around 40. However, he came to admire some of his Peelite colleagues, particularly the Chancellor of the Exchequer William Gladstone, who would go on to become an important political ally in later years. With Aberdeen's agreement, Russell used his position as Leader of the House of Commons to push for a new Reform Act. Although Russell had promoted the 1832 Reform Act as a one-off measure to re-balance the constitution, after twenty years he had become convinced of the need for further electoral reform. In February 1854 Russell introduced his bill to the House. The property qualification was to be reduced from £10 to £6 in boroughs, and from £50 to £10 in the counties. Additionally 66 seats would be removed from undersized constituencies and redistributed. The second reading of the bill was set for March 1854, but the prospect of imminent war with Russia led to it being postponed until April. After the outbreak of war on 28 March Russell came under pressure from the cabinet to withdraw the bill entirely. Russell threatened to resign if the cabinet abandoned the reform bill but he was convinced to stay on by Aberdeen, who promised that he would support the reform bill if Russell reintroduced it in a future session. However, with the fall of the Aberdeen government the following year, it would be 12 years before Russell had another chance to introduce a reform bill. Together with Palmerston, Russell supported the government taking a hard line against Russian territorial ambitions in the Ottoman Empire, a policy which ultimately resulted in Britain's entry into the Crimean War in March 1854, an outcome which the more cautious Aberdeen had hoped to avoid. In the following months Russell grew frustrated by what he saw as a lack of effective war leadership by Aberdeen and the Secretary of State for War, the Duke of Newcastle. Dispatches from the front reported that the army was suffering from supply shortages and a lack of adequate accommodation and medical facilities. In November 1854 Russell urged Aberdeen to replace Newcastle with the Palmerston, who he believed would get a firmer grip on the organisation of the war, but these suggestions came to nothing. In January 1855, after a series of military setbacks, a Commons motion was brought by the radical MP John Roebuck to appoint a select committee to investigate the management of the war. Russell, not wishing to vote against an inquiry he believed was badly needed, resigned from the cabinet in order to abstain. Aberdeen viewed the Roebuck motion as a vote of no confidence in his leadership and, accordingly, when it passed by 305-148, he resigned. In the eyes of many, including the Queen and Aberdeen, Russell's temperamental behaviour and personal ambition had undermined the stability of the coalition. On visiting Windsor Castle to resign, Aberdeen told the Queen "Had it not been for the incessant attempts of Lord John Russell to keep up party differences, it must be acknowledged that the experiment of a coalition had succeeded admirably," an assessment with which the Queen agreed. Russell accepted an invitation from the Queen to form a new government but found that he could not assemble the necessary support, with many of his colleagues having been angered by his abandonment of Aberdeen over the Roebuck motion. Palmerston became Prime Minister, and Russell reluctantly accepted the role of Colonial Secretary in his cabinet. Russell was sent to Vienna to negotiate peace terms with Russia, but his proposals were rejected and he resigned from the cabinet and returned to the backbenches in July 1855.Following his resignation Russell wrote to his father-in-law that he would not serve again under Palmerston or any other Prime Minister. For a time it appeared as if his career in frontbench politics might be over. Russell continued to speak out from the backbenches on the issues he most cared about - lobbying for increased government grants for education and for reduction in the property qualification for Parliamentary elections. In early 1857 Russell became a vocal critic of Palmerston's government over the Anglo-Persian War and the Second Opium War. Russell spoke in support of a motion tabled by Richard Cobden, which criticised British military action in China and calling for a select committee inquiry. When the motion passed on 3 March, Palmerston dissolved Parliament and went to the country. In the subsequent general election Palmerston was swept back into power on a tide of patriotic feeling with an increased majority. Many of Palmerston's critics lost their seats but Russell hung on in the City of London, after fighting off an attempt to deselect him and replace him with a pro-Palmerston Whig candidate. Palmerston's triumph was short-lived. In February 1858 the Government rushed through a Conspiracy to Murder bill, following the attempted assassination of Napoleon III by Italian nationalist Felice Orsini - an attack planned in Britain using British-made explosives. Russell attacked the bill, which he saw as undermined traditional British political liberties to appease a foreign government. On 19 February Russell voted in favour of Thomas Milner Gibson's motion, which criticised the government for bowing to French demands. When the motion passed by 19 votes Palmerston's government resigned.In 1859, following another short-lived Conservative government, Palmerston and Russell made up their differences, and Russell consented to serve as Foreign Secretary in a new Palmerston cabinet, usually considered the first true Liberal cabinet. This period was a particularly eventful one in the world outside Britain, seeing the Unification of Italy (the change of British government to one sympathetic to Italian nationalism had a marked part in this process), the American Civil War, and the 1864 war over Schleswig-Holstein between Denmark and the German states. Russell arranged the London Conference of 1864, but failed to establish peace in the war. His tenure of the Foreign Office was noteworthy for the famous dispatch in which he defended Italian unification: "Her Majesty's Government will turn their eyes rather to the gratifying prospect of a people building up the edifice of their liberties, and consolidating the work of their independence, amid the sympathies and good wishes of Europe" (27 October 1860).In 1861 Russell was elevated to the peerage as Earl Russell, of Kingston Russell in the County of Dorset, and as Viscount Amberley, of Amberley in the County of Gloucester, and of Ardsalla in the County of Meathin the Peerage of the United Kingdom. Henceforth, as a suo jure peer, rather than merely being known as 'Lord' because he was the son of a Duke, he sat in the House of Lords for the remainder of his career.When Palmerston suddenly died in late 1865, Russell again became Prime Minister. His second premiership was short and frustrating, and Russell failed in his great ambition of expanding the franchise, a task that would be left to his Conservative successors, Derby and Benjamin Disraeli. In 1866, party disunity again brought down his government. Russell never again held any office. His last contribution to the House of Lords was on 3 August 1875.Russell married Adelaide Lister (widow of Thomas Lister, 2nd Baron Ribblesdale, who had died in 1832.) on 11 April 1835. Together they had two daughters:Adelaide came down with a fever following the birth of their second child and died a few days later on 1 November 1838. Following her death, Russell continued to raise his late wife's four children from her first marriage, as well their two daughters.On 20 July 1841 Russell remarried, to Lady Frances ("Fanny") Elliot-Murray-Kynynmound, daughter of Russell's cabinet colleague Gilbert Elliot, 2nd Earl of Minto. Together they had four children:In 1847 Queen Victoria granted Pembroke Lodge in Richmond Park to Lord and Lady John. It remained their family home for the rest of their lives.Russell was religious in a simple non-dogmatic way and supported the "Broad church" element in the Church of England. He opposed the "Oxford Movement" because its "Tractarian" members were too dogmatic and too close to Roman Catholicism. He supported Broad Churchmen or Latitudinarians by several appointments of liberal churchmen as bishops. In 1859 he reversed himself and decided to free non-Anglicans of the duty of paying rates (taxes) to the local Anglican parish. His political clumsiness and opposition to Church finance made him a target of attack and ridicule in many Church circles.Following the death of their daughter-in-law Viscountess Amberley in 1874 and their son Viscount Amberley in 1876, Earl Russell and Countess Russell brought up their orphaned grandchildren, John ("Frank") Russell, who became 2nd Earl Russell on his grandfather's death, and Bertrand Russell who would go on to become a noted philosopher and who in later life recalled his elderly grandfather as "a kindly old man in a wheelchair."Earl Russell died at home at Pembroke Lodge on 28 May 1878. The Prime Minister, the Earl of Beaconsfield, offered a public funeral and burial at Westminster Abbey for Russell but this was declined by Countess Russell in accordance with her late husband's wish to be buried among his family and ancestors. He is buried at the 'Bedford Chapel' at St. Michael's Church, Chenies, Buckinghamshire.Scion of one of the most powerful aristocratic families, Russell was a leading reformer who weakened the power of the aristocracy. His great achievements, wrote A. J. P. Taylor, were based on his persistent battles in Parliament over the years on behalf of the expansion of liberty; after each loss he tried again and again, until finally, his efforts were largely successful. E. L. Woodward, however, argued that he was too much the abstract theorist:He was succeeded as Liberal leader by former Peelite William Gladstone, and was thus the last true Whig to serve as Prime Minister. Generally taken as the model for Anthony Trollope's Mr Mildmay, aspects of his character may also have suggested those of Plantagenet Palliser. An ideal statesman, said Trollope, should have "unblemished, unextinguishable, inexhaustible love of country... But he should also be scrupulous, and, as being scrupulous, weak."The 1832 Reform Act and extension of the franchise to British cities are partly attributed to his efforts. He also worked for emancipation, leading the attack on the Test and Corporation acts, which were repealed in 1828, as well as towards legislation limiting working hours in factories in the 1847 Factory Act, and the Public Health Act of 1848.His government's approach to dealing with the Great Irish Famine is now widely condemned as counterproductive, ill-informed and disastrous. Russell himself was sympathetic to the plight of the Irish poor, and many of his relief proposals were blocked by his cabinet or by the British Parliament.Queen Victoria's attitude toward Russell was coloured by his role in the Aberdeen administration. On his death in 1878 her journal records that he was "a man of much talent, who leaves a name behind him, kind, & good, with a great knowledge of the constitution, who behaved very well, on many trying occasions; but he was impulsive, very selfish (as shown on many occasions, especially during Ld Aberdeen's administration) vain, & often reckless & imprudent."A public house in Bloomsbury, large parts of which are still owned by the Bedford Estate, is named after Russell, located on Marchmont Street.Russell published numerous books and essays over the course of his life, especially during periods out of office. He principally wrote on politics and history, but also turned his hand to a variety of other topics and genres. His published works include: "A Tale of Two Cities" by Charles Dickens was dedicated to Lord John Russell, "In remembrance of many public services and private kindnesses." In speech given in 1869, Dickens remarked of Russell that "there is no man in England whom I respect more in his public capacity, whom I love more in his private capacity."	[ "Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "president of the Royal Statistical Society", "Lord President of the Council", "Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Secretary of State for War and the Colonies", "Home Secretary", "Leader of the House of Commons", "Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Secretary of State for the Colonies", "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Prime Minister of the United Kingdom", "Leader of the Opposition", "Leader of the House of Lords", "Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did John Russell, 1st Earl Russell hold in 06/05/1861?	June 05, 1861	{ "text": [ "Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs" ] }	L2_Q157259_P39_20	John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1813 to Feb, 1817. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1830 to Apr, 1831. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Mar, 1857. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of president of the Royal Statistical Society from Jan, 1859 to Jan, 1861. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1861. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1826 to Jul, 1830. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1865 to Jun, 1866. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs from Jun, 1859 to Nov, 1865. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1831 to May, 1831. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1818 to Feb, 1820. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1835 to Jul, 1837. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Secretary of State for the Colonies from May, 1855 to Jul, 1855. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Leader of the House of Commons from Dec, 1852 to Jan, 1855. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Leader of the Opposition from Jun, 1866 to Dec, 1868. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Secretary of State for War and the Colonies from Sep, 1839 to Sep, 1841. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Leader of the House of Lords from Oct, 1865 to Jun, 1866. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Lord President of the Council from Jun, 1854 to Feb, 1855. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Home Secretary from Apr, 1835 to Aug, 1839. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1857 to Apr, 1859.	John Russell, 1st Earl RussellJohn Russell, 1st Earl Russell, (18 August 1792 – 28 May 1878), known by his courtesy title Lord John Russell before 1861, was a British Whig and Liberal statesman who served as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1846 to 1852 and again from 1865 to 1866.The third son of the 6th Duke of Bedford, Russell was educated at Westminster School and Edinburgh University before entering Parliament in 1813. In 1828 he took a leading role in the repeal of the Test Acts which discriminated against Catholics and Protestant dissenters. He was one of the principal architects of the Reform Act 1832, which was the first major reform of Parliament since the Restoration, and a significant early step on the road to democracy and away from rule by the aristocracy and landed gentry. He favoured expanding the right to vote to the middle classes and enfranchising Britain's growing industrial towns and cities but he never advocated universal suffrage and he opposed the secret ballot. Russell was outspoken on many issues over the course of his career, advocating Catholic emancipation in the 1820s, calling for the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1845, denouncing Pope Pius IX's revival of Catholic bishoprics in 1850, and supporting Italian unification during the 1860s.Russell's ministerial career spanned four decades. In addition to his two terms as prime minister, between 1831 and 1865 he served in the cabinets of Earl Grey, Viscount Melbourne, the Earl of Aberdeen, and Viscount Palmerston. Russell's relationship with Palmerston was often stormy and contributed to bringing down Russell's first government in 1852 and Palmerston's first government in 1858. However, their renewed alliance from 1859 was one of the foundations of the united Liberal Party, which would go on to dominate British politics in the following decades. While Russell was an energetic and effective minister during the 1830s and helped to commit the Whigs to a reform agenda, he proved less successful as prime minister. During his two periods as prime minister he often suffered from a disunited cabinet and weak support in the House of Commons, meaning he was unable to carry out much of his agenda. During his first premiership, his government failed to deal effectively with the Irish Famine, a disaster that saw the loss of a quarter of Ireland's population through death and emigration. During his second premiership, he split his party by pressing for further parliamentary reform and was forced from office only to watch Derby and Disraeli carry a more ambitious Reform Bill. It has been said that Russell's ministry of 1846–1852 was the ruin of the old Whig party and that his ministry of 1865–1866 was very nearly the ruin of the Liberal Party that took its place.Russell was born on 18 August 1792 into the highest echelons of the British aristocracy, being the third son of John Russell, later 6th Duke of Bedford, and Georgiana Byng, daughter of George Byng, 4th Viscount Torrington. The Russell family had been one of the principal Whig dynasties in England since the 17th century, and were among the richest handful of aristocratic landowning families in the country, but as a younger son of the 6th Duke of Bedford, he was not expected to inherit the family estates. As a younger son of a duke, he bore the courtesy title "Lord John Russell", but he was not a peer in his own right. He was, therefore, able to sit in the House of Commons until he was made an earl in 1861 and was elevated to the House of Lords.Russell was born two months premature and was small and sickly as a child (even in adulthood he remained under 5 feet 5 inches tall, and his small stature was frequently the butt of jokes by political opponents and caricaturists). In 1801 at the age of nine he was sent away to school. Shortly thereafter his mother died. After being withdrawn from Westminster School in 1804 due to ill health, Russell was educated by tutors, including Edmund Cartwright. In 1806 Russell's father was made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in the short-live Ministry of All the Talents and it was during this time that the young Russell met Charles James Fox. Fox was Russell's formative political hero and would remain an inspiration throughout his life. Russell attended the University of Edinburgh from 1809 to 1812, lodging with Professor John Playfair, who oversaw his studies. He did not take a degree. Although often in poor health, he travelled widely in Britain and on the continent, and held commission as Captain in the Bedfordshire Militia in 1810. During his continental travels Russell visited Spain where his brother was serving as aide-de-camp to Lord Wellington in the Peninsular War. The following year he had a 90-minute meeting with Napoleon in December 1814 during the former emperor's exile at Elba.Russell entered the House of Commons as a Whig in 1813 at the age of 20. The future reformer gained his seat by virtue of his father, the Duke of Bedford, instructing the 30 or so electors of Tavistock to return him as an MP even though at the time Russell was abroad and under age. Russell entered Parliament more out of a sense of duty and family tradition than out of serious political ambition. With the exception the 1806-1807 coalition government in which Russell's father had served, the Whigs had been out of power since 1783, and Russell could have had had no certain expectation of a ministerial career. In June 1815 Russell denounced the Bourbon Restoration and Britain's declaration of war against the recently-returned Napoleon by arguing in the House of Commons that foreign powers had no right to dictate France's form of government. In 1817, tired of the prospect of perpetual opposition, Russell resigned from Parliament. After spending a year out of politics and travelling on the continent, he changed his mind and re-entered Parliament for Tavistock at the 1818 general election. In 1819 Russell embraced the cause of parliamentary reform and he led the more reformist wing of the Whigs throughout the 1820s. In 1828, while still an opposition backbencher, Russell introduced a Sacramental Test bill with the aim of abolishing the prohibitions on Catholics and Protestant dissenters being elected to local government and from holding civil and military offices. The bill gained the backing of the Tory Home Secretary Sir Robert Peel and was passed into law.When the Whigs came to power in 1830, Russell entered Earl Grey's government as Paymaster of the Forces. Despite being a relatively junior minister, as a vocal advocate for Parliamentary reform for over a decade, Russell became a principal leader in the fight for the Reform Act 1832. He was one of the committee of four tasked by Grey with drafting the reform bill, alongside cabinet ministers Lord Durham, Lord Duncannon and Sir James Graham. Despite not yet being in the Cabinet, Russell was chosen to introduce the bill in March 1831 and over the following year he successfully steered the Reform Act's difficult progress through the Commons. Russell earned the nickname "Finality Jack" from his pronouncing the Act a final measure but in later years he would go on to push for further reform of Parliament. In May 1834 Russell made a speech on the Irish Tithes bill, in which he argued that the revenue generated by tithes was more than was justified by the size of the established Protestant church in Ireland. Russell argued that a proportion the tithe revenue should instead be appropriated for the education of the Irish poor, regardless of denomination. The speech was seen by its opponents as an attack on the established church in Ireland and it cemented a split within Grey's government over the issue of Irish tithes. The following month four members of the Cabinet resigned over the issue, weakening the government's hold on Parliament. Sensing that his position was now hopeless, Grey offered his resignation to the King in July, and was replaced by Viscount Melbourne at the head of the government.In November 1834, when the leader of the Commons, Lord Althorp, succeeded to the peerage as Earl Spencer, Russell became the leader of the Whigs in the Commons. Russell's appointment prompted King William IV to terminate Melbourne's government, in part because the King objected to Russell's views on the Irish Church. This remains the last time in British history that a monarch has dismissed a government. The subsequent minority Conservative government lasted less than five months before resigning in April 1835. Russell then returned to office as Home Secretary in Melbourne's second government, before serving as Secretary of State for War and the Colonies from 1839 to 1841. Through this period Russell continued to lead the more reformist wing of the Whig party.As Home Secretary Russell recommended and secured royal pardons for the Tolpuddle Martyrs and partial commutation of their sentences. In 1836 he introduced the Marriages Act, which introduced civil marriages in England and Wales and allowed Catholics and Protestant Dissenters to marry in their own churches. In 1837 he steered a series of seven Acts through Parliament, which together reduced the number of offences carrying a sentence of death from thirty-seven to sixteen. This number was reduced further by the Substitution of Punishments of Death Act 1841. After these reforms the death penalty was rarely used in the United Kingdom for crimes other than murder. As Home Secretary Russell also introduced the public registration for births, marriages and deaths and played a large role in democratising the government of cities outside of London.In 1841 the Whigs lost the general election to the Conservatives and Russell and his colleagues returned to opposition. In November 1845, following the failure of that year's potato harvest across Britain and Ireland, Russell came out in favour of the repeal of the Corn Laws and called upon the Prime Minister Sir Robert Peel to take urgent action to alleviate the emerging food crisis. Peel had by this time already become convinced of the need for repeal but he was opposed in this by the majority of his own cabinet and party. On 11 December 1845, frustrated by his party's unwillingness to support him on repeal, Peel resigned as Prime Minister and Queen Victoria invited Russell to form a new government. With the Whigs a minority in the Commons however, Russell struggled to assemble the necessary support. When Lord Grey declared that he would not serve in cabinet if Lord Palmerston was made Foreign Secretary it became clear to Russell that he could not form a viable government. Russell declined the Queen's invitation on 21 December and Peel agreed to stay on as Prime Minister. In June the following year Peel repealed the Corn Laws with Whig support, bitterly dividing the Conservative Party in the process. Later that same night Peel's Irish Coercion Bill was defeated after vengeful anti-repeal Tories voted with the opposition and Peel, taking this as a vote of no confidence, resigned as Prime Minister. Russell accepted the Queen's offer to form a government, this time Grey not objecting to Palmerston's appointment.Russell took office as Prime Minister with the Whigs only a minority in the House of Commons. It was the bitter split in the Conservative Party over the Corn Laws that allowed Russell's government to remain in power in spite of this, with Sir Robert Peel and his supporters offering tentative support to the new ministry in order to keep the protectionist Conservatives under Lord Stanley in opposition. At the general election of August 1847 the Whigs made gains at the expense of the Conservatives, but remained a minority, with Russell's government still dependent on the votes of Peelite and Irish Repealer MPs to win divisions in the Commons. Russell's political agenda was frequently frustrated by his lack of a reliable Commons majority. However, his government was able to secure a number of notable social reforms. Russell introduced teachers' pensions and used Orders in Council to make grants for teacher training. The Public Baths and Wash-houses Acts of 1847 and 1848 enabled local authorities to build municipal baths and washing facilities for the growing urban working classes. Russell lent his support to the passage of the Factories Act 1847, which restricted the working hours of women and young persons (aged 13–18) in textile mills to 10 hours per day. 1848 saw the introduction of the Metropolitan Commission of Sewers and the Public Health Act 1848, by which the state assumed responsibility for sewerage, clean water supply, refuse collection and other aspects of public health across much of England and Wales.Following the election of Lionel de Rothschild in the 1847 general election, Russell introduced a Jewish Relief bill, which would have allowed Rothschild and other Jews to sit in the House of Commons without their having to take the explicitly Christian oath of allegiance. In 1848, the bill was passed by the House of Commons, receiving support from the Whigs and a minority of Conservatives (including future Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli). However, it was twice rejected by the Tory dominated House of Lords, as was a new bill in 1851. Rothschild was re-elected in the 1852 general election following the fall of the Russell government but was unable to take his seat until the Jews Relief Act was finally passed in 1858.Russell's government led the calamitous response to the Irish Famine. During the course of the famine, an estimated 1 million people died from a combination of malnutrition, disease and starvation and well over 1 million more were left with little choice but to emigrate from Ireland. After taking office in 1846 Russell's ministry introduced a programme of public works that by the end of that year employed some half-a-million but proved impossible to administer. In January 1847, the government abandoned this policy, realising that it had failed, and turned to a mixture of "indoor" and "outdoor" direct relief; the former administered in workhouses through the Irish Poor Laws, the latter through soup kitchens. The costs of the Poor Law fell primarily on the local landlords, some of whom in turn attempted to reduce their liability by evicting their tenants. In June 1847 the Poor Law Extension Act was passed, which embodied the principle, popular in Britain, that Irish property should support Irish poverty. Irish landlords were believed in Britain to have created the conditions that led to the famine, a view which Russell shared.In 1847 Russell's government was confronted by a financial crisis. Sir Robert Peel's 1844 Bank Charter Act required that all bank notes issued by the Bank of England be fully backed by gold. However, the failure of harvests in Britain and Ireland during 1846 had led to large outflows of gold in order to pay for imported grain, resulting in a dramatic decline in the Bank's gold reserves over the course of 1847. Faced with the prospect of running out of gold and being unable to issue money, the Bank of England repeatedly raised the discount rate at which it would lend money to other banks, leading to a drastic curtailment of available commercial credit and contributing to the collapse of numerous businesses. This in turn led to a loss of public confidence in the creditworthiness of the banks, culminated in the "week of terror" of 17-23 October when multiple banks were forced to close their doors as frightened depositors attempted to withdraw their funds. Faced with the potential collapse of the banking system, on Monday 25 October Russell and the Chancellor of the Exchequer Charles Wood wrote a letter to the Governor of the Bank of England authorising him to break the terms of the Bank Charter Act and issue new notes without gold backing to facilitate lending to other banks. This move restored depositor confidence in the banks, and the crisis abated.In the first half of his premiership Russell aimed to improve the British government's relations with the Papacy and the Catholic clergy in Ireland, which he saw as one of the keys to making Ireland a more willing part of the United Kingdom. Russell proposed to make an annual grant of £340,000 to the Catholic Church in Ireland, with the aim of ameliorating Irish Catholic opinion towards the Union. In 1847 Russell's father-in-law the Earl of Minto was dispatched on a confidential mission to Rome to seek the Pope's support for the grants plan. In the end, the idea had to be abandoned due to Catholic objections to what they saw as an attempt to control their clergy. However, Russell pressed ahead with plans to re-establish formal diplomatic relations between the Court of St James's and the Holy See, which had been severed when James II was deposed in 1688. Russell managed to pass an Act to authorise an exchange of ambassadors with Rome, but not before the bill was amended by Parliament to stipulate that the Pope's ambassador must be a layman. The Pope refused to accept such a restriction on his choice of representative and so the exchange of ambassadors did not take place. It would not be until 1914 that formal UK-Vatican diplomatic relations were finally established.Relations with the Papacy soured badly in late 1850 after Pope Pius IX issued the bull Universalis Ecclesiae. By this bull Pius unilaterally reintroduced Catholic bishops to England and Wales for the first time since the Reformation. Anti-Catholic feelings ran high with many protestants incensed at what they saw as impertinent foreign interference in the prerogative of the established Church of England to appoint bishops. Russell, not withstanding his long record of advocating civil liberties for Catholics, shared the traditional Whig suspicion of the Catholic hierarchy, and was angered at what he saw as a Papal imposition. On 4 November 1850, in a letter to the Bishop of Durham published in "The Times" the same day, Russell wrote that the Pope's actions suggested a "pretension to supremacy" and declared that "No foreign prince or potentate will be permitted to fasten his fetters upon a nation which has so long and so nobly vindicated its right to freedom of opinion, civil, political, and religious." Russell's "Durham letter" won him popular support in England but in Ireland it was viewed as an unwarranted insult to the Pope. It lost Russell the confidence of Irish Repealer MPs and the cabinet were angered that he had made such an incendiary statement without having consulting them. The following year Russell passed the Ecclesiastical Titles Act 1851 with Tory support, which made it a criminal offence carrying a fine of £100 for anyone outside of the Church of England to assume an episcopal title "of any city, town or place, or of any territory or district...in the United Kingdom." The Act was widely ignored without consequences and only served to further alienate Irish MPs, thereby weakening the government's position in the Commons.Russell frequently clashed with his headstrong Foreign Secretary, Lord Palmerston, whose belligerence and support for continental revolution he found embarrassing. In 1847 Palmerston provoked a confrontation with the French government by undermining the plans of the Spanish court to marry the young Spanish Queen and her sister into the French royal family.He subsequently clashed with Russell over plans to increase the size of the army and the navy to defend against the perceived threat of French invasion, which subsided after the overthrow of the French king in 1848.In 1850 further tension arose between the two over Palmerston's gunboat diplomacy in the Don Pacifico affair in which Palmerston sought compensation from the Greek government for the ransacking and the burning of the house of David Pacifico, a Gibraltarian holder of a British passport. Russell considered the matter "hardly worth the interposition of the British lion," and when Palmerston ignored some of his instructions, the Prime Minister wrote to Palmerston telling him he had informed the Queen that he "thought the interests of the country required that a change should take place at the Foreign Department." However, less than a month later Lord Stanley successfully led the House of Lords into passing a motion of censure of the Government over its handling of the affair and Russell realised that he needed to align with Palmerston in order to prevent a similar motion being passed by the House of Commons, which would have obliged the Government to resign. The Government prevailed, but Palmerston came out of the affair with his popularity at new heights since he was seen as the champion of defending British subjects anywhere in the world.Russell forced Palmerston to resign as Foreign Secretary after Palmerston recognised Napoleon III's coup of 2 December 1851 without first consulting the Queen or Cabinet. Russell tried to strengthen his government by recruiting leading Peelites such as Sir James Graham and the Duke of Newcastle to his administration, but they declined. Out of office, Palmerston sought revenge by turning a vote on a militia bill into a vote of confidence in the Government. A majority vote in favour of an amendment proposed by Palmerston caused the downfall of Russell's ministry on 21 February 1852. This was Palmerston's famous "tit for tat with Johnny Russell."Following Russell's resignation, on the 23 February 1852 the Earl of Derby accepted the Queen's invitation to form a government. The new Conservative ministry were a minority in the Commons due to the continuing rift with the Peelites. Derby called a general election for July but failed to secure a majority. After the election Derby's Conservatives held 292 out of the 662 seats in the Commons but were able to carry on in office due to divisions among the opposition. Negotiations over a Whig-Peelite coalition stalled over the question of who would lead it. Russell's authority and popularity within the Whigs had been dented by his falling out with Palmerston, who flatly refused to serve under him again. Moreover he had alienated many in the Peelites and the Irish Brigade, who held the balance of power in the Commons, leaving them unwilling to support another Russell-led government. Palmerston proposed Lord Lansdowne as a compromise candidate. This was acceptable to Russell but Lansdowne was reluctant to take on the burdens of leading a government. The defeat of Disraeli's Budget in December 1852 forced the issue. Derby's government resigned and the Queen sent for Lansdowne and the Peelite Lord Aberdeen. Lansdowne declined the Queen's invitation, pleading ill-health and so Aberdeen was tasked with forming a government.Russell, as the leader of the Whigs, agreed to bring his party into a coalition with the Peelites, headed by Aberdeen. As the leader of the largest party in the coalition, Russell was reluctant to serve under Aberdeen in a subordinate position, but agreed to take on the role of Foreign Secretary on a temporary basis, to lend stability to the fledgling government. He resigned the role in February 1853 in favour of Clarendon, but continued to lead for the government in the Commons and attended cabinet without ministerial responsibilities. Russell was unhappy that half of Aberdeen's cabinet was made up of Peelites, despite the fact that the Whigs contributed hundreds of MPs to the Government's support in the Commons, and the Peelites only around 40. However, he came to admire some of his Peelite colleagues, particularly the Chancellor of the Exchequer William Gladstone, who would go on to become an important political ally in later years. With Aberdeen's agreement, Russell used his position as Leader of the House of Commons to push for a new Reform Act. Although Russell had promoted the 1832 Reform Act as a one-off measure to re-balance the constitution, after twenty years he had become convinced of the need for further electoral reform. In February 1854 Russell introduced his bill to the House. The property qualification was to be reduced from £10 to £6 in boroughs, and from £50 to £10 in the counties. Additionally 66 seats would be removed from undersized constituencies and redistributed. The second reading of the bill was set for March 1854, but the prospect of imminent war with Russia led to it being postponed until April. After the outbreak of war on 28 March Russell came under pressure from the cabinet to withdraw the bill entirely. Russell threatened to resign if the cabinet abandoned the reform bill but he was convinced to stay on by Aberdeen, who promised that he would support the reform bill if Russell reintroduced it in a future session. However, with the fall of the Aberdeen government the following year, it would be 12 years before Russell had another chance to introduce a reform bill. Together with Palmerston, Russell supported the government taking a hard line against Russian territorial ambitions in the Ottoman Empire, a policy which ultimately resulted in Britain's entry into the Crimean War in March 1854, an outcome which the more cautious Aberdeen had hoped to avoid. In the following months Russell grew frustrated by what he saw as a lack of effective war leadership by Aberdeen and the Secretary of State for War, the Duke of Newcastle. Dispatches from the front reported that the army was suffering from supply shortages and a lack of adequate accommodation and medical facilities. In November 1854 Russell urged Aberdeen to replace Newcastle with the Palmerston, who he believed would get a firmer grip on the organisation of the war, but these suggestions came to nothing. In January 1855, after a series of military setbacks, a Commons motion was brought by the radical MP John Roebuck to appoint a select committee to investigate the management of the war. Russell, not wishing to vote against an inquiry he believed was badly needed, resigned from the cabinet in order to abstain. Aberdeen viewed the Roebuck motion as a vote of no confidence in his leadership and, accordingly, when it passed by 305-148, he resigned. In the eyes of many, including the Queen and Aberdeen, Russell's temperamental behaviour and personal ambition had undermined the stability of the coalition. On visiting Windsor Castle to resign, Aberdeen told the Queen "Had it not been for the incessant attempts of Lord John Russell to keep up party differences, it must be acknowledged that the experiment of a coalition had succeeded admirably," an assessment with which the Queen agreed. Russell accepted an invitation from the Queen to form a new government but found that he could not assemble the necessary support, with many of his colleagues having been angered by his abandonment of Aberdeen over the Roebuck motion. Palmerston became Prime Minister, and Russell reluctantly accepted the role of Colonial Secretary in his cabinet. Russell was sent to Vienna to negotiate peace terms with Russia, but his proposals were rejected and he resigned from the cabinet and returned to the backbenches in July 1855.Following his resignation Russell wrote to his father-in-law that he would not serve again under Palmerston or any other Prime Minister. For a time it appeared as if his career in frontbench politics might be over. Russell continued to speak out from the backbenches on the issues he most cared about - lobbying for increased government grants for education and for reduction in the property qualification for Parliamentary elections. In early 1857 Russell became a vocal critic of Palmerston's government over the Anglo-Persian War and the Second Opium War. Russell spoke in support of a motion tabled by Richard Cobden, which criticised British military action in China and calling for a select committee inquiry. When the motion passed on 3 March, Palmerston dissolved Parliament and went to the country. In the subsequent general election Palmerston was swept back into power on a tide of patriotic feeling with an increased majority. Many of Palmerston's critics lost their seats but Russell hung on in the City of London, after fighting off an attempt to deselect him and replace him with a pro-Palmerston Whig candidate. Palmerston's triumph was short-lived. In February 1858 the Government rushed through a Conspiracy to Murder bill, following the attempted assassination of Napoleon III by Italian nationalist Felice Orsini - an attack planned in Britain using British-made explosives. Russell attacked the bill, which he saw as undermined traditional British political liberties to appease a foreign government. On 19 February Russell voted in favour of Thomas Milner Gibson's motion, which criticised the government for bowing to French demands. When the motion passed by 19 votes Palmerston's government resigned.In 1859, following another short-lived Conservative government, Palmerston and Russell made up their differences, and Russell consented to serve as Foreign Secretary in a new Palmerston cabinet, usually considered the first true Liberal cabinet. This period was a particularly eventful one in the world outside Britain, seeing the Unification of Italy (the change of British government to one sympathetic to Italian nationalism had a marked part in this process), the American Civil War, and the 1864 war over Schleswig-Holstein between Denmark and the German states. Russell arranged the London Conference of 1864, but failed to establish peace in the war. His tenure of the Foreign Office was noteworthy for the famous dispatch in which he defended Italian unification: "Her Majesty's Government will turn their eyes rather to the gratifying prospect of a people building up the edifice of their liberties, and consolidating the work of their independence, amid the sympathies and good wishes of Europe" (27 October 1860).In 1861 Russell was elevated to the peerage as Earl Russell, of Kingston Russell in the County of Dorset, and as Viscount Amberley, of Amberley in the County of Gloucester, and of Ardsalla in the County of Meathin the Peerage of the United Kingdom. Henceforth, as a suo jure peer, rather than merely being known as 'Lord' because he was the son of a Duke, he sat in the House of Lords for the remainder of his career.When Palmerston suddenly died in late 1865, Russell again became Prime Minister. His second premiership was short and frustrating, and Russell failed in his great ambition of expanding the franchise, a task that would be left to his Conservative successors, Derby and Benjamin Disraeli. In 1866, party disunity again brought down his government. Russell never again held any office. His last contribution to the House of Lords was on 3 August 1875.Russell married Adelaide Lister (widow of Thomas Lister, 2nd Baron Ribblesdale, who had died in 1832.) on 11 April 1835. Together they had two daughters:Adelaide came down with a fever following the birth of their second child and died a few days later on 1 November 1838. Following her death, Russell continued to raise his late wife's four children from her first marriage, as well their two daughters.On 20 July 1841 Russell remarried, to Lady Frances ("Fanny") Elliot-Murray-Kynynmound, daughter of Russell's cabinet colleague Gilbert Elliot, 2nd Earl of Minto. Together they had four children:In 1847 Queen Victoria granted Pembroke Lodge in Richmond Park to Lord and Lady John. It remained their family home for the rest of their lives.Russell was religious in a simple non-dogmatic way and supported the "Broad church" element in the Church of England. He opposed the "Oxford Movement" because its "Tractarian" members were too dogmatic and too close to Roman Catholicism. He supported Broad Churchmen or Latitudinarians by several appointments of liberal churchmen as bishops. In 1859 he reversed himself and decided to free non-Anglicans of the duty of paying rates (taxes) to the local Anglican parish. His political clumsiness and opposition to Church finance made him a target of attack and ridicule in many Church circles.Following the death of their daughter-in-law Viscountess Amberley in 1874 and their son Viscount Amberley in 1876, Earl Russell and Countess Russell brought up their orphaned grandchildren, John ("Frank") Russell, who became 2nd Earl Russell on his grandfather's death, and Bertrand Russell who would go on to become a noted philosopher and who in later life recalled his elderly grandfather as "a kindly old man in a wheelchair."Earl Russell died at home at Pembroke Lodge on 28 May 1878. The Prime Minister, the Earl of Beaconsfield, offered a public funeral and burial at Westminster Abbey for Russell but this was declined by Countess Russell in accordance with her late husband's wish to be buried among his family and ancestors. He is buried at the 'Bedford Chapel' at St. Michael's Church, Chenies, Buckinghamshire.Scion of one of the most powerful aristocratic families, Russell was a leading reformer who weakened the power of the aristocracy. His great achievements, wrote A. J. P. Taylor, were based on his persistent battles in Parliament over the years on behalf of the expansion of liberty; after each loss he tried again and again, until finally, his efforts were largely successful. E. L. Woodward, however, argued that he was too much the abstract theorist:He was succeeded as Liberal leader by former Peelite William Gladstone, and was thus the last true Whig to serve as Prime Minister. Generally taken as the model for Anthony Trollope's Mr Mildmay, aspects of his character may also have suggested those of Plantagenet Palliser. An ideal statesman, said Trollope, should have "unblemished, unextinguishable, inexhaustible love of country... But he should also be scrupulous, and, as being scrupulous, weak."The 1832 Reform Act and extension of the franchise to British cities are partly attributed to his efforts. He also worked for emancipation, leading the attack on the Test and Corporation acts, which were repealed in 1828, as well as towards legislation limiting working hours in factories in the 1847 Factory Act, and the Public Health Act of 1848.His government's approach to dealing with the Great Irish Famine is now widely condemned as counterproductive, ill-informed and disastrous. Russell himself was sympathetic to the plight of the Irish poor, and many of his relief proposals were blocked by his cabinet or by the British Parliament.Queen Victoria's attitude toward Russell was coloured by his role in the Aberdeen administration. On his death in 1878 her journal records that he was "a man of much talent, who leaves a name behind him, kind, & good, with a great knowledge of the constitution, who behaved very well, on many trying occasions; but he was impulsive, very selfish (as shown on many occasions, especially during Ld Aberdeen's administration) vain, & often reckless & imprudent."A public house in Bloomsbury, large parts of which are still owned by the Bedford Estate, is named after Russell, located on Marchmont Street.Russell published numerous books and essays over the course of his life, especially during periods out of office. He principally wrote on politics and history, but also turned his hand to a variety of other topics and genres. His published works include: "A Tale of Two Cities" by Charles Dickens was dedicated to Lord John Russell, "In remembrance of many public services and private kindnesses." In speech given in 1869, Dickens remarked of Russell that "there is no man in England whom I respect more in his public capacity, whom I love more in his private capacity."	[ "Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "president of the Royal Statistical Society", "Lord President of the Council", "Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Secretary of State for War and the Colonies", "Home Secretary", "Leader of the House of Commons", "Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Secretary of State for the Colonies", "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Prime Minister of the United Kingdom", "Leader of the Opposition", "Leader of the House of Lords", "Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did John Russell, 1st Earl Russell hold in 05-Jun-186105-June-1861?	June 05, 1861	{ "text": [ "Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs" ] }	L2_Q157259_P39_20	John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1813 to Feb, 1817. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1830 to Apr, 1831. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Mar, 1857. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of president of the Royal Statistical Society from Jan, 1859 to Jan, 1861. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1861. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1826 to Jul, 1830. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1865 to Jun, 1866. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs from Jun, 1859 to Nov, 1865. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1831 to May, 1831. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1818 to Feb, 1820. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1835 to Jul, 1837. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Secretary of State for the Colonies from May, 1855 to Jul, 1855. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Leader of the House of Commons from Dec, 1852 to Jan, 1855. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Leader of the Opposition from Jun, 1866 to Dec, 1868. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Secretary of State for War and the Colonies from Sep, 1839 to Sep, 1841. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Leader of the House of Lords from Oct, 1865 to Jun, 1866. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Lord President of the Council from Jun, 1854 to Feb, 1855. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Home Secretary from Apr, 1835 to Aug, 1839. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852. John Russell, 1st Earl Russell holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1857 to Apr, 1859.	John Russell, 1st Earl RussellJohn Russell, 1st Earl Russell, (18 August 1792 – 28 May 1878), known by his courtesy title Lord John Russell before 1861, was a British Whig and Liberal statesman who served as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom from 1846 to 1852 and again from 1865 to 1866.The third son of the 6th Duke of Bedford, Russell was educated at Westminster School and Edinburgh University before entering Parliament in 1813. In 1828 he took a leading role in the repeal of the Test Acts which discriminated against Catholics and Protestant dissenters. He was one of the principal architects of the Reform Act 1832, which was the first major reform of Parliament since the Restoration, and a significant early step on the road to democracy and away from rule by the aristocracy and landed gentry. He favoured expanding the right to vote to the middle classes and enfranchising Britain's growing industrial towns and cities but he never advocated universal suffrage and he opposed the secret ballot. Russell was outspoken on many issues over the course of his career, advocating Catholic emancipation in the 1820s, calling for the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1845, denouncing Pope Pius IX's revival of Catholic bishoprics in 1850, and supporting Italian unification during the 1860s.Russell's ministerial career spanned four decades. In addition to his two terms as prime minister, between 1831 and 1865 he served in the cabinets of Earl Grey, Viscount Melbourne, the Earl of Aberdeen, and Viscount Palmerston. Russell's relationship with Palmerston was often stormy and contributed to bringing down Russell's first government in 1852 and Palmerston's first government in 1858. However, their renewed alliance from 1859 was one of the foundations of the united Liberal Party, which would go on to dominate British politics in the following decades. While Russell was an energetic and effective minister during the 1830s and helped to commit the Whigs to a reform agenda, he proved less successful as prime minister. During his two periods as prime minister he often suffered from a disunited cabinet and weak support in the House of Commons, meaning he was unable to carry out much of his agenda. During his first premiership, his government failed to deal effectively with the Irish Famine, a disaster that saw the loss of a quarter of Ireland's population through death and emigration. During his second premiership, he split his party by pressing for further parliamentary reform and was forced from office only to watch Derby and Disraeli carry a more ambitious Reform Bill. It has been said that Russell's ministry of 1846–1852 was the ruin of the old Whig party and that his ministry of 1865–1866 was very nearly the ruin of the Liberal Party that took its place.Russell was born on 18 August 1792 into the highest echelons of the British aristocracy, being the third son of John Russell, later 6th Duke of Bedford, and Georgiana Byng, daughter of George Byng, 4th Viscount Torrington. The Russell family had been one of the principal Whig dynasties in England since the 17th century, and were among the richest handful of aristocratic landowning families in the country, but as a younger son of the 6th Duke of Bedford, he was not expected to inherit the family estates. As a younger son of a duke, he bore the courtesy title "Lord John Russell", but he was not a peer in his own right. He was, therefore, able to sit in the House of Commons until he was made an earl in 1861 and was elevated to the House of Lords.Russell was born two months premature and was small and sickly as a child (even in adulthood he remained under 5 feet 5 inches tall, and his small stature was frequently the butt of jokes by political opponents and caricaturists). In 1801 at the age of nine he was sent away to school. Shortly thereafter his mother died. After being withdrawn from Westminster School in 1804 due to ill health, Russell was educated by tutors, including Edmund Cartwright. In 1806 Russell's father was made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in the short-live Ministry of All the Talents and it was during this time that the young Russell met Charles James Fox. Fox was Russell's formative political hero and would remain an inspiration throughout his life. Russell attended the University of Edinburgh from 1809 to 1812, lodging with Professor John Playfair, who oversaw his studies. He did not take a degree. Although often in poor health, he travelled widely in Britain and on the continent, and held commission as Captain in the Bedfordshire Militia in 1810. During his continental travels Russell visited Spain where his brother was serving as aide-de-camp to Lord Wellington in the Peninsular War. The following year he had a 90-minute meeting with Napoleon in December 1814 during the former emperor's exile at Elba.Russell entered the House of Commons as a Whig in 1813 at the age of 20. The future reformer gained his seat by virtue of his father, the Duke of Bedford, instructing the 30 or so electors of Tavistock to return him as an MP even though at the time Russell was abroad and under age. Russell entered Parliament more out of a sense of duty and family tradition than out of serious political ambition. With the exception the 1806-1807 coalition government in which Russell's father had served, the Whigs had been out of power since 1783, and Russell could have had had no certain expectation of a ministerial career. In June 1815 Russell denounced the Bourbon Restoration and Britain's declaration of war against the recently-returned Napoleon by arguing in the House of Commons that foreign powers had no right to dictate France's form of government. In 1817, tired of the prospect of perpetual opposition, Russell resigned from Parliament. After spending a year out of politics and travelling on the continent, he changed his mind and re-entered Parliament for Tavistock at the 1818 general election. In 1819 Russell embraced the cause of parliamentary reform and he led the more reformist wing of the Whigs throughout the 1820s. In 1828, while still an opposition backbencher, Russell introduced a Sacramental Test bill with the aim of abolishing the prohibitions on Catholics and Protestant dissenters being elected to local government and from holding civil and military offices. The bill gained the backing of the Tory Home Secretary Sir Robert Peel and was passed into law.When the Whigs came to power in 1830, Russell entered Earl Grey's government as Paymaster of the Forces. Despite being a relatively junior minister, as a vocal advocate for Parliamentary reform for over a decade, Russell became a principal leader in the fight for the Reform Act 1832. He was one of the committee of four tasked by Grey with drafting the reform bill, alongside cabinet ministers Lord Durham, Lord Duncannon and Sir James Graham. Despite not yet being in the Cabinet, Russell was chosen to introduce the bill in March 1831 and over the following year he successfully steered the Reform Act's difficult progress through the Commons. Russell earned the nickname "Finality Jack" from his pronouncing the Act a final measure but in later years he would go on to push for further reform of Parliament. In May 1834 Russell made a speech on the Irish Tithes bill, in which he argued that the revenue generated by tithes was more than was justified by the size of the established Protestant church in Ireland. Russell argued that a proportion the tithe revenue should instead be appropriated for the education of the Irish poor, regardless of denomination. The speech was seen by its opponents as an attack on the established church in Ireland and it cemented a split within Grey's government over the issue of Irish tithes. The following month four members of the Cabinet resigned over the issue, weakening the government's hold on Parliament. Sensing that his position was now hopeless, Grey offered his resignation to the King in July, and was replaced by Viscount Melbourne at the head of the government.In November 1834, when the leader of the Commons, Lord Althorp, succeeded to the peerage as Earl Spencer, Russell became the leader of the Whigs in the Commons. Russell's appointment prompted King William IV to terminate Melbourne's government, in part because the King objected to Russell's views on the Irish Church. This remains the last time in British history that a monarch has dismissed a government. The subsequent minority Conservative government lasted less than five months before resigning in April 1835. Russell then returned to office as Home Secretary in Melbourne's second government, before serving as Secretary of State for War and the Colonies from 1839 to 1841. Through this period Russell continued to lead the more reformist wing of the Whig party.As Home Secretary Russell recommended and secured royal pardons for the Tolpuddle Martyrs and partial commutation of their sentences. In 1836 he introduced the Marriages Act, which introduced civil marriages in England and Wales and allowed Catholics and Protestant Dissenters to marry in their own churches. In 1837 he steered a series of seven Acts through Parliament, which together reduced the number of offences carrying a sentence of death from thirty-seven to sixteen. This number was reduced further by the Substitution of Punishments of Death Act 1841. After these reforms the death penalty was rarely used in the United Kingdom for crimes other than murder. As Home Secretary Russell also introduced the public registration for births, marriages and deaths and played a large role in democratising the government of cities outside of London.In 1841 the Whigs lost the general election to the Conservatives and Russell and his colleagues returned to opposition. In November 1845, following the failure of that year's potato harvest across Britain and Ireland, Russell came out in favour of the repeal of the Corn Laws and called upon the Prime Minister Sir Robert Peel to take urgent action to alleviate the emerging food crisis. Peel had by this time already become convinced of the need for repeal but he was opposed in this by the majority of his own cabinet and party. On 11 December 1845, frustrated by his party's unwillingness to support him on repeal, Peel resigned as Prime Minister and Queen Victoria invited Russell to form a new government. With the Whigs a minority in the Commons however, Russell struggled to assemble the necessary support. When Lord Grey declared that he would not serve in cabinet if Lord Palmerston was made Foreign Secretary it became clear to Russell that he could not form a viable government. Russell declined the Queen's invitation on 21 December and Peel agreed to stay on as Prime Minister. In June the following year Peel repealed the Corn Laws with Whig support, bitterly dividing the Conservative Party in the process. Later that same night Peel's Irish Coercion Bill was defeated after vengeful anti-repeal Tories voted with the opposition and Peel, taking this as a vote of no confidence, resigned as Prime Minister. Russell accepted the Queen's offer to form a government, this time Grey not objecting to Palmerston's appointment.Russell took office as Prime Minister with the Whigs only a minority in the House of Commons. It was the bitter split in the Conservative Party over the Corn Laws that allowed Russell's government to remain in power in spite of this, with Sir Robert Peel and his supporters offering tentative support to the new ministry in order to keep the protectionist Conservatives under Lord Stanley in opposition. At the general election of August 1847 the Whigs made gains at the expense of the Conservatives, but remained a minority, with Russell's government still dependent on the votes of Peelite and Irish Repealer MPs to win divisions in the Commons. Russell's political agenda was frequently frustrated by his lack of a reliable Commons majority. However, his government was able to secure a number of notable social reforms. Russell introduced teachers' pensions and used Orders in Council to make grants for teacher training. The Public Baths and Wash-houses Acts of 1847 and 1848 enabled local authorities to build municipal baths and washing facilities for the growing urban working classes. Russell lent his support to the passage of the Factories Act 1847, which restricted the working hours of women and young persons (aged 13–18) in textile mills to 10 hours per day. 1848 saw the introduction of the Metropolitan Commission of Sewers and the Public Health Act 1848, by which the state assumed responsibility for sewerage, clean water supply, refuse collection and other aspects of public health across much of England and Wales.Following the election of Lionel de Rothschild in the 1847 general election, Russell introduced a Jewish Relief bill, which would have allowed Rothschild and other Jews to sit in the House of Commons without their having to take the explicitly Christian oath of allegiance. In 1848, the bill was passed by the House of Commons, receiving support from the Whigs and a minority of Conservatives (including future Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli). However, it was twice rejected by the Tory dominated House of Lords, as was a new bill in 1851. Rothschild was re-elected in the 1852 general election following the fall of the Russell government but was unable to take his seat until the Jews Relief Act was finally passed in 1858.Russell's government led the calamitous response to the Irish Famine. During the course of the famine, an estimated 1 million people died from a combination of malnutrition, disease and starvation and well over 1 million more were left with little choice but to emigrate from Ireland. After taking office in 1846 Russell's ministry introduced a programme of public works that by the end of that year employed some half-a-million but proved impossible to administer. In January 1847, the government abandoned this policy, realising that it had failed, and turned to a mixture of "indoor" and "outdoor" direct relief; the former administered in workhouses through the Irish Poor Laws, the latter through soup kitchens. The costs of the Poor Law fell primarily on the local landlords, some of whom in turn attempted to reduce their liability by evicting their tenants. In June 1847 the Poor Law Extension Act was passed, which embodied the principle, popular in Britain, that Irish property should support Irish poverty. Irish landlords were believed in Britain to have created the conditions that led to the famine, a view which Russell shared.In 1847 Russell's government was confronted by a financial crisis. Sir Robert Peel's 1844 Bank Charter Act required that all bank notes issued by the Bank of England be fully backed by gold. However, the failure of harvests in Britain and Ireland during 1846 had led to large outflows of gold in order to pay for imported grain, resulting in a dramatic decline in the Bank's gold reserves over the course of 1847. Faced with the prospect of running out of gold and being unable to issue money, the Bank of England repeatedly raised the discount rate at which it would lend money to other banks, leading to a drastic curtailment of available commercial credit and contributing to the collapse of numerous businesses. This in turn led to a loss of public confidence in the creditworthiness of the banks, culminated in the "week of terror" of 17-23 October when multiple banks were forced to close their doors as frightened depositors attempted to withdraw their funds. Faced with the potential collapse of the banking system, on Monday 25 October Russell and the Chancellor of the Exchequer Charles Wood wrote a letter to the Governor of the Bank of England authorising him to break the terms of the Bank Charter Act and issue new notes without gold backing to facilitate lending to other banks. This move restored depositor confidence in the banks, and the crisis abated.In the first half of his premiership Russell aimed to improve the British government's relations with the Papacy and the Catholic clergy in Ireland, which he saw as one of the keys to making Ireland a more willing part of the United Kingdom. Russell proposed to make an annual grant of £340,000 to the Catholic Church in Ireland, with the aim of ameliorating Irish Catholic opinion towards the Union. In 1847 Russell's father-in-law the Earl of Minto was dispatched on a confidential mission to Rome to seek the Pope's support for the grants plan. In the end, the idea had to be abandoned due to Catholic objections to what they saw as an attempt to control their clergy. However, Russell pressed ahead with plans to re-establish formal diplomatic relations between the Court of St James's and the Holy See, which had been severed when James II was deposed in 1688. Russell managed to pass an Act to authorise an exchange of ambassadors with Rome, but not before the bill was amended by Parliament to stipulate that the Pope's ambassador must be a layman. The Pope refused to accept such a restriction on his choice of representative and so the exchange of ambassadors did not take place. It would not be until 1914 that formal UK-Vatican diplomatic relations were finally established.Relations with the Papacy soured badly in late 1850 after Pope Pius IX issued the bull Universalis Ecclesiae. By this bull Pius unilaterally reintroduced Catholic bishops to England and Wales for the first time since the Reformation. Anti-Catholic feelings ran high with many protestants incensed at what they saw as impertinent foreign interference in the prerogative of the established Church of England to appoint bishops. Russell, not withstanding his long record of advocating civil liberties for Catholics, shared the traditional Whig suspicion of the Catholic hierarchy, and was angered at what he saw as a Papal imposition. On 4 November 1850, in a letter to the Bishop of Durham published in "The Times" the same day, Russell wrote that the Pope's actions suggested a "pretension to supremacy" and declared that "No foreign prince or potentate will be permitted to fasten his fetters upon a nation which has so long and so nobly vindicated its right to freedom of opinion, civil, political, and religious." Russell's "Durham letter" won him popular support in England but in Ireland it was viewed as an unwarranted insult to the Pope. It lost Russell the confidence of Irish Repealer MPs and the cabinet were angered that he had made such an incendiary statement without having consulting them. The following year Russell passed the Ecclesiastical Titles Act 1851 with Tory support, which made it a criminal offence carrying a fine of £100 for anyone outside of the Church of England to assume an episcopal title "of any city, town or place, or of any territory or district...in the United Kingdom." The Act was widely ignored without consequences and only served to further alienate Irish MPs, thereby weakening the government's position in the Commons.Russell frequently clashed with his headstrong Foreign Secretary, Lord Palmerston, whose belligerence and support for continental revolution he found embarrassing. In 1847 Palmerston provoked a confrontation with the French government by undermining the plans of the Spanish court to marry the young Spanish Queen and her sister into the French royal family.He subsequently clashed with Russell over plans to increase the size of the army and the navy to defend against the perceived threat of French invasion, which subsided after the overthrow of the French king in 1848.In 1850 further tension arose between the two over Palmerston's gunboat diplomacy in the Don Pacifico affair in which Palmerston sought compensation from the Greek government for the ransacking and the burning of the house of David Pacifico, a Gibraltarian holder of a British passport. Russell considered the matter "hardly worth the interposition of the British lion," and when Palmerston ignored some of his instructions, the Prime Minister wrote to Palmerston telling him he had informed the Queen that he "thought the interests of the country required that a change should take place at the Foreign Department." However, less than a month later Lord Stanley successfully led the House of Lords into passing a motion of censure of the Government over its handling of the affair and Russell realised that he needed to align with Palmerston in order to prevent a similar motion being passed by the House of Commons, which would have obliged the Government to resign. The Government prevailed, but Palmerston came out of the affair with his popularity at new heights since he was seen as the champion of defending British subjects anywhere in the world.Russell forced Palmerston to resign as Foreign Secretary after Palmerston recognised Napoleon III's coup of 2 December 1851 without first consulting the Queen or Cabinet. Russell tried to strengthen his government by recruiting leading Peelites such as Sir James Graham and the Duke of Newcastle to his administration, but they declined. Out of office, Palmerston sought revenge by turning a vote on a militia bill into a vote of confidence in the Government. A majority vote in favour of an amendment proposed by Palmerston caused the downfall of Russell's ministry on 21 February 1852. This was Palmerston's famous "tit for tat with Johnny Russell."Following Russell's resignation, on the 23 February 1852 the Earl of Derby accepted the Queen's invitation to form a government. The new Conservative ministry were a minority in the Commons due to the continuing rift with the Peelites. Derby called a general election for July but failed to secure a majority. After the election Derby's Conservatives held 292 out of the 662 seats in the Commons but were able to carry on in office due to divisions among the opposition. Negotiations over a Whig-Peelite coalition stalled over the question of who would lead it. Russell's authority and popularity within the Whigs had been dented by his falling out with Palmerston, who flatly refused to serve under him again. Moreover he had alienated many in the Peelites and the Irish Brigade, who held the balance of power in the Commons, leaving them unwilling to support another Russell-led government. Palmerston proposed Lord Lansdowne as a compromise candidate. This was acceptable to Russell but Lansdowne was reluctant to take on the burdens of leading a government. The defeat of Disraeli's Budget in December 1852 forced the issue. Derby's government resigned and the Queen sent for Lansdowne and the Peelite Lord Aberdeen. Lansdowne declined the Queen's invitation, pleading ill-health and so Aberdeen was tasked with forming a government.Russell, as the leader of the Whigs, agreed to bring his party into a coalition with the Peelites, headed by Aberdeen. As the leader of the largest party in the coalition, Russell was reluctant to serve under Aberdeen in a subordinate position, but agreed to take on the role of Foreign Secretary on a temporary basis, to lend stability to the fledgling government. He resigned the role in February 1853 in favour of Clarendon, but continued to lead for the government in the Commons and attended cabinet without ministerial responsibilities. Russell was unhappy that half of Aberdeen's cabinet was made up of Peelites, despite the fact that the Whigs contributed hundreds of MPs to the Government's support in the Commons, and the Peelites only around 40. However, he came to admire some of his Peelite colleagues, particularly the Chancellor of the Exchequer William Gladstone, who would go on to become an important political ally in later years. With Aberdeen's agreement, Russell used his position as Leader of the House of Commons to push for a new Reform Act. Although Russell had promoted the 1832 Reform Act as a one-off measure to re-balance the constitution, after twenty years he had become convinced of the need for further electoral reform. In February 1854 Russell introduced his bill to the House. The property qualification was to be reduced from £10 to £6 in boroughs, and from £50 to £10 in the counties. Additionally 66 seats would be removed from undersized constituencies and redistributed. The second reading of the bill was set for March 1854, but the prospect of imminent war with Russia led to it being postponed until April. After the outbreak of war on 28 March Russell came under pressure from the cabinet to withdraw the bill entirely. Russell threatened to resign if the cabinet abandoned the reform bill but he was convinced to stay on by Aberdeen, who promised that he would support the reform bill if Russell reintroduced it in a future session. However, with the fall of the Aberdeen government the following year, it would be 12 years before Russell had another chance to introduce a reform bill. Together with Palmerston, Russell supported the government taking a hard line against Russian territorial ambitions in the Ottoman Empire, a policy which ultimately resulted in Britain's entry into the Crimean War in March 1854, an outcome which the more cautious Aberdeen had hoped to avoid. In the following months Russell grew frustrated by what he saw as a lack of effective war leadership by Aberdeen and the Secretary of State for War, the Duke of Newcastle. Dispatches from the front reported that the army was suffering from supply shortages and a lack of adequate accommodation and medical facilities. In November 1854 Russell urged Aberdeen to replace Newcastle with the Palmerston, who he believed would get a firmer grip on the organisation of the war, but these suggestions came to nothing. In January 1855, after a series of military setbacks, a Commons motion was brought by the radical MP John Roebuck to appoint a select committee to investigate the management of the war. Russell, not wishing to vote against an inquiry he believed was badly needed, resigned from the cabinet in order to abstain. Aberdeen viewed the Roebuck motion as a vote of no confidence in his leadership and, accordingly, when it passed by 305-148, he resigned. In the eyes of many, including the Queen and Aberdeen, Russell's temperamental behaviour and personal ambition had undermined the stability of the coalition. On visiting Windsor Castle to resign, Aberdeen told the Queen "Had it not been for the incessant attempts of Lord John Russell to keep up party differences, it must be acknowledged that the experiment of a coalition had succeeded admirably," an assessment with which the Queen agreed. Russell accepted an invitation from the Queen to form a new government but found that he could not assemble the necessary support, with many of his colleagues having been angered by his abandonment of Aberdeen over the Roebuck motion. Palmerston became Prime Minister, and Russell reluctantly accepted the role of Colonial Secretary in his cabinet. Russell was sent to Vienna to negotiate peace terms with Russia, but his proposals were rejected and he resigned from the cabinet and returned to the backbenches in July 1855.Following his resignation Russell wrote to his father-in-law that he would not serve again under Palmerston or any other Prime Minister. For a time it appeared as if his career in frontbench politics might be over. Russell continued to speak out from the backbenches on the issues he most cared about - lobbying for increased government grants for education and for reduction in the property qualification for Parliamentary elections. In early 1857 Russell became a vocal critic of Palmerston's government over the Anglo-Persian War and the Second Opium War. Russell spoke in support of a motion tabled by Richard Cobden, which criticised British military action in China and calling for a select committee inquiry. When the motion passed on 3 March, Palmerston dissolved Parliament and went to the country. In the subsequent general election Palmerston was swept back into power on a tide of patriotic feeling with an increased majority. Many of Palmerston's critics lost their seats but Russell hung on in the City of London, after fighting off an attempt to deselect him and replace him with a pro-Palmerston Whig candidate. Palmerston's triumph was short-lived. In February 1858 the Government rushed through a Conspiracy to Murder bill, following the attempted assassination of Napoleon III by Italian nationalist Felice Orsini - an attack planned in Britain using British-made explosives. Russell attacked the bill, which he saw as undermined traditional British political liberties to appease a foreign government. On 19 February Russell voted in favour of Thomas Milner Gibson's motion, which criticised the government for bowing to French demands. When the motion passed by 19 votes Palmerston's government resigned.In 1859, following another short-lived Conservative government, Palmerston and Russell made up their differences, and Russell consented to serve as Foreign Secretary in a new Palmerston cabinet, usually considered the first true Liberal cabinet. This period was a particularly eventful one in the world outside Britain, seeing the Unification of Italy (the change of British government to one sympathetic to Italian nationalism had a marked part in this process), the American Civil War, and the 1864 war over Schleswig-Holstein between Denmark and the German states. Russell arranged the London Conference of 1864, but failed to establish peace in the war. His tenure of the Foreign Office was noteworthy for the famous dispatch in which he defended Italian unification: "Her Majesty's Government will turn their eyes rather to the gratifying prospect of a people building up the edifice of their liberties, and consolidating the work of their independence, amid the sympathies and good wishes of Europe" (27 October 1860).In 1861 Russell was elevated to the peerage as Earl Russell, of Kingston Russell in the County of Dorset, and as Viscount Amberley, of Amberley in the County of Gloucester, and of Ardsalla in the County of Meathin the Peerage of the United Kingdom. Henceforth, as a suo jure peer, rather than merely being known as 'Lord' because he was the son of a Duke, he sat in the House of Lords for the remainder of his career.When Palmerston suddenly died in late 1865, Russell again became Prime Minister. His second premiership was short and frustrating, and Russell failed in his great ambition of expanding the franchise, a task that would be left to his Conservative successors, Derby and Benjamin Disraeli. In 1866, party disunity again brought down his government. Russell never again held any office. His last contribution to the House of Lords was on 3 August 1875.Russell married Adelaide Lister (widow of Thomas Lister, 2nd Baron Ribblesdale, who had died in 1832.) on 11 April 1835. Together they had two daughters:Adelaide came down with a fever following the birth of their second child and died a few days later on 1 November 1838. Following her death, Russell continued to raise his late wife's four children from her first marriage, as well their two daughters.On 20 July 1841 Russell remarried, to Lady Frances ("Fanny") Elliot-Murray-Kynynmound, daughter of Russell's cabinet colleague Gilbert Elliot, 2nd Earl of Minto. Together they had four children:In 1847 Queen Victoria granted Pembroke Lodge in Richmond Park to Lord and Lady John. It remained their family home for the rest of their lives.Russell was religious in a simple non-dogmatic way and supported the "Broad church" element in the Church of England. He opposed the "Oxford Movement" because its "Tractarian" members were too dogmatic and too close to Roman Catholicism. He supported Broad Churchmen or Latitudinarians by several appointments of liberal churchmen as bishops. In 1859 he reversed himself and decided to free non-Anglicans of the duty of paying rates (taxes) to the local Anglican parish. His political clumsiness and opposition to Church finance made him a target of attack and ridicule in many Church circles.Following the death of their daughter-in-law Viscountess Amberley in 1874 and their son Viscount Amberley in 1876, Earl Russell and Countess Russell brought up their orphaned grandchildren, John ("Frank") Russell, who became 2nd Earl Russell on his grandfather's death, and Bertrand Russell who would go on to become a noted philosopher and who in later life recalled his elderly grandfather as "a kindly old man in a wheelchair."Earl Russell died at home at Pembroke Lodge on 28 May 1878. The Prime Minister, the Earl of Beaconsfield, offered a public funeral and burial at Westminster Abbey for Russell but this was declined by Countess Russell in accordance with her late husband's wish to be buried among his family and ancestors. He is buried at the 'Bedford Chapel' at St. Michael's Church, Chenies, Buckinghamshire.Scion of one of the most powerful aristocratic families, Russell was a leading reformer who weakened the power of the aristocracy. His great achievements, wrote A. J. P. Taylor, were based on his persistent battles in Parliament over the years on behalf of the expansion of liberty; after each loss he tried again and again, until finally, his efforts were largely successful. E. L. Woodward, however, argued that he was too much the abstract theorist:He was succeeded as Liberal leader by former Peelite William Gladstone, and was thus the last true Whig to serve as Prime Minister. Generally taken as the model for Anthony Trollope's Mr Mildmay, aspects of his character may also have suggested those of Plantagenet Palliser. An ideal statesman, said Trollope, should have "unblemished, unextinguishable, inexhaustible love of country... But he should also be scrupulous, and, as being scrupulous, weak."The 1832 Reform Act and extension of the franchise to British cities are partly attributed to his efforts. He also worked for emancipation, leading the attack on the Test and Corporation acts, which were repealed in 1828, as well as towards legislation limiting working hours in factories in the 1847 Factory Act, and the Public Health Act of 1848.His government's approach to dealing with the Great Irish Famine is now widely condemned as counterproductive, ill-informed and disastrous. Russell himself was sympathetic to the plight of the Irish poor, and many of his relief proposals were blocked by his cabinet or by the British Parliament.Queen Victoria's attitude toward Russell was coloured by his role in the Aberdeen administration. On his death in 1878 her journal records that he was "a man of much talent, who leaves a name behind him, kind, & good, with a great knowledge of the constitution, who behaved very well, on many trying occasions; but he was impulsive, very selfish (as shown on many occasions, especially during Ld Aberdeen's administration) vain, & often reckless & imprudent."A public house in Bloomsbury, large parts of which are still owned by the Bedford Estate, is named after Russell, located on Marchmont Street.Russell published numerous books and essays over the course of his life, especially during periods out of office. He principally wrote on politics and history, but also turned his hand to a variety of other topics and genres. His published works include: "A Tale of Two Cities" by Charles Dickens was dedicated to Lord John Russell, "In remembrance of many public services and private kindnesses." In speech given in 1869, Dickens remarked of Russell that "there is no man in England whom I respect more in his public capacity, whom I love more in his private capacity."	[ "Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "president of the Royal Statistical Society", "Lord President of the Council", "Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 5th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Secretary of State for War and the Colonies", "Home Secretary", "Leader of the House of Commons", "Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Secretary of State for the Colonies", "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Prime Minister of the United Kingdom", "Leader of the Opposition", "Leader of the House of Lords", "Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which team did Güven Gürsoy play for in Dec, 2014?	December 25, 2014	{ "text": [ "Sakaryaspor" ] }	L2_Q5627174_P54_6	Güven Gürsoy plays for Fatih Karagümrük S.K. from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014. Güven Gürsoy plays for Sakaryaspor from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Güven Gürsoy plays for Van Büyükşehir Belediyespor from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013. Güven Gürsoy plays for Turkey national under-17 football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008. Güven Gürsoy plays for Beşiktaş A2 from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012. Güven Gürsoy plays for Kırıkhanspor from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022. Güven Gürsoy plays for Üsküdar Anadolu SK from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014. Güven Gürsoy plays for Malatyaspor from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2011.	Güven GürsoyGüven Gürsoy (born 7 February 1992) is a Turkish professional footballer who plays as a defender for Belediye Vanspor.	[ "Üsküdar Anadolu SK", "Fatih Karagümrük S.K.", "Kırıkhanspor", "Beşiktaş A2", "Van Büyükşehir Belediyespor", "Turkey national under-17 football team", "Malatyaspor" ]
Which team did Güven Gürsoy play for in 2014-12-25?	December 25, 2014	{ "text": [ "Sakaryaspor" ] }	L2_Q5627174_P54_6	Güven Gürsoy plays for Fatih Karagümrük S.K. from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014. Güven Gürsoy plays for Sakaryaspor from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Güven Gürsoy plays for Van Büyükşehir Belediyespor from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013. Güven Gürsoy plays for Turkey national under-17 football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008. Güven Gürsoy plays for Beşiktaş A2 from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012. Güven Gürsoy plays for Kırıkhanspor from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022. Güven Gürsoy plays for Üsküdar Anadolu SK from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014. Güven Gürsoy plays for Malatyaspor from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2011.	Güven GürsoyGüven Gürsoy (born 7 February 1992) is a Turkish professional footballer who plays as a defender for Belediye Vanspor.	[ "Üsküdar Anadolu SK", "Fatih Karagümrük S.K.", "Kırıkhanspor", "Beşiktaş A2", "Van Büyükşehir Belediyespor", "Turkey national under-17 football team", "Malatyaspor" ]
Which team did Güven Gürsoy play for in 25/12/2014?	December 25, 2014	{ "text": [ "Sakaryaspor" ] }	L2_Q5627174_P54_6	Güven Gürsoy plays for Fatih Karagümrük S.K. from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014. Güven Gürsoy plays for Sakaryaspor from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Güven Gürsoy plays for Van Büyükşehir Belediyespor from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013. Güven Gürsoy plays for Turkey national under-17 football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008. Güven Gürsoy plays for Beşiktaş A2 from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012. Güven Gürsoy plays for Kırıkhanspor from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022. Güven Gürsoy plays for Üsküdar Anadolu SK from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014. Güven Gürsoy plays for Malatyaspor from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2011.	Güven GürsoyGüven Gürsoy (born 7 February 1992) is a Turkish professional footballer who plays as a defender for Belediye Vanspor.	[ "Üsküdar Anadolu SK", "Fatih Karagümrük S.K.", "Kırıkhanspor", "Beşiktaş A2", "Van Büyükşehir Belediyespor", "Turkey national under-17 football team", "Malatyaspor" ]
Which team did Güven Gürsoy play for in Dec 25, 2014?	December 25, 2014	{ "text": [ "Sakaryaspor" ] }	L2_Q5627174_P54_6	Güven Gürsoy plays for Fatih Karagümrük S.K. from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014. Güven Gürsoy plays for Sakaryaspor from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Güven Gürsoy plays for Van Büyükşehir Belediyespor from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013. Güven Gürsoy plays for Turkey national under-17 football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008. Güven Gürsoy plays for Beşiktaş A2 from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012. Güven Gürsoy plays for Kırıkhanspor from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022. Güven Gürsoy plays for Üsküdar Anadolu SK from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014. Güven Gürsoy plays for Malatyaspor from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2011.	Güven GürsoyGüven Gürsoy (born 7 February 1992) is a Turkish professional footballer who plays as a defender for Belediye Vanspor.	[ "Üsküdar Anadolu SK", "Fatih Karagümrük S.K.", "Kırıkhanspor", "Beşiktaş A2", "Van Büyükşehir Belediyespor", "Turkey national under-17 football team", "Malatyaspor" ]
Which team did Güven Gürsoy play for in 12/25/2014?	December 25, 2014	{ "text": [ "Sakaryaspor" ] }	L2_Q5627174_P54_6	Güven Gürsoy plays for Fatih Karagümrük S.K. from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014. Güven Gürsoy plays for Sakaryaspor from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Güven Gürsoy plays for Van Büyükşehir Belediyespor from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013. Güven Gürsoy plays for Turkey national under-17 football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008. Güven Gürsoy plays for Beşiktaş A2 from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012. Güven Gürsoy plays for Kırıkhanspor from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022. Güven Gürsoy plays for Üsküdar Anadolu SK from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014. Güven Gürsoy plays for Malatyaspor from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2011.	Güven GürsoyGüven Gürsoy (born 7 February 1992) is a Turkish professional footballer who plays as a defender for Belediye Vanspor.	[ "Üsküdar Anadolu SK", "Fatih Karagümrük S.K.", "Kırıkhanspor", "Beşiktaş A2", "Van Büyükşehir Belediyespor", "Turkey national under-17 football team", "Malatyaspor" ]
Which team did Güven Gürsoy play for in 25-Dec-201425-December-2014?	December 25, 2014	{ "text": [ "Sakaryaspor" ] }	L2_Q5627174_P54_6	Güven Gürsoy plays for Fatih Karagümrük S.K. from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014. Güven Gürsoy plays for Sakaryaspor from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Güven Gürsoy plays for Van Büyükşehir Belediyespor from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2013. Güven Gürsoy plays for Turkey national under-17 football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008. Güven Gürsoy plays for Beşiktaş A2 from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012. Güven Gürsoy plays for Kırıkhanspor from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022. Güven Gürsoy plays for Üsküdar Anadolu SK from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014. Güven Gürsoy plays for Malatyaspor from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2011.	Güven GürsoyGüven Gürsoy (born 7 February 1992) is a Turkish professional footballer who plays as a defender for Belediye Vanspor.	[ "Üsküdar Anadolu SK", "Fatih Karagümrük S.K.", "Kırıkhanspor", "Beşiktaş A2", "Van Büyükşehir Belediyespor", "Turkey national under-17 football team", "Malatyaspor" ]
Who was the chair of Democratic Progressive Party in Apr, 2012?	April 27, 2012	{ "text": [ "Chen Chu" ] }	L2_Q903822_P488_13	Lin Yu-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 2018 to Jan, 2019. Cho Jung-tai is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2019 to May, 2020. Su Tseng-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 2012 to May, 2014. Hsu Hsin-liang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jun, 1996 to Aug, 1998. Huang Hsin-chieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1989 to Nov, 1991. Chen Shui-bian is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Oct, 2007 to Jan, 2008. Shih Ming-teh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 1994 to Mar, 1996. Yu Shyi-kun is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2006 to Oct, 2007. Annette Lu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Dec, 2005 to Jan, 2006. Ker Chien-ming is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2011 to Apr, 2011. Yao Chia-wen is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1987 to Nov, 1988. Chen Chu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Feb, 2012 to May, 2012. Chang Chun-hung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 1996 to Jun, 1996. Frank Hsieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2008 to May, 2008. Chiang Peng-chien is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1986 to Nov, 1987. Chai Trong-rong is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2007 to May, 2007. Lin Yi-hsiung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Aug, 1998 to Jul, 2000.	Democratic Progressive PartyThe Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is a Taiwanese nationalist and center-left political party in Taiwan (Republic of China). Controlling both the Republic of China presidency and the unicameral Legislative Yuan, it is the majority ruling party and the dominant party in the Pan-Green Coalition as of 2020.Founded in 1986, the DPP is one of two major parties in Taiwan, along with the historically dominant Kuomintang. It has traditionally been associated with strong advocacy of human rights, and a distinct Taiwanese identity. The incumbent President and three-time leader of the DPP, Tsai Ing-wen, is the second member of the DPP to hold the office.The DPP is a longtime member of Liberal International and a founding member of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats. It represented Taiwan in the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. The DPP and its affiliated parties are widely classified as socially liberal because of their legislators' strong antinuclear stance and support for same-sex marriage. They are also proponents of a Taiwanese national identity. In addition, the DPP is more willing to increase military expenditures to defend against a potential Chinese invasion, and on foreign policy favors closer ties with the United States and Japan.The DPP's roots were in the "tangwai" – or "outside-the-KMT" – movement, which formed in opposition to the Kuomintang's one-party authoritarian rule under the "party-state" system. This movement culminated in the formation of the DPP as an alternative, but still illegal, party on September 28, 1986 by eighteen organizing members at Grand Hotel Taipei, with a total of 132 people joining the party in attendance. The new party members contested the 1986 election as "nonpartisan" candidates since competing parties would remain illegal until the following year. These early members of the party, like the "tangwai", drew heavily from the ranks of family members and defense lawyers of political prisoners, as well as intellectuals and artists who had spent time abroad. These individuals were strongly committed to political change toward democracy and freedom of speech, press, assembly, and association.The "tangwai" were not a unified political unit and consisted of factions which carried over into the early DPP. At its founding the DPP consisted of three factions: the Kang group (a moderate faction led by Kang Ning-hsiang), New Tide faction (consisting of intellectuals and social activists led by Wu Nai-ren and Chiou I-jen), and the Progress Faction (led by Lin Cheng-chieh, a "waishengren" opposed to independence). Moderates would later coalesce around the Formosa faction, founded by those arrested during the Formosa Incident after their release from prison. In the early days of the party, the Formosa faction focused on winning elections by wielding the star power of its leaders, while New Tide would focus on ideological mobilization and developing grassroots support for social movements. As a result, the Formosa faction would become more moderate, often bending to public opinion, while New Tide would become more ideologically cohesive. By 1988 the Formosa Faction would dominate high-level positions within the party.The party did not at the outset give explicit support to an independent Taiwanese national identity, partially because moderates such as Hsu Hsin-liang were concerned that such a move that could have invited a violent crackdown by the Kuomintang and alienate voters, but also because some members such as Lin Cheng-chieh supported unification. Partially due to their waning influence within the party and partially due to their ideological commitment, between 1988 and 1991 the New Tide Faction would push the independence issue, bolstered by the return of pro-independence activists from overseas who were previously barred from Taiwan. In 1991, in order to head off the New Tide, party chairman Hsu Hsin-liang of the moderate Formosa faction agreed to include language in the party charter which advocated for the drafting of a new constitution as well as declaration of a new Republic of Taiwan via referendum (which resulted in many pro-unification members leaving the party). However, the party would quickly begin to walk back on this language, and eventually in 1999 the party congress passed a resolution that Taiwan was already an independent country, under the official name "Republic of China," and that any constitutional changes should be approved by the people via referendum, while emphasizing the use of the name "Taiwan" in international settings.Despite its lack of electoral success, the pressure that the DPP created on the ruling KMT via its demands are widely credited in the political reforms of the 1990s, most notably the direct popular election of Republic of China's president and all representatives in the National Assembly and Legislative Yuan, as well the ability to open discuss events from the past such as the February 28 Incident and its long aftermath of martial law, and space for a greater variety of political views and advocacy. Once the DPP had representation in the Legislative Yuan, the party used the legislature as a forum to challenge the ruling KMT. Post-democratization, the DPP shifted their focus to anti-corruption issues, in particular regarding KMT connections to organized crime as well as "party assets" illegally acquired from the government during martial law. Meanwhile, factions continued to form within the DPP as a mechanism for coalition-building within the party; notably, future President Chen Shui-bian would form the Justice Alliance faction. The DPP won the presidency with the election of Chen Shui-bian in March 2000 with a plurality, due to Pan-Blue voters splitting their vote between the Kuomintang and independent candidate James Soong, ending 91 years of KMT rule in the Republic of China. Chen softened the party's stance on independence to appeal to moderate voters, appease the United States, and placate China. He also promised not to change the ROC state symbols or declare formal independence as long as the People's Republic of China did not attack Taiwan. Further, he advocated for economic exchange with China as well as the establishment of transportation links.In 2002 the DPP became the first party other than the KMT to reach a plurality in the Legislative Yuan following the 2001 legislative election. However, a majority coalition between the KMT, People First Party, and New Party prevented it from taking control of the chamber. This coalition was at odds with the presidency from the beginning, and led to President Chen's abandonment of the centrist positions that he ran his campaign on.In 2003, Chen announced a campaign to draft a referendum law as well as a new constitution, a move which appealed to the fundamentalist wing of the DPP. By now, the New Tide faction had begun to favor pragmatic approaches to their pro-independence goals and dominated decision-making positions within the party. By contrast, grassroots support was divided largely between moderate and fundamentalist wings. Though Chen's plans for a referendum on a new constitution were scuttled by the legislature, he did manage to include a largely symbolic referendum on the PRC military threat to coincide with the 2004 presidential election. President Chen Shui-bian would be narrowly re-elected in 2004 after an assassination attempt the day before the election, and in the later legislative election, the pan-blue coalition opposition retained control of the chamber.President Chen's moves sparked a debate within the party between fundamentalists and moderates who were concerned that voters would abandon their party. The fundamentalists won out, and as a result the DPP would largely follow Chen's lead. The DPP suffered a significant election defeat in nationwide local and county elections in December 2005, while the pan-blue coalition captured 16 of 23 county and city government offices under the leadership of popular Taipei mayor and KMT Party Chairman Ma Ying-jeou. Moderates within the party would blame this loss on the party's fundamentalist turn.The results led to a shake up of the party leadership. Su Tseng-chang resigned as DPP chairman soon after election results were announced. Su had pledged to step down if the DPP lost either Taipei County or failed to win 10 of the 23 mayor/magistrate positions. Vice President Annette Lu was appointed acting DPP leader. Presidential Office Secretary-General Yu Shyi-kun was elected in a three-way race against legislator Chai Trong-rong and Wong Chin-chu with 54.4% of the vote.Premier Frank Hsieh, DPP election organizer and former mayor of Kaohsiung twice tendered a verbal resignation immediately following the election, but his resignation was not accepted by President Chen until 17 January 2006 after the DPP chairmanship election had concluded. The former DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang was appointed to replace Hsieh as premier. Hsieh and his cabinet resigned en masse on January 24 to make way for Su and his new cabinet. President Chen had offered the position of Presidential Office Secretary-General (vacated by Su) to the departing premier, but Hsieh declined and left office criticizing President Chen for his tough line on dealing with China.In 2005, following the passage of the Anti-Secession Law, the Chen administration issued a statement asserting the position that Taiwan's future should be decided by the people on Taiwan only.On 30 September 2007, the DPP approved a resolution asserting a separate identity from China and called for the enactment of a new constitution for a "normal nation". It struck an accommodating tone by advocating general use of "Taiwan" as the country's name without calling for abandonment of the name Republic of China.In the national elections held in early months of 2008, the DPP won less than 25% of the seats (38.2% vote share) in the new Legislative Yuan while its presidential candidate, former Kaohsiung mayor Frank Hsieh, lost to KMT candidate Ma Ying-jeou by a wide margin (41.55% vs. 58.45%). In May, the DPP elected moderate Tsai Ing-wen as their new leader over fundamentalist Koo Kwang-ming. Tsai became the first female leader of the DPP and the first female leader to lead a major party in Taiwan.The first months since backed to the opposition were dominated by press coverage of the travails of Chen Shui-bian and his wife Wu Shu-jen. On 15 August 2008, Chen resigned from the DPP and apologized: "Today I have to say sorry to all of the DPP members and supporters. I let everyone down, caused you humiliation and failed to meet your expectations. My acts have caused irreparable damage to the party. I love the DPP deeply and am proud of being a DPP member. To express my deepest regrets to all DPP members and supporters, I announce my withdrawal from the DPP immediately. My wife Wu Shu-jen is also withdrawing from the party." DPP Chairperson followed with a public statement on behalf of the party: "In regard to Chen and his wife's decision to withdraw from the party and his desire to shoulder responsibility for his actions as well as to undergo an investigation by the party's anti-corruption committee, we respect his decision and accept it."The DPP vowed to reflect on public misgivings towards the party. Chairperson Tsai insisted on the need for the party to remember its history, defend the Republic of China's sovereignty and national security, and maintain its confidence.The party re-emerged as a voice in Taiwan's political debate when Ma's administration reached the end of its first year in office. The DPP marked the anniversary with massive rallies in Taipei and Kaohsiung. Tsai's address to the crowd in Taipei on May 17 proclaimed a "citizens' movement to protect Republic of China" seeking to "protect our democracy and protect Republic of China."On 16 January 2016, Taiwan held a general election for its presidency and for the Legislative Yuan. The DPP gained the presidential seat, with the election of Tsai Ing-wen, who received 56.12% of the votes, while her opponent Eric Chu gained 31.2%. In addition, the DPP gained a majority of the Legislative Yuan, winning 68 seats in the 113-seat legislature, up from 40 in 2012 election, thus giving them the majority for the first time in its history. President Tsai won reelection in the 2020 Taiwanese presidential election on January 11, 2020, and the Democratic Progressive Party retained its legislative majority, winning 61 seats.Programs supported by the party include moderate social welfare policies involving the rights of women, senior citizens, children, young people, labor, minorities, indigenous peoples, farmers, and other disadvantaged sectors of the society. Furthermore, its platform includes a legal and political order based on human rights and democracy; balanced economic and financial administration; fair and open social welfare; educational and cultural reform; and, independent defence and peaceful foreign policy with closer ties to United States and Japan. For these reasons, it used to be considered a party of the center-left economically though its base consisted largely of the middle class. The party also has a social liberal stance that includes support for gender equality and same-sex marriage under Tsai's leadership, and also has a conservative base that includes support from the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan.The primary political axis in Taiwan involves the issue of Taiwan independence versus eventual unification with China. Although the differences tend to be portrayed in polarized terms, both major coalitions have developed modified, nuanced and often complex positions. Though opposed in the philosophical origins, the practical differences between such positions can sometimes be subtle.The current official position of the party is that Taiwan is an independent and sovereign country whose territory consists of Taiwan and its surrounding smaller islands and whose sovereignty derives only from the ROC citizens living in Taiwan (similar philosophy of self-determination), based on the 1999 "Resolution on Taiwan's Future". It considers Taiwan as an independent nation under the name of Republic of China, making a formal declaration of independence unnecessary. Though calls for drafting a new constitution and a declaration of a Republic of Taiwan was written into the party charter in 1991, the 1999 resolution has practically superseded the earlier charter. The DPP rejects the so-called "One China principle" defined in 1992 as the basis for official diplomatic relations with the PRC and advocates a Taiwanese national identity which is separate from mainland China. By contrast, the KMT or pan-blue coalition agrees that the Republic of China is an independent and sovereign country that is not part of the PRC, but argues that a one China principle (with different definitions across the strait) can be used as the basis for talks with China. The KMT also opposes Taiwan independence and argues that efforts to establish a Taiwanese national identity separated from the Chinese national identity are unnecessary and needlessly provocative. Some KMT conservative officials have called efforts from DPP "anti-China" (opposing migrants from mainland China, who DPP officials did not recognize as Taiwanese, but Chinese). At the other end of the political spectrum, the acceptance by the DPP of the symbols of the Republic of China is opposed by the Taiwan Solidarity Union.The first years of the DPP as the ruling party drew accusations from the opposition that, as a self-styled Taiwanese nationalist party, the DPP was itself inadequately sensitive to the ethnographic diversity of Taiwan's population. Where the KMT had been guilty of Chinese chauvinism, the critics charged, the DPP might offer nothing more as a remedy than Hoklo chauvinism. The DPP argues that its efforts to promote a Taiwanese national identity are merely an effort to normalize a Taiwanese identity repressed during years of authoritarian Kuomintang rule.Since the democratization of Taiwan in the 1990s, the DPP has had its strongest performance in the Hokkien-speaking counties and cities of Taiwan, compared with the predominantly Hakka and Mandarin-speaking counties, that tend to support the Kuomintang.The deep-rooted hostility between Taiwanese aborigines and (Taiwanese) Hoklo, and the effective KMT networks within aboriginal communities contribute to aboriginal skepticism against the DPP and the aboriginals tendency to vote for the KMT. Aboriginals have criticized politicians for abusing the "indigenization" movement for political gains, such as aboriginal opposition to the DPP's "rectification" by recognizing the Truku for political reasons, where the Atayal and Seediq slammed the Truku for their name rectification. In 2008, the majority of mountain townships voted for Ma Ying-jeou. However, the DPP share of the aboriginal vote has been rising.The DPP National Party Congress selects, for two-year terms, the 30 members of the Central Executive Committee and the 11 members of the Central Review Committee. The Central Executive Committee, in turn, chooses the 10 members of the Central Standing Committee. Since 2012, the DPP has had a "China Affairs Committee" to deal with Cross-Strait relations; the name caused some controversy within the party and in the Taiwan media, with critics suggesting that "Mainland Affairs Committee" or "Cross-Strait Affairs Committee" would show less of a hostile "One Country on Each Side" attitude.For many years the DPP officially recognized several factions within its membership, such as the New Tide faction (), the Formosa faction (), the Justice Alliance faction () and Welfare State Alliance faction (). Each faction endorsed slightly different policies. The factions were often generationally identifiable, representing individuals who had entered the party at different times. In 2006, the party ended recognition of factions. The factions have since stated that they will comply with the resolution. However, the factions are still referred to by name in national media.On April 25, 2021, some people in Hong Kong and Macao reported that they cannot browse the Democratic Progressive Party website, even using VPN, even though Taiwan citizens can still browse into the website normally.	[ "Su Tseng-chang", "Shih Ming-teh", "Yao Chia-wen", "Annette Lu", "Huang Hsin-chieh", "Lin Yu-chang", "Yu Shyi-kun", "Cho Jung-tai", "Chang Chun-hung", "Chen Shui-bian", "Hsu Hsin-liang", "Lin Yi-hsiung", "Ker Chien-ming", "Frank Hsieh", "Chai Trong-rong", "Chiang Peng-chien" ]
Who was the chair of Democratic Progressive Party in 2012-04-27?	April 27, 2012	{ "text": [ "Chen Chu" ] }	L2_Q903822_P488_13	Lin Yu-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 2018 to Jan, 2019. Cho Jung-tai is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2019 to May, 2020. Su Tseng-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 2012 to May, 2014. Hsu Hsin-liang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jun, 1996 to Aug, 1998. Huang Hsin-chieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1989 to Nov, 1991. Chen Shui-bian is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Oct, 2007 to Jan, 2008. Shih Ming-teh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 1994 to Mar, 1996. Yu Shyi-kun is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2006 to Oct, 2007. Annette Lu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Dec, 2005 to Jan, 2006. Ker Chien-ming is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2011 to Apr, 2011. Yao Chia-wen is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1987 to Nov, 1988. Chen Chu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Feb, 2012 to May, 2012. Chang Chun-hung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 1996 to Jun, 1996. Frank Hsieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2008 to May, 2008. Chiang Peng-chien is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1986 to Nov, 1987. Chai Trong-rong is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2007 to May, 2007. Lin Yi-hsiung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Aug, 1998 to Jul, 2000.	Democratic Progressive PartyThe Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is a Taiwanese nationalist and center-left political party in Taiwan (Republic of China). Controlling both the Republic of China presidency and the unicameral Legislative Yuan, it is the majority ruling party and the dominant party in the Pan-Green Coalition as of 2020.Founded in 1986, the DPP is one of two major parties in Taiwan, along with the historically dominant Kuomintang. It has traditionally been associated with strong advocacy of human rights, and a distinct Taiwanese identity. The incumbent President and three-time leader of the DPP, Tsai Ing-wen, is the second member of the DPP to hold the office.The DPP is a longtime member of Liberal International and a founding member of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats. It represented Taiwan in the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. The DPP and its affiliated parties are widely classified as socially liberal because of their legislators' strong antinuclear stance and support for same-sex marriage. They are also proponents of a Taiwanese national identity. In addition, the DPP is more willing to increase military expenditures to defend against a potential Chinese invasion, and on foreign policy favors closer ties with the United States and Japan.The DPP's roots were in the "tangwai" – or "outside-the-KMT" – movement, which formed in opposition to the Kuomintang's one-party authoritarian rule under the "party-state" system. This movement culminated in the formation of the DPP as an alternative, but still illegal, party on September 28, 1986 by eighteen organizing members at Grand Hotel Taipei, with a total of 132 people joining the party in attendance. The new party members contested the 1986 election as "nonpartisan" candidates since competing parties would remain illegal until the following year. These early members of the party, like the "tangwai", drew heavily from the ranks of family members and defense lawyers of political prisoners, as well as intellectuals and artists who had spent time abroad. These individuals were strongly committed to political change toward democracy and freedom of speech, press, assembly, and association.The "tangwai" were not a unified political unit and consisted of factions which carried over into the early DPP. At its founding the DPP consisted of three factions: the Kang group (a moderate faction led by Kang Ning-hsiang), New Tide faction (consisting of intellectuals and social activists led by Wu Nai-ren and Chiou I-jen), and the Progress Faction (led by Lin Cheng-chieh, a "waishengren" opposed to independence). Moderates would later coalesce around the Formosa faction, founded by those arrested during the Formosa Incident after their release from prison. In the early days of the party, the Formosa faction focused on winning elections by wielding the star power of its leaders, while New Tide would focus on ideological mobilization and developing grassroots support for social movements. As a result, the Formosa faction would become more moderate, often bending to public opinion, while New Tide would become more ideologically cohesive. By 1988 the Formosa Faction would dominate high-level positions within the party.The party did not at the outset give explicit support to an independent Taiwanese national identity, partially because moderates such as Hsu Hsin-liang were concerned that such a move that could have invited a violent crackdown by the Kuomintang and alienate voters, but also because some members such as Lin Cheng-chieh supported unification. Partially due to their waning influence within the party and partially due to their ideological commitment, between 1988 and 1991 the New Tide Faction would push the independence issue, bolstered by the return of pro-independence activists from overseas who were previously barred from Taiwan. In 1991, in order to head off the New Tide, party chairman Hsu Hsin-liang of the moderate Formosa faction agreed to include language in the party charter which advocated for the drafting of a new constitution as well as declaration of a new Republic of Taiwan via referendum (which resulted in many pro-unification members leaving the party). However, the party would quickly begin to walk back on this language, and eventually in 1999 the party congress passed a resolution that Taiwan was already an independent country, under the official name "Republic of China," and that any constitutional changes should be approved by the people via referendum, while emphasizing the use of the name "Taiwan" in international settings.Despite its lack of electoral success, the pressure that the DPP created on the ruling KMT via its demands are widely credited in the political reforms of the 1990s, most notably the direct popular election of Republic of China's president and all representatives in the National Assembly and Legislative Yuan, as well the ability to open discuss events from the past such as the February 28 Incident and its long aftermath of martial law, and space for a greater variety of political views and advocacy. Once the DPP had representation in the Legislative Yuan, the party used the legislature as a forum to challenge the ruling KMT. Post-democratization, the DPP shifted their focus to anti-corruption issues, in particular regarding KMT connections to organized crime as well as "party assets" illegally acquired from the government during martial law. Meanwhile, factions continued to form within the DPP as a mechanism for coalition-building within the party; notably, future President Chen Shui-bian would form the Justice Alliance faction. The DPP won the presidency with the election of Chen Shui-bian in March 2000 with a plurality, due to Pan-Blue voters splitting their vote between the Kuomintang and independent candidate James Soong, ending 91 years of KMT rule in the Republic of China. Chen softened the party's stance on independence to appeal to moderate voters, appease the United States, and placate China. He also promised not to change the ROC state symbols or declare formal independence as long as the People's Republic of China did not attack Taiwan. Further, he advocated for economic exchange with China as well as the establishment of transportation links.In 2002 the DPP became the first party other than the KMT to reach a plurality in the Legislative Yuan following the 2001 legislative election. However, a majority coalition between the KMT, People First Party, and New Party prevented it from taking control of the chamber. This coalition was at odds with the presidency from the beginning, and led to President Chen's abandonment of the centrist positions that he ran his campaign on.In 2003, Chen announced a campaign to draft a referendum law as well as a new constitution, a move which appealed to the fundamentalist wing of the DPP. By now, the New Tide faction had begun to favor pragmatic approaches to their pro-independence goals and dominated decision-making positions within the party. By contrast, grassroots support was divided largely between moderate and fundamentalist wings. Though Chen's plans for a referendum on a new constitution were scuttled by the legislature, he did manage to include a largely symbolic referendum on the PRC military threat to coincide with the 2004 presidential election. President Chen Shui-bian would be narrowly re-elected in 2004 after an assassination attempt the day before the election, and in the later legislative election, the pan-blue coalition opposition retained control of the chamber.President Chen's moves sparked a debate within the party between fundamentalists and moderates who were concerned that voters would abandon their party. The fundamentalists won out, and as a result the DPP would largely follow Chen's lead. The DPP suffered a significant election defeat in nationwide local and county elections in December 2005, while the pan-blue coalition captured 16 of 23 county and city government offices under the leadership of popular Taipei mayor and KMT Party Chairman Ma Ying-jeou. Moderates within the party would blame this loss on the party's fundamentalist turn.The results led to a shake up of the party leadership. Su Tseng-chang resigned as DPP chairman soon after election results were announced. Su had pledged to step down if the DPP lost either Taipei County or failed to win 10 of the 23 mayor/magistrate positions. Vice President Annette Lu was appointed acting DPP leader. Presidential Office Secretary-General Yu Shyi-kun was elected in a three-way race against legislator Chai Trong-rong and Wong Chin-chu with 54.4% of the vote.Premier Frank Hsieh, DPP election organizer and former mayor of Kaohsiung twice tendered a verbal resignation immediately following the election, but his resignation was not accepted by President Chen until 17 January 2006 after the DPP chairmanship election had concluded. The former DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang was appointed to replace Hsieh as premier. Hsieh and his cabinet resigned en masse on January 24 to make way for Su and his new cabinet. President Chen had offered the position of Presidential Office Secretary-General (vacated by Su) to the departing premier, but Hsieh declined and left office criticizing President Chen for his tough line on dealing with China.In 2005, following the passage of the Anti-Secession Law, the Chen administration issued a statement asserting the position that Taiwan's future should be decided by the people on Taiwan only.On 30 September 2007, the DPP approved a resolution asserting a separate identity from China and called for the enactment of a new constitution for a "normal nation". It struck an accommodating tone by advocating general use of "Taiwan" as the country's name without calling for abandonment of the name Republic of China.In the national elections held in early months of 2008, the DPP won less than 25% of the seats (38.2% vote share) in the new Legislative Yuan while its presidential candidate, former Kaohsiung mayor Frank Hsieh, lost to KMT candidate Ma Ying-jeou by a wide margin (41.55% vs. 58.45%). In May, the DPP elected moderate Tsai Ing-wen as their new leader over fundamentalist Koo Kwang-ming. Tsai became the first female leader of the DPP and the first female leader to lead a major party in Taiwan.The first months since backed to the opposition were dominated by press coverage of the travails of Chen Shui-bian and his wife Wu Shu-jen. On 15 August 2008, Chen resigned from the DPP and apologized: "Today I have to say sorry to all of the DPP members and supporters. I let everyone down, caused you humiliation and failed to meet your expectations. My acts have caused irreparable damage to the party. I love the DPP deeply and am proud of being a DPP member. To express my deepest regrets to all DPP members and supporters, I announce my withdrawal from the DPP immediately. My wife Wu Shu-jen is also withdrawing from the party." DPP Chairperson followed with a public statement on behalf of the party: "In regard to Chen and his wife's decision to withdraw from the party and his desire to shoulder responsibility for his actions as well as to undergo an investigation by the party's anti-corruption committee, we respect his decision and accept it."The DPP vowed to reflect on public misgivings towards the party. Chairperson Tsai insisted on the need for the party to remember its history, defend the Republic of China's sovereignty and national security, and maintain its confidence.The party re-emerged as a voice in Taiwan's political debate when Ma's administration reached the end of its first year in office. The DPP marked the anniversary with massive rallies in Taipei and Kaohsiung. Tsai's address to the crowd in Taipei on May 17 proclaimed a "citizens' movement to protect Republic of China" seeking to "protect our democracy and protect Republic of China."On 16 January 2016, Taiwan held a general election for its presidency and for the Legislative Yuan. The DPP gained the presidential seat, with the election of Tsai Ing-wen, who received 56.12% of the votes, while her opponent Eric Chu gained 31.2%. In addition, the DPP gained a majority of the Legislative Yuan, winning 68 seats in the 113-seat legislature, up from 40 in 2012 election, thus giving them the majority for the first time in its history. President Tsai won reelection in the 2020 Taiwanese presidential election on January 11, 2020, and the Democratic Progressive Party retained its legislative majority, winning 61 seats.Programs supported by the party include moderate social welfare policies involving the rights of women, senior citizens, children, young people, labor, minorities, indigenous peoples, farmers, and other disadvantaged sectors of the society. Furthermore, its platform includes a legal and political order based on human rights and democracy; balanced economic and financial administration; fair and open social welfare; educational and cultural reform; and, independent defence and peaceful foreign policy with closer ties to United States and Japan. For these reasons, it used to be considered a party of the center-left economically though its base consisted largely of the middle class. The party also has a social liberal stance that includes support for gender equality and same-sex marriage under Tsai's leadership, and also has a conservative base that includes support from the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan.The primary political axis in Taiwan involves the issue of Taiwan independence versus eventual unification with China. Although the differences tend to be portrayed in polarized terms, both major coalitions have developed modified, nuanced and often complex positions. Though opposed in the philosophical origins, the practical differences between such positions can sometimes be subtle.The current official position of the party is that Taiwan is an independent and sovereign country whose territory consists of Taiwan and its surrounding smaller islands and whose sovereignty derives only from the ROC citizens living in Taiwan (similar philosophy of self-determination), based on the 1999 "Resolution on Taiwan's Future". It considers Taiwan as an independent nation under the name of Republic of China, making a formal declaration of independence unnecessary. Though calls for drafting a new constitution and a declaration of a Republic of Taiwan was written into the party charter in 1991, the 1999 resolution has practically superseded the earlier charter. The DPP rejects the so-called "One China principle" defined in 1992 as the basis for official diplomatic relations with the PRC and advocates a Taiwanese national identity which is separate from mainland China. By contrast, the KMT or pan-blue coalition agrees that the Republic of China is an independent and sovereign country that is not part of the PRC, but argues that a one China principle (with different definitions across the strait) can be used as the basis for talks with China. The KMT also opposes Taiwan independence and argues that efforts to establish a Taiwanese national identity separated from the Chinese national identity are unnecessary and needlessly provocative. Some KMT conservative officials have called efforts from DPP "anti-China" (opposing migrants from mainland China, who DPP officials did not recognize as Taiwanese, but Chinese). At the other end of the political spectrum, the acceptance by the DPP of the symbols of the Republic of China is opposed by the Taiwan Solidarity Union.The first years of the DPP as the ruling party drew accusations from the opposition that, as a self-styled Taiwanese nationalist party, the DPP was itself inadequately sensitive to the ethnographic diversity of Taiwan's population. Where the KMT had been guilty of Chinese chauvinism, the critics charged, the DPP might offer nothing more as a remedy than Hoklo chauvinism. The DPP argues that its efforts to promote a Taiwanese national identity are merely an effort to normalize a Taiwanese identity repressed during years of authoritarian Kuomintang rule.Since the democratization of Taiwan in the 1990s, the DPP has had its strongest performance in the Hokkien-speaking counties and cities of Taiwan, compared with the predominantly Hakka and Mandarin-speaking counties, that tend to support the Kuomintang.The deep-rooted hostility between Taiwanese aborigines and (Taiwanese) Hoklo, and the effective KMT networks within aboriginal communities contribute to aboriginal skepticism against the DPP and the aboriginals tendency to vote for the KMT. Aboriginals have criticized politicians for abusing the "indigenization" movement for political gains, such as aboriginal opposition to the DPP's "rectification" by recognizing the Truku for political reasons, where the Atayal and Seediq slammed the Truku for their name rectification. In 2008, the majority of mountain townships voted for Ma Ying-jeou. However, the DPP share of the aboriginal vote has been rising.The DPP National Party Congress selects, for two-year terms, the 30 members of the Central Executive Committee and the 11 members of the Central Review Committee. The Central Executive Committee, in turn, chooses the 10 members of the Central Standing Committee. Since 2012, the DPP has had a "China Affairs Committee" to deal with Cross-Strait relations; the name caused some controversy within the party and in the Taiwan media, with critics suggesting that "Mainland Affairs Committee" or "Cross-Strait Affairs Committee" would show less of a hostile "One Country on Each Side" attitude.For many years the DPP officially recognized several factions within its membership, such as the New Tide faction (), the Formosa faction (), the Justice Alliance faction () and Welfare State Alliance faction (). Each faction endorsed slightly different policies. The factions were often generationally identifiable, representing individuals who had entered the party at different times. In 2006, the party ended recognition of factions. The factions have since stated that they will comply with the resolution. However, the factions are still referred to by name in national media.On April 25, 2021, some people in Hong Kong and Macao reported that they cannot browse the Democratic Progressive Party website, even using VPN, even though Taiwan citizens can still browse into the website normally.	[ "Su Tseng-chang", "Shih Ming-teh", "Yao Chia-wen", "Annette Lu", "Huang Hsin-chieh", "Lin Yu-chang", "Yu Shyi-kun", "Cho Jung-tai", "Chang Chun-hung", "Chen Shui-bian", "Hsu Hsin-liang", "Lin Yi-hsiung", "Ker Chien-ming", "Frank Hsieh", "Chai Trong-rong", "Chiang Peng-chien" ]
Who was the chair of Democratic Progressive Party in 27/04/2012?	April 27, 2012	{ "text": [ "Chen Chu" ] }	L2_Q903822_P488_13	Lin Yu-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 2018 to Jan, 2019. Cho Jung-tai is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2019 to May, 2020. Su Tseng-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 2012 to May, 2014. Hsu Hsin-liang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jun, 1996 to Aug, 1998. Huang Hsin-chieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1989 to Nov, 1991. Chen Shui-bian is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Oct, 2007 to Jan, 2008. Shih Ming-teh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 1994 to Mar, 1996. Yu Shyi-kun is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2006 to Oct, 2007. Annette Lu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Dec, 2005 to Jan, 2006. Ker Chien-ming is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2011 to Apr, 2011. Yao Chia-wen is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1987 to Nov, 1988. Chen Chu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Feb, 2012 to May, 2012. Chang Chun-hung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 1996 to Jun, 1996. Frank Hsieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2008 to May, 2008. Chiang Peng-chien is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1986 to Nov, 1987. Chai Trong-rong is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2007 to May, 2007. Lin Yi-hsiung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Aug, 1998 to Jul, 2000.	Democratic Progressive PartyThe Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is a Taiwanese nationalist and center-left political party in Taiwan (Republic of China). Controlling both the Republic of China presidency and the unicameral Legislative Yuan, it is the majority ruling party and the dominant party in the Pan-Green Coalition as of 2020.Founded in 1986, the DPP is one of two major parties in Taiwan, along with the historically dominant Kuomintang. It has traditionally been associated with strong advocacy of human rights, and a distinct Taiwanese identity. The incumbent President and three-time leader of the DPP, Tsai Ing-wen, is the second member of the DPP to hold the office.The DPP is a longtime member of Liberal International and a founding member of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats. It represented Taiwan in the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. The DPP and its affiliated parties are widely classified as socially liberal because of their legislators' strong antinuclear stance and support for same-sex marriage. They are also proponents of a Taiwanese national identity. In addition, the DPP is more willing to increase military expenditures to defend against a potential Chinese invasion, and on foreign policy favors closer ties with the United States and Japan.The DPP's roots were in the "tangwai" – or "outside-the-KMT" – movement, which formed in opposition to the Kuomintang's one-party authoritarian rule under the "party-state" system. This movement culminated in the formation of the DPP as an alternative, but still illegal, party on September 28, 1986 by eighteen organizing members at Grand Hotel Taipei, with a total of 132 people joining the party in attendance. The new party members contested the 1986 election as "nonpartisan" candidates since competing parties would remain illegal until the following year. These early members of the party, like the "tangwai", drew heavily from the ranks of family members and defense lawyers of political prisoners, as well as intellectuals and artists who had spent time abroad. These individuals were strongly committed to political change toward democracy and freedom of speech, press, assembly, and association.The "tangwai" were not a unified political unit and consisted of factions which carried over into the early DPP. At its founding the DPP consisted of three factions: the Kang group (a moderate faction led by Kang Ning-hsiang), New Tide faction (consisting of intellectuals and social activists led by Wu Nai-ren and Chiou I-jen), and the Progress Faction (led by Lin Cheng-chieh, a "waishengren" opposed to independence). Moderates would later coalesce around the Formosa faction, founded by those arrested during the Formosa Incident after their release from prison. In the early days of the party, the Formosa faction focused on winning elections by wielding the star power of its leaders, while New Tide would focus on ideological mobilization and developing grassroots support for social movements. As a result, the Formosa faction would become more moderate, often bending to public opinion, while New Tide would become more ideologically cohesive. By 1988 the Formosa Faction would dominate high-level positions within the party.The party did not at the outset give explicit support to an independent Taiwanese national identity, partially because moderates such as Hsu Hsin-liang were concerned that such a move that could have invited a violent crackdown by the Kuomintang and alienate voters, but also because some members such as Lin Cheng-chieh supported unification. Partially due to their waning influence within the party and partially due to their ideological commitment, between 1988 and 1991 the New Tide Faction would push the independence issue, bolstered by the return of pro-independence activists from overseas who were previously barred from Taiwan. In 1991, in order to head off the New Tide, party chairman Hsu Hsin-liang of the moderate Formosa faction agreed to include language in the party charter which advocated for the drafting of a new constitution as well as declaration of a new Republic of Taiwan via referendum (which resulted in many pro-unification members leaving the party). However, the party would quickly begin to walk back on this language, and eventually in 1999 the party congress passed a resolution that Taiwan was already an independent country, under the official name "Republic of China," and that any constitutional changes should be approved by the people via referendum, while emphasizing the use of the name "Taiwan" in international settings.Despite its lack of electoral success, the pressure that the DPP created on the ruling KMT via its demands are widely credited in the political reforms of the 1990s, most notably the direct popular election of Republic of China's president and all representatives in the National Assembly and Legislative Yuan, as well the ability to open discuss events from the past such as the February 28 Incident and its long aftermath of martial law, and space for a greater variety of political views and advocacy. Once the DPP had representation in the Legislative Yuan, the party used the legislature as a forum to challenge the ruling KMT. Post-democratization, the DPP shifted their focus to anti-corruption issues, in particular regarding KMT connections to organized crime as well as "party assets" illegally acquired from the government during martial law. Meanwhile, factions continued to form within the DPP as a mechanism for coalition-building within the party; notably, future President Chen Shui-bian would form the Justice Alliance faction. The DPP won the presidency with the election of Chen Shui-bian in March 2000 with a plurality, due to Pan-Blue voters splitting their vote between the Kuomintang and independent candidate James Soong, ending 91 years of KMT rule in the Republic of China. Chen softened the party's stance on independence to appeal to moderate voters, appease the United States, and placate China. He also promised not to change the ROC state symbols or declare formal independence as long as the People's Republic of China did not attack Taiwan. Further, he advocated for economic exchange with China as well as the establishment of transportation links.In 2002 the DPP became the first party other than the KMT to reach a plurality in the Legislative Yuan following the 2001 legislative election. However, a majority coalition between the KMT, People First Party, and New Party prevented it from taking control of the chamber. This coalition was at odds with the presidency from the beginning, and led to President Chen's abandonment of the centrist positions that he ran his campaign on.In 2003, Chen announced a campaign to draft a referendum law as well as a new constitution, a move which appealed to the fundamentalist wing of the DPP. By now, the New Tide faction had begun to favor pragmatic approaches to their pro-independence goals and dominated decision-making positions within the party. By contrast, grassroots support was divided largely between moderate and fundamentalist wings. Though Chen's plans for a referendum on a new constitution were scuttled by the legislature, he did manage to include a largely symbolic referendum on the PRC military threat to coincide with the 2004 presidential election. President Chen Shui-bian would be narrowly re-elected in 2004 after an assassination attempt the day before the election, and in the later legislative election, the pan-blue coalition opposition retained control of the chamber.President Chen's moves sparked a debate within the party between fundamentalists and moderates who were concerned that voters would abandon their party. The fundamentalists won out, and as a result the DPP would largely follow Chen's lead. The DPP suffered a significant election defeat in nationwide local and county elections in December 2005, while the pan-blue coalition captured 16 of 23 county and city government offices under the leadership of popular Taipei mayor and KMT Party Chairman Ma Ying-jeou. Moderates within the party would blame this loss on the party's fundamentalist turn.The results led to a shake up of the party leadership. Su Tseng-chang resigned as DPP chairman soon after election results were announced. Su had pledged to step down if the DPP lost either Taipei County or failed to win 10 of the 23 mayor/magistrate positions. Vice President Annette Lu was appointed acting DPP leader. Presidential Office Secretary-General Yu Shyi-kun was elected in a three-way race against legislator Chai Trong-rong and Wong Chin-chu with 54.4% of the vote.Premier Frank Hsieh, DPP election organizer and former mayor of Kaohsiung twice tendered a verbal resignation immediately following the election, but his resignation was not accepted by President Chen until 17 January 2006 after the DPP chairmanship election had concluded. The former DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang was appointed to replace Hsieh as premier. Hsieh and his cabinet resigned en masse on January 24 to make way for Su and his new cabinet. President Chen had offered the position of Presidential Office Secretary-General (vacated by Su) to the departing premier, but Hsieh declined and left office criticizing President Chen for his tough line on dealing with China.In 2005, following the passage of the Anti-Secession Law, the Chen administration issued a statement asserting the position that Taiwan's future should be decided by the people on Taiwan only.On 30 September 2007, the DPP approved a resolution asserting a separate identity from China and called for the enactment of a new constitution for a "normal nation". It struck an accommodating tone by advocating general use of "Taiwan" as the country's name without calling for abandonment of the name Republic of China.In the national elections held in early months of 2008, the DPP won less than 25% of the seats (38.2% vote share) in the new Legislative Yuan while its presidential candidate, former Kaohsiung mayor Frank Hsieh, lost to KMT candidate Ma Ying-jeou by a wide margin (41.55% vs. 58.45%). In May, the DPP elected moderate Tsai Ing-wen as their new leader over fundamentalist Koo Kwang-ming. Tsai became the first female leader of the DPP and the first female leader to lead a major party in Taiwan.The first months since backed to the opposition were dominated by press coverage of the travails of Chen Shui-bian and his wife Wu Shu-jen. On 15 August 2008, Chen resigned from the DPP and apologized: "Today I have to say sorry to all of the DPP members and supporters. I let everyone down, caused you humiliation and failed to meet your expectations. My acts have caused irreparable damage to the party. I love the DPP deeply and am proud of being a DPP member. To express my deepest regrets to all DPP members and supporters, I announce my withdrawal from the DPP immediately. My wife Wu Shu-jen is also withdrawing from the party." DPP Chairperson followed with a public statement on behalf of the party: "In regard to Chen and his wife's decision to withdraw from the party and his desire to shoulder responsibility for his actions as well as to undergo an investigation by the party's anti-corruption committee, we respect his decision and accept it."The DPP vowed to reflect on public misgivings towards the party. Chairperson Tsai insisted on the need for the party to remember its history, defend the Republic of China's sovereignty and national security, and maintain its confidence.The party re-emerged as a voice in Taiwan's political debate when Ma's administration reached the end of its first year in office. The DPP marked the anniversary with massive rallies in Taipei and Kaohsiung. Tsai's address to the crowd in Taipei on May 17 proclaimed a "citizens' movement to protect Republic of China" seeking to "protect our democracy and protect Republic of China."On 16 January 2016, Taiwan held a general election for its presidency and for the Legislative Yuan. The DPP gained the presidential seat, with the election of Tsai Ing-wen, who received 56.12% of the votes, while her opponent Eric Chu gained 31.2%. In addition, the DPP gained a majority of the Legislative Yuan, winning 68 seats in the 113-seat legislature, up from 40 in 2012 election, thus giving them the majority for the first time in its history. President Tsai won reelection in the 2020 Taiwanese presidential election on January 11, 2020, and the Democratic Progressive Party retained its legislative majority, winning 61 seats.Programs supported by the party include moderate social welfare policies involving the rights of women, senior citizens, children, young people, labor, minorities, indigenous peoples, farmers, and other disadvantaged sectors of the society. Furthermore, its platform includes a legal and political order based on human rights and democracy; balanced economic and financial administration; fair and open social welfare; educational and cultural reform; and, independent defence and peaceful foreign policy with closer ties to United States and Japan. For these reasons, it used to be considered a party of the center-left economically though its base consisted largely of the middle class. The party also has a social liberal stance that includes support for gender equality and same-sex marriage under Tsai's leadership, and also has a conservative base that includes support from the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan.The primary political axis in Taiwan involves the issue of Taiwan independence versus eventual unification with China. Although the differences tend to be portrayed in polarized terms, both major coalitions have developed modified, nuanced and often complex positions. Though opposed in the philosophical origins, the practical differences between such positions can sometimes be subtle.The current official position of the party is that Taiwan is an independent and sovereign country whose territory consists of Taiwan and its surrounding smaller islands and whose sovereignty derives only from the ROC citizens living in Taiwan (similar philosophy of self-determination), based on the 1999 "Resolution on Taiwan's Future". It considers Taiwan as an independent nation under the name of Republic of China, making a formal declaration of independence unnecessary. Though calls for drafting a new constitution and a declaration of a Republic of Taiwan was written into the party charter in 1991, the 1999 resolution has practically superseded the earlier charter. The DPP rejects the so-called "One China principle" defined in 1992 as the basis for official diplomatic relations with the PRC and advocates a Taiwanese national identity which is separate from mainland China. By contrast, the KMT or pan-blue coalition agrees that the Republic of China is an independent and sovereign country that is not part of the PRC, but argues that a one China principle (with different definitions across the strait) can be used as the basis for talks with China. The KMT also opposes Taiwan independence and argues that efforts to establish a Taiwanese national identity separated from the Chinese national identity are unnecessary and needlessly provocative. Some KMT conservative officials have called efforts from DPP "anti-China" (opposing migrants from mainland China, who DPP officials did not recognize as Taiwanese, but Chinese). At the other end of the political spectrum, the acceptance by the DPP of the symbols of the Republic of China is opposed by the Taiwan Solidarity Union.The first years of the DPP as the ruling party drew accusations from the opposition that, as a self-styled Taiwanese nationalist party, the DPP was itself inadequately sensitive to the ethnographic diversity of Taiwan's population. Where the KMT had been guilty of Chinese chauvinism, the critics charged, the DPP might offer nothing more as a remedy than Hoklo chauvinism. The DPP argues that its efforts to promote a Taiwanese national identity are merely an effort to normalize a Taiwanese identity repressed during years of authoritarian Kuomintang rule.Since the democratization of Taiwan in the 1990s, the DPP has had its strongest performance in the Hokkien-speaking counties and cities of Taiwan, compared with the predominantly Hakka and Mandarin-speaking counties, that tend to support the Kuomintang.The deep-rooted hostility between Taiwanese aborigines and (Taiwanese) Hoklo, and the effective KMT networks within aboriginal communities contribute to aboriginal skepticism against the DPP and the aboriginals tendency to vote for the KMT. Aboriginals have criticized politicians for abusing the "indigenization" movement for political gains, such as aboriginal opposition to the DPP's "rectification" by recognizing the Truku for political reasons, where the Atayal and Seediq slammed the Truku for their name rectification. In 2008, the majority of mountain townships voted for Ma Ying-jeou. However, the DPP share of the aboriginal vote has been rising.The DPP National Party Congress selects, for two-year terms, the 30 members of the Central Executive Committee and the 11 members of the Central Review Committee. The Central Executive Committee, in turn, chooses the 10 members of the Central Standing Committee. Since 2012, the DPP has had a "China Affairs Committee" to deal with Cross-Strait relations; the name caused some controversy within the party and in the Taiwan media, with critics suggesting that "Mainland Affairs Committee" or "Cross-Strait Affairs Committee" would show less of a hostile "One Country on Each Side" attitude.For many years the DPP officially recognized several factions within its membership, such as the New Tide faction (), the Formosa faction (), the Justice Alliance faction () and Welfare State Alliance faction (). Each faction endorsed slightly different policies. The factions were often generationally identifiable, representing individuals who had entered the party at different times. In 2006, the party ended recognition of factions. The factions have since stated that they will comply with the resolution. However, the factions are still referred to by name in national media.On April 25, 2021, some people in Hong Kong and Macao reported that they cannot browse the Democratic Progressive Party website, even using VPN, even though Taiwan citizens can still browse into the website normally.	[ "Su Tseng-chang", "Shih Ming-teh", "Yao Chia-wen", "Annette Lu", "Huang Hsin-chieh", "Lin Yu-chang", "Yu Shyi-kun", "Cho Jung-tai", "Chang Chun-hung", "Chen Shui-bian", "Hsu Hsin-liang", "Lin Yi-hsiung", "Ker Chien-ming", "Frank Hsieh", "Chai Trong-rong", "Chiang Peng-chien" ]
Who was the chair of Democratic Progressive Party in Apr 27, 2012?	April 27, 2012	{ "text": [ "Chen Chu" ] }	L2_Q903822_P488_13	Lin Yu-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 2018 to Jan, 2019. Cho Jung-tai is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2019 to May, 2020. Su Tseng-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 2012 to May, 2014. Hsu Hsin-liang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jun, 1996 to Aug, 1998. Huang Hsin-chieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1989 to Nov, 1991. Chen Shui-bian is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Oct, 2007 to Jan, 2008. Shih Ming-teh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 1994 to Mar, 1996. Yu Shyi-kun is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2006 to Oct, 2007. Annette Lu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Dec, 2005 to Jan, 2006. Ker Chien-ming is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2011 to Apr, 2011. Yao Chia-wen is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1987 to Nov, 1988. Chen Chu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Feb, 2012 to May, 2012. Chang Chun-hung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 1996 to Jun, 1996. Frank Hsieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2008 to May, 2008. Chiang Peng-chien is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1986 to Nov, 1987. Chai Trong-rong is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2007 to May, 2007. Lin Yi-hsiung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Aug, 1998 to Jul, 2000.	Democratic Progressive PartyThe Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is a Taiwanese nationalist and center-left political party in Taiwan (Republic of China). Controlling both the Republic of China presidency and the unicameral Legislative Yuan, it is the majority ruling party and the dominant party in the Pan-Green Coalition as of 2020.Founded in 1986, the DPP is one of two major parties in Taiwan, along with the historically dominant Kuomintang. It has traditionally been associated with strong advocacy of human rights, and a distinct Taiwanese identity. The incumbent President and three-time leader of the DPP, Tsai Ing-wen, is the second member of the DPP to hold the office.The DPP is a longtime member of Liberal International and a founding member of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats. It represented Taiwan in the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. The DPP and its affiliated parties are widely classified as socially liberal because of their legislators' strong antinuclear stance and support for same-sex marriage. They are also proponents of a Taiwanese national identity. In addition, the DPP is more willing to increase military expenditures to defend against a potential Chinese invasion, and on foreign policy favors closer ties with the United States and Japan.The DPP's roots were in the "tangwai" – or "outside-the-KMT" – movement, which formed in opposition to the Kuomintang's one-party authoritarian rule under the "party-state" system. This movement culminated in the formation of the DPP as an alternative, but still illegal, party on September 28, 1986 by eighteen organizing members at Grand Hotel Taipei, with a total of 132 people joining the party in attendance. The new party members contested the 1986 election as "nonpartisan" candidates since competing parties would remain illegal until the following year. These early members of the party, like the "tangwai", drew heavily from the ranks of family members and defense lawyers of political prisoners, as well as intellectuals and artists who had spent time abroad. These individuals were strongly committed to political change toward democracy and freedom of speech, press, assembly, and association.The "tangwai" were not a unified political unit and consisted of factions which carried over into the early DPP. At its founding the DPP consisted of three factions: the Kang group (a moderate faction led by Kang Ning-hsiang), New Tide faction (consisting of intellectuals and social activists led by Wu Nai-ren and Chiou I-jen), and the Progress Faction (led by Lin Cheng-chieh, a "waishengren" opposed to independence). Moderates would later coalesce around the Formosa faction, founded by those arrested during the Formosa Incident after their release from prison. In the early days of the party, the Formosa faction focused on winning elections by wielding the star power of its leaders, while New Tide would focus on ideological mobilization and developing grassroots support for social movements. As a result, the Formosa faction would become more moderate, often bending to public opinion, while New Tide would become more ideologically cohesive. By 1988 the Formosa Faction would dominate high-level positions within the party.The party did not at the outset give explicit support to an independent Taiwanese national identity, partially because moderates such as Hsu Hsin-liang were concerned that such a move that could have invited a violent crackdown by the Kuomintang and alienate voters, but also because some members such as Lin Cheng-chieh supported unification. Partially due to their waning influence within the party and partially due to their ideological commitment, between 1988 and 1991 the New Tide Faction would push the independence issue, bolstered by the return of pro-independence activists from overseas who were previously barred from Taiwan. In 1991, in order to head off the New Tide, party chairman Hsu Hsin-liang of the moderate Formosa faction agreed to include language in the party charter which advocated for the drafting of a new constitution as well as declaration of a new Republic of Taiwan via referendum (which resulted in many pro-unification members leaving the party). However, the party would quickly begin to walk back on this language, and eventually in 1999 the party congress passed a resolution that Taiwan was already an independent country, under the official name "Republic of China," and that any constitutional changes should be approved by the people via referendum, while emphasizing the use of the name "Taiwan" in international settings.Despite its lack of electoral success, the pressure that the DPP created on the ruling KMT via its demands are widely credited in the political reforms of the 1990s, most notably the direct popular election of Republic of China's president and all representatives in the National Assembly and Legislative Yuan, as well the ability to open discuss events from the past such as the February 28 Incident and its long aftermath of martial law, and space for a greater variety of political views and advocacy. Once the DPP had representation in the Legislative Yuan, the party used the legislature as a forum to challenge the ruling KMT. Post-democratization, the DPP shifted their focus to anti-corruption issues, in particular regarding KMT connections to organized crime as well as "party assets" illegally acquired from the government during martial law. Meanwhile, factions continued to form within the DPP as a mechanism for coalition-building within the party; notably, future President Chen Shui-bian would form the Justice Alliance faction. The DPP won the presidency with the election of Chen Shui-bian in March 2000 with a plurality, due to Pan-Blue voters splitting their vote between the Kuomintang and independent candidate James Soong, ending 91 years of KMT rule in the Republic of China. Chen softened the party's stance on independence to appeal to moderate voters, appease the United States, and placate China. He also promised not to change the ROC state symbols or declare formal independence as long as the People's Republic of China did not attack Taiwan. Further, he advocated for economic exchange with China as well as the establishment of transportation links.In 2002 the DPP became the first party other than the KMT to reach a plurality in the Legislative Yuan following the 2001 legislative election. However, a majority coalition between the KMT, People First Party, and New Party prevented it from taking control of the chamber. This coalition was at odds with the presidency from the beginning, and led to President Chen's abandonment of the centrist positions that he ran his campaign on.In 2003, Chen announced a campaign to draft a referendum law as well as a new constitution, a move which appealed to the fundamentalist wing of the DPP. By now, the New Tide faction had begun to favor pragmatic approaches to their pro-independence goals and dominated decision-making positions within the party. By contrast, grassroots support was divided largely between moderate and fundamentalist wings. Though Chen's plans for a referendum on a new constitution were scuttled by the legislature, he did manage to include a largely symbolic referendum on the PRC military threat to coincide with the 2004 presidential election. President Chen Shui-bian would be narrowly re-elected in 2004 after an assassination attempt the day before the election, and in the later legislative election, the pan-blue coalition opposition retained control of the chamber.President Chen's moves sparked a debate within the party between fundamentalists and moderates who were concerned that voters would abandon their party. The fundamentalists won out, and as a result the DPP would largely follow Chen's lead. The DPP suffered a significant election defeat in nationwide local and county elections in December 2005, while the pan-blue coalition captured 16 of 23 county and city government offices under the leadership of popular Taipei mayor and KMT Party Chairman Ma Ying-jeou. Moderates within the party would blame this loss on the party's fundamentalist turn.The results led to a shake up of the party leadership. Su Tseng-chang resigned as DPP chairman soon after election results were announced. Su had pledged to step down if the DPP lost either Taipei County or failed to win 10 of the 23 mayor/magistrate positions. Vice President Annette Lu was appointed acting DPP leader. Presidential Office Secretary-General Yu Shyi-kun was elected in a three-way race against legislator Chai Trong-rong and Wong Chin-chu with 54.4% of the vote.Premier Frank Hsieh, DPP election organizer and former mayor of Kaohsiung twice tendered a verbal resignation immediately following the election, but his resignation was not accepted by President Chen until 17 January 2006 after the DPP chairmanship election had concluded. The former DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang was appointed to replace Hsieh as premier. Hsieh and his cabinet resigned en masse on January 24 to make way for Su and his new cabinet. President Chen had offered the position of Presidential Office Secretary-General (vacated by Su) to the departing premier, but Hsieh declined and left office criticizing President Chen for his tough line on dealing with China.In 2005, following the passage of the Anti-Secession Law, the Chen administration issued a statement asserting the position that Taiwan's future should be decided by the people on Taiwan only.On 30 September 2007, the DPP approved a resolution asserting a separate identity from China and called for the enactment of a new constitution for a "normal nation". It struck an accommodating tone by advocating general use of "Taiwan" as the country's name without calling for abandonment of the name Republic of China.In the national elections held in early months of 2008, the DPP won less than 25% of the seats (38.2% vote share) in the new Legislative Yuan while its presidential candidate, former Kaohsiung mayor Frank Hsieh, lost to KMT candidate Ma Ying-jeou by a wide margin (41.55% vs. 58.45%). In May, the DPP elected moderate Tsai Ing-wen as their new leader over fundamentalist Koo Kwang-ming. Tsai became the first female leader of the DPP and the first female leader to lead a major party in Taiwan.The first months since backed to the opposition were dominated by press coverage of the travails of Chen Shui-bian and his wife Wu Shu-jen. On 15 August 2008, Chen resigned from the DPP and apologized: "Today I have to say sorry to all of the DPP members and supporters. I let everyone down, caused you humiliation and failed to meet your expectations. My acts have caused irreparable damage to the party. I love the DPP deeply and am proud of being a DPP member. To express my deepest regrets to all DPP members and supporters, I announce my withdrawal from the DPP immediately. My wife Wu Shu-jen is also withdrawing from the party." DPP Chairperson followed with a public statement on behalf of the party: "In regard to Chen and his wife's decision to withdraw from the party and his desire to shoulder responsibility for his actions as well as to undergo an investigation by the party's anti-corruption committee, we respect his decision and accept it."The DPP vowed to reflect on public misgivings towards the party. Chairperson Tsai insisted on the need for the party to remember its history, defend the Republic of China's sovereignty and national security, and maintain its confidence.The party re-emerged as a voice in Taiwan's political debate when Ma's administration reached the end of its first year in office. The DPP marked the anniversary with massive rallies in Taipei and Kaohsiung. Tsai's address to the crowd in Taipei on May 17 proclaimed a "citizens' movement to protect Republic of China" seeking to "protect our democracy and protect Republic of China."On 16 January 2016, Taiwan held a general election for its presidency and for the Legislative Yuan. The DPP gained the presidential seat, with the election of Tsai Ing-wen, who received 56.12% of the votes, while her opponent Eric Chu gained 31.2%. In addition, the DPP gained a majority of the Legislative Yuan, winning 68 seats in the 113-seat legislature, up from 40 in 2012 election, thus giving them the majority for the first time in its history. President Tsai won reelection in the 2020 Taiwanese presidential election on January 11, 2020, and the Democratic Progressive Party retained its legislative majority, winning 61 seats.Programs supported by the party include moderate social welfare policies involving the rights of women, senior citizens, children, young people, labor, minorities, indigenous peoples, farmers, and other disadvantaged sectors of the society. Furthermore, its platform includes a legal and political order based on human rights and democracy; balanced economic and financial administration; fair and open social welfare; educational and cultural reform; and, independent defence and peaceful foreign policy with closer ties to United States and Japan. For these reasons, it used to be considered a party of the center-left economically though its base consisted largely of the middle class. The party also has a social liberal stance that includes support for gender equality and same-sex marriage under Tsai's leadership, and also has a conservative base that includes support from the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan.The primary political axis in Taiwan involves the issue of Taiwan independence versus eventual unification with China. Although the differences tend to be portrayed in polarized terms, both major coalitions have developed modified, nuanced and often complex positions. Though opposed in the philosophical origins, the practical differences between such positions can sometimes be subtle.The current official position of the party is that Taiwan is an independent and sovereign country whose territory consists of Taiwan and its surrounding smaller islands and whose sovereignty derives only from the ROC citizens living in Taiwan (similar philosophy of self-determination), based on the 1999 "Resolution on Taiwan's Future". It considers Taiwan as an independent nation under the name of Republic of China, making a formal declaration of independence unnecessary. Though calls for drafting a new constitution and a declaration of a Republic of Taiwan was written into the party charter in 1991, the 1999 resolution has practically superseded the earlier charter. The DPP rejects the so-called "One China principle" defined in 1992 as the basis for official diplomatic relations with the PRC and advocates a Taiwanese national identity which is separate from mainland China. By contrast, the KMT or pan-blue coalition agrees that the Republic of China is an independent and sovereign country that is not part of the PRC, but argues that a one China principle (with different definitions across the strait) can be used as the basis for talks with China. The KMT also opposes Taiwan independence and argues that efforts to establish a Taiwanese national identity separated from the Chinese national identity are unnecessary and needlessly provocative. Some KMT conservative officials have called efforts from DPP "anti-China" (opposing migrants from mainland China, who DPP officials did not recognize as Taiwanese, but Chinese). At the other end of the political spectrum, the acceptance by the DPP of the symbols of the Republic of China is opposed by the Taiwan Solidarity Union.The first years of the DPP as the ruling party drew accusations from the opposition that, as a self-styled Taiwanese nationalist party, the DPP was itself inadequately sensitive to the ethnographic diversity of Taiwan's population. Where the KMT had been guilty of Chinese chauvinism, the critics charged, the DPP might offer nothing more as a remedy than Hoklo chauvinism. The DPP argues that its efforts to promote a Taiwanese national identity are merely an effort to normalize a Taiwanese identity repressed during years of authoritarian Kuomintang rule.Since the democratization of Taiwan in the 1990s, the DPP has had its strongest performance in the Hokkien-speaking counties and cities of Taiwan, compared with the predominantly Hakka and Mandarin-speaking counties, that tend to support the Kuomintang.The deep-rooted hostility between Taiwanese aborigines and (Taiwanese) Hoklo, and the effective KMT networks within aboriginal communities contribute to aboriginal skepticism against the DPP and the aboriginals tendency to vote for the KMT. Aboriginals have criticized politicians for abusing the "indigenization" movement for political gains, such as aboriginal opposition to the DPP's "rectification" by recognizing the Truku for political reasons, where the Atayal and Seediq slammed the Truku for their name rectification. In 2008, the majority of mountain townships voted for Ma Ying-jeou. However, the DPP share of the aboriginal vote has been rising.The DPP National Party Congress selects, for two-year terms, the 30 members of the Central Executive Committee and the 11 members of the Central Review Committee. The Central Executive Committee, in turn, chooses the 10 members of the Central Standing Committee. Since 2012, the DPP has had a "China Affairs Committee" to deal with Cross-Strait relations; the name caused some controversy within the party and in the Taiwan media, with critics suggesting that "Mainland Affairs Committee" or "Cross-Strait Affairs Committee" would show less of a hostile "One Country on Each Side" attitude.For many years the DPP officially recognized several factions within its membership, such as the New Tide faction (), the Formosa faction (), the Justice Alliance faction () and Welfare State Alliance faction (). Each faction endorsed slightly different policies. The factions were often generationally identifiable, representing individuals who had entered the party at different times. In 2006, the party ended recognition of factions. The factions have since stated that they will comply with the resolution. However, the factions are still referred to by name in national media.On April 25, 2021, some people in Hong Kong and Macao reported that they cannot browse the Democratic Progressive Party website, even using VPN, even though Taiwan citizens can still browse into the website normally.	[ "Su Tseng-chang", "Shih Ming-teh", "Yao Chia-wen", "Annette Lu", "Huang Hsin-chieh", "Lin Yu-chang", "Yu Shyi-kun", "Cho Jung-tai", "Chang Chun-hung", "Chen Shui-bian", "Hsu Hsin-liang", "Lin Yi-hsiung", "Ker Chien-ming", "Frank Hsieh", "Chai Trong-rong", "Chiang Peng-chien" ]
Who was the chair of Democratic Progressive Party in 04/27/2012?	April 27, 2012	{ "text": [ "Chen Chu" ] }	L2_Q903822_P488_13	Lin Yu-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 2018 to Jan, 2019. Cho Jung-tai is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2019 to May, 2020. Su Tseng-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 2012 to May, 2014. Hsu Hsin-liang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jun, 1996 to Aug, 1998. Huang Hsin-chieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1989 to Nov, 1991. Chen Shui-bian is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Oct, 2007 to Jan, 2008. Shih Ming-teh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 1994 to Mar, 1996. Yu Shyi-kun is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2006 to Oct, 2007. Annette Lu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Dec, 2005 to Jan, 2006. Ker Chien-ming is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2011 to Apr, 2011. Yao Chia-wen is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1987 to Nov, 1988. Chen Chu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Feb, 2012 to May, 2012. Chang Chun-hung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 1996 to Jun, 1996. Frank Hsieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2008 to May, 2008. Chiang Peng-chien is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1986 to Nov, 1987. Chai Trong-rong is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2007 to May, 2007. Lin Yi-hsiung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Aug, 1998 to Jul, 2000.	Democratic Progressive PartyThe Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is a Taiwanese nationalist and center-left political party in Taiwan (Republic of China). Controlling both the Republic of China presidency and the unicameral Legislative Yuan, it is the majority ruling party and the dominant party in the Pan-Green Coalition as of 2020.Founded in 1986, the DPP is one of two major parties in Taiwan, along with the historically dominant Kuomintang. It has traditionally been associated with strong advocacy of human rights, and a distinct Taiwanese identity. The incumbent President and three-time leader of the DPP, Tsai Ing-wen, is the second member of the DPP to hold the office.The DPP is a longtime member of Liberal International and a founding member of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats. It represented Taiwan in the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. The DPP and its affiliated parties are widely classified as socially liberal because of their legislators' strong antinuclear stance and support for same-sex marriage. They are also proponents of a Taiwanese national identity. In addition, the DPP is more willing to increase military expenditures to defend against a potential Chinese invasion, and on foreign policy favors closer ties with the United States and Japan.The DPP's roots were in the "tangwai" – or "outside-the-KMT" – movement, which formed in opposition to the Kuomintang's one-party authoritarian rule under the "party-state" system. This movement culminated in the formation of the DPP as an alternative, but still illegal, party on September 28, 1986 by eighteen organizing members at Grand Hotel Taipei, with a total of 132 people joining the party in attendance. The new party members contested the 1986 election as "nonpartisan" candidates since competing parties would remain illegal until the following year. These early members of the party, like the "tangwai", drew heavily from the ranks of family members and defense lawyers of political prisoners, as well as intellectuals and artists who had spent time abroad. These individuals were strongly committed to political change toward democracy and freedom of speech, press, assembly, and association.The "tangwai" were not a unified political unit and consisted of factions which carried over into the early DPP. At its founding the DPP consisted of three factions: the Kang group (a moderate faction led by Kang Ning-hsiang), New Tide faction (consisting of intellectuals and social activists led by Wu Nai-ren and Chiou I-jen), and the Progress Faction (led by Lin Cheng-chieh, a "waishengren" opposed to independence). Moderates would later coalesce around the Formosa faction, founded by those arrested during the Formosa Incident after their release from prison. In the early days of the party, the Formosa faction focused on winning elections by wielding the star power of its leaders, while New Tide would focus on ideological mobilization and developing grassroots support for social movements. As a result, the Formosa faction would become more moderate, often bending to public opinion, while New Tide would become more ideologically cohesive. By 1988 the Formosa Faction would dominate high-level positions within the party.The party did not at the outset give explicit support to an independent Taiwanese national identity, partially because moderates such as Hsu Hsin-liang were concerned that such a move that could have invited a violent crackdown by the Kuomintang and alienate voters, but also because some members such as Lin Cheng-chieh supported unification. Partially due to their waning influence within the party and partially due to their ideological commitment, between 1988 and 1991 the New Tide Faction would push the independence issue, bolstered by the return of pro-independence activists from overseas who were previously barred from Taiwan. In 1991, in order to head off the New Tide, party chairman Hsu Hsin-liang of the moderate Formosa faction agreed to include language in the party charter which advocated for the drafting of a new constitution as well as declaration of a new Republic of Taiwan via referendum (which resulted in many pro-unification members leaving the party). However, the party would quickly begin to walk back on this language, and eventually in 1999 the party congress passed a resolution that Taiwan was already an independent country, under the official name "Republic of China," and that any constitutional changes should be approved by the people via referendum, while emphasizing the use of the name "Taiwan" in international settings.Despite its lack of electoral success, the pressure that the DPP created on the ruling KMT via its demands are widely credited in the political reforms of the 1990s, most notably the direct popular election of Republic of China's president and all representatives in the National Assembly and Legislative Yuan, as well the ability to open discuss events from the past such as the February 28 Incident and its long aftermath of martial law, and space for a greater variety of political views and advocacy. Once the DPP had representation in the Legislative Yuan, the party used the legislature as a forum to challenge the ruling KMT. Post-democratization, the DPP shifted their focus to anti-corruption issues, in particular regarding KMT connections to organized crime as well as "party assets" illegally acquired from the government during martial law. Meanwhile, factions continued to form within the DPP as a mechanism for coalition-building within the party; notably, future President Chen Shui-bian would form the Justice Alliance faction. The DPP won the presidency with the election of Chen Shui-bian in March 2000 with a plurality, due to Pan-Blue voters splitting their vote between the Kuomintang and independent candidate James Soong, ending 91 years of KMT rule in the Republic of China. Chen softened the party's stance on independence to appeal to moderate voters, appease the United States, and placate China. He also promised not to change the ROC state symbols or declare formal independence as long as the People's Republic of China did not attack Taiwan. Further, he advocated for economic exchange with China as well as the establishment of transportation links.In 2002 the DPP became the first party other than the KMT to reach a plurality in the Legislative Yuan following the 2001 legislative election. However, a majority coalition between the KMT, People First Party, and New Party prevented it from taking control of the chamber. This coalition was at odds with the presidency from the beginning, and led to President Chen's abandonment of the centrist positions that he ran his campaign on.In 2003, Chen announced a campaign to draft a referendum law as well as a new constitution, a move which appealed to the fundamentalist wing of the DPP. By now, the New Tide faction had begun to favor pragmatic approaches to their pro-independence goals and dominated decision-making positions within the party. By contrast, grassroots support was divided largely between moderate and fundamentalist wings. Though Chen's plans for a referendum on a new constitution were scuttled by the legislature, he did manage to include a largely symbolic referendum on the PRC military threat to coincide with the 2004 presidential election. President Chen Shui-bian would be narrowly re-elected in 2004 after an assassination attempt the day before the election, and in the later legislative election, the pan-blue coalition opposition retained control of the chamber.President Chen's moves sparked a debate within the party between fundamentalists and moderates who were concerned that voters would abandon their party. The fundamentalists won out, and as a result the DPP would largely follow Chen's lead. The DPP suffered a significant election defeat in nationwide local and county elections in December 2005, while the pan-blue coalition captured 16 of 23 county and city government offices under the leadership of popular Taipei mayor and KMT Party Chairman Ma Ying-jeou. Moderates within the party would blame this loss on the party's fundamentalist turn.The results led to a shake up of the party leadership. Su Tseng-chang resigned as DPP chairman soon after election results were announced. Su had pledged to step down if the DPP lost either Taipei County or failed to win 10 of the 23 mayor/magistrate positions. Vice President Annette Lu was appointed acting DPP leader. Presidential Office Secretary-General Yu Shyi-kun was elected in a three-way race against legislator Chai Trong-rong and Wong Chin-chu with 54.4% of the vote.Premier Frank Hsieh, DPP election organizer and former mayor of Kaohsiung twice tendered a verbal resignation immediately following the election, but his resignation was not accepted by President Chen until 17 January 2006 after the DPP chairmanship election had concluded. The former DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang was appointed to replace Hsieh as premier. Hsieh and his cabinet resigned en masse on January 24 to make way for Su and his new cabinet. President Chen had offered the position of Presidential Office Secretary-General (vacated by Su) to the departing premier, but Hsieh declined and left office criticizing President Chen for his tough line on dealing with China.In 2005, following the passage of the Anti-Secession Law, the Chen administration issued a statement asserting the position that Taiwan's future should be decided by the people on Taiwan only.On 30 September 2007, the DPP approved a resolution asserting a separate identity from China and called for the enactment of a new constitution for a "normal nation". It struck an accommodating tone by advocating general use of "Taiwan" as the country's name without calling for abandonment of the name Republic of China.In the national elections held in early months of 2008, the DPP won less than 25% of the seats (38.2% vote share) in the new Legislative Yuan while its presidential candidate, former Kaohsiung mayor Frank Hsieh, lost to KMT candidate Ma Ying-jeou by a wide margin (41.55% vs. 58.45%). In May, the DPP elected moderate Tsai Ing-wen as their new leader over fundamentalist Koo Kwang-ming. Tsai became the first female leader of the DPP and the first female leader to lead a major party in Taiwan.The first months since backed to the opposition were dominated by press coverage of the travails of Chen Shui-bian and his wife Wu Shu-jen. On 15 August 2008, Chen resigned from the DPP and apologized: "Today I have to say sorry to all of the DPP members and supporters. I let everyone down, caused you humiliation and failed to meet your expectations. My acts have caused irreparable damage to the party. I love the DPP deeply and am proud of being a DPP member. To express my deepest regrets to all DPP members and supporters, I announce my withdrawal from the DPP immediately. My wife Wu Shu-jen is also withdrawing from the party." DPP Chairperson followed with a public statement on behalf of the party: "In regard to Chen and his wife's decision to withdraw from the party and his desire to shoulder responsibility for his actions as well as to undergo an investigation by the party's anti-corruption committee, we respect his decision and accept it."The DPP vowed to reflect on public misgivings towards the party. Chairperson Tsai insisted on the need for the party to remember its history, defend the Republic of China's sovereignty and national security, and maintain its confidence.The party re-emerged as a voice in Taiwan's political debate when Ma's administration reached the end of its first year in office. The DPP marked the anniversary with massive rallies in Taipei and Kaohsiung. Tsai's address to the crowd in Taipei on May 17 proclaimed a "citizens' movement to protect Republic of China" seeking to "protect our democracy and protect Republic of China."On 16 January 2016, Taiwan held a general election for its presidency and for the Legislative Yuan. The DPP gained the presidential seat, with the election of Tsai Ing-wen, who received 56.12% of the votes, while her opponent Eric Chu gained 31.2%. In addition, the DPP gained a majority of the Legislative Yuan, winning 68 seats in the 113-seat legislature, up from 40 in 2012 election, thus giving them the majority for the first time in its history. President Tsai won reelection in the 2020 Taiwanese presidential election on January 11, 2020, and the Democratic Progressive Party retained its legislative majority, winning 61 seats.Programs supported by the party include moderate social welfare policies involving the rights of women, senior citizens, children, young people, labor, minorities, indigenous peoples, farmers, and other disadvantaged sectors of the society. Furthermore, its platform includes a legal and political order based on human rights and democracy; balanced economic and financial administration; fair and open social welfare; educational and cultural reform; and, independent defence and peaceful foreign policy with closer ties to United States and Japan. For these reasons, it used to be considered a party of the center-left economically though its base consisted largely of the middle class. The party also has a social liberal stance that includes support for gender equality and same-sex marriage under Tsai's leadership, and also has a conservative base that includes support from the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan.The primary political axis in Taiwan involves the issue of Taiwan independence versus eventual unification with China. Although the differences tend to be portrayed in polarized terms, both major coalitions have developed modified, nuanced and often complex positions. Though opposed in the philosophical origins, the practical differences between such positions can sometimes be subtle.The current official position of the party is that Taiwan is an independent and sovereign country whose territory consists of Taiwan and its surrounding smaller islands and whose sovereignty derives only from the ROC citizens living in Taiwan (similar philosophy of self-determination), based on the 1999 "Resolution on Taiwan's Future". It considers Taiwan as an independent nation under the name of Republic of China, making a formal declaration of independence unnecessary. Though calls for drafting a new constitution and a declaration of a Republic of Taiwan was written into the party charter in 1991, the 1999 resolution has practically superseded the earlier charter. The DPP rejects the so-called "One China principle" defined in 1992 as the basis for official diplomatic relations with the PRC and advocates a Taiwanese national identity which is separate from mainland China. By contrast, the KMT or pan-blue coalition agrees that the Republic of China is an independent and sovereign country that is not part of the PRC, but argues that a one China principle (with different definitions across the strait) can be used as the basis for talks with China. The KMT also opposes Taiwan independence and argues that efforts to establish a Taiwanese national identity separated from the Chinese national identity are unnecessary and needlessly provocative. Some KMT conservative officials have called efforts from DPP "anti-China" (opposing migrants from mainland China, who DPP officials did not recognize as Taiwanese, but Chinese). At the other end of the political spectrum, the acceptance by the DPP of the symbols of the Republic of China is opposed by the Taiwan Solidarity Union.The first years of the DPP as the ruling party drew accusations from the opposition that, as a self-styled Taiwanese nationalist party, the DPP was itself inadequately sensitive to the ethnographic diversity of Taiwan's population. Where the KMT had been guilty of Chinese chauvinism, the critics charged, the DPP might offer nothing more as a remedy than Hoklo chauvinism. The DPP argues that its efforts to promote a Taiwanese national identity are merely an effort to normalize a Taiwanese identity repressed during years of authoritarian Kuomintang rule.Since the democratization of Taiwan in the 1990s, the DPP has had its strongest performance in the Hokkien-speaking counties and cities of Taiwan, compared with the predominantly Hakka and Mandarin-speaking counties, that tend to support the Kuomintang.The deep-rooted hostility between Taiwanese aborigines and (Taiwanese) Hoklo, and the effective KMT networks within aboriginal communities contribute to aboriginal skepticism against the DPP and the aboriginals tendency to vote for the KMT. Aboriginals have criticized politicians for abusing the "indigenization" movement for political gains, such as aboriginal opposition to the DPP's "rectification" by recognizing the Truku for political reasons, where the Atayal and Seediq slammed the Truku for their name rectification. In 2008, the majority of mountain townships voted for Ma Ying-jeou. However, the DPP share of the aboriginal vote has been rising.The DPP National Party Congress selects, for two-year terms, the 30 members of the Central Executive Committee and the 11 members of the Central Review Committee. The Central Executive Committee, in turn, chooses the 10 members of the Central Standing Committee. Since 2012, the DPP has had a "China Affairs Committee" to deal with Cross-Strait relations; the name caused some controversy within the party and in the Taiwan media, with critics suggesting that "Mainland Affairs Committee" or "Cross-Strait Affairs Committee" would show less of a hostile "One Country on Each Side" attitude.For many years the DPP officially recognized several factions within its membership, such as the New Tide faction (), the Formosa faction (), the Justice Alliance faction () and Welfare State Alliance faction (). Each faction endorsed slightly different policies. The factions were often generationally identifiable, representing individuals who had entered the party at different times. In 2006, the party ended recognition of factions. The factions have since stated that they will comply with the resolution. However, the factions are still referred to by name in national media.On April 25, 2021, some people in Hong Kong and Macao reported that they cannot browse the Democratic Progressive Party website, even using VPN, even though Taiwan citizens can still browse into the website normally.	[ "Su Tseng-chang", "Shih Ming-teh", "Yao Chia-wen", "Annette Lu", "Huang Hsin-chieh", "Lin Yu-chang", "Yu Shyi-kun", "Cho Jung-tai", "Chang Chun-hung", "Chen Shui-bian", "Hsu Hsin-liang", "Lin Yi-hsiung", "Ker Chien-ming", "Frank Hsieh", "Chai Trong-rong", "Chiang Peng-chien" ]
Who was the chair of Democratic Progressive Party in 27-Apr-201227-April-2012?	April 27, 2012	{ "text": [ "Chen Chu" ] }	L2_Q903822_P488_13	Lin Yu-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 2018 to Jan, 2019. Cho Jung-tai is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2019 to May, 2020. Su Tseng-chang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 2012 to May, 2014. Hsu Hsin-liang is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jun, 1996 to Aug, 1998. Huang Hsin-chieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1989 to Nov, 1991. Chen Shui-bian is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Oct, 2007 to Jan, 2008. Shih Ming-teh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from May, 1994 to Mar, 1996. Yu Shyi-kun is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2006 to Oct, 2007. Annette Lu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Dec, 2005 to Jan, 2006. Ker Chien-ming is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2011 to Apr, 2011. Yao Chia-wen is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1987 to Nov, 1988. Chen Chu is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Feb, 2012 to May, 2012. Chang Chun-hung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 1996 to Jun, 1996. Frank Hsieh is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Jan, 2008 to May, 2008. Chiang Peng-chien is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Nov, 1986 to Nov, 1987. Chai Trong-rong is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Mar, 2007 to May, 2007. Lin Yi-hsiung is the chair of Democratic Progressive Party from Aug, 1998 to Jul, 2000.	Democratic Progressive PartyThe Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) is a Taiwanese nationalist and center-left political party in Taiwan (Republic of China). Controlling both the Republic of China presidency and the unicameral Legislative Yuan, it is the majority ruling party and the dominant party in the Pan-Green Coalition as of 2020.Founded in 1986, the DPP is one of two major parties in Taiwan, along with the historically dominant Kuomintang. It has traditionally been associated with strong advocacy of human rights, and a distinct Taiwanese identity. The incumbent President and three-time leader of the DPP, Tsai Ing-wen, is the second member of the DPP to hold the office.The DPP is a longtime member of Liberal International and a founding member of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats. It represented Taiwan in the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. The DPP and its affiliated parties are widely classified as socially liberal because of their legislators' strong antinuclear stance and support for same-sex marriage. They are also proponents of a Taiwanese national identity. In addition, the DPP is more willing to increase military expenditures to defend against a potential Chinese invasion, and on foreign policy favors closer ties with the United States and Japan.The DPP's roots were in the "tangwai" – or "outside-the-KMT" – movement, which formed in opposition to the Kuomintang's one-party authoritarian rule under the "party-state" system. This movement culminated in the formation of the DPP as an alternative, but still illegal, party on September 28, 1986 by eighteen organizing members at Grand Hotel Taipei, with a total of 132 people joining the party in attendance. The new party members contested the 1986 election as "nonpartisan" candidates since competing parties would remain illegal until the following year. These early members of the party, like the "tangwai", drew heavily from the ranks of family members and defense lawyers of political prisoners, as well as intellectuals and artists who had spent time abroad. These individuals were strongly committed to political change toward democracy and freedom of speech, press, assembly, and association.The "tangwai" were not a unified political unit and consisted of factions which carried over into the early DPP. At its founding the DPP consisted of three factions: the Kang group (a moderate faction led by Kang Ning-hsiang), New Tide faction (consisting of intellectuals and social activists led by Wu Nai-ren and Chiou I-jen), and the Progress Faction (led by Lin Cheng-chieh, a "waishengren" opposed to independence). Moderates would later coalesce around the Formosa faction, founded by those arrested during the Formosa Incident after their release from prison. In the early days of the party, the Formosa faction focused on winning elections by wielding the star power of its leaders, while New Tide would focus on ideological mobilization and developing grassroots support for social movements. As a result, the Formosa faction would become more moderate, often bending to public opinion, while New Tide would become more ideologically cohesive. By 1988 the Formosa Faction would dominate high-level positions within the party.The party did not at the outset give explicit support to an independent Taiwanese national identity, partially because moderates such as Hsu Hsin-liang were concerned that such a move that could have invited a violent crackdown by the Kuomintang and alienate voters, but also because some members such as Lin Cheng-chieh supported unification. Partially due to their waning influence within the party and partially due to their ideological commitment, between 1988 and 1991 the New Tide Faction would push the independence issue, bolstered by the return of pro-independence activists from overseas who were previously barred from Taiwan. In 1991, in order to head off the New Tide, party chairman Hsu Hsin-liang of the moderate Formosa faction agreed to include language in the party charter which advocated for the drafting of a new constitution as well as declaration of a new Republic of Taiwan via referendum (which resulted in many pro-unification members leaving the party). However, the party would quickly begin to walk back on this language, and eventually in 1999 the party congress passed a resolution that Taiwan was already an independent country, under the official name "Republic of China," and that any constitutional changes should be approved by the people via referendum, while emphasizing the use of the name "Taiwan" in international settings.Despite its lack of electoral success, the pressure that the DPP created on the ruling KMT via its demands are widely credited in the political reforms of the 1990s, most notably the direct popular election of Republic of China's president and all representatives in the National Assembly and Legislative Yuan, as well the ability to open discuss events from the past such as the February 28 Incident and its long aftermath of martial law, and space for a greater variety of political views and advocacy. Once the DPP had representation in the Legislative Yuan, the party used the legislature as a forum to challenge the ruling KMT. Post-democratization, the DPP shifted their focus to anti-corruption issues, in particular regarding KMT connections to organized crime as well as "party assets" illegally acquired from the government during martial law. Meanwhile, factions continued to form within the DPP as a mechanism for coalition-building within the party; notably, future President Chen Shui-bian would form the Justice Alliance faction. The DPP won the presidency with the election of Chen Shui-bian in March 2000 with a plurality, due to Pan-Blue voters splitting their vote between the Kuomintang and independent candidate James Soong, ending 91 years of KMT rule in the Republic of China. Chen softened the party's stance on independence to appeal to moderate voters, appease the United States, and placate China. He also promised not to change the ROC state symbols or declare formal independence as long as the People's Republic of China did not attack Taiwan. Further, he advocated for economic exchange with China as well as the establishment of transportation links.In 2002 the DPP became the first party other than the KMT to reach a plurality in the Legislative Yuan following the 2001 legislative election. However, a majority coalition between the KMT, People First Party, and New Party prevented it from taking control of the chamber. This coalition was at odds with the presidency from the beginning, and led to President Chen's abandonment of the centrist positions that he ran his campaign on.In 2003, Chen announced a campaign to draft a referendum law as well as a new constitution, a move which appealed to the fundamentalist wing of the DPP. By now, the New Tide faction had begun to favor pragmatic approaches to their pro-independence goals and dominated decision-making positions within the party. By contrast, grassroots support was divided largely between moderate and fundamentalist wings. Though Chen's plans for a referendum on a new constitution were scuttled by the legislature, he did manage to include a largely symbolic referendum on the PRC military threat to coincide with the 2004 presidential election. President Chen Shui-bian would be narrowly re-elected in 2004 after an assassination attempt the day before the election, and in the later legislative election, the pan-blue coalition opposition retained control of the chamber.President Chen's moves sparked a debate within the party between fundamentalists and moderates who were concerned that voters would abandon their party. The fundamentalists won out, and as a result the DPP would largely follow Chen's lead. The DPP suffered a significant election defeat in nationwide local and county elections in December 2005, while the pan-blue coalition captured 16 of 23 county and city government offices under the leadership of popular Taipei mayor and KMT Party Chairman Ma Ying-jeou. Moderates within the party would blame this loss on the party's fundamentalist turn.The results led to a shake up of the party leadership. Su Tseng-chang resigned as DPP chairman soon after election results were announced. Su had pledged to step down if the DPP lost either Taipei County or failed to win 10 of the 23 mayor/magistrate positions. Vice President Annette Lu was appointed acting DPP leader. Presidential Office Secretary-General Yu Shyi-kun was elected in a three-way race against legislator Chai Trong-rong and Wong Chin-chu with 54.4% of the vote.Premier Frank Hsieh, DPP election organizer and former mayor of Kaohsiung twice tendered a verbal resignation immediately following the election, but his resignation was not accepted by President Chen until 17 January 2006 after the DPP chairmanship election had concluded. The former DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang was appointed to replace Hsieh as premier. Hsieh and his cabinet resigned en masse on January 24 to make way for Su and his new cabinet. President Chen had offered the position of Presidential Office Secretary-General (vacated by Su) to the departing premier, but Hsieh declined and left office criticizing President Chen for his tough line on dealing with China.In 2005, following the passage of the Anti-Secession Law, the Chen administration issued a statement asserting the position that Taiwan's future should be decided by the people on Taiwan only.On 30 September 2007, the DPP approved a resolution asserting a separate identity from China and called for the enactment of a new constitution for a "normal nation". It struck an accommodating tone by advocating general use of "Taiwan" as the country's name without calling for abandonment of the name Republic of China.In the national elections held in early months of 2008, the DPP won less than 25% of the seats (38.2% vote share) in the new Legislative Yuan while its presidential candidate, former Kaohsiung mayor Frank Hsieh, lost to KMT candidate Ma Ying-jeou by a wide margin (41.55% vs. 58.45%). In May, the DPP elected moderate Tsai Ing-wen as their new leader over fundamentalist Koo Kwang-ming. Tsai became the first female leader of the DPP and the first female leader to lead a major party in Taiwan.The first months since backed to the opposition were dominated by press coverage of the travails of Chen Shui-bian and his wife Wu Shu-jen. On 15 August 2008, Chen resigned from the DPP and apologized: "Today I have to say sorry to all of the DPP members and supporters. I let everyone down, caused you humiliation and failed to meet your expectations. My acts have caused irreparable damage to the party. I love the DPP deeply and am proud of being a DPP member. To express my deepest regrets to all DPP members and supporters, I announce my withdrawal from the DPP immediately. My wife Wu Shu-jen is also withdrawing from the party." DPP Chairperson followed with a public statement on behalf of the party: "In regard to Chen and his wife's decision to withdraw from the party and his desire to shoulder responsibility for his actions as well as to undergo an investigation by the party's anti-corruption committee, we respect his decision and accept it."The DPP vowed to reflect on public misgivings towards the party. Chairperson Tsai insisted on the need for the party to remember its history, defend the Republic of China's sovereignty and national security, and maintain its confidence.The party re-emerged as a voice in Taiwan's political debate when Ma's administration reached the end of its first year in office. The DPP marked the anniversary with massive rallies in Taipei and Kaohsiung. Tsai's address to the crowd in Taipei on May 17 proclaimed a "citizens' movement to protect Republic of China" seeking to "protect our democracy and protect Republic of China."On 16 January 2016, Taiwan held a general election for its presidency and for the Legislative Yuan. The DPP gained the presidential seat, with the election of Tsai Ing-wen, who received 56.12% of the votes, while her opponent Eric Chu gained 31.2%. In addition, the DPP gained a majority of the Legislative Yuan, winning 68 seats in the 113-seat legislature, up from 40 in 2012 election, thus giving them the majority for the first time in its history. President Tsai won reelection in the 2020 Taiwanese presidential election on January 11, 2020, and the Democratic Progressive Party retained its legislative majority, winning 61 seats.Programs supported by the party include moderate social welfare policies involving the rights of women, senior citizens, children, young people, labor, minorities, indigenous peoples, farmers, and other disadvantaged sectors of the society. Furthermore, its platform includes a legal and political order based on human rights and democracy; balanced economic and financial administration; fair and open social welfare; educational and cultural reform; and, independent defence and peaceful foreign policy with closer ties to United States and Japan. For these reasons, it used to be considered a party of the center-left economically though its base consisted largely of the middle class. The party also has a social liberal stance that includes support for gender equality and same-sex marriage under Tsai's leadership, and also has a conservative base that includes support from the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan.The primary political axis in Taiwan involves the issue of Taiwan independence versus eventual unification with China. Although the differences tend to be portrayed in polarized terms, both major coalitions have developed modified, nuanced and often complex positions. Though opposed in the philosophical origins, the practical differences between such positions can sometimes be subtle.The current official position of the party is that Taiwan is an independent and sovereign country whose territory consists of Taiwan and its surrounding smaller islands and whose sovereignty derives only from the ROC citizens living in Taiwan (similar philosophy of self-determination), based on the 1999 "Resolution on Taiwan's Future". It considers Taiwan as an independent nation under the name of Republic of China, making a formal declaration of independence unnecessary. Though calls for drafting a new constitution and a declaration of a Republic of Taiwan was written into the party charter in 1991, the 1999 resolution has practically superseded the earlier charter. The DPP rejects the so-called "One China principle" defined in 1992 as the basis for official diplomatic relations with the PRC and advocates a Taiwanese national identity which is separate from mainland China. By contrast, the KMT or pan-blue coalition agrees that the Republic of China is an independent and sovereign country that is not part of the PRC, but argues that a one China principle (with different definitions across the strait) can be used as the basis for talks with China. The KMT also opposes Taiwan independence and argues that efforts to establish a Taiwanese national identity separated from the Chinese national identity are unnecessary and needlessly provocative. Some KMT conservative officials have called efforts from DPP "anti-China" (opposing migrants from mainland China, who DPP officials did not recognize as Taiwanese, but Chinese). At the other end of the political spectrum, the acceptance by the DPP of the symbols of the Republic of China is opposed by the Taiwan Solidarity Union.The first years of the DPP as the ruling party drew accusations from the opposition that, as a self-styled Taiwanese nationalist party, the DPP was itself inadequately sensitive to the ethnographic diversity of Taiwan's population. Where the KMT had been guilty of Chinese chauvinism, the critics charged, the DPP might offer nothing more as a remedy than Hoklo chauvinism. The DPP argues that its efforts to promote a Taiwanese national identity are merely an effort to normalize a Taiwanese identity repressed during years of authoritarian Kuomintang rule.Since the democratization of Taiwan in the 1990s, the DPP has had its strongest performance in the Hokkien-speaking counties and cities of Taiwan, compared with the predominantly Hakka and Mandarin-speaking counties, that tend to support the Kuomintang.The deep-rooted hostility between Taiwanese aborigines and (Taiwanese) Hoklo, and the effective KMT networks within aboriginal communities contribute to aboriginal skepticism against the DPP and the aboriginals tendency to vote for the KMT. Aboriginals have criticized politicians for abusing the "indigenization" movement for political gains, such as aboriginal opposition to the DPP's "rectification" by recognizing the Truku for political reasons, where the Atayal and Seediq slammed the Truku for their name rectification. In 2008, the majority of mountain townships voted for Ma Ying-jeou. However, the DPP share of the aboriginal vote has been rising.The DPP National Party Congress selects, for two-year terms, the 30 members of the Central Executive Committee and the 11 members of the Central Review Committee. The Central Executive Committee, in turn, chooses the 10 members of the Central Standing Committee. Since 2012, the DPP has had a "China Affairs Committee" to deal with Cross-Strait relations; the name caused some controversy within the party and in the Taiwan media, with critics suggesting that "Mainland Affairs Committee" or "Cross-Strait Affairs Committee" would show less of a hostile "One Country on Each Side" attitude.For many years the DPP officially recognized several factions within its membership, such as the New Tide faction (), the Formosa faction (), the Justice Alliance faction () and Welfare State Alliance faction (). Each faction endorsed slightly different policies. The factions were often generationally identifiable, representing individuals who had entered the party at different times. In 2006, the party ended recognition of factions. The factions have since stated that they will comply with the resolution. However, the factions are still referred to by name in national media.On April 25, 2021, some people in Hong Kong and Macao reported that they cannot browse the Democratic Progressive Party website, even using VPN, even though Taiwan citizens can still browse into the website normally.	[ "Su Tseng-chang", "Shih Ming-teh", "Yao Chia-wen", "Annette Lu", "Huang Hsin-chieh", "Lin Yu-chang", "Yu Shyi-kun", "Cho Jung-tai", "Chang Chun-hung", "Chen Shui-bian", "Hsu Hsin-liang", "Lin Yi-hsiung", "Ker Chien-ming", "Frank Hsieh", "Chai Trong-rong", "Chiang Peng-chien" ]
Which position did John Henry Puleston hold in Oct, 1891?	October 13, 1891	{ "text": [ "Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q6238920_P39_3	John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892. John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1874 to Mar, 1880. John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886. John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1880 to Nov, 1885.	John Henry PulestonSir John Henry Puleston (2 June 1830 – 19 October 1908) was a Welsh journalist and entrepreneur in the United States and later a Conservative politician who represented Devonport.Puleston was born at Plasnewydd the son of John Puleston, a prosperous farmer of Llanfair Dyffryn Clwyd, and his wife Mary Jones. He was educated at Ruthin Grammar School and King's College London. He went to America where he began by trying to establish a medical practice in New York. This was unsuccessful but he became acquainted with Governor Morgan and became involved in politics. He applied to Horace Greeley to become a political missionary for the Republican Party among Welsh miners in Pennsylvania. Turning to journalism, he edited a Welsh newspaper at Scranton, and purchased the Pittston Gazette. He was then editor of the Phoenixville Guardian for a short time, but departed from the town leaving debts. He invested in railroads and developed his political contacts. Puleston managed to obtain the role of secretary to a Peace Commission established prior to the American Civil War and achieved a national reputation, presenting reports to Abraham Lincoln and the House of Representatives. When the American Civil War broke out, Governor Curtin appointed Puleston as military agent for the state of Pennsylvania with the rank of Colonel. He later drew a lucrative salary as secretary of Butterfield's Overland Express Company, and then became a broker on Wall Street with the firm Raymond, Puleston & Co. He was associated with Jay Cooke, McCullogh & Co, bankers and returned to London.In 1874 Puleston was elected as one of the MPs for Plymouth Devonport. In 1879 as MP visiting Philadelphia he was reminded of his debts, and hunted them down and repaid them all. He was chairman City of London Conservative Association and Treaurer of the Royal Asylum of St Anne's Society. He was awarded a knighthood in 1887.Puleston died a bankrupt.Pulestone married, in 1857, the daughter of Rev. Edward Loyd, Llanfyllin, Montgomeryshire. Lady Puleston took a keen interest in her husband's constituency at Devonport. She died, at Whitehall Court, 19 January 1902.	[ "Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did John Henry Puleston hold in 1891-10-13?	October 13, 1891	{ "text": [ "Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q6238920_P39_3	John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892. John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1874 to Mar, 1880. John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886. John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1880 to Nov, 1885.	John Henry PulestonSir John Henry Puleston (2 June 1830 – 19 October 1908) was a Welsh journalist and entrepreneur in the United States and later a Conservative politician who represented Devonport.Puleston was born at Plasnewydd the son of John Puleston, a prosperous farmer of Llanfair Dyffryn Clwyd, and his wife Mary Jones. He was educated at Ruthin Grammar School and King's College London. He went to America where he began by trying to establish a medical practice in New York. This was unsuccessful but he became acquainted with Governor Morgan and became involved in politics. He applied to Horace Greeley to become a political missionary for the Republican Party among Welsh miners in Pennsylvania. Turning to journalism, he edited a Welsh newspaper at Scranton, and purchased the Pittston Gazette. He was then editor of the Phoenixville Guardian for a short time, but departed from the town leaving debts. He invested in railroads and developed his political contacts. Puleston managed to obtain the role of secretary to a Peace Commission established prior to the American Civil War and achieved a national reputation, presenting reports to Abraham Lincoln and the House of Representatives. When the American Civil War broke out, Governor Curtin appointed Puleston as military agent for the state of Pennsylvania with the rank of Colonel. He later drew a lucrative salary as secretary of Butterfield's Overland Express Company, and then became a broker on Wall Street with the firm Raymond, Puleston & Co. He was associated with Jay Cooke, McCullogh & Co, bankers and returned to London.In 1874 Puleston was elected as one of the MPs for Plymouth Devonport. In 1879 as MP visiting Philadelphia he was reminded of his debts, and hunted them down and repaid them all. He was chairman City of London Conservative Association and Treaurer of the Royal Asylum of St Anne's Society. He was awarded a knighthood in 1887.Puleston died a bankrupt.Pulestone married, in 1857, the daughter of Rev. Edward Loyd, Llanfyllin, Montgomeryshire. Lady Puleston took a keen interest in her husband's constituency at Devonport. She died, at Whitehall Court, 19 January 1902.	[ "Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did John Henry Puleston hold in 13/10/1891?	October 13, 1891	{ "text": [ "Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q6238920_P39_3	John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892. John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1874 to Mar, 1880. John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886. John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1880 to Nov, 1885.	John Henry PulestonSir John Henry Puleston (2 June 1830 – 19 October 1908) was a Welsh journalist and entrepreneur in the United States and later a Conservative politician who represented Devonport.Puleston was born at Plasnewydd the son of John Puleston, a prosperous farmer of Llanfair Dyffryn Clwyd, and his wife Mary Jones. He was educated at Ruthin Grammar School and King's College London. He went to America where he began by trying to establish a medical practice in New York. This was unsuccessful but he became acquainted with Governor Morgan and became involved in politics. He applied to Horace Greeley to become a political missionary for the Republican Party among Welsh miners in Pennsylvania. Turning to journalism, he edited a Welsh newspaper at Scranton, and purchased the Pittston Gazette. He was then editor of the Phoenixville Guardian for a short time, but departed from the town leaving debts. He invested in railroads and developed his political contacts. Puleston managed to obtain the role of secretary to a Peace Commission established prior to the American Civil War and achieved a national reputation, presenting reports to Abraham Lincoln and the House of Representatives. When the American Civil War broke out, Governor Curtin appointed Puleston as military agent for the state of Pennsylvania with the rank of Colonel. He later drew a lucrative salary as secretary of Butterfield's Overland Express Company, and then became a broker on Wall Street with the firm Raymond, Puleston & Co. He was associated with Jay Cooke, McCullogh & Co, bankers and returned to London.In 1874 Puleston was elected as one of the MPs for Plymouth Devonport. In 1879 as MP visiting Philadelphia he was reminded of his debts, and hunted them down and repaid them all. He was chairman City of London Conservative Association and Treaurer of the Royal Asylum of St Anne's Society. He was awarded a knighthood in 1887.Puleston died a bankrupt.Pulestone married, in 1857, the daughter of Rev. Edward Loyd, Llanfyllin, Montgomeryshire. Lady Puleston took a keen interest in her husband's constituency at Devonport. She died, at Whitehall Court, 19 January 1902.	[ "Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did John Henry Puleston hold in Oct 13, 1891?	October 13, 1891	{ "text": [ "Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q6238920_P39_3	John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892. John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1874 to Mar, 1880. John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886. John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1880 to Nov, 1885.	John Henry PulestonSir John Henry Puleston (2 June 1830 – 19 October 1908) was a Welsh journalist and entrepreneur in the United States and later a Conservative politician who represented Devonport.Puleston was born at Plasnewydd the son of John Puleston, a prosperous farmer of Llanfair Dyffryn Clwyd, and his wife Mary Jones. He was educated at Ruthin Grammar School and King's College London. He went to America where he began by trying to establish a medical practice in New York. This was unsuccessful but he became acquainted with Governor Morgan and became involved in politics. He applied to Horace Greeley to become a political missionary for the Republican Party among Welsh miners in Pennsylvania. Turning to journalism, he edited a Welsh newspaper at Scranton, and purchased the Pittston Gazette. He was then editor of the Phoenixville Guardian for a short time, but departed from the town leaving debts. He invested in railroads and developed his political contacts. Puleston managed to obtain the role of secretary to a Peace Commission established prior to the American Civil War and achieved a national reputation, presenting reports to Abraham Lincoln and the House of Representatives. When the American Civil War broke out, Governor Curtin appointed Puleston as military agent for the state of Pennsylvania with the rank of Colonel. He later drew a lucrative salary as secretary of Butterfield's Overland Express Company, and then became a broker on Wall Street with the firm Raymond, Puleston & Co. He was associated with Jay Cooke, McCullogh & Co, bankers and returned to London.In 1874 Puleston was elected as one of the MPs for Plymouth Devonport. In 1879 as MP visiting Philadelphia he was reminded of his debts, and hunted them down and repaid them all. He was chairman City of London Conservative Association and Treaurer of the Royal Asylum of St Anne's Society. He was awarded a knighthood in 1887.Puleston died a bankrupt.Pulestone married, in 1857, the daughter of Rev. Edward Loyd, Llanfyllin, Montgomeryshire. Lady Puleston took a keen interest in her husband's constituency at Devonport. She died, at Whitehall Court, 19 January 1902.	[ "Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did John Henry Puleston hold in 10/13/1891?	October 13, 1891	{ "text": [ "Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q6238920_P39_3	John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892. John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1874 to Mar, 1880. John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886. John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1880 to Nov, 1885.	John Henry PulestonSir John Henry Puleston (2 June 1830 – 19 October 1908) was a Welsh journalist and entrepreneur in the United States and later a Conservative politician who represented Devonport.Puleston was born at Plasnewydd the son of John Puleston, a prosperous farmer of Llanfair Dyffryn Clwyd, and his wife Mary Jones. He was educated at Ruthin Grammar School and King's College London. He went to America where he began by trying to establish a medical practice in New York. This was unsuccessful but he became acquainted with Governor Morgan and became involved in politics. He applied to Horace Greeley to become a political missionary for the Republican Party among Welsh miners in Pennsylvania. Turning to journalism, he edited a Welsh newspaper at Scranton, and purchased the Pittston Gazette. He was then editor of the Phoenixville Guardian for a short time, but departed from the town leaving debts. He invested in railroads and developed his political contacts. Puleston managed to obtain the role of secretary to a Peace Commission established prior to the American Civil War and achieved a national reputation, presenting reports to Abraham Lincoln and the House of Representatives. When the American Civil War broke out, Governor Curtin appointed Puleston as military agent for the state of Pennsylvania with the rank of Colonel. He later drew a lucrative salary as secretary of Butterfield's Overland Express Company, and then became a broker on Wall Street with the firm Raymond, Puleston & Co. He was associated with Jay Cooke, McCullogh & Co, bankers and returned to London.In 1874 Puleston was elected as one of the MPs for Plymouth Devonport. In 1879 as MP visiting Philadelphia he was reminded of his debts, and hunted them down and repaid them all. He was chairman City of London Conservative Association and Treaurer of the Royal Asylum of St Anne's Society. He was awarded a knighthood in 1887.Puleston died a bankrupt.Pulestone married, in 1857, the daughter of Rev. Edward Loyd, Llanfyllin, Montgomeryshire. Lady Puleston took a keen interest in her husband's constituency at Devonport. She died, at Whitehall Court, 19 January 1902.	[ "Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did John Henry Puleston hold in 13-Oct-189113-October-1891?	October 13, 1891	{ "text": [ "Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q6238920_P39_3	John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892. John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1874 to Mar, 1880. John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886. John Henry Puleston holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1880 to Nov, 1885.	John Henry PulestonSir John Henry Puleston (2 June 1830 – 19 October 1908) was a Welsh journalist and entrepreneur in the United States and later a Conservative politician who represented Devonport.Puleston was born at Plasnewydd the son of John Puleston, a prosperous farmer of Llanfair Dyffryn Clwyd, and his wife Mary Jones. He was educated at Ruthin Grammar School and King's College London. He went to America where he began by trying to establish a medical practice in New York. This was unsuccessful but he became acquainted with Governor Morgan and became involved in politics. He applied to Horace Greeley to become a political missionary for the Republican Party among Welsh miners in Pennsylvania. Turning to journalism, he edited a Welsh newspaper at Scranton, and purchased the Pittston Gazette. He was then editor of the Phoenixville Guardian for a short time, but departed from the town leaving debts. He invested in railroads and developed his political contacts. Puleston managed to obtain the role of secretary to a Peace Commission established prior to the American Civil War and achieved a national reputation, presenting reports to Abraham Lincoln and the House of Representatives. When the American Civil War broke out, Governor Curtin appointed Puleston as military agent for the state of Pennsylvania with the rank of Colonel. He later drew a lucrative salary as secretary of Butterfield's Overland Express Company, and then became a broker on Wall Street with the firm Raymond, Puleston & Co. He was associated with Jay Cooke, McCullogh & Co, bankers and returned to London.In 1874 Puleston was elected as one of the MPs for Plymouth Devonport. In 1879 as MP visiting Philadelphia he was reminded of his debts, and hunted them down and repaid them all. He was chairman City of London Conservative Association and Treaurer of the Royal Asylum of St Anne's Society. He was awarded a knighthood in 1887.Puleston died a bankrupt.Pulestone married, in 1857, the daughter of Rev. Edward Loyd, Llanfyllin, Montgomeryshire. Lady Puleston took a keen interest in her husband's constituency at Devonport. She died, at Whitehall Court, 19 January 1902.	[ "Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which employer did Fiona Meldrum work for in Nov, 2004?	November 28, 2004	{ "text": [ "University of Bristol" ] }	L2_Q47165622_P108_1	Fiona Meldrum works for University of Bristol from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2009. Fiona Meldrum works for University of Leeds from Jan, 2009 to Dec, 2022. Fiona Meldrum works for Queen Mary University of London from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2003.	Fiona MeldrumFiona C. Meldrum is a British scientist who is a Professor of Inorganic Chemistry at the University of Leeds where she works on bio-inspired materials and crystallisation processes. She won the 2017 Royal Society of Chemistry Interdisciplinary Prize.Meldrum studied the Natural Sciences Tripos at the University of Cambridge, graduating in 1989. She joined the University of Bath for her postgraduate studies, working on bio-inspired systems where she completed her PhD on nanoscale synthesis in 1992.Meldrum was appointed a postdoctoral research fellow at Syracuse University, where she worked on nanoparticle assembly with Janos Fendler. Whilst there, she contributed to the book "Biomimetic Materials Chemistry".Meldrum was a Humboldt Research Fellow at the Max Planck Institute for Polymer Research, working on crystallisation using surface plasmon spectroscopy with Wolfgang Knoll. She explored chemical deposition of PbS on gold using self-assembled monolayers. Following this position, she worked at the Australian National University on biomineralisation.Meldrum joined Queen Mary University of London as a lecturer in 1998. She moved to the University of Bristol in 2003, where she established new techniques to control crystal morphologies. In 2009 Meldrum was appointed as a Professor at the University of Leeds.Meldrum was awarded an Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council Fellowship in 2010. Her fellowship considers confined crystallisation in biological systems. She studied the crystallisation of calcium carbonate and calcium phosphate and their behaviour in confined systems. She demonstrated that confinement slows crystallisation, stabilising metaphases. Confined crystallisation can be used to control the polycrystalline structure of crystals. Supported by the Leverhulme Trust, Meldrum showed that even nanoscale confinement can template crystallisation. Meldrum looks to use biology to guide crystal growth, demonstrating precipitation with mould and via an amorphous precursor phase. She also looked how water-soluble block copolymers can influence the crystallisation of barium sulfate and calcium carbonate.Meldrum's work uses nature as an inspiration for materials design. She focuses on biominerals such as bones, teeth and shells. She monitors the amorphous and precursor phases of biological crystal formation. Meldrum uses nanoparticles as additives in crystal growth, using the particle surface chemistry to tune particle occlusion. Amongst several organic additives, Meldrum has incorporated amino acids into calcite. The choice of additive is guided by genetic algorithms, resulting in the production of crystals with desired properties. She has evaluated how the surface topography impacts ice crystallisation, showing acute geometries give rise to a confined crystalline, which is followed by the formation of a bulk phase.The Meldrum group develop microfluidic devices to monitor crystallisation processes. Crystallisation is usually difficult to monitor, as precipitation occurs very rapidly and is severely impacted by impurities. Microfluidic devices offer more control of the crystallisation rate, providing reproducible conditions for crystal growth and the potential to analyse the growth "in situ". Meldrum developed a Crystal Hotel to study crystallisation in a variety of environments and equilibrium conditions. Meldrum has developed a range of experimental techniques; including Bragg coherent diffraction imaging, Brewster angle microscopy, liquid-cell Atomic force microscopy (AFM) and Infrared spectroscopy.Meldrum was appointed lead editor of the Materials Research Society (MRS) Bulletin in 2016. In 2017, she was awarded the Royal Society of Chemistry Interdisciplinary Prize. She was awarded a European Research Council (ERC) advanced grant in 2018.	[ "Queen Mary University of London", "University of Leeds" ]
Which employer did Fiona Meldrum work for in 2004-11-28?	November 28, 2004	{ "text": [ "University of Bristol" ] }	L2_Q47165622_P108_1	Fiona Meldrum works for University of Bristol from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2009. Fiona Meldrum works for University of Leeds from Jan, 2009 to Dec, 2022. Fiona Meldrum works for Queen Mary University of London from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2003.	Fiona MeldrumFiona C. Meldrum is a British scientist who is a Professor of Inorganic Chemistry at the University of Leeds where she works on bio-inspired materials and crystallisation processes. She won the 2017 Royal Society of Chemistry Interdisciplinary Prize.Meldrum studied the Natural Sciences Tripos at the University of Cambridge, graduating in 1989. She joined the University of Bath for her postgraduate studies, working on bio-inspired systems where she completed her PhD on nanoscale synthesis in 1992.Meldrum was appointed a postdoctoral research fellow at Syracuse University, where she worked on nanoparticle assembly with Janos Fendler. Whilst there, she contributed to the book "Biomimetic Materials Chemistry".Meldrum was a Humboldt Research Fellow at the Max Planck Institute for Polymer Research, working on crystallisation using surface plasmon spectroscopy with Wolfgang Knoll. She explored chemical deposition of PbS on gold using self-assembled monolayers. Following this position, she worked at the Australian National University on biomineralisation.Meldrum joined Queen Mary University of London as a lecturer in 1998. She moved to the University of Bristol in 2003, where she established new techniques to control crystal morphologies. In 2009 Meldrum was appointed as a Professor at the University of Leeds.Meldrum was awarded an Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council Fellowship in 2010. Her fellowship considers confined crystallisation in biological systems. She studied the crystallisation of calcium carbonate and calcium phosphate and their behaviour in confined systems. She demonstrated that confinement slows crystallisation, stabilising metaphases. Confined crystallisation can be used to control the polycrystalline structure of crystals. Supported by the Leverhulme Trust, Meldrum showed that even nanoscale confinement can template crystallisation. Meldrum looks to use biology to guide crystal growth, demonstrating precipitation with mould and via an amorphous precursor phase. She also looked how water-soluble block copolymers can influence the crystallisation of barium sulfate and calcium carbonate.Meldrum's work uses nature as an inspiration for materials design. She focuses on biominerals such as bones, teeth and shells. She monitors the amorphous and precursor phases of biological crystal formation. Meldrum uses nanoparticles as additives in crystal growth, using the particle surface chemistry to tune particle occlusion. Amongst several organic additives, Meldrum has incorporated amino acids into calcite. The choice of additive is guided by genetic algorithms, resulting in the production of crystals with desired properties. She has evaluated how the surface topography impacts ice crystallisation, showing acute geometries give rise to a confined crystalline, which is followed by the formation of a bulk phase.The Meldrum group develop microfluidic devices to monitor crystallisation processes. Crystallisation is usually difficult to monitor, as precipitation occurs very rapidly and is severely impacted by impurities. Microfluidic devices offer more control of the crystallisation rate, providing reproducible conditions for crystal growth and the potential to analyse the growth "in situ". Meldrum developed a Crystal Hotel to study crystallisation in a variety of environments and equilibrium conditions. Meldrum has developed a range of experimental techniques; including Bragg coherent diffraction imaging, Brewster angle microscopy, liquid-cell Atomic force microscopy (AFM) and Infrared spectroscopy.Meldrum was appointed lead editor of the Materials Research Society (MRS) Bulletin in 2016. In 2017, she was awarded the Royal Society of Chemistry Interdisciplinary Prize. She was awarded a European Research Council (ERC) advanced grant in 2018.	[ "Queen Mary University of London", "University of Leeds" ]
Which employer did Fiona Meldrum work for in 28/11/2004?	November 28, 2004	{ "text": [ "University of Bristol" ] }	L2_Q47165622_P108_1	Fiona Meldrum works for University of Bristol from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2009. Fiona Meldrum works for University of Leeds from Jan, 2009 to Dec, 2022. Fiona Meldrum works for Queen Mary University of London from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2003.	Fiona MeldrumFiona C. Meldrum is a British scientist who is a Professor of Inorganic Chemistry at the University of Leeds where she works on bio-inspired materials and crystallisation processes. She won the 2017 Royal Society of Chemistry Interdisciplinary Prize.Meldrum studied the Natural Sciences Tripos at the University of Cambridge, graduating in 1989. She joined the University of Bath for her postgraduate studies, working on bio-inspired systems where she completed her PhD on nanoscale synthesis in 1992.Meldrum was appointed a postdoctoral research fellow at Syracuse University, where she worked on nanoparticle assembly with Janos Fendler. Whilst there, she contributed to the book "Biomimetic Materials Chemistry".Meldrum was a Humboldt Research Fellow at the Max Planck Institute for Polymer Research, working on crystallisation using surface plasmon spectroscopy with Wolfgang Knoll. She explored chemical deposition of PbS on gold using self-assembled monolayers. Following this position, she worked at the Australian National University on biomineralisation.Meldrum joined Queen Mary University of London as a lecturer in 1998. She moved to the University of Bristol in 2003, where she established new techniques to control crystal morphologies. In 2009 Meldrum was appointed as a Professor at the University of Leeds.Meldrum was awarded an Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council Fellowship in 2010. Her fellowship considers confined crystallisation in biological systems. She studied the crystallisation of calcium carbonate and calcium phosphate and their behaviour in confined systems. She demonstrated that confinement slows crystallisation, stabilising metaphases. Confined crystallisation can be used to control the polycrystalline structure of crystals. Supported by the Leverhulme Trust, Meldrum showed that even nanoscale confinement can template crystallisation. Meldrum looks to use biology to guide crystal growth, demonstrating precipitation with mould and via an amorphous precursor phase. She also looked how water-soluble block copolymers can influence the crystallisation of barium sulfate and calcium carbonate.Meldrum's work uses nature as an inspiration for materials design. She focuses on biominerals such as bones, teeth and shells. She monitors the amorphous and precursor phases of biological crystal formation. Meldrum uses nanoparticles as additives in crystal growth, using the particle surface chemistry to tune particle occlusion. Amongst several organic additives, Meldrum has incorporated amino acids into calcite. The choice of additive is guided by genetic algorithms, resulting in the production of crystals with desired properties. She has evaluated how the surface topography impacts ice crystallisation, showing acute geometries give rise to a confined crystalline, which is followed by the formation of a bulk phase.The Meldrum group develop microfluidic devices to monitor crystallisation processes. Crystallisation is usually difficult to monitor, as precipitation occurs very rapidly and is severely impacted by impurities. Microfluidic devices offer more control of the crystallisation rate, providing reproducible conditions for crystal growth and the potential to analyse the growth "in situ". Meldrum developed a Crystal Hotel to study crystallisation in a variety of environments and equilibrium conditions. Meldrum has developed a range of experimental techniques; including Bragg coherent diffraction imaging, Brewster angle microscopy, liquid-cell Atomic force microscopy (AFM) and Infrared spectroscopy.Meldrum was appointed lead editor of the Materials Research Society (MRS) Bulletin in 2016. In 2017, she was awarded the Royal Society of Chemistry Interdisciplinary Prize. She was awarded a European Research Council (ERC) advanced grant in 2018.	[ "Queen Mary University of London", "University of Leeds" ]
Which employer did Fiona Meldrum work for in Nov 28, 2004?	November 28, 2004	{ "text": [ "University of Bristol" ] }	L2_Q47165622_P108_1	Fiona Meldrum works for University of Bristol from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2009. Fiona Meldrum works for University of Leeds from Jan, 2009 to Dec, 2022. Fiona Meldrum works for Queen Mary University of London from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2003.	Fiona MeldrumFiona C. Meldrum is a British scientist who is a Professor of Inorganic Chemistry at the University of Leeds where she works on bio-inspired materials and crystallisation processes. She won the 2017 Royal Society of Chemistry Interdisciplinary Prize.Meldrum studied the Natural Sciences Tripos at the University of Cambridge, graduating in 1989. She joined the University of Bath for her postgraduate studies, working on bio-inspired systems where she completed her PhD on nanoscale synthesis in 1992.Meldrum was appointed a postdoctoral research fellow at Syracuse University, where she worked on nanoparticle assembly with Janos Fendler. Whilst there, she contributed to the book "Biomimetic Materials Chemistry".Meldrum was a Humboldt Research Fellow at the Max Planck Institute for Polymer Research, working on crystallisation using surface plasmon spectroscopy with Wolfgang Knoll. She explored chemical deposition of PbS on gold using self-assembled monolayers. Following this position, she worked at the Australian National University on biomineralisation.Meldrum joined Queen Mary University of London as a lecturer in 1998. She moved to the University of Bristol in 2003, where she established new techniques to control crystal morphologies. In 2009 Meldrum was appointed as a Professor at the University of Leeds.Meldrum was awarded an Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council Fellowship in 2010. Her fellowship considers confined crystallisation in biological systems. She studied the crystallisation of calcium carbonate and calcium phosphate and their behaviour in confined systems. She demonstrated that confinement slows crystallisation, stabilising metaphases. Confined crystallisation can be used to control the polycrystalline structure of crystals. Supported by the Leverhulme Trust, Meldrum showed that even nanoscale confinement can template crystallisation. Meldrum looks to use biology to guide crystal growth, demonstrating precipitation with mould and via an amorphous precursor phase. She also looked how water-soluble block copolymers can influence the crystallisation of barium sulfate and calcium carbonate.Meldrum's work uses nature as an inspiration for materials design. She focuses on biominerals such as bones, teeth and shells. She monitors the amorphous and precursor phases of biological crystal formation. Meldrum uses nanoparticles as additives in crystal growth, using the particle surface chemistry to tune particle occlusion. Amongst several organic additives, Meldrum has incorporated amino acids into calcite. The choice of additive is guided by genetic algorithms, resulting in the production of crystals with desired properties. She has evaluated how the surface topography impacts ice crystallisation, showing acute geometries give rise to a confined crystalline, which is followed by the formation of a bulk phase.The Meldrum group develop microfluidic devices to monitor crystallisation processes. Crystallisation is usually difficult to monitor, as precipitation occurs very rapidly and is severely impacted by impurities. Microfluidic devices offer more control of the crystallisation rate, providing reproducible conditions for crystal growth and the potential to analyse the growth "in situ". Meldrum developed a Crystal Hotel to study crystallisation in a variety of environments and equilibrium conditions. Meldrum has developed a range of experimental techniques; including Bragg coherent diffraction imaging, Brewster angle microscopy, liquid-cell Atomic force microscopy (AFM) and Infrared spectroscopy.Meldrum was appointed lead editor of the Materials Research Society (MRS) Bulletin in 2016. In 2017, she was awarded the Royal Society of Chemistry Interdisciplinary Prize. She was awarded a European Research Council (ERC) advanced grant in 2018.	[ "Queen Mary University of London", "University of Leeds" ]
Which employer did Fiona Meldrum work for in 11/28/2004?	November 28, 2004	{ "text": [ "University of Bristol" ] }	L2_Q47165622_P108_1	Fiona Meldrum works for University of Bristol from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2009. Fiona Meldrum works for University of Leeds from Jan, 2009 to Dec, 2022. Fiona Meldrum works for Queen Mary University of London from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2003.	Fiona MeldrumFiona C. Meldrum is a British scientist who is a Professor of Inorganic Chemistry at the University of Leeds where she works on bio-inspired materials and crystallisation processes. She won the 2017 Royal Society of Chemistry Interdisciplinary Prize.Meldrum studied the Natural Sciences Tripos at the University of Cambridge, graduating in 1989. She joined the University of Bath for her postgraduate studies, working on bio-inspired systems where she completed her PhD on nanoscale synthesis in 1992.Meldrum was appointed a postdoctoral research fellow at Syracuse University, where she worked on nanoparticle assembly with Janos Fendler. Whilst there, she contributed to the book "Biomimetic Materials Chemistry".Meldrum was a Humboldt Research Fellow at the Max Planck Institute for Polymer Research, working on crystallisation using surface plasmon spectroscopy with Wolfgang Knoll. She explored chemical deposition of PbS on gold using self-assembled monolayers. Following this position, she worked at the Australian National University on biomineralisation.Meldrum joined Queen Mary University of London as a lecturer in 1998. She moved to the University of Bristol in 2003, where she established new techniques to control crystal morphologies. In 2009 Meldrum was appointed as a Professor at the University of Leeds.Meldrum was awarded an Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council Fellowship in 2010. Her fellowship considers confined crystallisation in biological systems. She studied the crystallisation of calcium carbonate and calcium phosphate and their behaviour in confined systems. She demonstrated that confinement slows crystallisation, stabilising metaphases. Confined crystallisation can be used to control the polycrystalline structure of crystals. Supported by the Leverhulme Trust, Meldrum showed that even nanoscale confinement can template crystallisation. Meldrum looks to use biology to guide crystal growth, demonstrating precipitation with mould and via an amorphous precursor phase. She also looked how water-soluble block copolymers can influence the crystallisation of barium sulfate and calcium carbonate.Meldrum's work uses nature as an inspiration for materials design. She focuses on biominerals such as bones, teeth and shells. She monitors the amorphous and precursor phases of biological crystal formation. Meldrum uses nanoparticles as additives in crystal growth, using the particle surface chemistry to tune particle occlusion. Amongst several organic additives, Meldrum has incorporated amino acids into calcite. The choice of additive is guided by genetic algorithms, resulting in the production of crystals with desired properties. She has evaluated how the surface topography impacts ice crystallisation, showing acute geometries give rise to a confined crystalline, which is followed by the formation of a bulk phase.The Meldrum group develop microfluidic devices to monitor crystallisation processes. Crystallisation is usually difficult to monitor, as precipitation occurs very rapidly and is severely impacted by impurities. Microfluidic devices offer more control of the crystallisation rate, providing reproducible conditions for crystal growth and the potential to analyse the growth "in situ". Meldrum developed a Crystal Hotel to study crystallisation in a variety of environments and equilibrium conditions. Meldrum has developed a range of experimental techniques; including Bragg coherent diffraction imaging, Brewster angle microscopy, liquid-cell Atomic force microscopy (AFM) and Infrared spectroscopy.Meldrum was appointed lead editor of the Materials Research Society (MRS) Bulletin in 2016. In 2017, she was awarded the Royal Society of Chemistry Interdisciplinary Prize. She was awarded a European Research Council (ERC) advanced grant in 2018.	[ "Queen Mary University of London", "University of Leeds" ]
Which employer did Fiona Meldrum work for in 28-Nov-200428-November-2004?	November 28, 2004	{ "text": [ "University of Bristol" ] }	L2_Q47165622_P108_1	Fiona Meldrum works for University of Bristol from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2009. Fiona Meldrum works for University of Leeds from Jan, 2009 to Dec, 2022. Fiona Meldrum works for Queen Mary University of London from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2003.	Fiona MeldrumFiona C. Meldrum is a British scientist who is a Professor of Inorganic Chemistry at the University of Leeds where she works on bio-inspired materials and crystallisation processes. She won the 2017 Royal Society of Chemistry Interdisciplinary Prize.Meldrum studied the Natural Sciences Tripos at the University of Cambridge, graduating in 1989. She joined the University of Bath for her postgraduate studies, working on bio-inspired systems where she completed her PhD on nanoscale synthesis in 1992.Meldrum was appointed a postdoctoral research fellow at Syracuse University, where she worked on nanoparticle assembly with Janos Fendler. Whilst there, she contributed to the book "Biomimetic Materials Chemistry".Meldrum was a Humboldt Research Fellow at the Max Planck Institute for Polymer Research, working on crystallisation using surface plasmon spectroscopy with Wolfgang Knoll. She explored chemical deposition of PbS on gold using self-assembled monolayers. Following this position, she worked at the Australian National University on biomineralisation.Meldrum joined Queen Mary University of London as a lecturer in 1998. She moved to the University of Bristol in 2003, where she established new techniques to control crystal morphologies. In 2009 Meldrum was appointed as a Professor at the University of Leeds.Meldrum was awarded an Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council Fellowship in 2010. Her fellowship considers confined crystallisation in biological systems. She studied the crystallisation of calcium carbonate and calcium phosphate and their behaviour in confined systems. She demonstrated that confinement slows crystallisation, stabilising metaphases. Confined crystallisation can be used to control the polycrystalline structure of crystals. Supported by the Leverhulme Trust, Meldrum showed that even nanoscale confinement can template crystallisation. Meldrum looks to use biology to guide crystal growth, demonstrating precipitation with mould and via an amorphous precursor phase. She also looked how water-soluble block copolymers can influence the crystallisation of barium sulfate and calcium carbonate.Meldrum's work uses nature as an inspiration for materials design. She focuses on biominerals such as bones, teeth and shells. She monitors the amorphous and precursor phases of biological crystal formation. Meldrum uses nanoparticles as additives in crystal growth, using the particle surface chemistry to tune particle occlusion. Amongst several organic additives, Meldrum has incorporated amino acids into calcite. The choice of additive is guided by genetic algorithms, resulting in the production of crystals with desired properties. She has evaluated how the surface topography impacts ice crystallisation, showing acute geometries give rise to a confined crystalline, which is followed by the formation of a bulk phase.The Meldrum group develop microfluidic devices to monitor crystallisation processes. Crystallisation is usually difficult to monitor, as precipitation occurs very rapidly and is severely impacted by impurities. Microfluidic devices offer more control of the crystallisation rate, providing reproducible conditions for crystal growth and the potential to analyse the growth "in situ". Meldrum developed a Crystal Hotel to study crystallisation in a variety of environments and equilibrium conditions. Meldrum has developed a range of experimental techniques; including Bragg coherent diffraction imaging, Brewster angle microscopy, liquid-cell Atomic force microscopy (AFM) and Infrared spectroscopy.Meldrum was appointed lead editor of the Materials Research Society (MRS) Bulletin in 2016. In 2017, she was awarded the Royal Society of Chemistry Interdisciplinary Prize. She was awarded a European Research Council (ERC) advanced grant in 2018.	[ "Queen Mary University of London", "University of Leeds" ]
Who was the head coach of the team FC Sheriff Tiraspol in Aug, 2022?	August 25, 2022	{ "text": [ "Stjepan Tomas" ] }	L2_Q210768_P286_2	Zoran Zekić is the head coach of FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Apr, 2019 to Oct, 2020. Stjepan Tomas is the head coach of FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Jun, 2022 to Dec, 2022. Yuriy Vernydub is the head coach of FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Dec, 2020 to Jun, 2022.	FC Sheriff TiraspolFotbal Club Sheriff (), commonly known as Sheriff Tiraspol or simply Sheriff, is a football club based in Tiraspol, a city located in the east of the Republic of Moldova in the de jure unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic. Founded in 1996 as "Tiras Tiraspol", it quickly established itself within Moldovan football.In 1997, the team was rebranded as Sheriff, taking the name of its main sponsor, a company which operates various industries. "The Wasps" recorded their debut in the first league in the 1998–99 season, when they also won their first trophy, the Moldovan Cup. They have since amassed 19 championship titles, 10 Cups and 7 Super Cups–all competition records. On the European stage, Sheriff has reached the group stage of the UEFA Europa League on four occasions.The team plays its home games in yellow and black kits at the Sheriff Stadium, to which it moved in 2002, which has a capacity of 12,746.The club was originally established in 1996 and introduced in the Moldovan "B" Division as "FC Tiras Tiraspol". On 4 April 1997, former policeman Victor Gușan, an employee of the security corporation Sheriff which remains a key sponsor, refounded it as FC Sheriff Tiraspol.Sheriff achieved promotion to the second tier of Moldovan football, the Moldovan "A" Division, and under the guidance of Ahmad Alaskarov, was charged with leading the team to the Moldovan top division. Later that year the club won the championship by 14 points, being promoted to Divizia Națională. The club won its first major honour with the 1999 Moldovan Cup. In the final at the Republican Stadium, Sheriff scored an injury-time equaliser before winning the match against Constructorul Chișinău 2–1 after extra time. Sheriff's first National Division title came in the 2000–01 season, which also included their second Moldovan Cup triumph as they beat Nistru Otaci on penalties after a goalless match. The league triumph was the first of a run of ten consecutively up to 2010, also including league-cup doubles in 2002, 2006 and 2008–10. Sheriff won each Moldovan Super Cup from 2004 to 2010, but did not have to play a match on four occasions due to winning it on default through a double. Sheriff were denied an 11th-straight title by Dacia Chișinău in 2010–11, but reclaimed the title the following season. In 2014–15, Sheriff again lost the championship despite being level with both Milsami Orhei and Dacia Chișinău at the top of the table with 55 points; Milsami would finish in first place because of its superior head-to-head record against both Sheriff and Dacia, with Dacia second and Sheriff third, despite Sheriff having the superior goal difference amongst the clubs.The team won the Commonwealth of Independent States Cup in 2003 and 2009, becoming the first team from Moldova to win an international title. Sheriff were the first club in Moldova to sign players from Brazil and Africa.From 2001–02 to 2008–09, the club tried to reach the group stage in the UEFA Champions League every year, but failed in the second qualifying round every time. Its European fortunes improved after 2009. Sheriff has appeared in three UEFA Europa League group stages (2009–10, 2010–11, 2013–14) with decent results, although they didn't manage to qualify to the knock-out stage. In 2017 they qualified to the group stage for the fourth time, after beating favorites Legia Warsaw on away goals in the play-off round.In the 2009–10 season, Sheriff finally reached the third qualifying round when they defeated Inter Turku. In the next round, Sheriff defeated Slavia Prague 1–1 on aggregate, progressing via the away goal rule due to Nadson's 94th-minute strike in the second leg. They were then eliminated from the 2009–10 UEFA Champions League by Greek club Olympiacos in the qualifying play-off for a spot in the group stage. Sheriff lost 2–0 in the first leg at home, and 1–0 in the second leg away.However, by virtue of losing in the play-off round, Sheriff qualified for the 2009–10 UEFA Europa League group stage, where they were drawn into Group H alongside Fenerbahçe, Twente and Steaua București. On 17 September 2009, their first Europa League match, Sheriff drew 0–0 away against Steaua. On 1 October, Sheriff's first Europa League home match, the club lost 1–0 to Fenerbahçe. On 22 October, Sheriff produced a stunning 2–0 home victory over Twente, ending Twente's 17-match unbeaten run. 2 December, Sheriff drew 1–1 at home with Steaua. Sheriff failed to progress past the group stage after finishing third in Group H with five points, ahead of Steaua.In the 2010–11 UEFA Champions League, on 14–20 July 2010, Sheriff defeated Dinamo Tirana in the second qualifying round (3–1, 0–1). Then, on 4 August, the club defeated Dinamo Zagreb on penalties (6–5) after identical 1–1 draws at home and away, thereby reaching the play-off round. On 18–24 August, in the play-off round against Basel, Sheriff lost 1–0 in Switzerland before losing 3–0 at home.Dropping to the 2010–11 UEFA Europa League after their play-off defeat to Basel, Sheriff was drawn into Group E alongside Dynamo Kyiv, AZ and BATE Borisov. After losing their first match 2–1 away against AZ on 15 September 2010, on 30 September, Sheriff defeated Dynamo Kyiv 2–0 at home. After losing two-straight matches against BATE – 0–1 at home and 3–1 away on 21 October and 4 November respectively – on 2 December, Sheriff drew 1–1 with AZ at home, then on 15 December, Sheriff drew 0–0 against Dynamo Kyiv away in Kyiv. Accumulating five points, Sheriff failed to progress past the group stage after finishing last in Group E.In the first match at home Sheriff Stadium is the home ground of Sheriff Tiraspol and is owned by the corporation Sheriff. Construction of the ground began on 1 August 2000, being completed in May 2002, with official opening in July 2002. It was renovated in 2011. The stadium has a seating capacity for 12,746 spectators and is eligible for FIFA/UEFA international events. Beside Sheriff, the stadium hosted also matches of FC Tiraspol and the Moldova national team.Asides from main arena of Sheriff Sports Complex, there is also an 8,000 seater stadium, Malaya Sportivnaya Arena, also situated in the same complex, along with eight training fields, a covered training centre, housing for the players, a college for students and a five-star hotel.Legend: GF = Goals For. GA = Goals Against. GD = Goal Difference.At the end of the 2020–21 season, Sheriff Tiraspol ranked 108th in the UEFA club coefficient rankings, up from 112th the previous season."Information correct as of match played 5 August 2018. Only competitive matches are counted."The Invincibles (football)	[ "Zoran Zekić", "Yuriy Vernydub" ]
Who was the head coach of the team FC Sheriff Tiraspol in 2022-08-25?	August 25, 2022	{ "text": [ "Stjepan Tomas" ] }	L2_Q210768_P286_2	Zoran Zekić is the head coach of FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Apr, 2019 to Oct, 2020. Stjepan Tomas is the head coach of FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Jun, 2022 to Dec, 2022. Yuriy Vernydub is the head coach of FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Dec, 2020 to Jun, 2022.	FC Sheriff TiraspolFotbal Club Sheriff (), commonly known as Sheriff Tiraspol or simply Sheriff, is a football club based in Tiraspol, a city located in the east of the Republic of Moldova in the de jure unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic. Founded in 1996 as "Tiras Tiraspol", it quickly established itself within Moldovan football.In 1997, the team was rebranded as Sheriff, taking the name of its main sponsor, a company which operates various industries. "The Wasps" recorded their debut in the first league in the 1998–99 season, when they also won their first trophy, the Moldovan Cup. They have since amassed 19 championship titles, 10 Cups and 7 Super Cups–all competition records. On the European stage, Sheriff has reached the group stage of the UEFA Europa League on four occasions.The team plays its home games in yellow and black kits at the Sheriff Stadium, to which it moved in 2002, which has a capacity of 12,746.The club was originally established in 1996 and introduced in the Moldovan "B" Division as "FC Tiras Tiraspol". On 4 April 1997, former policeman Victor Gușan, an employee of the security corporation Sheriff which remains a key sponsor, refounded it as FC Sheriff Tiraspol.Sheriff achieved promotion to the second tier of Moldovan football, the Moldovan "A" Division, and under the guidance of Ahmad Alaskarov, was charged with leading the team to the Moldovan top division. Later that year the club won the championship by 14 points, being promoted to Divizia Națională. The club won its first major honour with the 1999 Moldovan Cup. In the final at the Republican Stadium, Sheriff scored an injury-time equaliser before winning the match against Constructorul Chișinău 2–1 after extra time. Sheriff's first National Division title came in the 2000–01 season, which also included their second Moldovan Cup triumph as they beat Nistru Otaci on penalties after a goalless match. The league triumph was the first of a run of ten consecutively up to 2010, also including league-cup doubles in 2002, 2006 and 2008–10. Sheriff won each Moldovan Super Cup from 2004 to 2010, but did not have to play a match on four occasions due to winning it on default through a double. Sheriff were denied an 11th-straight title by Dacia Chișinău in 2010–11, but reclaimed the title the following season. In 2014–15, Sheriff again lost the championship despite being level with both Milsami Orhei and Dacia Chișinău at the top of the table with 55 points; Milsami would finish in first place because of its superior head-to-head record against both Sheriff and Dacia, with Dacia second and Sheriff third, despite Sheriff having the superior goal difference amongst the clubs.The team won the Commonwealth of Independent States Cup in 2003 and 2009, becoming the first team from Moldova to win an international title. Sheriff were the first club in Moldova to sign players from Brazil and Africa.From 2001–02 to 2008–09, the club tried to reach the group stage in the UEFA Champions League every year, but failed in the second qualifying round every time. Its European fortunes improved after 2009. Sheriff has appeared in three UEFA Europa League group stages (2009–10, 2010–11, 2013–14) with decent results, although they didn't manage to qualify to the knock-out stage. In 2017 they qualified to the group stage for the fourth time, after beating favorites Legia Warsaw on away goals in the play-off round.In the 2009–10 season, Sheriff finally reached the third qualifying round when they defeated Inter Turku. In the next round, Sheriff defeated Slavia Prague 1–1 on aggregate, progressing via the away goal rule due to Nadson's 94th-minute strike in the second leg. They were then eliminated from the 2009–10 UEFA Champions League by Greek club Olympiacos in the qualifying play-off for a spot in the group stage. Sheriff lost 2–0 in the first leg at home, and 1–0 in the second leg away.However, by virtue of losing in the play-off round, Sheriff qualified for the 2009–10 UEFA Europa League group stage, where they were drawn into Group H alongside Fenerbahçe, Twente and Steaua București. On 17 September 2009, their first Europa League match, Sheriff drew 0–0 away against Steaua. On 1 October, Sheriff's first Europa League home match, the club lost 1–0 to Fenerbahçe. On 22 October, Sheriff produced a stunning 2–0 home victory over Twente, ending Twente's 17-match unbeaten run. 2 December, Sheriff drew 1–1 at home with Steaua. Sheriff failed to progress past the group stage after finishing third in Group H with five points, ahead of Steaua.In the 2010–11 UEFA Champions League, on 14–20 July 2010, Sheriff defeated Dinamo Tirana in the second qualifying round (3–1, 0–1). Then, on 4 August, the club defeated Dinamo Zagreb on penalties (6–5) after identical 1–1 draws at home and away, thereby reaching the play-off round. On 18–24 August, in the play-off round against Basel, Sheriff lost 1–0 in Switzerland before losing 3–0 at home.Dropping to the 2010–11 UEFA Europa League after their play-off defeat to Basel, Sheriff was drawn into Group E alongside Dynamo Kyiv, AZ and BATE Borisov. After losing their first match 2–1 away against AZ on 15 September 2010, on 30 September, Sheriff defeated Dynamo Kyiv 2–0 at home. After losing two-straight matches against BATE – 0–1 at home and 3–1 away on 21 October and 4 November respectively – on 2 December, Sheriff drew 1–1 with AZ at home, then on 15 December, Sheriff drew 0–0 against Dynamo Kyiv away in Kyiv. Accumulating five points, Sheriff failed to progress past the group stage after finishing last in Group E.In the first match at home Sheriff Stadium is the home ground of Sheriff Tiraspol and is owned by the corporation Sheriff. Construction of the ground began on 1 August 2000, being completed in May 2002, with official opening in July 2002. It was renovated in 2011. The stadium has a seating capacity for 12,746 spectators and is eligible for FIFA/UEFA international events. Beside Sheriff, the stadium hosted also matches of FC Tiraspol and the Moldova national team.Asides from main arena of Sheriff Sports Complex, there is also an 8,000 seater stadium, Malaya Sportivnaya Arena, also situated in the same complex, along with eight training fields, a covered training centre, housing for the players, a college for students and a five-star hotel.Legend: GF = Goals For. GA = Goals Against. GD = Goal Difference.At the end of the 2020–21 season, Sheriff Tiraspol ranked 108th in the UEFA club coefficient rankings, up from 112th the previous season."Information correct as of match played 5 August 2018. Only competitive matches are counted."The Invincibles (football)	[ "Zoran Zekić", "Yuriy Vernydub" ]
Who was the head coach of the team FC Sheriff Tiraspol in 25/08/2022?	August 25, 2022	{ "text": [ "Stjepan Tomas" ] }	L2_Q210768_P286_2	Zoran Zekić is the head coach of FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Apr, 2019 to Oct, 2020. Stjepan Tomas is the head coach of FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Jun, 2022 to Dec, 2022. Yuriy Vernydub is the head coach of FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Dec, 2020 to Jun, 2022.	FC Sheriff TiraspolFotbal Club Sheriff (), commonly known as Sheriff Tiraspol or simply Sheriff, is a football club based in Tiraspol, a city located in the east of the Republic of Moldova in the de jure unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic. Founded in 1996 as "Tiras Tiraspol", it quickly established itself within Moldovan football.In 1997, the team was rebranded as Sheriff, taking the name of its main sponsor, a company which operates various industries. "The Wasps" recorded their debut in the first league in the 1998–99 season, when they also won their first trophy, the Moldovan Cup. They have since amassed 19 championship titles, 10 Cups and 7 Super Cups–all competition records. On the European stage, Sheriff has reached the group stage of the UEFA Europa League on four occasions.The team plays its home games in yellow and black kits at the Sheriff Stadium, to which it moved in 2002, which has a capacity of 12,746.The club was originally established in 1996 and introduced in the Moldovan "B" Division as "FC Tiras Tiraspol". On 4 April 1997, former policeman Victor Gușan, an employee of the security corporation Sheriff which remains a key sponsor, refounded it as FC Sheriff Tiraspol.Sheriff achieved promotion to the second tier of Moldovan football, the Moldovan "A" Division, and under the guidance of Ahmad Alaskarov, was charged with leading the team to the Moldovan top division. Later that year the club won the championship by 14 points, being promoted to Divizia Națională. The club won its first major honour with the 1999 Moldovan Cup. In the final at the Republican Stadium, Sheriff scored an injury-time equaliser before winning the match against Constructorul Chișinău 2–1 after extra time. Sheriff's first National Division title came in the 2000–01 season, which also included their second Moldovan Cup triumph as they beat Nistru Otaci on penalties after a goalless match. The league triumph was the first of a run of ten consecutively up to 2010, also including league-cup doubles in 2002, 2006 and 2008–10. Sheriff won each Moldovan Super Cup from 2004 to 2010, but did not have to play a match on four occasions due to winning it on default through a double. Sheriff were denied an 11th-straight title by Dacia Chișinău in 2010–11, but reclaimed the title the following season. In 2014–15, Sheriff again lost the championship despite being level with both Milsami Orhei and Dacia Chișinău at the top of the table with 55 points; Milsami would finish in first place because of its superior head-to-head record against both Sheriff and Dacia, with Dacia second and Sheriff third, despite Sheriff having the superior goal difference amongst the clubs.The team won the Commonwealth of Independent States Cup in 2003 and 2009, becoming the first team from Moldova to win an international title. Sheriff were the first club in Moldova to sign players from Brazil and Africa.From 2001–02 to 2008–09, the club tried to reach the group stage in the UEFA Champions League every year, but failed in the second qualifying round every time. Its European fortunes improved after 2009. Sheriff has appeared in three UEFA Europa League group stages (2009–10, 2010–11, 2013–14) with decent results, although they didn't manage to qualify to the knock-out stage. In 2017 they qualified to the group stage for the fourth time, after beating favorites Legia Warsaw on away goals in the play-off round.In the 2009–10 season, Sheriff finally reached the third qualifying round when they defeated Inter Turku. In the next round, Sheriff defeated Slavia Prague 1–1 on aggregate, progressing via the away goal rule due to Nadson's 94th-minute strike in the second leg. They were then eliminated from the 2009–10 UEFA Champions League by Greek club Olympiacos in the qualifying play-off for a spot in the group stage. Sheriff lost 2–0 in the first leg at home, and 1–0 in the second leg away.However, by virtue of losing in the play-off round, Sheriff qualified for the 2009–10 UEFA Europa League group stage, where they were drawn into Group H alongside Fenerbahçe, Twente and Steaua București. On 17 September 2009, their first Europa League match, Sheriff drew 0–0 away against Steaua. On 1 October, Sheriff's first Europa League home match, the club lost 1–0 to Fenerbahçe. On 22 October, Sheriff produced a stunning 2–0 home victory over Twente, ending Twente's 17-match unbeaten run. 2 December, Sheriff drew 1–1 at home with Steaua. Sheriff failed to progress past the group stage after finishing third in Group H with five points, ahead of Steaua.In the 2010–11 UEFA Champions League, on 14–20 July 2010, Sheriff defeated Dinamo Tirana in the second qualifying round (3–1, 0–1). Then, on 4 August, the club defeated Dinamo Zagreb on penalties (6–5) after identical 1–1 draws at home and away, thereby reaching the play-off round. On 18–24 August, in the play-off round against Basel, Sheriff lost 1–0 in Switzerland before losing 3–0 at home.Dropping to the 2010–11 UEFA Europa League after their play-off defeat to Basel, Sheriff was drawn into Group E alongside Dynamo Kyiv, AZ and BATE Borisov. After losing their first match 2–1 away against AZ on 15 September 2010, on 30 September, Sheriff defeated Dynamo Kyiv 2–0 at home. After losing two-straight matches against BATE – 0–1 at home and 3–1 away on 21 October and 4 November respectively – on 2 December, Sheriff drew 1–1 with AZ at home, then on 15 December, Sheriff drew 0–0 against Dynamo Kyiv away in Kyiv. Accumulating five points, Sheriff failed to progress past the group stage after finishing last in Group E.In the first match at home Sheriff Stadium is the home ground of Sheriff Tiraspol and is owned by the corporation Sheriff. Construction of the ground began on 1 August 2000, being completed in May 2002, with official opening in July 2002. It was renovated in 2011. The stadium has a seating capacity for 12,746 spectators and is eligible for FIFA/UEFA international events. Beside Sheriff, the stadium hosted also matches of FC Tiraspol and the Moldova national team.Asides from main arena of Sheriff Sports Complex, there is also an 8,000 seater stadium, Malaya Sportivnaya Arena, also situated in the same complex, along with eight training fields, a covered training centre, housing for the players, a college for students and a five-star hotel.Legend: GF = Goals For. GA = Goals Against. GD = Goal Difference.At the end of the 2020–21 season, Sheriff Tiraspol ranked 108th in the UEFA club coefficient rankings, up from 112th the previous season."Information correct as of match played 5 August 2018. Only competitive matches are counted."The Invincibles (football)	[ "Zoran Zekić", "Yuriy Vernydub" ]
Who was the head coach of the team FC Sheriff Tiraspol in Aug 25, 2022?	August 25, 2022	{ "text": [ "Stjepan Tomas" ] }	L2_Q210768_P286_2	Zoran Zekić is the head coach of FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Apr, 2019 to Oct, 2020. Stjepan Tomas is the head coach of FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Jun, 2022 to Dec, 2022. Yuriy Vernydub is the head coach of FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Dec, 2020 to Jun, 2022.	FC Sheriff TiraspolFotbal Club Sheriff (), commonly known as Sheriff Tiraspol or simply Sheriff, is a football club based in Tiraspol, a city located in the east of the Republic of Moldova in the de jure unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic. Founded in 1996 as "Tiras Tiraspol", it quickly established itself within Moldovan football.In 1997, the team was rebranded as Sheriff, taking the name of its main sponsor, a company which operates various industries. "The Wasps" recorded their debut in the first league in the 1998–99 season, when they also won their first trophy, the Moldovan Cup. They have since amassed 19 championship titles, 10 Cups and 7 Super Cups–all competition records. On the European stage, Sheriff has reached the group stage of the UEFA Europa League on four occasions.The team plays its home games in yellow and black kits at the Sheriff Stadium, to which it moved in 2002, which has a capacity of 12,746.The club was originally established in 1996 and introduced in the Moldovan "B" Division as "FC Tiras Tiraspol". On 4 April 1997, former policeman Victor Gușan, an employee of the security corporation Sheriff which remains a key sponsor, refounded it as FC Sheriff Tiraspol.Sheriff achieved promotion to the second tier of Moldovan football, the Moldovan "A" Division, and under the guidance of Ahmad Alaskarov, was charged with leading the team to the Moldovan top division. Later that year the club won the championship by 14 points, being promoted to Divizia Națională. The club won its first major honour with the 1999 Moldovan Cup. In the final at the Republican Stadium, Sheriff scored an injury-time equaliser before winning the match against Constructorul Chișinău 2–1 after extra time. Sheriff's first National Division title came in the 2000–01 season, which also included their second Moldovan Cup triumph as they beat Nistru Otaci on penalties after a goalless match. The league triumph was the first of a run of ten consecutively up to 2010, also including league-cup doubles in 2002, 2006 and 2008–10. Sheriff won each Moldovan Super Cup from 2004 to 2010, but did not have to play a match on four occasions due to winning it on default through a double. Sheriff were denied an 11th-straight title by Dacia Chișinău in 2010–11, but reclaimed the title the following season. In 2014–15, Sheriff again lost the championship despite being level with both Milsami Orhei and Dacia Chișinău at the top of the table with 55 points; Milsami would finish in first place because of its superior head-to-head record against both Sheriff and Dacia, with Dacia second and Sheriff third, despite Sheriff having the superior goal difference amongst the clubs.The team won the Commonwealth of Independent States Cup in 2003 and 2009, becoming the first team from Moldova to win an international title. Sheriff were the first club in Moldova to sign players from Brazil and Africa.From 2001–02 to 2008–09, the club tried to reach the group stage in the UEFA Champions League every year, but failed in the second qualifying round every time. Its European fortunes improved after 2009. Sheriff has appeared in three UEFA Europa League group stages (2009–10, 2010–11, 2013–14) with decent results, although they didn't manage to qualify to the knock-out stage. In 2017 they qualified to the group stage for the fourth time, after beating favorites Legia Warsaw on away goals in the play-off round.In the 2009–10 season, Sheriff finally reached the third qualifying round when they defeated Inter Turku. In the next round, Sheriff defeated Slavia Prague 1–1 on aggregate, progressing via the away goal rule due to Nadson's 94th-minute strike in the second leg. They were then eliminated from the 2009–10 UEFA Champions League by Greek club Olympiacos in the qualifying play-off for a spot in the group stage. Sheriff lost 2–0 in the first leg at home, and 1–0 in the second leg away.However, by virtue of losing in the play-off round, Sheriff qualified for the 2009–10 UEFA Europa League group stage, where they were drawn into Group H alongside Fenerbahçe, Twente and Steaua București. On 17 September 2009, their first Europa League match, Sheriff drew 0–0 away against Steaua. On 1 October, Sheriff's first Europa League home match, the club lost 1–0 to Fenerbahçe. On 22 October, Sheriff produced a stunning 2–0 home victory over Twente, ending Twente's 17-match unbeaten run. 2 December, Sheriff drew 1–1 at home with Steaua. Sheriff failed to progress past the group stage after finishing third in Group H with five points, ahead of Steaua.In the 2010–11 UEFA Champions League, on 14–20 July 2010, Sheriff defeated Dinamo Tirana in the second qualifying round (3–1, 0–1). Then, on 4 August, the club defeated Dinamo Zagreb on penalties (6–5) after identical 1–1 draws at home and away, thereby reaching the play-off round. On 18–24 August, in the play-off round against Basel, Sheriff lost 1–0 in Switzerland before losing 3–0 at home.Dropping to the 2010–11 UEFA Europa League after their play-off defeat to Basel, Sheriff was drawn into Group E alongside Dynamo Kyiv, AZ and BATE Borisov. After losing their first match 2–1 away against AZ on 15 September 2010, on 30 September, Sheriff defeated Dynamo Kyiv 2–0 at home. After losing two-straight matches against BATE – 0–1 at home and 3–1 away on 21 October and 4 November respectively – on 2 December, Sheriff drew 1–1 with AZ at home, then on 15 December, Sheriff drew 0–0 against Dynamo Kyiv away in Kyiv. Accumulating five points, Sheriff failed to progress past the group stage after finishing last in Group E.In the first match at home Sheriff Stadium is the home ground of Sheriff Tiraspol and is owned by the corporation Sheriff. Construction of the ground began on 1 August 2000, being completed in May 2002, with official opening in July 2002. It was renovated in 2011. The stadium has a seating capacity for 12,746 spectators and is eligible for FIFA/UEFA international events. Beside Sheriff, the stadium hosted also matches of FC Tiraspol and the Moldova national team.Asides from main arena of Sheriff Sports Complex, there is also an 8,000 seater stadium, Malaya Sportivnaya Arena, also situated in the same complex, along with eight training fields, a covered training centre, housing for the players, a college for students and a five-star hotel.Legend: GF = Goals For. GA = Goals Against. GD = Goal Difference.At the end of the 2020–21 season, Sheriff Tiraspol ranked 108th in the UEFA club coefficient rankings, up from 112th the previous season."Information correct as of match played 5 August 2018. Only competitive matches are counted."The Invincibles (football)	[ "Zoran Zekić", "Yuriy Vernydub" ]
Who was the head coach of the team FC Sheriff Tiraspol in 08/25/2022?	August 25, 2022	{ "text": [ "Stjepan Tomas" ] }	L2_Q210768_P286_2	Zoran Zekić is the head coach of FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Apr, 2019 to Oct, 2020. Stjepan Tomas is the head coach of FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Jun, 2022 to Dec, 2022. Yuriy Vernydub is the head coach of FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Dec, 2020 to Jun, 2022.	FC Sheriff TiraspolFotbal Club Sheriff (), commonly known as Sheriff Tiraspol or simply Sheriff, is a football club based in Tiraspol, a city located in the east of the Republic of Moldova in the de jure unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic. Founded in 1996 as "Tiras Tiraspol", it quickly established itself within Moldovan football.In 1997, the team was rebranded as Sheriff, taking the name of its main sponsor, a company which operates various industries. "The Wasps" recorded their debut in the first league in the 1998–99 season, when they also won their first trophy, the Moldovan Cup. They have since amassed 19 championship titles, 10 Cups and 7 Super Cups–all competition records. On the European stage, Sheriff has reached the group stage of the UEFA Europa League on four occasions.The team plays its home games in yellow and black kits at the Sheriff Stadium, to which it moved in 2002, which has a capacity of 12,746.The club was originally established in 1996 and introduced in the Moldovan "B" Division as "FC Tiras Tiraspol". On 4 April 1997, former policeman Victor Gușan, an employee of the security corporation Sheriff which remains a key sponsor, refounded it as FC Sheriff Tiraspol.Sheriff achieved promotion to the second tier of Moldovan football, the Moldovan "A" Division, and under the guidance of Ahmad Alaskarov, was charged with leading the team to the Moldovan top division. Later that year the club won the championship by 14 points, being promoted to Divizia Națională. The club won its first major honour with the 1999 Moldovan Cup. In the final at the Republican Stadium, Sheriff scored an injury-time equaliser before winning the match against Constructorul Chișinău 2–1 after extra time. Sheriff's first National Division title came in the 2000–01 season, which also included their second Moldovan Cup triumph as they beat Nistru Otaci on penalties after a goalless match. The league triumph was the first of a run of ten consecutively up to 2010, also including league-cup doubles in 2002, 2006 and 2008–10. Sheriff won each Moldovan Super Cup from 2004 to 2010, but did not have to play a match on four occasions due to winning it on default through a double. Sheriff were denied an 11th-straight title by Dacia Chișinău in 2010–11, but reclaimed the title the following season. In 2014–15, Sheriff again lost the championship despite being level with both Milsami Orhei and Dacia Chișinău at the top of the table with 55 points; Milsami would finish in first place because of its superior head-to-head record against both Sheriff and Dacia, with Dacia second and Sheriff third, despite Sheriff having the superior goal difference amongst the clubs.The team won the Commonwealth of Independent States Cup in 2003 and 2009, becoming the first team from Moldova to win an international title. Sheriff were the first club in Moldova to sign players from Brazil and Africa.From 2001–02 to 2008–09, the club tried to reach the group stage in the UEFA Champions League every year, but failed in the second qualifying round every time. Its European fortunes improved after 2009. Sheriff has appeared in three UEFA Europa League group stages (2009–10, 2010–11, 2013–14) with decent results, although they didn't manage to qualify to the knock-out stage. In 2017 they qualified to the group stage for the fourth time, after beating favorites Legia Warsaw on away goals in the play-off round.In the 2009–10 season, Sheriff finally reached the third qualifying round when they defeated Inter Turku. In the next round, Sheriff defeated Slavia Prague 1–1 on aggregate, progressing via the away goal rule due to Nadson's 94th-minute strike in the second leg. They were then eliminated from the 2009–10 UEFA Champions League by Greek club Olympiacos in the qualifying play-off for a spot in the group stage. Sheriff lost 2–0 in the first leg at home, and 1–0 in the second leg away.However, by virtue of losing in the play-off round, Sheriff qualified for the 2009–10 UEFA Europa League group stage, where they were drawn into Group H alongside Fenerbahçe, Twente and Steaua București. On 17 September 2009, their first Europa League match, Sheriff drew 0–0 away against Steaua. On 1 October, Sheriff's first Europa League home match, the club lost 1–0 to Fenerbahçe. On 22 October, Sheriff produced a stunning 2–0 home victory over Twente, ending Twente's 17-match unbeaten run. 2 December, Sheriff drew 1–1 at home with Steaua. Sheriff failed to progress past the group stage after finishing third in Group H with five points, ahead of Steaua.In the 2010–11 UEFA Champions League, on 14–20 July 2010, Sheriff defeated Dinamo Tirana in the second qualifying round (3–1, 0–1). Then, on 4 August, the club defeated Dinamo Zagreb on penalties (6–5) after identical 1–1 draws at home and away, thereby reaching the play-off round. On 18–24 August, in the play-off round against Basel, Sheriff lost 1–0 in Switzerland before losing 3–0 at home.Dropping to the 2010–11 UEFA Europa League after their play-off defeat to Basel, Sheriff was drawn into Group E alongside Dynamo Kyiv, AZ and BATE Borisov. After losing their first match 2–1 away against AZ on 15 September 2010, on 30 September, Sheriff defeated Dynamo Kyiv 2–0 at home. After losing two-straight matches against BATE – 0–1 at home and 3–1 away on 21 October and 4 November respectively – on 2 December, Sheriff drew 1–1 with AZ at home, then on 15 December, Sheriff drew 0–0 against Dynamo Kyiv away in Kyiv. Accumulating five points, Sheriff failed to progress past the group stage after finishing last in Group E.In the first match at home Sheriff Stadium is the home ground of Sheriff Tiraspol and is owned by the corporation Sheriff. Construction of the ground began on 1 August 2000, being completed in May 2002, with official opening in July 2002. It was renovated in 2011. The stadium has a seating capacity for 12,746 spectators and is eligible for FIFA/UEFA international events. Beside Sheriff, the stadium hosted also matches of FC Tiraspol and the Moldova national team.Asides from main arena of Sheriff Sports Complex, there is also an 8,000 seater stadium, Malaya Sportivnaya Arena, also situated in the same complex, along with eight training fields, a covered training centre, housing for the players, a college for students and a five-star hotel.Legend: GF = Goals For. GA = Goals Against. GD = Goal Difference.At the end of the 2020–21 season, Sheriff Tiraspol ranked 108th in the UEFA club coefficient rankings, up from 112th the previous season."Information correct as of match played 5 August 2018. Only competitive matches are counted."The Invincibles (football)	[ "Zoran Zekić", "Yuriy Vernydub" ]
Who was the head coach of the team FC Sheriff Tiraspol in 25-Aug-202225-August-2022?	August 25, 2022	{ "text": [ "Stjepan Tomas" ] }	L2_Q210768_P286_2	Zoran Zekić is the head coach of FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Apr, 2019 to Oct, 2020. Stjepan Tomas is the head coach of FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Jun, 2022 to Dec, 2022. Yuriy Vernydub is the head coach of FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Dec, 2020 to Jun, 2022.	FC Sheriff TiraspolFotbal Club Sheriff (), commonly known as Sheriff Tiraspol or simply Sheriff, is a football club based in Tiraspol, a city located in the east of the Republic of Moldova in the de jure unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic. Founded in 1996 as "Tiras Tiraspol", it quickly established itself within Moldovan football.In 1997, the team was rebranded as Sheriff, taking the name of its main sponsor, a company which operates various industries. "The Wasps" recorded their debut in the first league in the 1998–99 season, when they also won their first trophy, the Moldovan Cup. They have since amassed 19 championship titles, 10 Cups and 7 Super Cups–all competition records. On the European stage, Sheriff has reached the group stage of the UEFA Europa League on four occasions.The team plays its home games in yellow and black kits at the Sheriff Stadium, to which it moved in 2002, which has a capacity of 12,746.The club was originally established in 1996 and introduced in the Moldovan "B" Division as "FC Tiras Tiraspol". On 4 April 1997, former policeman Victor Gușan, an employee of the security corporation Sheriff which remains a key sponsor, refounded it as FC Sheriff Tiraspol.Sheriff achieved promotion to the second tier of Moldovan football, the Moldovan "A" Division, and under the guidance of Ahmad Alaskarov, was charged with leading the team to the Moldovan top division. Later that year the club won the championship by 14 points, being promoted to Divizia Națională. The club won its first major honour with the 1999 Moldovan Cup. In the final at the Republican Stadium, Sheriff scored an injury-time equaliser before winning the match against Constructorul Chișinău 2–1 after extra time. Sheriff's first National Division title came in the 2000–01 season, which also included their second Moldovan Cup triumph as they beat Nistru Otaci on penalties after a goalless match. The league triumph was the first of a run of ten consecutively up to 2010, also including league-cup doubles in 2002, 2006 and 2008–10. Sheriff won each Moldovan Super Cup from 2004 to 2010, but did not have to play a match on four occasions due to winning it on default through a double. Sheriff were denied an 11th-straight title by Dacia Chișinău in 2010–11, but reclaimed the title the following season. In 2014–15, Sheriff again lost the championship despite being level with both Milsami Orhei and Dacia Chișinău at the top of the table with 55 points; Milsami would finish in first place because of its superior head-to-head record against both Sheriff and Dacia, with Dacia second and Sheriff third, despite Sheriff having the superior goal difference amongst the clubs.The team won the Commonwealth of Independent States Cup in 2003 and 2009, becoming the first team from Moldova to win an international title. Sheriff were the first club in Moldova to sign players from Brazil and Africa.From 2001–02 to 2008–09, the club tried to reach the group stage in the UEFA Champions League every year, but failed in the second qualifying round every time. Its European fortunes improved after 2009. Sheriff has appeared in three UEFA Europa League group stages (2009–10, 2010–11, 2013–14) with decent results, although they didn't manage to qualify to the knock-out stage. In 2017 they qualified to the group stage for the fourth time, after beating favorites Legia Warsaw on away goals in the play-off round.In the 2009–10 season, Sheriff finally reached the third qualifying round when they defeated Inter Turku. In the next round, Sheriff defeated Slavia Prague 1–1 on aggregate, progressing via the away goal rule due to Nadson's 94th-minute strike in the second leg. They were then eliminated from the 2009–10 UEFA Champions League by Greek club Olympiacos in the qualifying play-off for a spot in the group stage. Sheriff lost 2–0 in the first leg at home, and 1–0 in the second leg away.However, by virtue of losing in the play-off round, Sheriff qualified for the 2009–10 UEFA Europa League group stage, where they were drawn into Group H alongside Fenerbahçe, Twente and Steaua București. On 17 September 2009, their first Europa League match, Sheriff drew 0–0 away against Steaua. On 1 October, Sheriff's first Europa League home match, the club lost 1–0 to Fenerbahçe. On 22 October, Sheriff produced a stunning 2–0 home victory over Twente, ending Twente's 17-match unbeaten run. 2 December, Sheriff drew 1–1 at home with Steaua. Sheriff failed to progress past the group stage after finishing third in Group H with five points, ahead of Steaua.In the 2010–11 UEFA Champions League, on 14–20 July 2010, Sheriff defeated Dinamo Tirana in the second qualifying round (3–1, 0–1). Then, on 4 August, the club defeated Dinamo Zagreb on penalties (6–5) after identical 1–1 draws at home and away, thereby reaching the play-off round. On 18–24 August, in the play-off round against Basel, Sheriff lost 1–0 in Switzerland before losing 3–0 at home.Dropping to the 2010–11 UEFA Europa League after their play-off defeat to Basel, Sheriff was drawn into Group E alongside Dynamo Kyiv, AZ and BATE Borisov. After losing their first match 2–1 away against AZ on 15 September 2010, on 30 September, Sheriff defeated Dynamo Kyiv 2–0 at home. After losing two-straight matches against BATE – 0–1 at home and 3–1 away on 21 October and 4 November respectively – on 2 December, Sheriff drew 1–1 with AZ at home, then on 15 December, Sheriff drew 0–0 against Dynamo Kyiv away in Kyiv. Accumulating five points, Sheriff failed to progress past the group stage after finishing last in Group E.In the first match at home Sheriff Stadium is the home ground of Sheriff Tiraspol and is owned by the corporation Sheriff. Construction of the ground began on 1 August 2000, being completed in May 2002, with official opening in July 2002. It was renovated in 2011. The stadium has a seating capacity for 12,746 spectators and is eligible for FIFA/UEFA international events. Beside Sheriff, the stadium hosted also matches of FC Tiraspol and the Moldova national team.Asides from main arena of Sheriff Sports Complex, there is also an 8,000 seater stadium, Malaya Sportivnaya Arena, also situated in the same complex, along with eight training fields, a covered training centre, housing for the players, a college for students and a five-star hotel.Legend: GF = Goals For. GA = Goals Against. GD = Goal Difference.At the end of the 2020–21 season, Sheriff Tiraspol ranked 108th in the UEFA club coefficient rankings, up from 112th the previous season."Information correct as of match played 5 August 2018. Only competitive matches are counted."The Invincibles (football)	[ "Zoran Zekić", "Yuriy Vernydub" ]
Which employer did Michaela Pereira work for in Jan, 2015?	January 22, 2015	{ "text": [ "CNN" ] }	L2_Q6835618_P108_2	Michaela Pereira works for CNN from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2016. Michaela Pereira works for KTLA from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2013. Michaela Pereira works for TechTV from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2004. Michaela Pereira works for KTTV from Jan, 2020 to Dec, 2022.	Michaela PereiraMichaela Pereira (born August 26, 1970) is a Canadian television personality best known as being a former anchor for KTLA in Los Angeles and current anchor at KTTV FOX11 Los Angeles morning show, Good Day LA. She announced on March 28, 2013, that she would be leaving that position in May to be a part of the CNN morning show "New Day" that debuted on June 17, 2013.In 2016 Pereira left CNN for the HLN cable television network, where on July 11, 2016 she debuted as anchor of the Los Angeles-based news program "MichaeLA".In October 2018 HLN announced that Pereira and the hosts of two other HLN live news shows would be let go by the network; the final broadcasts for "MichaeLA" and the other two shows took place on October 26, 2018.It was announced in September, 2020, that Pereira would join KTTV in October of that same year. Pereira was educated at Peter Skene Ogden Secondary School, a public high school in the Cariboo town of 100 Mile House, British Columbia, from which she graduated in 1988, followed by Camosun College and the University of Victoria, also in British Columbia.Pereira began her career at CHEK-TV in Victoria, British Columbia as host of a magazine show and documentary special. She also reported on weather, sports and entertainment.She later co-hosted "Internet Tonight" on ZDTV with Scott Herriott, a daily look at Internet news and informative, interesting, and funny websites. After Internet Tonight's cancellation in 2001, Pereira became a regular host for "TechLive", serving in that position until 2004, when she signed onto KTLA in Los Angeles. She hosted her last episode of TechLive on February 6, 2004, after which TechTV began the process of merging with G4 in the next month, leading to its demise.In 1999, she was one of many personalities who temporarily co-reviewed films with film critic Roger Ebert on his television program in place of Gene Siskel, who was ultimately replaced by Richard Roeper. In one installment of the series, she discussed how her tastes leaned toward the mainstream and his toward the arthouse environment, and also reported on the increasing use of the Internet to market major films.On January 1, 2007, Pereira co-hosted coverage of the Tournament of Roses Parade with former game show host Bob Eubanks, replacing Stephanie Edwards. Pereira co-hosted the parade coverage with Eubanks again in 2008.On March 28, 2013 it was announced that Pereira would be leaving KTLA to become a host of a new morning show at CNN. She returned to Los Angeles in 2016 to anchor the live news program "MichaeLA" on HLN.In October 2018 HLN announced that Pereira's employment with the network was ending, along with that of Ashleigh Banfield and Carol Costello, based on the network's decision to scale back its live news programming. The final broadcast of Pereira's show (as well as the shows hosted by Banfield and Costello) took place on October 26, 2018.Pereira will be launching her new career at KTTV (channel 11) starting October 2020. Pereira served as the co-host of "KTLA Morning News," Los Angeles' number one rated morning newscast, for nine years. The program won nine Emmy Awards, including one for "Best Regularly Scheduled Daily News." Pereira won three Radio & TV News Association Golden Mike Awards: in 2006 for live coverage of a news story, "Urban Farm Eviction," and the Best Daytime News Broadcast in both 2004 and 2006. She was also honored with two Mark Twain Awards in 2004 for "Best Live Coverage of a News Event, Hostage Standoff Mexican Consulate," and the "Best 60 Minute Broadcast: KTLA Morning News."She is chairwoman of the board of LA's BEST Friends, an after school education, enrichment and recreation program. She served as a member of the board of directors for the Long Beach Boys and Girls Club; an advisory board member of Court Appointed Special Advocates (CASA), supporting children in foster care; an advisory board member of EmpowerTech, serving people with disabilities; and co-chair of the advisory board of Optimist Youth Home, providing services for troubled youth.Pereira is a member of the National Association of Black Journalists, the Black Journalists Association of Southern California, and American Women in Radio and Television. She is also active with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).Pereira was adopted. Her parents and siblings do not share the same ethnic backgrounds, which has subsequently led her to be a strong advocate for the rights of children. Though she's lived and worked in the United States for several years she still maintains her Canadian citizenship. She speaks Portuguese, in addition to English, and was an avid snowboarder until a 2010 knee surgery.	[ "KTTV", "TechTV", "KTLA" ]
Which employer did Michaela Pereira work for in 2015-01-22?	January 22, 2015	{ "text": [ "CNN" ] }	L2_Q6835618_P108_2	Michaela Pereira works for CNN from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2016. Michaela Pereira works for KTLA from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2013. Michaela Pereira works for TechTV from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2004. Michaela Pereira works for KTTV from Jan, 2020 to Dec, 2022.	Michaela PereiraMichaela Pereira (born August 26, 1970) is a Canadian television personality best known as being a former anchor for KTLA in Los Angeles and current anchor at KTTV FOX11 Los Angeles morning show, Good Day LA. She announced on March 28, 2013, that she would be leaving that position in May to be a part of the CNN morning show "New Day" that debuted on June 17, 2013.In 2016 Pereira left CNN for the HLN cable television network, where on July 11, 2016 she debuted as anchor of the Los Angeles-based news program "MichaeLA".In October 2018 HLN announced that Pereira and the hosts of two other HLN live news shows would be let go by the network; the final broadcasts for "MichaeLA" and the other two shows took place on October 26, 2018.It was announced in September, 2020, that Pereira would join KTTV in October of that same year. Pereira was educated at Peter Skene Ogden Secondary School, a public high school in the Cariboo town of 100 Mile House, British Columbia, from which she graduated in 1988, followed by Camosun College and the University of Victoria, also in British Columbia.Pereira began her career at CHEK-TV in Victoria, British Columbia as host of a magazine show and documentary special. She also reported on weather, sports and entertainment.She later co-hosted "Internet Tonight" on ZDTV with Scott Herriott, a daily look at Internet news and informative, interesting, and funny websites. After Internet Tonight's cancellation in 2001, Pereira became a regular host for "TechLive", serving in that position until 2004, when she signed onto KTLA in Los Angeles. She hosted her last episode of TechLive on February 6, 2004, after which TechTV began the process of merging with G4 in the next month, leading to its demise.In 1999, she was one of many personalities who temporarily co-reviewed films with film critic Roger Ebert on his television program in place of Gene Siskel, who was ultimately replaced by Richard Roeper. In one installment of the series, she discussed how her tastes leaned toward the mainstream and his toward the arthouse environment, and also reported on the increasing use of the Internet to market major films.On January 1, 2007, Pereira co-hosted coverage of the Tournament of Roses Parade with former game show host Bob Eubanks, replacing Stephanie Edwards. Pereira co-hosted the parade coverage with Eubanks again in 2008.On March 28, 2013 it was announced that Pereira would be leaving KTLA to become a host of a new morning show at CNN. She returned to Los Angeles in 2016 to anchor the live news program "MichaeLA" on HLN.In October 2018 HLN announced that Pereira's employment with the network was ending, along with that of Ashleigh Banfield and Carol Costello, based on the network's decision to scale back its live news programming. The final broadcast of Pereira's show (as well as the shows hosted by Banfield and Costello) took place on October 26, 2018.Pereira will be launching her new career at KTTV (channel 11) starting October 2020. Pereira served as the co-host of "KTLA Morning News," Los Angeles' number one rated morning newscast, for nine years. The program won nine Emmy Awards, including one for "Best Regularly Scheduled Daily News." Pereira won three Radio & TV News Association Golden Mike Awards: in 2006 for live coverage of a news story, "Urban Farm Eviction," and the Best Daytime News Broadcast in both 2004 and 2006. She was also honored with two Mark Twain Awards in 2004 for "Best Live Coverage of a News Event, Hostage Standoff Mexican Consulate," and the "Best 60 Minute Broadcast: KTLA Morning News."She is chairwoman of the board of LA's BEST Friends, an after school education, enrichment and recreation program. She served as a member of the board of directors for the Long Beach Boys and Girls Club; an advisory board member of Court Appointed Special Advocates (CASA), supporting children in foster care; an advisory board member of EmpowerTech, serving people with disabilities; and co-chair of the advisory board of Optimist Youth Home, providing services for troubled youth.Pereira is a member of the National Association of Black Journalists, the Black Journalists Association of Southern California, and American Women in Radio and Television. She is also active with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).Pereira was adopted. Her parents and siblings do not share the same ethnic backgrounds, which has subsequently led her to be a strong advocate for the rights of children. Though she's lived and worked in the United States for several years she still maintains her Canadian citizenship. She speaks Portuguese, in addition to English, and was an avid snowboarder until a 2010 knee surgery.	[ "KTTV", "TechTV", "KTLA" ]
Which employer did Michaela Pereira work for in 22/01/2015?	January 22, 2015	{ "text": [ "CNN" ] }	L2_Q6835618_P108_2	Michaela Pereira works for CNN from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2016. Michaela Pereira works for KTLA from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2013. Michaela Pereira works for TechTV from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2004. Michaela Pereira works for KTTV from Jan, 2020 to Dec, 2022.	Michaela PereiraMichaela Pereira (born August 26, 1970) is a Canadian television personality best known as being a former anchor for KTLA in Los Angeles and current anchor at KTTV FOX11 Los Angeles morning show, Good Day LA. She announced on March 28, 2013, that she would be leaving that position in May to be a part of the CNN morning show "New Day" that debuted on June 17, 2013.In 2016 Pereira left CNN for the HLN cable television network, where on July 11, 2016 she debuted as anchor of the Los Angeles-based news program "MichaeLA".In October 2018 HLN announced that Pereira and the hosts of two other HLN live news shows would be let go by the network; the final broadcasts for "MichaeLA" and the other two shows took place on October 26, 2018.It was announced in September, 2020, that Pereira would join KTTV in October of that same year. Pereira was educated at Peter Skene Ogden Secondary School, a public high school in the Cariboo town of 100 Mile House, British Columbia, from which she graduated in 1988, followed by Camosun College and the University of Victoria, also in British Columbia.Pereira began her career at CHEK-TV in Victoria, British Columbia as host of a magazine show and documentary special. She also reported on weather, sports and entertainment.She later co-hosted "Internet Tonight" on ZDTV with Scott Herriott, a daily look at Internet news and informative, interesting, and funny websites. After Internet Tonight's cancellation in 2001, Pereira became a regular host for "TechLive", serving in that position until 2004, when she signed onto KTLA in Los Angeles. She hosted her last episode of TechLive on February 6, 2004, after which TechTV began the process of merging with G4 in the next month, leading to its demise.In 1999, she was one of many personalities who temporarily co-reviewed films with film critic Roger Ebert on his television program in place of Gene Siskel, who was ultimately replaced by Richard Roeper. In one installment of the series, she discussed how her tastes leaned toward the mainstream and his toward the arthouse environment, and also reported on the increasing use of the Internet to market major films.On January 1, 2007, Pereira co-hosted coverage of the Tournament of Roses Parade with former game show host Bob Eubanks, replacing Stephanie Edwards. Pereira co-hosted the parade coverage with Eubanks again in 2008.On March 28, 2013 it was announced that Pereira would be leaving KTLA to become a host of a new morning show at CNN. She returned to Los Angeles in 2016 to anchor the live news program "MichaeLA" on HLN.In October 2018 HLN announced that Pereira's employment with the network was ending, along with that of Ashleigh Banfield and Carol Costello, based on the network's decision to scale back its live news programming. The final broadcast of Pereira's show (as well as the shows hosted by Banfield and Costello) took place on October 26, 2018.Pereira will be launching her new career at KTTV (channel 11) starting October 2020. Pereira served as the co-host of "KTLA Morning News," Los Angeles' number one rated morning newscast, for nine years. The program won nine Emmy Awards, including one for "Best Regularly Scheduled Daily News." Pereira won three Radio & TV News Association Golden Mike Awards: in 2006 for live coverage of a news story, "Urban Farm Eviction," and the Best Daytime News Broadcast in both 2004 and 2006. She was also honored with two Mark Twain Awards in 2004 for "Best Live Coverage of a News Event, Hostage Standoff Mexican Consulate," and the "Best 60 Minute Broadcast: KTLA Morning News."She is chairwoman of the board of LA's BEST Friends, an after school education, enrichment and recreation program. She served as a member of the board of directors for the Long Beach Boys and Girls Club; an advisory board member of Court Appointed Special Advocates (CASA), supporting children in foster care; an advisory board member of EmpowerTech, serving people with disabilities; and co-chair of the advisory board of Optimist Youth Home, providing services for troubled youth.Pereira is a member of the National Association of Black Journalists, the Black Journalists Association of Southern California, and American Women in Radio and Television. She is also active with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).Pereira was adopted. Her parents and siblings do not share the same ethnic backgrounds, which has subsequently led her to be a strong advocate for the rights of children. Though she's lived and worked in the United States for several years she still maintains her Canadian citizenship. She speaks Portuguese, in addition to English, and was an avid snowboarder until a 2010 knee surgery.	[ "KTTV", "TechTV", "KTLA" ]
Which employer did Michaela Pereira work for in Jan 22, 2015?	January 22, 2015	{ "text": [ "CNN" ] }	L2_Q6835618_P108_2	Michaela Pereira works for CNN from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2016. Michaela Pereira works for KTLA from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2013. Michaela Pereira works for TechTV from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2004. Michaela Pereira works for KTTV from Jan, 2020 to Dec, 2022.	Michaela PereiraMichaela Pereira (born August 26, 1970) is a Canadian television personality best known as being a former anchor for KTLA in Los Angeles and current anchor at KTTV FOX11 Los Angeles morning show, Good Day LA. She announced on March 28, 2013, that she would be leaving that position in May to be a part of the CNN morning show "New Day" that debuted on June 17, 2013.In 2016 Pereira left CNN for the HLN cable television network, where on July 11, 2016 she debuted as anchor of the Los Angeles-based news program "MichaeLA".In October 2018 HLN announced that Pereira and the hosts of two other HLN live news shows would be let go by the network; the final broadcasts for "MichaeLA" and the other two shows took place on October 26, 2018.It was announced in September, 2020, that Pereira would join KTTV in October of that same year. Pereira was educated at Peter Skene Ogden Secondary School, a public high school in the Cariboo town of 100 Mile House, British Columbia, from which she graduated in 1988, followed by Camosun College and the University of Victoria, also in British Columbia.Pereira began her career at CHEK-TV in Victoria, British Columbia as host of a magazine show and documentary special. She also reported on weather, sports and entertainment.She later co-hosted "Internet Tonight" on ZDTV with Scott Herriott, a daily look at Internet news and informative, interesting, and funny websites. After Internet Tonight's cancellation in 2001, Pereira became a regular host for "TechLive", serving in that position until 2004, when she signed onto KTLA in Los Angeles. She hosted her last episode of TechLive on February 6, 2004, after which TechTV began the process of merging with G4 in the next month, leading to its demise.In 1999, she was one of many personalities who temporarily co-reviewed films with film critic Roger Ebert on his television program in place of Gene Siskel, who was ultimately replaced by Richard Roeper. In one installment of the series, she discussed how her tastes leaned toward the mainstream and his toward the arthouse environment, and also reported on the increasing use of the Internet to market major films.On January 1, 2007, Pereira co-hosted coverage of the Tournament of Roses Parade with former game show host Bob Eubanks, replacing Stephanie Edwards. Pereira co-hosted the parade coverage with Eubanks again in 2008.On March 28, 2013 it was announced that Pereira would be leaving KTLA to become a host of a new morning show at CNN. She returned to Los Angeles in 2016 to anchor the live news program "MichaeLA" on HLN.In October 2018 HLN announced that Pereira's employment with the network was ending, along with that of Ashleigh Banfield and Carol Costello, based on the network's decision to scale back its live news programming. The final broadcast of Pereira's show (as well as the shows hosted by Banfield and Costello) took place on October 26, 2018.Pereira will be launching her new career at KTTV (channel 11) starting October 2020. Pereira served as the co-host of "KTLA Morning News," Los Angeles' number one rated morning newscast, for nine years. The program won nine Emmy Awards, including one for "Best Regularly Scheduled Daily News." Pereira won three Radio & TV News Association Golden Mike Awards: in 2006 for live coverage of a news story, "Urban Farm Eviction," and the Best Daytime News Broadcast in both 2004 and 2006. She was also honored with two Mark Twain Awards in 2004 for "Best Live Coverage of a News Event, Hostage Standoff Mexican Consulate," and the "Best 60 Minute Broadcast: KTLA Morning News."She is chairwoman of the board of LA's BEST Friends, an after school education, enrichment and recreation program. She served as a member of the board of directors for the Long Beach Boys and Girls Club; an advisory board member of Court Appointed Special Advocates (CASA), supporting children in foster care; an advisory board member of EmpowerTech, serving people with disabilities; and co-chair of the advisory board of Optimist Youth Home, providing services for troubled youth.Pereira is a member of the National Association of Black Journalists, the Black Journalists Association of Southern California, and American Women in Radio and Television. She is also active with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).Pereira was adopted. Her parents and siblings do not share the same ethnic backgrounds, which has subsequently led her to be a strong advocate for the rights of children. Though she's lived and worked in the United States for several years she still maintains her Canadian citizenship. She speaks Portuguese, in addition to English, and was an avid snowboarder until a 2010 knee surgery.	[ "KTTV", "TechTV", "KTLA" ]
Which employer did Michaela Pereira work for in 01/22/2015?	January 22, 2015	{ "text": [ "CNN" ] }	L2_Q6835618_P108_2	Michaela Pereira works for CNN from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2016. Michaela Pereira works for KTLA from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2013. Michaela Pereira works for TechTV from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2004. Michaela Pereira works for KTTV from Jan, 2020 to Dec, 2022.	Michaela PereiraMichaela Pereira (born August 26, 1970) is a Canadian television personality best known as being a former anchor for KTLA in Los Angeles and current anchor at KTTV FOX11 Los Angeles morning show, Good Day LA. She announced on March 28, 2013, that she would be leaving that position in May to be a part of the CNN morning show "New Day" that debuted on June 17, 2013.In 2016 Pereira left CNN for the HLN cable television network, where on July 11, 2016 she debuted as anchor of the Los Angeles-based news program "MichaeLA".In October 2018 HLN announced that Pereira and the hosts of two other HLN live news shows would be let go by the network; the final broadcasts for "MichaeLA" and the other two shows took place on October 26, 2018.It was announced in September, 2020, that Pereira would join KTTV in October of that same year. Pereira was educated at Peter Skene Ogden Secondary School, a public high school in the Cariboo town of 100 Mile House, British Columbia, from which she graduated in 1988, followed by Camosun College and the University of Victoria, also in British Columbia.Pereira began her career at CHEK-TV in Victoria, British Columbia as host of a magazine show and documentary special. She also reported on weather, sports and entertainment.She later co-hosted "Internet Tonight" on ZDTV with Scott Herriott, a daily look at Internet news and informative, interesting, and funny websites. After Internet Tonight's cancellation in 2001, Pereira became a regular host for "TechLive", serving in that position until 2004, when she signed onto KTLA in Los Angeles. She hosted her last episode of TechLive on February 6, 2004, after which TechTV began the process of merging with G4 in the next month, leading to its demise.In 1999, she was one of many personalities who temporarily co-reviewed films with film critic Roger Ebert on his television program in place of Gene Siskel, who was ultimately replaced by Richard Roeper. In one installment of the series, she discussed how her tastes leaned toward the mainstream and his toward the arthouse environment, and also reported on the increasing use of the Internet to market major films.On January 1, 2007, Pereira co-hosted coverage of the Tournament of Roses Parade with former game show host Bob Eubanks, replacing Stephanie Edwards. Pereira co-hosted the parade coverage with Eubanks again in 2008.On March 28, 2013 it was announced that Pereira would be leaving KTLA to become a host of a new morning show at CNN. She returned to Los Angeles in 2016 to anchor the live news program "MichaeLA" on HLN.In October 2018 HLN announced that Pereira's employment with the network was ending, along with that of Ashleigh Banfield and Carol Costello, based on the network's decision to scale back its live news programming. The final broadcast of Pereira's show (as well as the shows hosted by Banfield and Costello) took place on October 26, 2018.Pereira will be launching her new career at KTTV (channel 11) starting October 2020. Pereira served as the co-host of "KTLA Morning News," Los Angeles' number one rated morning newscast, for nine years. The program won nine Emmy Awards, including one for "Best Regularly Scheduled Daily News." Pereira won three Radio & TV News Association Golden Mike Awards: in 2006 for live coverage of a news story, "Urban Farm Eviction," and the Best Daytime News Broadcast in both 2004 and 2006. She was also honored with two Mark Twain Awards in 2004 for "Best Live Coverage of a News Event, Hostage Standoff Mexican Consulate," and the "Best 60 Minute Broadcast: KTLA Morning News."She is chairwoman of the board of LA's BEST Friends, an after school education, enrichment and recreation program. She served as a member of the board of directors for the Long Beach Boys and Girls Club; an advisory board member of Court Appointed Special Advocates (CASA), supporting children in foster care; an advisory board member of EmpowerTech, serving people with disabilities; and co-chair of the advisory board of Optimist Youth Home, providing services for troubled youth.Pereira is a member of the National Association of Black Journalists, the Black Journalists Association of Southern California, and American Women in Radio and Television. She is also active with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).Pereira was adopted. Her parents and siblings do not share the same ethnic backgrounds, which has subsequently led her to be a strong advocate for the rights of children. Though she's lived and worked in the United States for several years she still maintains her Canadian citizenship. She speaks Portuguese, in addition to English, and was an avid snowboarder until a 2010 knee surgery.	[ "KTTV", "TechTV", "KTLA" ]
Which employer did Michaela Pereira work for in 22-Jan-201522-January-2015?	January 22, 2015	{ "text": [ "CNN" ] }	L2_Q6835618_P108_2	Michaela Pereira works for CNN from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2016. Michaela Pereira works for KTLA from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2013. Michaela Pereira works for TechTV from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2004. Michaela Pereira works for KTTV from Jan, 2020 to Dec, 2022.	Michaela PereiraMichaela Pereira (born August 26, 1970) is a Canadian television personality best known as being a former anchor for KTLA in Los Angeles and current anchor at KTTV FOX11 Los Angeles morning show, Good Day LA. She announced on March 28, 2013, that she would be leaving that position in May to be a part of the CNN morning show "New Day" that debuted on June 17, 2013.In 2016 Pereira left CNN for the HLN cable television network, where on July 11, 2016 she debuted as anchor of the Los Angeles-based news program "MichaeLA".In October 2018 HLN announced that Pereira and the hosts of two other HLN live news shows would be let go by the network; the final broadcasts for "MichaeLA" and the other two shows took place on October 26, 2018.It was announced in September, 2020, that Pereira would join KTTV in October of that same year. Pereira was educated at Peter Skene Ogden Secondary School, a public high school in the Cariboo town of 100 Mile House, British Columbia, from which she graduated in 1988, followed by Camosun College and the University of Victoria, also in British Columbia.Pereira began her career at CHEK-TV in Victoria, British Columbia as host of a magazine show and documentary special. She also reported on weather, sports and entertainment.She later co-hosted "Internet Tonight" on ZDTV with Scott Herriott, a daily look at Internet news and informative, interesting, and funny websites. After Internet Tonight's cancellation in 2001, Pereira became a regular host for "TechLive", serving in that position until 2004, when she signed onto KTLA in Los Angeles. She hosted her last episode of TechLive on February 6, 2004, after which TechTV began the process of merging with G4 in the next month, leading to its demise.In 1999, she was one of many personalities who temporarily co-reviewed films with film critic Roger Ebert on his television program in place of Gene Siskel, who was ultimately replaced by Richard Roeper. In one installment of the series, she discussed how her tastes leaned toward the mainstream and his toward the arthouse environment, and also reported on the increasing use of the Internet to market major films.On January 1, 2007, Pereira co-hosted coverage of the Tournament of Roses Parade with former game show host Bob Eubanks, replacing Stephanie Edwards. Pereira co-hosted the parade coverage with Eubanks again in 2008.On March 28, 2013 it was announced that Pereira would be leaving KTLA to become a host of a new morning show at CNN. She returned to Los Angeles in 2016 to anchor the live news program "MichaeLA" on HLN.In October 2018 HLN announced that Pereira's employment with the network was ending, along with that of Ashleigh Banfield and Carol Costello, based on the network's decision to scale back its live news programming. The final broadcast of Pereira's show (as well as the shows hosted by Banfield and Costello) took place on October 26, 2018.Pereira will be launching her new career at KTTV (channel 11) starting October 2020. Pereira served as the co-host of "KTLA Morning News," Los Angeles' number one rated morning newscast, for nine years. The program won nine Emmy Awards, including one for "Best Regularly Scheduled Daily News." Pereira won three Radio & TV News Association Golden Mike Awards: in 2006 for live coverage of a news story, "Urban Farm Eviction," and the Best Daytime News Broadcast in both 2004 and 2006. She was also honored with two Mark Twain Awards in 2004 for "Best Live Coverage of a News Event, Hostage Standoff Mexican Consulate," and the "Best 60 Minute Broadcast: KTLA Morning News."She is chairwoman of the board of LA's BEST Friends, an after school education, enrichment and recreation program. She served as a member of the board of directors for the Long Beach Boys and Girls Club; an advisory board member of Court Appointed Special Advocates (CASA), supporting children in foster care; an advisory board member of EmpowerTech, serving people with disabilities; and co-chair of the advisory board of Optimist Youth Home, providing services for troubled youth.Pereira is a member of the National Association of Black Journalists, the Black Journalists Association of Southern California, and American Women in Radio and Television. She is also active with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).Pereira was adopted. Her parents and siblings do not share the same ethnic backgrounds, which has subsequently led her to be a strong advocate for the rights of children. Though she's lived and worked in the United States for several years she still maintains her Canadian citizenship. She speaks Portuguese, in addition to English, and was an avid snowboarder until a 2010 knee surgery.	[ "KTTV", "TechTV", "KTLA" ]
Who was the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia in Sep, 1982?	September 13, 1982	{ "text": [ "Ramon Trias Fargas" ] }	L2_Q1129443_P488_0	Vicenç Mauri i Claret is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022. Artur Mas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Mar, 2012 to Jul, 2016. Jacint Borràs i Manuel is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 2016 to Sep, 2017. Jordi Pujol is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 2012. Ramon Trias Fargas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1989.	Democratic Convergence of CataloniaThe Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (; , CDC), frequently shortened as Convergence (; ) was a Catalan nationalist, liberal political party in Catalonia (Spain), currently still existing without any political activity.The party was originally created around the figure of Jordi Pujol in 1974, but it was not legally registered until February 1977. Between 1978 and 2015, the party was a member of the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance that dominated Catalan politics for almost the entirety of its existence; first as an electoral alliance with the christian democratic Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC), then as a party federation on 2 December 2001. For 37 years, both parties contested all elections under the CiU umbrella, being the first political group in the Parliament of Catalonia for its entire history and forming the regional government for nearly three decades (1980–2003 and 2010–2015). In June 2015, the CiU federation split over the issue of Catalan independence.On 8–10 July 2016, the party was refounded into the Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT), with CDC's political activity being passed to the new party, though CDC has remained active as a way to preserve its public funding and electoral rights in favour of the PDeCAT and the Together for Catalonia alliance. At the time of the party's refoundation in July 2016, it had 15,019 members.The party was founded on 17 November 1974 in Santa Maria de Montserrat Abbey as a "political movement" centered around the figure of Jordi Pujol. After the death of dictator Francisco Franco and in the wake of the Spanish transition to democracy, CDC was constituted as a political party in February 1976, being officially registered as such one year later in 1977. Convergence's aim would be to articulate itself as a transversal big tent political platform, able of bringing together various social sectors—from left to right in the political spectrum—of public life in Catalonia.Ahead of the first democratic election on 15 June 1977, CDC formed the Democratic Pact for Catalonia electoral alliance for the Congress of Deputies, together with the Socialist Party of Catalonia–Regrouping (PSC–R), Democratic Left of Catalonia (EDC) and the National Front of Catalonia (FNC); for the Spanish Senate it formed the Democracy and Catalonia coalition with the PSC–R, EDC and Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC). In the spring of 1978, a sector of the party unsuccessfully proposed its renaming as "Nationalist Party of Catalonia", a name which would be used by several party members 42 years later for another political force.On 19 September 1978, CDC and UDC established the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance, under which both parties would contest together all elections held in Catalonia throughout the next 37 years together. From the 1979 Spanish general election onwards, CDC and UDC would maintain the CiU alliance for all elections at all levels of administration: local, regional and general.Until their split in June 2015, the CiU alliance would dominate Catalan regional politics from the 1980s to the early 2000s, providing for Jordi Pujol's long stay in the regional government for 23 consecutive years, until a left-wing alliance comprising the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC), Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) and Initiative for Catalonia Greens (ICV) was able to oust CiU from government and into opposition. It would not be until the 2010 Catalan regional election held seven years later that CiU, under Artur Mas's leadership, was returned to government.Beyond its dominance of Catalan politics, CDC sought to have influence in the Spanish parliament, collaborated with governments both under the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) (and more critically, in the 1993–1996 period when the PSOE was forced into a minority government) as well as under the People's Party (PP) (1996–2004), giving their support to both parties's attempts to form government, then maintaining confidence and supply agreements with them. CiU's support to Felipe González's government provided for the development of the "state of autonomies" the foundations for the financing of the autonomous communities. Under the PP governments of José María Aznar, CDC supported the liberalizing and budgetary control measures that allowed Spain to eventually adopt the euro as the country's currency. In the so-called "Majestic Pacts" signed between CiU and the PP after the latter's victory in the 1996 Spanish general election, both parties had also agreed to further expand on the development of regional financing started during González's tenure, the abolition of compulsory military service and the devolution of powers to the autonomous communities.Pujol's retirement ahead of the 2003 Catalan regional election prompted Artur Mas—who served as chief minister () and Pujol's protégée during the late stages of his government—as his successor as CDC leader and CiU leading candidate. After CiU's victory in the 2010 regional election, Mas would become the new president of the Government of Catalonia, introducing previously unseen variable geometry in the region's politics: first by partnering with the opposition's main party the PSC, then seeking collaboration with the local PP branch for approving the regional budget. As a result of the 11 September 2012 demonstration, Mas sought to capitalize on the social momentum of independence by triggering a snap election for 25 November, hoping to expand his parliamentary majority and attain an absolute majority; instead, his party suffered a severe setback by falling from 62 to 50 seats, having to rely on the support of the pro-independence Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) to keep himself in power. Frictions with CDC's alliance partner UDC over the issue of independence ended up in the termination of CiU as a political project in June 2015.Concurrently, the party had been shaken by CDC founder Jordi Pujol's confession on 25 July 2014 that he had hidden "money located abroad" from the Public Treasury for 34 years, allegedly attributed to his father's, Florenci Pujol, heritage. In his statement, Pujol regretted never having found the "right time" for the regularization of these amounts of money and asked the public for forgiveness. Various media outlets pointed out that this money was located in secret bank accounts abroad and could have benefitted from the fiscal amnesty promoted by the Spanish government of Mariano Rajoy in 2012. Coupled with the ongoing judicial investigations on an alleged CDC corruption scandal involving the payment of illegal commissions in exchange for the award of public works—in what would be known as the "3% case" because of that amount being the percentage of the public works' budgets that was to be illegally paid—Pujol's confession caused a profound commotion in Catalan society, which had the former president as a revered public figure with a large amount of influence.Following CiU's breakup, CDC contested the 2015 Catalan regional election within the Junts pel Sí coalition, and the 2015 Spanish general election within the Democracy and Freedom alliance. The 2016 Spanish general election would be the only one in CDC's long electoral history which the party would contest entirely on its own.In a party ballot held on 21 May 2016 to determine the party's future, CDC members were asked whether they backed a "renovation" of the party as it was, or instead supported a full "refoundation" with the establishment of a new, different party, leading to a 67–32% result in favour of refoundation. As a result, during its congress held from 8 to 10 July 2016, the new Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT) was established, out of a desire for presenting a renewed trademark disassociated from CDC's corruption scandals, occurring during its long-term dominance of Catalan regional politics. The refoundation, intended as a pre-ordained scheme which the party's grassroots ultimately took away from its leadership, would only hasten the blurring of the post-convergent political space, after seeing the loss of the historical CDC label, the dilution of the PDeCAT within the Junts pel Sí parliamentary group with a number of various parties and independents, the increasing influence of Catalan president Carles Puigdemont in regional politics even after his ousting and subsequent self-exile in late October 2017 and the eventual coalescing of former pro-independence CDC members around the Together for Catalonia umbrella, dominated by Puigdemont's own party, the National Call for the Republic.Several parties would be formed from splinter CDC/PDeCAT elements weary of Puigdemont's growing influence and seeking to occupy the vacuum left by CiU's dissolution and appeal to Convergence's "orphan" voters. These included the Free (Lliures) party founded by former regional minister Antoni Fernández Teixidó, Convergents (CNV) of former regional minister of justice Germà Gordó, the Democratic League (LD) of political scientist Astrid Barrio and the Nationalist Party of Catalonia (PNC) led by former PDeCAT coordinator-general between 2016 and 2018 Marta Pascal.On 15 January 2018, a court in Barcelona ruled that CDC had received €6.6 million in illegal commissions from building firm Ferrovial between 1999 and 2009, in exchange for public works contracts. The scheme used the Palau de la Música Catalana concert venue as a front for false invoicing. Twelve people were jailed and fined millions. The former CDC treasurer Daniel Osàcar was sentenced to four years and five months in prison and fined €3.7 million for influence peddling and money laundering. Fèlix Millet, the former director of the Palau, was jailed for just under 10 years and fined €4.1 million and his deputy, Jordi Montull, received a 7 years and six months sentence and was fined €2.9 million. Millet and Montull were the individuals who benefited most from the scam, controlling the Palau's funds. The "Turkey Telegraph" noted the "final impunity of the CDC leaders", and also the impunity for the company that paid illegal commissions. Earlier in January, Artur Mas, who was a close ally of Osàcar, had stepped down as party president.	[ "Jordi Pujol", "Jacint Borràs i Manuel", "Vicenç Mauri i Claret", "Artur Mas" ]
Who was the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia in 1982-09-13?	September 13, 1982	{ "text": [ "Ramon Trias Fargas" ] }	L2_Q1129443_P488_0	Vicenç Mauri i Claret is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022. Artur Mas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Mar, 2012 to Jul, 2016. Jacint Borràs i Manuel is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 2016 to Sep, 2017. Jordi Pujol is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 2012. Ramon Trias Fargas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1989.	Democratic Convergence of CataloniaThe Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (; , CDC), frequently shortened as Convergence (; ) was a Catalan nationalist, liberal political party in Catalonia (Spain), currently still existing without any political activity.The party was originally created around the figure of Jordi Pujol in 1974, but it was not legally registered until February 1977. Between 1978 and 2015, the party was a member of the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance that dominated Catalan politics for almost the entirety of its existence; first as an electoral alliance with the christian democratic Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC), then as a party federation on 2 December 2001. For 37 years, both parties contested all elections under the CiU umbrella, being the first political group in the Parliament of Catalonia for its entire history and forming the regional government for nearly three decades (1980–2003 and 2010–2015). In June 2015, the CiU federation split over the issue of Catalan independence.On 8–10 July 2016, the party was refounded into the Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT), with CDC's political activity being passed to the new party, though CDC has remained active as a way to preserve its public funding and electoral rights in favour of the PDeCAT and the Together for Catalonia alliance. At the time of the party's refoundation in July 2016, it had 15,019 members.The party was founded on 17 November 1974 in Santa Maria de Montserrat Abbey as a "political movement" centered around the figure of Jordi Pujol. After the death of dictator Francisco Franco and in the wake of the Spanish transition to democracy, CDC was constituted as a political party in February 1976, being officially registered as such one year later in 1977. Convergence's aim would be to articulate itself as a transversal big tent political platform, able of bringing together various social sectors—from left to right in the political spectrum—of public life in Catalonia.Ahead of the first democratic election on 15 June 1977, CDC formed the Democratic Pact for Catalonia electoral alliance for the Congress of Deputies, together with the Socialist Party of Catalonia–Regrouping (PSC–R), Democratic Left of Catalonia (EDC) and the National Front of Catalonia (FNC); for the Spanish Senate it formed the Democracy and Catalonia coalition with the PSC–R, EDC and Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC). In the spring of 1978, a sector of the party unsuccessfully proposed its renaming as "Nationalist Party of Catalonia", a name which would be used by several party members 42 years later for another political force.On 19 September 1978, CDC and UDC established the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance, under which both parties would contest together all elections held in Catalonia throughout the next 37 years together. From the 1979 Spanish general election onwards, CDC and UDC would maintain the CiU alliance for all elections at all levels of administration: local, regional and general.Until their split in June 2015, the CiU alliance would dominate Catalan regional politics from the 1980s to the early 2000s, providing for Jordi Pujol's long stay in the regional government for 23 consecutive years, until a left-wing alliance comprising the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC), Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) and Initiative for Catalonia Greens (ICV) was able to oust CiU from government and into opposition. It would not be until the 2010 Catalan regional election held seven years later that CiU, under Artur Mas's leadership, was returned to government.Beyond its dominance of Catalan politics, CDC sought to have influence in the Spanish parliament, collaborated with governments both under the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) (and more critically, in the 1993–1996 period when the PSOE was forced into a minority government) as well as under the People's Party (PP) (1996–2004), giving their support to both parties's attempts to form government, then maintaining confidence and supply agreements with them. CiU's support to Felipe González's government provided for the development of the "state of autonomies" the foundations for the financing of the autonomous communities. Under the PP governments of José María Aznar, CDC supported the liberalizing and budgetary control measures that allowed Spain to eventually adopt the euro as the country's currency. In the so-called "Majestic Pacts" signed between CiU and the PP after the latter's victory in the 1996 Spanish general election, both parties had also agreed to further expand on the development of regional financing started during González's tenure, the abolition of compulsory military service and the devolution of powers to the autonomous communities.Pujol's retirement ahead of the 2003 Catalan regional election prompted Artur Mas—who served as chief minister () and Pujol's protégée during the late stages of his government—as his successor as CDC leader and CiU leading candidate. After CiU's victory in the 2010 regional election, Mas would become the new president of the Government of Catalonia, introducing previously unseen variable geometry in the region's politics: first by partnering with the opposition's main party the PSC, then seeking collaboration with the local PP branch for approving the regional budget. As a result of the 11 September 2012 demonstration, Mas sought to capitalize on the social momentum of independence by triggering a snap election for 25 November, hoping to expand his parliamentary majority and attain an absolute majority; instead, his party suffered a severe setback by falling from 62 to 50 seats, having to rely on the support of the pro-independence Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) to keep himself in power. Frictions with CDC's alliance partner UDC over the issue of independence ended up in the termination of CiU as a political project in June 2015.Concurrently, the party had been shaken by CDC founder Jordi Pujol's confession on 25 July 2014 that he had hidden "money located abroad" from the Public Treasury for 34 years, allegedly attributed to his father's, Florenci Pujol, heritage. In his statement, Pujol regretted never having found the "right time" for the regularization of these amounts of money and asked the public for forgiveness. Various media outlets pointed out that this money was located in secret bank accounts abroad and could have benefitted from the fiscal amnesty promoted by the Spanish government of Mariano Rajoy in 2012. Coupled with the ongoing judicial investigations on an alleged CDC corruption scandal involving the payment of illegal commissions in exchange for the award of public works—in what would be known as the "3% case" because of that amount being the percentage of the public works' budgets that was to be illegally paid—Pujol's confession caused a profound commotion in Catalan society, which had the former president as a revered public figure with a large amount of influence.Following CiU's breakup, CDC contested the 2015 Catalan regional election within the Junts pel Sí coalition, and the 2015 Spanish general election within the Democracy and Freedom alliance. The 2016 Spanish general election would be the only one in CDC's long electoral history which the party would contest entirely on its own.In a party ballot held on 21 May 2016 to determine the party's future, CDC members were asked whether they backed a "renovation" of the party as it was, or instead supported a full "refoundation" with the establishment of a new, different party, leading to a 67–32% result in favour of refoundation. As a result, during its congress held from 8 to 10 July 2016, the new Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT) was established, out of a desire for presenting a renewed trademark disassociated from CDC's corruption scandals, occurring during its long-term dominance of Catalan regional politics. The refoundation, intended as a pre-ordained scheme which the party's grassroots ultimately took away from its leadership, would only hasten the blurring of the post-convergent political space, after seeing the loss of the historical CDC label, the dilution of the PDeCAT within the Junts pel Sí parliamentary group with a number of various parties and independents, the increasing influence of Catalan president Carles Puigdemont in regional politics even after his ousting and subsequent self-exile in late October 2017 and the eventual coalescing of former pro-independence CDC members around the Together for Catalonia umbrella, dominated by Puigdemont's own party, the National Call for the Republic.Several parties would be formed from splinter CDC/PDeCAT elements weary of Puigdemont's growing influence and seeking to occupy the vacuum left by CiU's dissolution and appeal to Convergence's "orphan" voters. These included the Free (Lliures) party founded by former regional minister Antoni Fernández Teixidó, Convergents (CNV) of former regional minister of justice Germà Gordó, the Democratic League (LD) of political scientist Astrid Barrio and the Nationalist Party of Catalonia (PNC) led by former PDeCAT coordinator-general between 2016 and 2018 Marta Pascal.On 15 January 2018, a court in Barcelona ruled that CDC had received €6.6 million in illegal commissions from building firm Ferrovial between 1999 and 2009, in exchange for public works contracts. The scheme used the Palau de la Música Catalana concert venue as a front for false invoicing. Twelve people were jailed and fined millions. The former CDC treasurer Daniel Osàcar was sentenced to four years and five months in prison and fined €3.7 million for influence peddling and money laundering. Fèlix Millet, the former director of the Palau, was jailed for just under 10 years and fined €4.1 million and his deputy, Jordi Montull, received a 7 years and six months sentence and was fined €2.9 million. Millet and Montull were the individuals who benefited most from the scam, controlling the Palau's funds. The "Turkey Telegraph" noted the "final impunity of the CDC leaders", and also the impunity for the company that paid illegal commissions. Earlier in January, Artur Mas, who was a close ally of Osàcar, had stepped down as party president.	[ "Jordi Pujol", "Jacint Borràs i Manuel", "Vicenç Mauri i Claret", "Artur Mas" ]
Who was the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia in 13/09/1982?	September 13, 1982	{ "text": [ "Ramon Trias Fargas" ] }	L2_Q1129443_P488_0	Vicenç Mauri i Claret is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022. Artur Mas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Mar, 2012 to Jul, 2016. Jacint Borràs i Manuel is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 2016 to Sep, 2017. Jordi Pujol is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 2012. Ramon Trias Fargas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1989.	Democratic Convergence of CataloniaThe Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (; , CDC), frequently shortened as Convergence (; ) was a Catalan nationalist, liberal political party in Catalonia (Spain), currently still existing without any political activity.The party was originally created around the figure of Jordi Pujol in 1974, but it was not legally registered until February 1977. Between 1978 and 2015, the party was a member of the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance that dominated Catalan politics for almost the entirety of its existence; first as an electoral alliance with the christian democratic Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC), then as a party federation on 2 December 2001. For 37 years, both parties contested all elections under the CiU umbrella, being the first political group in the Parliament of Catalonia for its entire history and forming the regional government for nearly three decades (1980–2003 and 2010–2015). In June 2015, the CiU federation split over the issue of Catalan independence.On 8–10 July 2016, the party was refounded into the Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT), with CDC's political activity being passed to the new party, though CDC has remained active as a way to preserve its public funding and electoral rights in favour of the PDeCAT and the Together for Catalonia alliance. At the time of the party's refoundation in July 2016, it had 15,019 members.The party was founded on 17 November 1974 in Santa Maria de Montserrat Abbey as a "political movement" centered around the figure of Jordi Pujol. After the death of dictator Francisco Franco and in the wake of the Spanish transition to democracy, CDC was constituted as a political party in February 1976, being officially registered as such one year later in 1977. Convergence's aim would be to articulate itself as a transversal big tent political platform, able of bringing together various social sectors—from left to right in the political spectrum—of public life in Catalonia.Ahead of the first democratic election on 15 June 1977, CDC formed the Democratic Pact for Catalonia electoral alliance for the Congress of Deputies, together with the Socialist Party of Catalonia–Regrouping (PSC–R), Democratic Left of Catalonia (EDC) and the National Front of Catalonia (FNC); for the Spanish Senate it formed the Democracy and Catalonia coalition with the PSC–R, EDC and Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC). In the spring of 1978, a sector of the party unsuccessfully proposed its renaming as "Nationalist Party of Catalonia", a name which would be used by several party members 42 years later for another political force.On 19 September 1978, CDC and UDC established the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance, under which both parties would contest together all elections held in Catalonia throughout the next 37 years together. From the 1979 Spanish general election onwards, CDC and UDC would maintain the CiU alliance for all elections at all levels of administration: local, regional and general.Until their split in June 2015, the CiU alliance would dominate Catalan regional politics from the 1980s to the early 2000s, providing for Jordi Pujol's long stay in the regional government for 23 consecutive years, until a left-wing alliance comprising the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC), Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) and Initiative for Catalonia Greens (ICV) was able to oust CiU from government and into opposition. It would not be until the 2010 Catalan regional election held seven years later that CiU, under Artur Mas's leadership, was returned to government.Beyond its dominance of Catalan politics, CDC sought to have influence in the Spanish parliament, collaborated with governments both under the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) (and more critically, in the 1993–1996 period when the PSOE was forced into a minority government) as well as under the People's Party (PP) (1996–2004), giving their support to both parties's attempts to form government, then maintaining confidence and supply agreements with them. CiU's support to Felipe González's government provided for the development of the "state of autonomies" the foundations for the financing of the autonomous communities. Under the PP governments of José María Aznar, CDC supported the liberalizing and budgetary control measures that allowed Spain to eventually adopt the euro as the country's currency. In the so-called "Majestic Pacts" signed between CiU and the PP after the latter's victory in the 1996 Spanish general election, both parties had also agreed to further expand on the development of regional financing started during González's tenure, the abolition of compulsory military service and the devolution of powers to the autonomous communities.Pujol's retirement ahead of the 2003 Catalan regional election prompted Artur Mas—who served as chief minister () and Pujol's protégée during the late stages of his government—as his successor as CDC leader and CiU leading candidate. After CiU's victory in the 2010 regional election, Mas would become the new president of the Government of Catalonia, introducing previously unseen variable geometry in the region's politics: first by partnering with the opposition's main party the PSC, then seeking collaboration with the local PP branch for approving the regional budget. As a result of the 11 September 2012 demonstration, Mas sought to capitalize on the social momentum of independence by triggering a snap election for 25 November, hoping to expand his parliamentary majority and attain an absolute majority; instead, his party suffered a severe setback by falling from 62 to 50 seats, having to rely on the support of the pro-independence Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) to keep himself in power. Frictions with CDC's alliance partner UDC over the issue of independence ended up in the termination of CiU as a political project in June 2015.Concurrently, the party had been shaken by CDC founder Jordi Pujol's confession on 25 July 2014 that he had hidden "money located abroad" from the Public Treasury for 34 years, allegedly attributed to his father's, Florenci Pujol, heritage. In his statement, Pujol regretted never having found the "right time" for the regularization of these amounts of money and asked the public for forgiveness. Various media outlets pointed out that this money was located in secret bank accounts abroad and could have benefitted from the fiscal amnesty promoted by the Spanish government of Mariano Rajoy in 2012. Coupled with the ongoing judicial investigations on an alleged CDC corruption scandal involving the payment of illegal commissions in exchange for the award of public works—in what would be known as the "3% case" because of that amount being the percentage of the public works' budgets that was to be illegally paid—Pujol's confession caused a profound commotion in Catalan society, which had the former president as a revered public figure with a large amount of influence.Following CiU's breakup, CDC contested the 2015 Catalan regional election within the Junts pel Sí coalition, and the 2015 Spanish general election within the Democracy and Freedom alliance. The 2016 Spanish general election would be the only one in CDC's long electoral history which the party would contest entirely on its own.In a party ballot held on 21 May 2016 to determine the party's future, CDC members were asked whether they backed a "renovation" of the party as it was, or instead supported a full "refoundation" with the establishment of a new, different party, leading to a 67–32% result in favour of refoundation. As a result, during its congress held from 8 to 10 July 2016, the new Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT) was established, out of a desire for presenting a renewed trademark disassociated from CDC's corruption scandals, occurring during its long-term dominance of Catalan regional politics. The refoundation, intended as a pre-ordained scheme which the party's grassroots ultimately took away from its leadership, would only hasten the blurring of the post-convergent political space, after seeing the loss of the historical CDC label, the dilution of the PDeCAT within the Junts pel Sí parliamentary group with a number of various parties and independents, the increasing influence of Catalan president Carles Puigdemont in regional politics even after his ousting and subsequent self-exile in late October 2017 and the eventual coalescing of former pro-independence CDC members around the Together for Catalonia umbrella, dominated by Puigdemont's own party, the National Call for the Republic.Several parties would be formed from splinter CDC/PDeCAT elements weary of Puigdemont's growing influence and seeking to occupy the vacuum left by CiU's dissolution and appeal to Convergence's "orphan" voters. These included the Free (Lliures) party founded by former regional minister Antoni Fernández Teixidó, Convergents (CNV) of former regional minister of justice Germà Gordó, the Democratic League (LD) of political scientist Astrid Barrio and the Nationalist Party of Catalonia (PNC) led by former PDeCAT coordinator-general between 2016 and 2018 Marta Pascal.On 15 January 2018, a court in Barcelona ruled that CDC had received €6.6 million in illegal commissions from building firm Ferrovial between 1999 and 2009, in exchange for public works contracts. The scheme used the Palau de la Música Catalana concert venue as a front for false invoicing. Twelve people were jailed and fined millions. The former CDC treasurer Daniel Osàcar was sentenced to four years and five months in prison and fined €3.7 million for influence peddling and money laundering. Fèlix Millet, the former director of the Palau, was jailed for just under 10 years and fined €4.1 million and his deputy, Jordi Montull, received a 7 years and six months sentence and was fined €2.9 million. Millet and Montull were the individuals who benefited most from the scam, controlling the Palau's funds. The "Turkey Telegraph" noted the "final impunity of the CDC leaders", and also the impunity for the company that paid illegal commissions. Earlier in January, Artur Mas, who was a close ally of Osàcar, had stepped down as party president.	[ "Jordi Pujol", "Jacint Borràs i Manuel", "Vicenç Mauri i Claret", "Artur Mas" ]
Who was the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia in Sep 13, 1982?	September 13, 1982	{ "text": [ "Ramon Trias Fargas" ] }	L2_Q1129443_P488_0	Vicenç Mauri i Claret is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022. Artur Mas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Mar, 2012 to Jul, 2016. Jacint Borràs i Manuel is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 2016 to Sep, 2017. Jordi Pujol is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 2012. Ramon Trias Fargas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1989.	Democratic Convergence of CataloniaThe Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (; , CDC), frequently shortened as Convergence (; ) was a Catalan nationalist, liberal political party in Catalonia (Spain), currently still existing without any political activity.The party was originally created around the figure of Jordi Pujol in 1974, but it was not legally registered until February 1977. Between 1978 and 2015, the party was a member of the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance that dominated Catalan politics for almost the entirety of its existence; first as an electoral alliance with the christian democratic Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC), then as a party federation on 2 December 2001. For 37 years, both parties contested all elections under the CiU umbrella, being the first political group in the Parliament of Catalonia for its entire history and forming the regional government for nearly three decades (1980–2003 and 2010–2015). In June 2015, the CiU federation split over the issue of Catalan independence.On 8–10 July 2016, the party was refounded into the Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT), with CDC's political activity being passed to the new party, though CDC has remained active as a way to preserve its public funding and electoral rights in favour of the PDeCAT and the Together for Catalonia alliance. At the time of the party's refoundation in July 2016, it had 15,019 members.The party was founded on 17 November 1974 in Santa Maria de Montserrat Abbey as a "political movement" centered around the figure of Jordi Pujol. After the death of dictator Francisco Franco and in the wake of the Spanish transition to democracy, CDC was constituted as a political party in February 1976, being officially registered as such one year later in 1977. Convergence's aim would be to articulate itself as a transversal big tent political platform, able of bringing together various social sectors—from left to right in the political spectrum—of public life in Catalonia.Ahead of the first democratic election on 15 June 1977, CDC formed the Democratic Pact for Catalonia electoral alliance for the Congress of Deputies, together with the Socialist Party of Catalonia–Regrouping (PSC–R), Democratic Left of Catalonia (EDC) and the National Front of Catalonia (FNC); for the Spanish Senate it formed the Democracy and Catalonia coalition with the PSC–R, EDC and Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC). In the spring of 1978, a sector of the party unsuccessfully proposed its renaming as "Nationalist Party of Catalonia", a name which would be used by several party members 42 years later for another political force.On 19 September 1978, CDC and UDC established the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance, under which both parties would contest together all elections held in Catalonia throughout the next 37 years together. From the 1979 Spanish general election onwards, CDC and UDC would maintain the CiU alliance for all elections at all levels of administration: local, regional and general.Until their split in June 2015, the CiU alliance would dominate Catalan regional politics from the 1980s to the early 2000s, providing for Jordi Pujol's long stay in the regional government for 23 consecutive years, until a left-wing alliance comprising the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC), Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) and Initiative for Catalonia Greens (ICV) was able to oust CiU from government and into opposition. It would not be until the 2010 Catalan regional election held seven years later that CiU, under Artur Mas's leadership, was returned to government.Beyond its dominance of Catalan politics, CDC sought to have influence in the Spanish parliament, collaborated with governments both under the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) (and more critically, in the 1993–1996 period when the PSOE was forced into a minority government) as well as under the People's Party (PP) (1996–2004), giving their support to both parties's attempts to form government, then maintaining confidence and supply agreements with them. CiU's support to Felipe González's government provided for the development of the "state of autonomies" the foundations for the financing of the autonomous communities. Under the PP governments of José María Aznar, CDC supported the liberalizing and budgetary control measures that allowed Spain to eventually adopt the euro as the country's currency. In the so-called "Majestic Pacts" signed between CiU and the PP after the latter's victory in the 1996 Spanish general election, both parties had also agreed to further expand on the development of regional financing started during González's tenure, the abolition of compulsory military service and the devolution of powers to the autonomous communities.Pujol's retirement ahead of the 2003 Catalan regional election prompted Artur Mas—who served as chief minister () and Pujol's protégée during the late stages of his government—as his successor as CDC leader and CiU leading candidate. After CiU's victory in the 2010 regional election, Mas would become the new president of the Government of Catalonia, introducing previously unseen variable geometry in the region's politics: first by partnering with the opposition's main party the PSC, then seeking collaboration with the local PP branch for approving the regional budget. As a result of the 11 September 2012 demonstration, Mas sought to capitalize on the social momentum of independence by triggering a snap election for 25 November, hoping to expand his parliamentary majority and attain an absolute majority; instead, his party suffered a severe setback by falling from 62 to 50 seats, having to rely on the support of the pro-independence Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) to keep himself in power. Frictions with CDC's alliance partner UDC over the issue of independence ended up in the termination of CiU as a political project in June 2015.Concurrently, the party had been shaken by CDC founder Jordi Pujol's confession on 25 July 2014 that he had hidden "money located abroad" from the Public Treasury for 34 years, allegedly attributed to his father's, Florenci Pujol, heritage. In his statement, Pujol regretted never having found the "right time" for the regularization of these amounts of money and asked the public for forgiveness. Various media outlets pointed out that this money was located in secret bank accounts abroad and could have benefitted from the fiscal amnesty promoted by the Spanish government of Mariano Rajoy in 2012. Coupled with the ongoing judicial investigations on an alleged CDC corruption scandal involving the payment of illegal commissions in exchange for the award of public works—in what would be known as the "3% case" because of that amount being the percentage of the public works' budgets that was to be illegally paid—Pujol's confession caused a profound commotion in Catalan society, which had the former president as a revered public figure with a large amount of influence.Following CiU's breakup, CDC contested the 2015 Catalan regional election within the Junts pel Sí coalition, and the 2015 Spanish general election within the Democracy and Freedom alliance. The 2016 Spanish general election would be the only one in CDC's long electoral history which the party would contest entirely on its own.In a party ballot held on 21 May 2016 to determine the party's future, CDC members were asked whether they backed a "renovation" of the party as it was, or instead supported a full "refoundation" with the establishment of a new, different party, leading to a 67–32% result in favour of refoundation. As a result, during its congress held from 8 to 10 July 2016, the new Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT) was established, out of a desire for presenting a renewed trademark disassociated from CDC's corruption scandals, occurring during its long-term dominance of Catalan regional politics. The refoundation, intended as a pre-ordained scheme which the party's grassroots ultimately took away from its leadership, would only hasten the blurring of the post-convergent political space, after seeing the loss of the historical CDC label, the dilution of the PDeCAT within the Junts pel Sí parliamentary group with a number of various parties and independents, the increasing influence of Catalan president Carles Puigdemont in regional politics even after his ousting and subsequent self-exile in late October 2017 and the eventual coalescing of former pro-independence CDC members around the Together for Catalonia umbrella, dominated by Puigdemont's own party, the National Call for the Republic.Several parties would be formed from splinter CDC/PDeCAT elements weary of Puigdemont's growing influence and seeking to occupy the vacuum left by CiU's dissolution and appeal to Convergence's "orphan" voters. These included the Free (Lliures) party founded by former regional minister Antoni Fernández Teixidó, Convergents (CNV) of former regional minister of justice Germà Gordó, the Democratic League (LD) of political scientist Astrid Barrio and the Nationalist Party of Catalonia (PNC) led by former PDeCAT coordinator-general between 2016 and 2018 Marta Pascal.On 15 January 2018, a court in Barcelona ruled that CDC had received €6.6 million in illegal commissions from building firm Ferrovial between 1999 and 2009, in exchange for public works contracts. The scheme used the Palau de la Música Catalana concert venue as a front for false invoicing. Twelve people were jailed and fined millions. The former CDC treasurer Daniel Osàcar was sentenced to four years and five months in prison and fined €3.7 million for influence peddling and money laundering. Fèlix Millet, the former director of the Palau, was jailed for just under 10 years and fined €4.1 million and his deputy, Jordi Montull, received a 7 years and six months sentence and was fined €2.9 million. Millet and Montull were the individuals who benefited most from the scam, controlling the Palau's funds. The "Turkey Telegraph" noted the "final impunity of the CDC leaders", and also the impunity for the company that paid illegal commissions. Earlier in January, Artur Mas, who was a close ally of Osàcar, had stepped down as party president.	[ "Jordi Pujol", "Jacint Borràs i Manuel", "Vicenç Mauri i Claret", "Artur Mas" ]
Who was the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia in 09/13/1982?	September 13, 1982	{ "text": [ "Ramon Trias Fargas" ] }	L2_Q1129443_P488_0	Vicenç Mauri i Claret is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022. Artur Mas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Mar, 2012 to Jul, 2016. Jacint Borràs i Manuel is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 2016 to Sep, 2017. Jordi Pujol is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 2012. Ramon Trias Fargas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1989.	Democratic Convergence of CataloniaThe Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (; , CDC), frequently shortened as Convergence (; ) was a Catalan nationalist, liberal political party in Catalonia (Spain), currently still existing without any political activity.The party was originally created around the figure of Jordi Pujol in 1974, but it was not legally registered until February 1977. Between 1978 and 2015, the party was a member of the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance that dominated Catalan politics for almost the entirety of its existence; first as an electoral alliance with the christian democratic Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC), then as a party federation on 2 December 2001. For 37 years, both parties contested all elections under the CiU umbrella, being the first political group in the Parliament of Catalonia for its entire history and forming the regional government for nearly three decades (1980–2003 and 2010–2015). In June 2015, the CiU federation split over the issue of Catalan independence.On 8–10 July 2016, the party was refounded into the Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT), with CDC's political activity being passed to the new party, though CDC has remained active as a way to preserve its public funding and electoral rights in favour of the PDeCAT and the Together for Catalonia alliance. At the time of the party's refoundation in July 2016, it had 15,019 members.The party was founded on 17 November 1974 in Santa Maria de Montserrat Abbey as a "political movement" centered around the figure of Jordi Pujol. After the death of dictator Francisco Franco and in the wake of the Spanish transition to democracy, CDC was constituted as a political party in February 1976, being officially registered as such one year later in 1977. Convergence's aim would be to articulate itself as a transversal big tent political platform, able of bringing together various social sectors—from left to right in the political spectrum—of public life in Catalonia.Ahead of the first democratic election on 15 June 1977, CDC formed the Democratic Pact for Catalonia electoral alliance for the Congress of Deputies, together with the Socialist Party of Catalonia–Regrouping (PSC–R), Democratic Left of Catalonia (EDC) and the National Front of Catalonia (FNC); for the Spanish Senate it formed the Democracy and Catalonia coalition with the PSC–R, EDC and Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC). In the spring of 1978, a sector of the party unsuccessfully proposed its renaming as "Nationalist Party of Catalonia", a name which would be used by several party members 42 years later for another political force.On 19 September 1978, CDC and UDC established the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance, under which both parties would contest together all elections held in Catalonia throughout the next 37 years together. From the 1979 Spanish general election onwards, CDC and UDC would maintain the CiU alliance for all elections at all levels of administration: local, regional and general.Until their split in June 2015, the CiU alliance would dominate Catalan regional politics from the 1980s to the early 2000s, providing for Jordi Pujol's long stay in the regional government for 23 consecutive years, until a left-wing alliance comprising the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC), Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) and Initiative for Catalonia Greens (ICV) was able to oust CiU from government and into opposition. It would not be until the 2010 Catalan regional election held seven years later that CiU, under Artur Mas's leadership, was returned to government.Beyond its dominance of Catalan politics, CDC sought to have influence in the Spanish parliament, collaborated with governments both under the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) (and more critically, in the 1993–1996 period when the PSOE was forced into a minority government) as well as under the People's Party (PP) (1996–2004), giving their support to both parties's attempts to form government, then maintaining confidence and supply agreements with them. CiU's support to Felipe González's government provided for the development of the "state of autonomies" the foundations for the financing of the autonomous communities. Under the PP governments of José María Aznar, CDC supported the liberalizing and budgetary control measures that allowed Spain to eventually adopt the euro as the country's currency. In the so-called "Majestic Pacts" signed between CiU and the PP after the latter's victory in the 1996 Spanish general election, both parties had also agreed to further expand on the development of regional financing started during González's tenure, the abolition of compulsory military service and the devolution of powers to the autonomous communities.Pujol's retirement ahead of the 2003 Catalan regional election prompted Artur Mas—who served as chief minister () and Pujol's protégée during the late stages of his government—as his successor as CDC leader and CiU leading candidate. After CiU's victory in the 2010 regional election, Mas would become the new president of the Government of Catalonia, introducing previously unseen variable geometry in the region's politics: first by partnering with the opposition's main party the PSC, then seeking collaboration with the local PP branch for approving the regional budget. As a result of the 11 September 2012 demonstration, Mas sought to capitalize on the social momentum of independence by triggering a snap election for 25 November, hoping to expand his parliamentary majority and attain an absolute majority; instead, his party suffered a severe setback by falling from 62 to 50 seats, having to rely on the support of the pro-independence Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) to keep himself in power. Frictions with CDC's alliance partner UDC over the issue of independence ended up in the termination of CiU as a political project in June 2015.Concurrently, the party had been shaken by CDC founder Jordi Pujol's confession on 25 July 2014 that he had hidden "money located abroad" from the Public Treasury for 34 years, allegedly attributed to his father's, Florenci Pujol, heritage. In his statement, Pujol regretted never having found the "right time" for the regularization of these amounts of money and asked the public for forgiveness. Various media outlets pointed out that this money was located in secret bank accounts abroad and could have benefitted from the fiscal amnesty promoted by the Spanish government of Mariano Rajoy in 2012. Coupled with the ongoing judicial investigations on an alleged CDC corruption scandal involving the payment of illegal commissions in exchange for the award of public works—in what would be known as the "3% case" because of that amount being the percentage of the public works' budgets that was to be illegally paid—Pujol's confession caused a profound commotion in Catalan society, which had the former president as a revered public figure with a large amount of influence.Following CiU's breakup, CDC contested the 2015 Catalan regional election within the Junts pel Sí coalition, and the 2015 Spanish general election within the Democracy and Freedom alliance. The 2016 Spanish general election would be the only one in CDC's long electoral history which the party would contest entirely on its own.In a party ballot held on 21 May 2016 to determine the party's future, CDC members were asked whether they backed a "renovation" of the party as it was, or instead supported a full "refoundation" with the establishment of a new, different party, leading to a 67–32% result in favour of refoundation. As a result, during its congress held from 8 to 10 July 2016, the new Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT) was established, out of a desire for presenting a renewed trademark disassociated from CDC's corruption scandals, occurring during its long-term dominance of Catalan regional politics. The refoundation, intended as a pre-ordained scheme which the party's grassroots ultimately took away from its leadership, would only hasten the blurring of the post-convergent political space, after seeing the loss of the historical CDC label, the dilution of the PDeCAT within the Junts pel Sí parliamentary group with a number of various parties and independents, the increasing influence of Catalan president Carles Puigdemont in regional politics even after his ousting and subsequent self-exile in late October 2017 and the eventual coalescing of former pro-independence CDC members around the Together for Catalonia umbrella, dominated by Puigdemont's own party, the National Call for the Republic.Several parties would be formed from splinter CDC/PDeCAT elements weary of Puigdemont's growing influence and seeking to occupy the vacuum left by CiU's dissolution and appeal to Convergence's "orphan" voters. These included the Free (Lliures) party founded by former regional minister Antoni Fernández Teixidó, Convergents (CNV) of former regional minister of justice Germà Gordó, the Democratic League (LD) of political scientist Astrid Barrio and the Nationalist Party of Catalonia (PNC) led by former PDeCAT coordinator-general between 2016 and 2018 Marta Pascal.On 15 January 2018, a court in Barcelona ruled that CDC had received €6.6 million in illegal commissions from building firm Ferrovial between 1999 and 2009, in exchange for public works contracts. The scheme used the Palau de la Música Catalana concert venue as a front for false invoicing. Twelve people were jailed and fined millions. The former CDC treasurer Daniel Osàcar was sentenced to four years and five months in prison and fined €3.7 million for influence peddling and money laundering. Fèlix Millet, the former director of the Palau, was jailed for just under 10 years and fined €4.1 million and his deputy, Jordi Montull, received a 7 years and six months sentence and was fined €2.9 million. Millet and Montull were the individuals who benefited most from the scam, controlling the Palau's funds. The "Turkey Telegraph" noted the "final impunity of the CDC leaders", and also the impunity for the company that paid illegal commissions. Earlier in January, Artur Mas, who was a close ally of Osàcar, had stepped down as party president.	[ "Jordi Pujol", "Jacint Borràs i Manuel", "Vicenç Mauri i Claret", "Artur Mas" ]
Who was the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia in 13-Sep-198213-September-1982?	September 13, 1982	{ "text": [ "Ramon Trias Fargas" ] }	L2_Q1129443_P488_0	Vicenç Mauri i Claret is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022. Artur Mas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Mar, 2012 to Jul, 2016. Jacint Borràs i Manuel is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 2016 to Sep, 2017. Jordi Pujol is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 2012. Ramon Trias Fargas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1989.	Democratic Convergence of CataloniaThe Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (; , CDC), frequently shortened as Convergence (; ) was a Catalan nationalist, liberal political party in Catalonia (Spain), currently still existing without any political activity.The party was originally created around the figure of Jordi Pujol in 1974, but it was not legally registered until February 1977. Between 1978 and 2015, the party was a member of the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance that dominated Catalan politics for almost the entirety of its existence; first as an electoral alliance with the christian democratic Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC), then as a party federation on 2 December 2001. For 37 years, both parties contested all elections under the CiU umbrella, being the first political group in the Parliament of Catalonia for its entire history and forming the regional government for nearly three decades (1980–2003 and 2010–2015). In June 2015, the CiU federation split over the issue of Catalan independence.On 8–10 July 2016, the party was refounded into the Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT), with CDC's political activity being passed to the new party, though CDC has remained active as a way to preserve its public funding and electoral rights in favour of the PDeCAT and the Together for Catalonia alliance. At the time of the party's refoundation in July 2016, it had 15,019 members.The party was founded on 17 November 1974 in Santa Maria de Montserrat Abbey as a "political movement" centered around the figure of Jordi Pujol. After the death of dictator Francisco Franco and in the wake of the Spanish transition to democracy, CDC was constituted as a political party in February 1976, being officially registered as such one year later in 1977. Convergence's aim would be to articulate itself as a transversal big tent political platform, able of bringing together various social sectors—from left to right in the political spectrum—of public life in Catalonia.Ahead of the first democratic election on 15 June 1977, CDC formed the Democratic Pact for Catalonia electoral alliance for the Congress of Deputies, together with the Socialist Party of Catalonia–Regrouping (PSC–R), Democratic Left of Catalonia (EDC) and the National Front of Catalonia (FNC); for the Spanish Senate it formed the Democracy and Catalonia coalition with the PSC–R, EDC and Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC). In the spring of 1978, a sector of the party unsuccessfully proposed its renaming as "Nationalist Party of Catalonia", a name which would be used by several party members 42 years later for another political force.On 19 September 1978, CDC and UDC established the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance, under which both parties would contest together all elections held in Catalonia throughout the next 37 years together. From the 1979 Spanish general election onwards, CDC and UDC would maintain the CiU alliance for all elections at all levels of administration: local, regional and general.Until their split in June 2015, the CiU alliance would dominate Catalan regional politics from the 1980s to the early 2000s, providing for Jordi Pujol's long stay in the regional government for 23 consecutive years, until a left-wing alliance comprising the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC), Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) and Initiative for Catalonia Greens (ICV) was able to oust CiU from government and into opposition. It would not be until the 2010 Catalan regional election held seven years later that CiU, under Artur Mas's leadership, was returned to government.Beyond its dominance of Catalan politics, CDC sought to have influence in the Spanish parliament, collaborated with governments both under the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) (and more critically, in the 1993–1996 period when the PSOE was forced into a minority government) as well as under the People's Party (PP) (1996–2004), giving their support to both parties's attempts to form government, then maintaining confidence and supply agreements with them. CiU's support to Felipe González's government provided for the development of the "state of autonomies" the foundations for the financing of the autonomous communities. Under the PP governments of José María Aznar, CDC supported the liberalizing and budgetary control measures that allowed Spain to eventually adopt the euro as the country's currency. In the so-called "Majestic Pacts" signed between CiU and the PP after the latter's victory in the 1996 Spanish general election, both parties had also agreed to further expand on the development of regional financing started during González's tenure, the abolition of compulsory military service and the devolution of powers to the autonomous communities.Pujol's retirement ahead of the 2003 Catalan regional election prompted Artur Mas—who served as chief minister () and Pujol's protégée during the late stages of his government—as his successor as CDC leader and CiU leading candidate. After CiU's victory in the 2010 regional election, Mas would become the new president of the Government of Catalonia, introducing previously unseen variable geometry in the region's politics: first by partnering with the opposition's main party the PSC, then seeking collaboration with the local PP branch for approving the regional budget. As a result of the 11 September 2012 demonstration, Mas sought to capitalize on the social momentum of independence by triggering a snap election for 25 November, hoping to expand his parliamentary majority and attain an absolute majority; instead, his party suffered a severe setback by falling from 62 to 50 seats, having to rely on the support of the pro-independence Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) to keep himself in power. Frictions with CDC's alliance partner UDC over the issue of independence ended up in the termination of CiU as a political project in June 2015.Concurrently, the party had been shaken by CDC founder Jordi Pujol's confession on 25 July 2014 that he had hidden "money located abroad" from the Public Treasury for 34 years, allegedly attributed to his father's, Florenci Pujol, heritage. In his statement, Pujol regretted never having found the "right time" for the regularization of these amounts of money and asked the public for forgiveness. Various media outlets pointed out that this money was located in secret bank accounts abroad and could have benefitted from the fiscal amnesty promoted by the Spanish government of Mariano Rajoy in 2012. Coupled with the ongoing judicial investigations on an alleged CDC corruption scandal involving the payment of illegal commissions in exchange for the award of public works—in what would be known as the "3% case" because of that amount being the percentage of the public works' budgets that was to be illegally paid—Pujol's confession caused a profound commotion in Catalan society, which had the former president as a revered public figure with a large amount of influence.Following CiU's breakup, CDC contested the 2015 Catalan regional election within the Junts pel Sí coalition, and the 2015 Spanish general election within the Democracy and Freedom alliance. The 2016 Spanish general election would be the only one in CDC's long electoral history which the party would contest entirely on its own.In a party ballot held on 21 May 2016 to determine the party's future, CDC members were asked whether they backed a "renovation" of the party as it was, or instead supported a full "refoundation" with the establishment of a new, different party, leading to a 67–32% result in favour of refoundation. As a result, during its congress held from 8 to 10 July 2016, the new Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT) was established, out of a desire for presenting a renewed trademark disassociated from CDC's corruption scandals, occurring during its long-term dominance of Catalan regional politics. The refoundation, intended as a pre-ordained scheme which the party's grassroots ultimately took away from its leadership, would only hasten the blurring of the post-convergent political space, after seeing the loss of the historical CDC label, the dilution of the PDeCAT within the Junts pel Sí parliamentary group with a number of various parties and independents, the increasing influence of Catalan president Carles Puigdemont in regional politics even after his ousting and subsequent self-exile in late October 2017 and the eventual coalescing of former pro-independence CDC members around the Together for Catalonia umbrella, dominated by Puigdemont's own party, the National Call for the Republic.Several parties would be formed from splinter CDC/PDeCAT elements weary of Puigdemont's growing influence and seeking to occupy the vacuum left by CiU's dissolution and appeal to Convergence's "orphan" voters. These included the Free (Lliures) party founded by former regional minister Antoni Fernández Teixidó, Convergents (CNV) of former regional minister of justice Germà Gordó, the Democratic League (LD) of political scientist Astrid Barrio and the Nationalist Party of Catalonia (PNC) led by former PDeCAT coordinator-general between 2016 and 2018 Marta Pascal.On 15 January 2018, a court in Barcelona ruled that CDC had received €6.6 million in illegal commissions from building firm Ferrovial between 1999 and 2009, in exchange for public works contracts. The scheme used the Palau de la Música Catalana concert venue as a front for false invoicing. Twelve people were jailed and fined millions. The former CDC treasurer Daniel Osàcar was sentenced to four years and five months in prison and fined €3.7 million for influence peddling and money laundering. Fèlix Millet, the former director of the Palau, was jailed for just under 10 years and fined €4.1 million and his deputy, Jordi Montull, received a 7 years and six months sentence and was fined €2.9 million. Millet and Montull were the individuals who benefited most from the scam, controlling the Palau's funds. The "Turkey Telegraph" noted the "final impunity of the CDC leaders", and also the impunity for the company that paid illegal commissions. Earlier in January, Artur Mas, who was a close ally of Osàcar, had stepped down as party president.	[ "Jordi Pujol", "Jacint Borràs i Manuel", "Vicenç Mauri i Claret", "Artur Mas" ]
Who was the head coach of the team BK Häcken in Oct, 2018?	October 03, 2018	{ "text": [ "Andreas Alm" ] }	L2_Q639723_P286_1	Andreas Alm is the head coach of BK Häcken from Jan, 2018 to May, 2021. Per-Mathias Høgmo is the head coach of BK Häcken from Jun, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Peter Gerhardsson is the head coach of BK Häcken from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2016.	BK HäckenBollklubben Häcken, more commonly known as BK Häcken or simply Häcken (), is a Swedish professional football club based in Gothenburg. It currently plays in Allsvenskan, the top tier of Swedish football. Formed on 2 August 1940, Häcken has played sixteen seasons in Allsvenskan, debuting in the league in 1983.The club is affiliated to Göteborgs Fotbollförbund and play their home games at Bravida Arena. The club colours, reflected in their crest and kit, are yellow and black.The club was started by a group of 14- to 15-year-old youngsters, and they had a wish to not just play football for fun but to create an organisation and play in the national league system. The boys turned to "Göteborgs Fotbollförbund", the local FA, the boys had been playing under the name BK Kick earlier. However, the name was already taken by another organisation, the name was then changed to "Bollklubben Häcken" after the huge hedge (sv: häck) which grew around the field the boys used to practise on. The organisation Bollklubben Häcken came into existence on 2 August 1940.Following the first years the club only played sporadic matches, youth championships and a few other matches, but eventually they started to play at the senior level. As of 1943 the club started to take in the league system and success came in an instant. Between 1944 and 1947 the club won their league and climbed from "west seniorclass 4" to "seniorclass 1".The start of the 1950s went as well as the 1940s had. The club won Division 4 in 1950 and when they won Division 3 in 1951 they went from a local club to be known as a "comet team" in the national media. The club fought for a place in Allsvenskan in 1953 but saw themselves defeated by Kalmar FF, and in 1954 the club was relegated from Division 2. In 1955 the club set the record for the most spectators during a Division 3 game against IK Oddevold, when 18,229 people showed up for the game. BK Häcken eventually won the league but returned soon again and played in Division 3 for the rest of the decade.The 1960s started with the opening of the club's new clubhouse, now known as "Häckensborg". Häcken spent most of the decade as a stable Division 3 team, but in 1967 they were relegated to Division 4 and it was struck by some severe economical and internal problems.The 1970s started just as badly as the previous decade ended. The club fell out of Division 4 and held discussions with IF Warta about a merger. A discussion had been up several times earlier but had not gone as far as now, at the day of the voting the IF Warta members voted for a merging while the BK Häcken members voted against it. In 1971 the club won Division 5, the club then played in Division 4 until 1975 when they won it and in 1977 they won Division 3 with former Swedish international Agne Simonsson as manager, when the club earlier won Division 3 in 1951 they climbed directly up to Division 2, however this time they had to play a qualifier against IK Brage, Motala AIF and Degerfors. The club won and took the step up to Division 2. During 1978–79 the club played successfully in Division 2 with a 3rd place as the best position. In 1978 BK Häcken also started a ladies team.The new decade started as strong as the last one ended, Agne Simonsen continued to bring success to the club as they won Division 2 and qualified for a position in Allsvenskan, however IF Elfsborg proved too strong with a 0–1 home defeat at Gamla Ullevi and then a 1–1 result in Borås at Ryavallen. However, during the game at Gamla Ullevi, BK Häcken sets the club record for biggest home audience with 19 205.However the club was not let down by this and came in 2nd place in 1982 and this time they qualified for the promotion play-offs against IFK Norrköping, BK Häcken is able to reach a 2–0 result home at Rambergsvallen and then achieve a 1–1 away at Idrottsparken in Norrköping and the club reached Allsvenskan for the first time in club history.The time that BK Häcken spends in Allsvenskan is however short, the club's successful manager Agne Simonsen leaves for a local competitor and Reine Almqvist takes over, the club ends up last in the league and is relegated back to Division 2 where they play for the rest of the 1980s.BK Häcken starts the 1990s with winning Division 1 söder and faces GIF Sundsvall in the promotion play-offs, and despite an impressive 5–2 victory at home for Häcken, Sundsvall is able to come back in and win the match in Sundsvall and gets promoted to Allsvenskan. The club was also successful plying in Svenska Cupen and reaches the final, but are defeated again, this time 3–0 by Djurgårdens IF.The club is close in reaching Allsvenskan again in 1991, but a 2–2 home and 1–1 away sees them losing the position to Helsingborgs IF.1992 is more successful as they reach Allsvenskan through a 4th place in Kvalsvenskan and this time the spell in the top league is not as short as earlier, BK Häcken ends up on in 6th place in 1993 and gets to play a second year in Allsvenskan, however the club ends up last in the league in 1994 and following some turbulence on the leadership side of the club it stays in Division 1 until 1997 as the club ended up in 2nd place and qualifies for the play-offs against Västerås SK, with a 1–1 home and with a 4–2 away BK Häcken climbs up to Allsvenskan again.The club is however relegated again in 1998 after ending up second last, but returns in 1999 after winning Division 1 Södra, this year Kim Källström also makes his debut for the club.The new millennium continues as the last decade did, the club is able to defend its Allsvenska position in a relegation/promotion play-off against Mjällby AIF in the end of the 2000 season after penalties, Kjell Pettersson leaves the club and Torbjörn Nilsson takes over as manager.2001 BK Häcken plays its sixth season overall in Allsvenskan but ends second last and is relegated to Superettan, through a cooperation with Floda BoIF future Liberian national Dulee Johnson arrives at the club and in 2002 and he gets company from Jimmy Dixon and Dioh Williams.BK Häcken stays in Superettan until 2004, being close to take the step up both in 2002, failing on goal difference, and in 2003, defeated by GIF Sundsvall in the play-offs, in 2004 the clubs reaches Allsvenskan by winning Superettan.The club brings in former Swedish international Teddy Lučić and Danish international Stig Tøfting in 2005 in an attempt to reach a higher position the earlier, the club reaches 8th places.The 2006 season gets harder as Stig Tøfting and Dulee Johnson leaves the club and the club is forced to play against a qualify against IF Brommapojkarna, BK Häcken is defeated by a total of 4–1 and is relegated to Superettan.In 2010, Häcken earned the Fair Play award for the Allsvenskan. This resulted in the team earning a spot in the 1st Qualifying Round of the 2011–12 UEFA Europa League when Sweden won third place in the UEFA Fair Play ranking.In 2012, BK Häcken finished second in Allsvenskan, which is their best performance in the league so far. During this season, the Ghanaian striker Waris Majeed scored 23 goals, which made him the Allsvenskan top scorer of the year. In 2016, Häcken secured their first main title, as they beat Malmö FF in the final of the Svenska Cupen, and won the cup title. In 2019, Häcken secured their second main title, as they beat AFC Eskilstuna in the final of the Svenska Cupen with 3–0 at Bravida Arena.Häcken's main rivals are the three other main Gothenburg teams IFK Göteborg, GAIS and Örgryte IS, with IFK being considered the biggest rival.A lesser rivalry also consists between Häcken and IF Elfsborg from Borås, as well as with some teams from the island of Hisingen in the names of IF Warta and Hisingsbacka FC, especially between the younger sections of the teams.AllsvenskanSuperettanDivision 1 Södra:Division 1 VästraSvenska CupenLegend: GF = Goals For. GA = Goals Against. GD = Goal Difference.2 – Johan Lind, defender (1995–2010)	[ "Per-Mathias Høgmo", "Peter Gerhardsson" ]
Who was the head coach of the team BK Häcken in 2018-10-03?	October 03, 2018	{ "text": [ "Andreas Alm" ] }	L2_Q639723_P286_1	Andreas Alm is the head coach of BK Häcken from Jan, 2018 to May, 2021. Per-Mathias Høgmo is the head coach of BK Häcken from Jun, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Peter Gerhardsson is the head coach of BK Häcken from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2016.	BK HäckenBollklubben Häcken, more commonly known as BK Häcken or simply Häcken (), is a Swedish professional football club based in Gothenburg. It currently plays in Allsvenskan, the top tier of Swedish football. Formed on 2 August 1940, Häcken has played sixteen seasons in Allsvenskan, debuting in the league in 1983.The club is affiliated to Göteborgs Fotbollförbund and play their home games at Bravida Arena. The club colours, reflected in their crest and kit, are yellow and black.The club was started by a group of 14- to 15-year-old youngsters, and they had a wish to not just play football for fun but to create an organisation and play in the national league system. The boys turned to "Göteborgs Fotbollförbund", the local FA, the boys had been playing under the name BK Kick earlier. However, the name was already taken by another organisation, the name was then changed to "Bollklubben Häcken" after the huge hedge (sv: häck) which grew around the field the boys used to practise on. The organisation Bollklubben Häcken came into existence on 2 August 1940.Following the first years the club only played sporadic matches, youth championships and a few other matches, but eventually they started to play at the senior level. As of 1943 the club started to take in the league system and success came in an instant. Between 1944 and 1947 the club won their league and climbed from "west seniorclass 4" to "seniorclass 1".The start of the 1950s went as well as the 1940s had. The club won Division 4 in 1950 and when they won Division 3 in 1951 they went from a local club to be known as a "comet team" in the national media. The club fought for a place in Allsvenskan in 1953 but saw themselves defeated by Kalmar FF, and in 1954 the club was relegated from Division 2. In 1955 the club set the record for the most spectators during a Division 3 game against IK Oddevold, when 18,229 people showed up for the game. BK Häcken eventually won the league but returned soon again and played in Division 3 for the rest of the decade.The 1960s started with the opening of the club's new clubhouse, now known as "Häckensborg". Häcken spent most of the decade as a stable Division 3 team, but in 1967 they were relegated to Division 4 and it was struck by some severe economical and internal problems.The 1970s started just as badly as the previous decade ended. The club fell out of Division 4 and held discussions with IF Warta about a merger. A discussion had been up several times earlier but had not gone as far as now, at the day of the voting the IF Warta members voted for a merging while the BK Häcken members voted against it. In 1971 the club won Division 5, the club then played in Division 4 until 1975 when they won it and in 1977 they won Division 3 with former Swedish international Agne Simonsson as manager, when the club earlier won Division 3 in 1951 they climbed directly up to Division 2, however this time they had to play a qualifier against IK Brage, Motala AIF and Degerfors. The club won and took the step up to Division 2. During 1978–79 the club played successfully in Division 2 with a 3rd place as the best position. In 1978 BK Häcken also started a ladies team.The new decade started as strong as the last one ended, Agne Simonsen continued to bring success to the club as they won Division 2 and qualified for a position in Allsvenskan, however IF Elfsborg proved too strong with a 0–1 home defeat at Gamla Ullevi and then a 1–1 result in Borås at Ryavallen. However, during the game at Gamla Ullevi, BK Häcken sets the club record for biggest home audience with 19 205.However the club was not let down by this and came in 2nd place in 1982 and this time they qualified for the promotion play-offs against IFK Norrköping, BK Häcken is able to reach a 2–0 result home at Rambergsvallen and then achieve a 1–1 away at Idrottsparken in Norrköping and the club reached Allsvenskan for the first time in club history.The time that BK Häcken spends in Allsvenskan is however short, the club's successful manager Agne Simonsen leaves for a local competitor and Reine Almqvist takes over, the club ends up last in the league and is relegated back to Division 2 where they play for the rest of the 1980s.BK Häcken starts the 1990s with winning Division 1 söder and faces GIF Sundsvall in the promotion play-offs, and despite an impressive 5–2 victory at home for Häcken, Sundsvall is able to come back in and win the match in Sundsvall and gets promoted to Allsvenskan. The club was also successful plying in Svenska Cupen and reaches the final, but are defeated again, this time 3–0 by Djurgårdens IF.The club is close in reaching Allsvenskan again in 1991, but a 2–2 home and 1–1 away sees them losing the position to Helsingborgs IF.1992 is more successful as they reach Allsvenskan through a 4th place in Kvalsvenskan and this time the spell in the top league is not as short as earlier, BK Häcken ends up on in 6th place in 1993 and gets to play a second year in Allsvenskan, however the club ends up last in the league in 1994 and following some turbulence on the leadership side of the club it stays in Division 1 until 1997 as the club ended up in 2nd place and qualifies for the play-offs against Västerås SK, with a 1–1 home and with a 4–2 away BK Häcken climbs up to Allsvenskan again.The club is however relegated again in 1998 after ending up second last, but returns in 1999 after winning Division 1 Södra, this year Kim Källström also makes his debut for the club.The new millennium continues as the last decade did, the club is able to defend its Allsvenska position in a relegation/promotion play-off against Mjällby AIF in the end of the 2000 season after penalties, Kjell Pettersson leaves the club and Torbjörn Nilsson takes over as manager.2001 BK Häcken plays its sixth season overall in Allsvenskan but ends second last and is relegated to Superettan, through a cooperation with Floda BoIF future Liberian national Dulee Johnson arrives at the club and in 2002 and he gets company from Jimmy Dixon and Dioh Williams.BK Häcken stays in Superettan until 2004, being close to take the step up both in 2002, failing on goal difference, and in 2003, defeated by GIF Sundsvall in the play-offs, in 2004 the clubs reaches Allsvenskan by winning Superettan.The club brings in former Swedish international Teddy Lučić and Danish international Stig Tøfting in 2005 in an attempt to reach a higher position the earlier, the club reaches 8th places.The 2006 season gets harder as Stig Tøfting and Dulee Johnson leaves the club and the club is forced to play against a qualify against IF Brommapojkarna, BK Häcken is defeated by a total of 4–1 and is relegated to Superettan.In 2010, Häcken earned the Fair Play award for the Allsvenskan. This resulted in the team earning a spot in the 1st Qualifying Round of the 2011–12 UEFA Europa League when Sweden won third place in the UEFA Fair Play ranking.In 2012, BK Häcken finished second in Allsvenskan, which is their best performance in the league so far. During this season, the Ghanaian striker Waris Majeed scored 23 goals, which made him the Allsvenskan top scorer of the year. In 2016, Häcken secured their first main title, as they beat Malmö FF in the final of the Svenska Cupen, and won the cup title. In 2019, Häcken secured their second main title, as they beat AFC Eskilstuna in the final of the Svenska Cupen with 3–0 at Bravida Arena.Häcken's main rivals are the three other main Gothenburg teams IFK Göteborg, GAIS and Örgryte IS, with IFK being considered the biggest rival.A lesser rivalry also consists between Häcken and IF Elfsborg from Borås, as well as with some teams from the island of Hisingen in the names of IF Warta and Hisingsbacka FC, especially between the younger sections of the teams.AllsvenskanSuperettanDivision 1 Södra:Division 1 VästraSvenska CupenLegend: GF = Goals For. GA = Goals Against. GD = Goal Difference.2 – Johan Lind, defender (1995–2010)	[ "Per-Mathias Høgmo", "Peter Gerhardsson" ]
Who was the head coach of the team BK Häcken in 03/10/2018?	October 03, 2018	{ "text": [ "Andreas Alm" ] }	L2_Q639723_P286_1	Andreas Alm is the head coach of BK Häcken from Jan, 2018 to May, 2021. Per-Mathias Høgmo is the head coach of BK Häcken from Jun, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Peter Gerhardsson is the head coach of BK Häcken from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2016.	BK HäckenBollklubben Häcken, more commonly known as BK Häcken or simply Häcken (), is a Swedish professional football club based in Gothenburg. It currently plays in Allsvenskan, the top tier of Swedish football. Formed on 2 August 1940, Häcken has played sixteen seasons in Allsvenskan, debuting in the league in 1983.The club is affiliated to Göteborgs Fotbollförbund and play their home games at Bravida Arena. The club colours, reflected in their crest and kit, are yellow and black.The club was started by a group of 14- to 15-year-old youngsters, and they had a wish to not just play football for fun but to create an organisation and play in the national league system. The boys turned to "Göteborgs Fotbollförbund", the local FA, the boys had been playing under the name BK Kick earlier. However, the name was already taken by another organisation, the name was then changed to "Bollklubben Häcken" after the huge hedge (sv: häck) which grew around the field the boys used to practise on. The organisation Bollklubben Häcken came into existence on 2 August 1940.Following the first years the club only played sporadic matches, youth championships and a few other matches, but eventually they started to play at the senior level. As of 1943 the club started to take in the league system and success came in an instant. Between 1944 and 1947 the club won their league and climbed from "west seniorclass 4" to "seniorclass 1".The start of the 1950s went as well as the 1940s had. The club won Division 4 in 1950 and when they won Division 3 in 1951 they went from a local club to be known as a "comet team" in the national media. The club fought for a place in Allsvenskan in 1953 but saw themselves defeated by Kalmar FF, and in 1954 the club was relegated from Division 2. In 1955 the club set the record for the most spectators during a Division 3 game against IK Oddevold, when 18,229 people showed up for the game. BK Häcken eventually won the league but returned soon again and played in Division 3 for the rest of the decade.The 1960s started with the opening of the club's new clubhouse, now known as "Häckensborg". Häcken spent most of the decade as a stable Division 3 team, but in 1967 they were relegated to Division 4 and it was struck by some severe economical and internal problems.The 1970s started just as badly as the previous decade ended. The club fell out of Division 4 and held discussions with IF Warta about a merger. A discussion had been up several times earlier but had not gone as far as now, at the day of the voting the IF Warta members voted for a merging while the BK Häcken members voted against it. In 1971 the club won Division 5, the club then played in Division 4 until 1975 when they won it and in 1977 they won Division 3 with former Swedish international Agne Simonsson as manager, when the club earlier won Division 3 in 1951 they climbed directly up to Division 2, however this time they had to play a qualifier against IK Brage, Motala AIF and Degerfors. The club won and took the step up to Division 2. During 1978–79 the club played successfully in Division 2 with a 3rd place as the best position. In 1978 BK Häcken also started a ladies team.The new decade started as strong as the last one ended, Agne Simonsen continued to bring success to the club as they won Division 2 and qualified for a position in Allsvenskan, however IF Elfsborg proved too strong with a 0–1 home defeat at Gamla Ullevi and then a 1–1 result in Borås at Ryavallen. However, during the game at Gamla Ullevi, BK Häcken sets the club record for biggest home audience with 19 205.However the club was not let down by this and came in 2nd place in 1982 and this time they qualified for the promotion play-offs against IFK Norrköping, BK Häcken is able to reach a 2–0 result home at Rambergsvallen and then achieve a 1–1 away at Idrottsparken in Norrköping and the club reached Allsvenskan for the first time in club history.The time that BK Häcken spends in Allsvenskan is however short, the club's successful manager Agne Simonsen leaves for a local competitor and Reine Almqvist takes over, the club ends up last in the league and is relegated back to Division 2 where they play for the rest of the 1980s.BK Häcken starts the 1990s with winning Division 1 söder and faces GIF Sundsvall in the promotion play-offs, and despite an impressive 5–2 victory at home for Häcken, Sundsvall is able to come back in and win the match in Sundsvall and gets promoted to Allsvenskan. The club was also successful plying in Svenska Cupen and reaches the final, but are defeated again, this time 3–0 by Djurgårdens IF.The club is close in reaching Allsvenskan again in 1991, but a 2–2 home and 1–1 away sees them losing the position to Helsingborgs IF.1992 is more successful as they reach Allsvenskan through a 4th place in Kvalsvenskan and this time the spell in the top league is not as short as earlier, BK Häcken ends up on in 6th place in 1993 and gets to play a second year in Allsvenskan, however the club ends up last in the league in 1994 and following some turbulence on the leadership side of the club it stays in Division 1 until 1997 as the club ended up in 2nd place and qualifies for the play-offs against Västerås SK, with a 1–1 home and with a 4–2 away BK Häcken climbs up to Allsvenskan again.The club is however relegated again in 1998 after ending up second last, but returns in 1999 after winning Division 1 Södra, this year Kim Källström also makes his debut for the club.The new millennium continues as the last decade did, the club is able to defend its Allsvenska position in a relegation/promotion play-off against Mjällby AIF in the end of the 2000 season after penalties, Kjell Pettersson leaves the club and Torbjörn Nilsson takes over as manager.2001 BK Häcken plays its sixth season overall in Allsvenskan but ends second last and is relegated to Superettan, through a cooperation with Floda BoIF future Liberian national Dulee Johnson arrives at the club and in 2002 and he gets company from Jimmy Dixon and Dioh Williams.BK Häcken stays in Superettan until 2004, being close to take the step up both in 2002, failing on goal difference, and in 2003, defeated by GIF Sundsvall in the play-offs, in 2004 the clubs reaches Allsvenskan by winning Superettan.The club brings in former Swedish international Teddy Lučić and Danish international Stig Tøfting in 2005 in an attempt to reach a higher position the earlier, the club reaches 8th places.The 2006 season gets harder as Stig Tøfting and Dulee Johnson leaves the club and the club is forced to play against a qualify against IF Brommapojkarna, BK Häcken is defeated by a total of 4–1 and is relegated to Superettan.In 2010, Häcken earned the Fair Play award for the Allsvenskan. This resulted in the team earning a spot in the 1st Qualifying Round of the 2011–12 UEFA Europa League when Sweden won third place in the UEFA Fair Play ranking.In 2012, BK Häcken finished second in Allsvenskan, which is their best performance in the league so far. During this season, the Ghanaian striker Waris Majeed scored 23 goals, which made him the Allsvenskan top scorer of the year. In 2016, Häcken secured their first main title, as they beat Malmö FF in the final of the Svenska Cupen, and won the cup title. In 2019, Häcken secured their second main title, as they beat AFC Eskilstuna in the final of the Svenska Cupen with 3–0 at Bravida Arena.Häcken's main rivals are the three other main Gothenburg teams IFK Göteborg, GAIS and Örgryte IS, with IFK being considered the biggest rival.A lesser rivalry also consists between Häcken and IF Elfsborg from Borås, as well as with some teams from the island of Hisingen in the names of IF Warta and Hisingsbacka FC, especially between the younger sections of the teams.AllsvenskanSuperettanDivision 1 Södra:Division 1 VästraSvenska CupenLegend: GF = Goals For. GA = Goals Against. GD = Goal Difference.2 – Johan Lind, defender (1995–2010)	[ "Per-Mathias Høgmo", "Peter Gerhardsson" ]
Who was the head coach of the team BK Häcken in Oct 03, 2018?	October 03, 2018	{ "text": [ "Andreas Alm" ] }	L2_Q639723_P286_1	Andreas Alm is the head coach of BK Häcken from Jan, 2018 to May, 2021. Per-Mathias Høgmo is the head coach of BK Häcken from Jun, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Peter Gerhardsson is the head coach of BK Häcken from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2016.	BK HäckenBollklubben Häcken, more commonly known as BK Häcken or simply Häcken (), is a Swedish professional football club based in Gothenburg. It currently plays in Allsvenskan, the top tier of Swedish football. Formed on 2 August 1940, Häcken has played sixteen seasons in Allsvenskan, debuting in the league in 1983.The club is affiliated to Göteborgs Fotbollförbund and play their home games at Bravida Arena. The club colours, reflected in their crest and kit, are yellow and black.The club was started by a group of 14- to 15-year-old youngsters, and they had a wish to not just play football for fun but to create an organisation and play in the national league system. The boys turned to "Göteborgs Fotbollförbund", the local FA, the boys had been playing under the name BK Kick earlier. However, the name was already taken by another organisation, the name was then changed to "Bollklubben Häcken" after the huge hedge (sv: häck) which grew around the field the boys used to practise on. The organisation Bollklubben Häcken came into existence on 2 August 1940.Following the first years the club only played sporadic matches, youth championships and a few other matches, but eventually they started to play at the senior level. As of 1943 the club started to take in the league system and success came in an instant. Between 1944 and 1947 the club won their league and climbed from "west seniorclass 4" to "seniorclass 1".The start of the 1950s went as well as the 1940s had. The club won Division 4 in 1950 and when they won Division 3 in 1951 they went from a local club to be known as a "comet team" in the national media. The club fought for a place in Allsvenskan in 1953 but saw themselves defeated by Kalmar FF, and in 1954 the club was relegated from Division 2. In 1955 the club set the record for the most spectators during a Division 3 game against IK Oddevold, when 18,229 people showed up for the game. BK Häcken eventually won the league but returned soon again and played in Division 3 for the rest of the decade.The 1960s started with the opening of the club's new clubhouse, now known as "Häckensborg". Häcken spent most of the decade as a stable Division 3 team, but in 1967 they were relegated to Division 4 and it was struck by some severe economical and internal problems.The 1970s started just as badly as the previous decade ended. The club fell out of Division 4 and held discussions with IF Warta about a merger. A discussion had been up several times earlier but had not gone as far as now, at the day of the voting the IF Warta members voted for a merging while the BK Häcken members voted against it. In 1971 the club won Division 5, the club then played in Division 4 until 1975 when they won it and in 1977 they won Division 3 with former Swedish international Agne Simonsson as manager, when the club earlier won Division 3 in 1951 they climbed directly up to Division 2, however this time they had to play a qualifier against IK Brage, Motala AIF and Degerfors. The club won and took the step up to Division 2. During 1978–79 the club played successfully in Division 2 with a 3rd place as the best position. In 1978 BK Häcken also started a ladies team.The new decade started as strong as the last one ended, Agne Simonsen continued to bring success to the club as they won Division 2 and qualified for a position in Allsvenskan, however IF Elfsborg proved too strong with a 0–1 home defeat at Gamla Ullevi and then a 1–1 result in Borås at Ryavallen. However, during the game at Gamla Ullevi, BK Häcken sets the club record for biggest home audience with 19 205.However the club was not let down by this and came in 2nd place in 1982 and this time they qualified for the promotion play-offs against IFK Norrköping, BK Häcken is able to reach a 2–0 result home at Rambergsvallen and then achieve a 1–1 away at Idrottsparken in Norrköping and the club reached Allsvenskan for the first time in club history.The time that BK Häcken spends in Allsvenskan is however short, the club's successful manager Agne Simonsen leaves for a local competitor and Reine Almqvist takes over, the club ends up last in the league and is relegated back to Division 2 where they play for the rest of the 1980s.BK Häcken starts the 1990s with winning Division 1 söder and faces GIF Sundsvall in the promotion play-offs, and despite an impressive 5–2 victory at home for Häcken, Sundsvall is able to come back in and win the match in Sundsvall and gets promoted to Allsvenskan. The club was also successful plying in Svenska Cupen and reaches the final, but are defeated again, this time 3–0 by Djurgårdens IF.The club is close in reaching Allsvenskan again in 1991, but a 2–2 home and 1–1 away sees them losing the position to Helsingborgs IF.1992 is more successful as they reach Allsvenskan through a 4th place in Kvalsvenskan and this time the spell in the top league is not as short as earlier, BK Häcken ends up on in 6th place in 1993 and gets to play a second year in Allsvenskan, however the club ends up last in the league in 1994 and following some turbulence on the leadership side of the club it stays in Division 1 until 1997 as the club ended up in 2nd place and qualifies for the play-offs against Västerås SK, with a 1–1 home and with a 4–2 away BK Häcken climbs up to Allsvenskan again.The club is however relegated again in 1998 after ending up second last, but returns in 1999 after winning Division 1 Södra, this year Kim Källström also makes his debut for the club.The new millennium continues as the last decade did, the club is able to defend its Allsvenska position in a relegation/promotion play-off against Mjällby AIF in the end of the 2000 season after penalties, Kjell Pettersson leaves the club and Torbjörn Nilsson takes over as manager.2001 BK Häcken plays its sixth season overall in Allsvenskan but ends second last and is relegated to Superettan, through a cooperation with Floda BoIF future Liberian national Dulee Johnson arrives at the club and in 2002 and he gets company from Jimmy Dixon and Dioh Williams.BK Häcken stays in Superettan until 2004, being close to take the step up both in 2002, failing on goal difference, and in 2003, defeated by GIF Sundsvall in the play-offs, in 2004 the clubs reaches Allsvenskan by winning Superettan.The club brings in former Swedish international Teddy Lučić and Danish international Stig Tøfting in 2005 in an attempt to reach a higher position the earlier, the club reaches 8th places.The 2006 season gets harder as Stig Tøfting and Dulee Johnson leaves the club and the club is forced to play against a qualify against IF Brommapojkarna, BK Häcken is defeated by a total of 4–1 and is relegated to Superettan.In 2010, Häcken earned the Fair Play award for the Allsvenskan. This resulted in the team earning a spot in the 1st Qualifying Round of the 2011–12 UEFA Europa League when Sweden won third place in the UEFA Fair Play ranking.In 2012, BK Häcken finished second in Allsvenskan, which is their best performance in the league so far. During this season, the Ghanaian striker Waris Majeed scored 23 goals, which made him the Allsvenskan top scorer of the year. In 2016, Häcken secured their first main title, as they beat Malmö FF in the final of the Svenska Cupen, and won the cup title. In 2019, Häcken secured their second main title, as they beat AFC Eskilstuna in the final of the Svenska Cupen with 3–0 at Bravida Arena.Häcken's main rivals are the three other main Gothenburg teams IFK Göteborg, GAIS and Örgryte IS, with IFK being considered the biggest rival.A lesser rivalry also consists between Häcken and IF Elfsborg from Borås, as well as with some teams from the island of Hisingen in the names of IF Warta and Hisingsbacka FC, especially between the younger sections of the teams.AllsvenskanSuperettanDivision 1 Södra:Division 1 VästraSvenska CupenLegend: GF = Goals For. GA = Goals Against. GD = Goal Difference.2 – Johan Lind, defender (1995–2010)	[ "Per-Mathias Høgmo", "Peter Gerhardsson" ]
Who was the head coach of the team BK Häcken in 10/03/2018?	October 03, 2018	{ "text": [ "Andreas Alm" ] }	L2_Q639723_P286_1	Andreas Alm is the head coach of BK Häcken from Jan, 2018 to May, 2021. Per-Mathias Høgmo is the head coach of BK Häcken from Jun, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Peter Gerhardsson is the head coach of BK Häcken from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2016.	BK HäckenBollklubben Häcken, more commonly known as BK Häcken or simply Häcken (), is a Swedish professional football club based in Gothenburg. It currently plays in Allsvenskan, the top tier of Swedish football. Formed on 2 August 1940, Häcken has played sixteen seasons in Allsvenskan, debuting in the league in 1983.The club is affiliated to Göteborgs Fotbollförbund and play their home games at Bravida Arena. The club colours, reflected in their crest and kit, are yellow and black.The club was started by a group of 14- to 15-year-old youngsters, and they had a wish to not just play football for fun but to create an organisation and play in the national league system. The boys turned to "Göteborgs Fotbollförbund", the local FA, the boys had been playing under the name BK Kick earlier. However, the name was already taken by another organisation, the name was then changed to "Bollklubben Häcken" after the huge hedge (sv: häck) which grew around the field the boys used to practise on. The organisation Bollklubben Häcken came into existence on 2 August 1940.Following the first years the club only played sporadic matches, youth championships and a few other matches, but eventually they started to play at the senior level. As of 1943 the club started to take in the league system and success came in an instant. Between 1944 and 1947 the club won their league and climbed from "west seniorclass 4" to "seniorclass 1".The start of the 1950s went as well as the 1940s had. The club won Division 4 in 1950 and when they won Division 3 in 1951 they went from a local club to be known as a "comet team" in the national media. The club fought for a place in Allsvenskan in 1953 but saw themselves defeated by Kalmar FF, and in 1954 the club was relegated from Division 2. In 1955 the club set the record for the most spectators during a Division 3 game against IK Oddevold, when 18,229 people showed up for the game. BK Häcken eventually won the league but returned soon again and played in Division 3 for the rest of the decade.The 1960s started with the opening of the club's new clubhouse, now known as "Häckensborg". Häcken spent most of the decade as a stable Division 3 team, but in 1967 they were relegated to Division 4 and it was struck by some severe economical and internal problems.The 1970s started just as badly as the previous decade ended. The club fell out of Division 4 and held discussions with IF Warta about a merger. A discussion had been up several times earlier but had not gone as far as now, at the day of the voting the IF Warta members voted for a merging while the BK Häcken members voted against it. In 1971 the club won Division 5, the club then played in Division 4 until 1975 when they won it and in 1977 they won Division 3 with former Swedish international Agne Simonsson as manager, when the club earlier won Division 3 in 1951 they climbed directly up to Division 2, however this time they had to play a qualifier against IK Brage, Motala AIF and Degerfors. The club won and took the step up to Division 2. During 1978–79 the club played successfully in Division 2 with a 3rd place as the best position. In 1978 BK Häcken also started a ladies team.The new decade started as strong as the last one ended, Agne Simonsen continued to bring success to the club as they won Division 2 and qualified for a position in Allsvenskan, however IF Elfsborg proved too strong with a 0–1 home defeat at Gamla Ullevi and then a 1–1 result in Borås at Ryavallen. However, during the game at Gamla Ullevi, BK Häcken sets the club record for biggest home audience with 19 205.However the club was not let down by this and came in 2nd place in 1982 and this time they qualified for the promotion play-offs against IFK Norrköping, BK Häcken is able to reach a 2–0 result home at Rambergsvallen and then achieve a 1–1 away at Idrottsparken in Norrköping and the club reached Allsvenskan for the first time in club history.The time that BK Häcken spends in Allsvenskan is however short, the club's successful manager Agne Simonsen leaves for a local competitor and Reine Almqvist takes over, the club ends up last in the league and is relegated back to Division 2 where they play for the rest of the 1980s.BK Häcken starts the 1990s with winning Division 1 söder and faces GIF Sundsvall in the promotion play-offs, and despite an impressive 5–2 victory at home for Häcken, Sundsvall is able to come back in and win the match in Sundsvall and gets promoted to Allsvenskan. The club was also successful plying in Svenska Cupen and reaches the final, but are defeated again, this time 3–0 by Djurgårdens IF.The club is close in reaching Allsvenskan again in 1991, but a 2–2 home and 1–1 away sees them losing the position to Helsingborgs IF.1992 is more successful as they reach Allsvenskan through a 4th place in Kvalsvenskan and this time the spell in the top league is not as short as earlier, BK Häcken ends up on in 6th place in 1993 and gets to play a second year in Allsvenskan, however the club ends up last in the league in 1994 and following some turbulence on the leadership side of the club it stays in Division 1 until 1997 as the club ended up in 2nd place and qualifies for the play-offs against Västerås SK, with a 1–1 home and with a 4–2 away BK Häcken climbs up to Allsvenskan again.The club is however relegated again in 1998 after ending up second last, but returns in 1999 after winning Division 1 Södra, this year Kim Källström also makes his debut for the club.The new millennium continues as the last decade did, the club is able to defend its Allsvenska position in a relegation/promotion play-off against Mjällby AIF in the end of the 2000 season after penalties, Kjell Pettersson leaves the club and Torbjörn Nilsson takes over as manager.2001 BK Häcken plays its sixth season overall in Allsvenskan but ends second last and is relegated to Superettan, through a cooperation with Floda BoIF future Liberian national Dulee Johnson arrives at the club and in 2002 and he gets company from Jimmy Dixon and Dioh Williams.BK Häcken stays in Superettan until 2004, being close to take the step up both in 2002, failing on goal difference, and in 2003, defeated by GIF Sundsvall in the play-offs, in 2004 the clubs reaches Allsvenskan by winning Superettan.The club brings in former Swedish international Teddy Lučić and Danish international Stig Tøfting in 2005 in an attempt to reach a higher position the earlier, the club reaches 8th places.The 2006 season gets harder as Stig Tøfting and Dulee Johnson leaves the club and the club is forced to play against a qualify against IF Brommapojkarna, BK Häcken is defeated by a total of 4–1 and is relegated to Superettan.In 2010, Häcken earned the Fair Play award for the Allsvenskan. This resulted in the team earning a spot in the 1st Qualifying Round of the 2011–12 UEFA Europa League when Sweden won third place in the UEFA Fair Play ranking.In 2012, BK Häcken finished second in Allsvenskan, which is their best performance in the league so far. During this season, the Ghanaian striker Waris Majeed scored 23 goals, which made him the Allsvenskan top scorer of the year. In 2016, Häcken secured their first main title, as they beat Malmö FF in the final of the Svenska Cupen, and won the cup title. In 2019, Häcken secured their second main title, as they beat AFC Eskilstuna in the final of the Svenska Cupen with 3–0 at Bravida Arena.Häcken's main rivals are the three other main Gothenburg teams IFK Göteborg, GAIS and Örgryte IS, with IFK being considered the biggest rival.A lesser rivalry also consists between Häcken and IF Elfsborg from Borås, as well as with some teams from the island of Hisingen in the names of IF Warta and Hisingsbacka FC, especially between the younger sections of the teams.AllsvenskanSuperettanDivision 1 Södra:Division 1 VästraSvenska CupenLegend: GF = Goals For. GA = Goals Against. GD = Goal Difference.2 – Johan Lind, defender (1995–2010)	[ "Per-Mathias Høgmo", "Peter Gerhardsson" ]
Who was the head coach of the team BK Häcken in 03-Oct-201803-October-2018?	October 03, 2018	{ "text": [ "Andreas Alm" ] }	L2_Q639723_P286_1	Andreas Alm is the head coach of BK Häcken from Jan, 2018 to May, 2021. Per-Mathias Høgmo is the head coach of BK Häcken from Jun, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Peter Gerhardsson is the head coach of BK Häcken from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2016.	BK HäckenBollklubben Häcken, more commonly known as BK Häcken or simply Häcken (), is a Swedish professional football club based in Gothenburg. It currently plays in Allsvenskan, the top tier of Swedish football. Formed on 2 August 1940, Häcken has played sixteen seasons in Allsvenskan, debuting in the league in 1983.The club is affiliated to Göteborgs Fotbollförbund and play their home games at Bravida Arena. The club colours, reflected in their crest and kit, are yellow and black.The club was started by a group of 14- to 15-year-old youngsters, and they had a wish to not just play football for fun but to create an organisation and play in the national league system. The boys turned to "Göteborgs Fotbollförbund", the local FA, the boys had been playing under the name BK Kick earlier. However, the name was already taken by another organisation, the name was then changed to "Bollklubben Häcken" after the huge hedge (sv: häck) which grew around the field the boys used to practise on. The organisation Bollklubben Häcken came into existence on 2 August 1940.Following the first years the club only played sporadic matches, youth championships and a few other matches, but eventually they started to play at the senior level. As of 1943 the club started to take in the league system and success came in an instant. Between 1944 and 1947 the club won their league and climbed from "west seniorclass 4" to "seniorclass 1".The start of the 1950s went as well as the 1940s had. The club won Division 4 in 1950 and when they won Division 3 in 1951 they went from a local club to be known as a "comet team" in the national media. The club fought for a place in Allsvenskan in 1953 but saw themselves defeated by Kalmar FF, and in 1954 the club was relegated from Division 2. In 1955 the club set the record for the most spectators during a Division 3 game against IK Oddevold, when 18,229 people showed up for the game. BK Häcken eventually won the league but returned soon again and played in Division 3 for the rest of the decade.The 1960s started with the opening of the club's new clubhouse, now known as "Häckensborg". Häcken spent most of the decade as a stable Division 3 team, but in 1967 they were relegated to Division 4 and it was struck by some severe economical and internal problems.The 1970s started just as badly as the previous decade ended. The club fell out of Division 4 and held discussions with IF Warta about a merger. A discussion had been up several times earlier but had not gone as far as now, at the day of the voting the IF Warta members voted for a merging while the BK Häcken members voted against it. In 1971 the club won Division 5, the club then played in Division 4 until 1975 when they won it and in 1977 they won Division 3 with former Swedish international Agne Simonsson as manager, when the club earlier won Division 3 in 1951 they climbed directly up to Division 2, however this time they had to play a qualifier against IK Brage, Motala AIF and Degerfors. The club won and took the step up to Division 2. During 1978–79 the club played successfully in Division 2 with a 3rd place as the best position. In 1978 BK Häcken also started a ladies team.The new decade started as strong as the last one ended, Agne Simonsen continued to bring success to the club as they won Division 2 and qualified for a position in Allsvenskan, however IF Elfsborg proved too strong with a 0–1 home defeat at Gamla Ullevi and then a 1–1 result in Borås at Ryavallen. However, during the game at Gamla Ullevi, BK Häcken sets the club record for biggest home audience with 19 205.However the club was not let down by this and came in 2nd place in 1982 and this time they qualified for the promotion play-offs against IFK Norrköping, BK Häcken is able to reach a 2–0 result home at Rambergsvallen and then achieve a 1–1 away at Idrottsparken in Norrköping and the club reached Allsvenskan for the first time in club history.The time that BK Häcken spends in Allsvenskan is however short, the club's successful manager Agne Simonsen leaves for a local competitor and Reine Almqvist takes over, the club ends up last in the league and is relegated back to Division 2 where they play for the rest of the 1980s.BK Häcken starts the 1990s with winning Division 1 söder and faces GIF Sundsvall in the promotion play-offs, and despite an impressive 5–2 victory at home for Häcken, Sundsvall is able to come back in and win the match in Sundsvall and gets promoted to Allsvenskan. The club was also successful plying in Svenska Cupen and reaches the final, but are defeated again, this time 3–0 by Djurgårdens IF.The club is close in reaching Allsvenskan again in 1991, but a 2–2 home and 1–1 away sees them losing the position to Helsingborgs IF.1992 is more successful as they reach Allsvenskan through a 4th place in Kvalsvenskan and this time the spell in the top league is not as short as earlier, BK Häcken ends up on in 6th place in 1993 and gets to play a second year in Allsvenskan, however the club ends up last in the league in 1994 and following some turbulence on the leadership side of the club it stays in Division 1 until 1997 as the club ended up in 2nd place and qualifies for the play-offs against Västerås SK, with a 1–1 home and with a 4–2 away BK Häcken climbs up to Allsvenskan again.The club is however relegated again in 1998 after ending up second last, but returns in 1999 after winning Division 1 Södra, this year Kim Källström also makes his debut for the club.The new millennium continues as the last decade did, the club is able to defend its Allsvenska position in a relegation/promotion play-off against Mjällby AIF in the end of the 2000 season after penalties, Kjell Pettersson leaves the club and Torbjörn Nilsson takes over as manager.2001 BK Häcken plays its sixth season overall in Allsvenskan but ends second last and is relegated to Superettan, through a cooperation with Floda BoIF future Liberian national Dulee Johnson arrives at the club and in 2002 and he gets company from Jimmy Dixon and Dioh Williams.BK Häcken stays in Superettan until 2004, being close to take the step up both in 2002, failing on goal difference, and in 2003, defeated by GIF Sundsvall in the play-offs, in 2004 the clubs reaches Allsvenskan by winning Superettan.The club brings in former Swedish international Teddy Lučić and Danish international Stig Tøfting in 2005 in an attempt to reach a higher position the earlier, the club reaches 8th places.The 2006 season gets harder as Stig Tøfting and Dulee Johnson leaves the club and the club is forced to play against a qualify against IF Brommapojkarna, BK Häcken is defeated by a total of 4–1 and is relegated to Superettan.In 2010, Häcken earned the Fair Play award for the Allsvenskan. This resulted in the team earning a spot in the 1st Qualifying Round of the 2011–12 UEFA Europa League when Sweden won third place in the UEFA Fair Play ranking.In 2012, BK Häcken finished second in Allsvenskan, which is their best performance in the league so far. During this season, the Ghanaian striker Waris Majeed scored 23 goals, which made him the Allsvenskan top scorer of the year. In 2016, Häcken secured their first main title, as they beat Malmö FF in the final of the Svenska Cupen, and won the cup title. In 2019, Häcken secured their second main title, as they beat AFC Eskilstuna in the final of the Svenska Cupen with 3–0 at Bravida Arena.Häcken's main rivals are the three other main Gothenburg teams IFK Göteborg, GAIS and Örgryte IS, with IFK being considered the biggest rival.A lesser rivalry also consists between Häcken and IF Elfsborg from Borås, as well as with some teams from the island of Hisingen in the names of IF Warta and Hisingsbacka FC, especially between the younger sections of the teams.AllsvenskanSuperettanDivision 1 Södra:Division 1 VästraSvenska CupenLegend: GF = Goals For. GA = Goals Against. GD = Goal Difference.2 – Johan Lind, defender (1995–2010)	[ "Per-Mathias Høgmo", "Peter Gerhardsson" ]
Which employer did Yudell Luke work for in Jul, 1943?	July 12, 1943	{ "text": [ "United States Navy" ] }	L2_Q8060225_P108_1	Yudell Luke works for University of Illinois system from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1942. Yudell Luke works for MRIGlobal from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1971. Yudell Luke works for University of Missouri from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1983. Yudell Luke works for United States Navy from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1946.	Yudell LukeYudell Leo Luke (26 June 1918 – 6 May 1983) was an American mathematician who made significant contributions to MRIGlobal, was awarded the N. T. Veatch award for Distinguished Research and Creative Activity in 1975, and appointed as Curator's Professor at the University of Missouri in 1978, a post he held until his death.Luke published eight books and nearly 100 papers in a wide variety of mathematical areas, ranging from aeronautics to approximation theory. By his own estimation, Luke reviewed over 1,800 papers and books throughout his career.Yudell Luke was born in Kansas City, Missouri, U.S. on 26 June 1918 to Jewish parents. His father, David Luke, was sexton of Congregation Kerem Israel Beth Shalom. The young Luke attended the Kansas City Missouri Junior College, graduating in 1937. He read mathematics at the University of Illinois, receiving a bachelor's degree in 1939, and a Masters the following year. He then taught at the university for two years, but was called up for World War II military service in 1942.Luke served in the United States Navy until 1946 and was stationed in Hawaii for the duration of the war. After his service, he returned to the university, where he met his future wife LaVerne (LaVerne B. ("née" Podolsky), 1922–2004) at the University of Illinois. They moved to Kansas City in 1946 and had four daughters, Molly, Janis, Linda, and Debra, and established the Yudell and LaVerne Luke Senior Adult Transportation Fund at the Kansas City Jewish Community Center.Soon after Luke moved to Kansas City, he was appointed to MRIGlobal (formerly Midwest Research Institute). His first position was as Head of the Mathematical Analysis Section, a position he held until his promotion to Senior Advisor for Mathematics in 1961. Luke also held posts at other universities. In 1955, he became a lecturer at the University of Missouri–Kansas City, and he also taught at the University of Kansas. After the mathematics group of MRIGlobal was disbanded in 1971, Luke was appointed professor at the University of Missouri, and in 1975, received the N T Veatch award for Distinguished Research and Creative Activity. He then became Curator's Professor at Missouri in 1978.In 1982, an exchange programme between the University of Missouri and the University of Moscow was formed, and the following year, Luke travelled to Moscow to lecture on a series of topics as part of the programme, including special functions, asymptotic analysis and approximation theory. He died while in Russia on 6 May 1983.Luke had a wide range of interests outside mathematics, including basketball, baseball, bridge, and cribbage. He wrote two books on the probabilities of winning at the latter. He also expressed interest in opera and philosophy, and once gave a series of lectures on the history of philosophy, mainly focusing on Baruch Spinoza's ideas.	[ "MRIGlobal", "University of Missouri", "University of Illinois system" ]
Which employer did Yudell Luke work for in 1943-07-12?	July 12, 1943	{ "text": [ "United States Navy" ] }	L2_Q8060225_P108_1	Yudell Luke works for University of Illinois system from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1942. Yudell Luke works for MRIGlobal from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1971. Yudell Luke works for University of Missouri from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1983. Yudell Luke works for United States Navy from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1946.	Yudell LukeYudell Leo Luke (26 June 1918 – 6 May 1983) was an American mathematician who made significant contributions to MRIGlobal, was awarded the N. T. Veatch award for Distinguished Research and Creative Activity in 1975, and appointed as Curator's Professor at the University of Missouri in 1978, a post he held until his death.Luke published eight books and nearly 100 papers in a wide variety of mathematical areas, ranging from aeronautics to approximation theory. By his own estimation, Luke reviewed over 1,800 papers and books throughout his career.Yudell Luke was born in Kansas City, Missouri, U.S. on 26 June 1918 to Jewish parents. His father, David Luke, was sexton of Congregation Kerem Israel Beth Shalom. The young Luke attended the Kansas City Missouri Junior College, graduating in 1937. He read mathematics at the University of Illinois, receiving a bachelor's degree in 1939, and a Masters the following year. He then taught at the university for two years, but was called up for World War II military service in 1942.Luke served in the United States Navy until 1946 and was stationed in Hawaii for the duration of the war. After his service, he returned to the university, where he met his future wife LaVerne (LaVerne B. ("née" Podolsky), 1922–2004) at the University of Illinois. They moved to Kansas City in 1946 and had four daughters, Molly, Janis, Linda, and Debra, and established the Yudell and LaVerne Luke Senior Adult Transportation Fund at the Kansas City Jewish Community Center.Soon after Luke moved to Kansas City, he was appointed to MRIGlobal (formerly Midwest Research Institute). His first position was as Head of the Mathematical Analysis Section, a position he held until his promotion to Senior Advisor for Mathematics in 1961. Luke also held posts at other universities. In 1955, he became a lecturer at the University of Missouri–Kansas City, and he also taught at the University of Kansas. After the mathematics group of MRIGlobal was disbanded in 1971, Luke was appointed professor at the University of Missouri, and in 1975, received the N T Veatch award for Distinguished Research and Creative Activity. He then became Curator's Professor at Missouri in 1978.In 1982, an exchange programme between the University of Missouri and the University of Moscow was formed, and the following year, Luke travelled to Moscow to lecture on a series of topics as part of the programme, including special functions, asymptotic analysis and approximation theory. He died while in Russia on 6 May 1983.Luke had a wide range of interests outside mathematics, including basketball, baseball, bridge, and cribbage. He wrote two books on the probabilities of winning at the latter. He also expressed interest in opera and philosophy, and once gave a series of lectures on the history of philosophy, mainly focusing on Baruch Spinoza's ideas.	[ "MRIGlobal", "University of Missouri", "University of Illinois system" ]
Which employer did Yudell Luke work for in 12/07/1943?	July 12, 1943	{ "text": [ "United States Navy" ] }	L2_Q8060225_P108_1	Yudell Luke works for University of Illinois system from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1942. Yudell Luke works for MRIGlobal from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1971. Yudell Luke works for University of Missouri from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1983. Yudell Luke works for United States Navy from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1946.	Yudell LukeYudell Leo Luke (26 June 1918 – 6 May 1983) was an American mathematician who made significant contributions to MRIGlobal, was awarded the N. T. Veatch award for Distinguished Research and Creative Activity in 1975, and appointed as Curator's Professor at the University of Missouri in 1978, a post he held until his death.Luke published eight books and nearly 100 papers in a wide variety of mathematical areas, ranging from aeronautics to approximation theory. By his own estimation, Luke reviewed over 1,800 papers and books throughout his career.Yudell Luke was born in Kansas City, Missouri, U.S. on 26 June 1918 to Jewish parents. His father, David Luke, was sexton of Congregation Kerem Israel Beth Shalom. The young Luke attended the Kansas City Missouri Junior College, graduating in 1937. He read mathematics at the University of Illinois, receiving a bachelor's degree in 1939, and a Masters the following year. He then taught at the university for two years, but was called up for World War II military service in 1942.Luke served in the United States Navy until 1946 and was stationed in Hawaii for the duration of the war. After his service, he returned to the university, where he met his future wife LaVerne (LaVerne B. ("née" Podolsky), 1922–2004) at the University of Illinois. They moved to Kansas City in 1946 and had four daughters, Molly, Janis, Linda, and Debra, and established the Yudell and LaVerne Luke Senior Adult Transportation Fund at the Kansas City Jewish Community Center.Soon after Luke moved to Kansas City, he was appointed to MRIGlobal (formerly Midwest Research Institute). His first position was as Head of the Mathematical Analysis Section, a position he held until his promotion to Senior Advisor for Mathematics in 1961. Luke also held posts at other universities. In 1955, he became a lecturer at the University of Missouri–Kansas City, and he also taught at the University of Kansas. After the mathematics group of MRIGlobal was disbanded in 1971, Luke was appointed professor at the University of Missouri, and in 1975, received the N T Veatch award for Distinguished Research and Creative Activity. He then became Curator's Professor at Missouri in 1978.In 1982, an exchange programme between the University of Missouri and the University of Moscow was formed, and the following year, Luke travelled to Moscow to lecture on a series of topics as part of the programme, including special functions, asymptotic analysis and approximation theory. He died while in Russia on 6 May 1983.Luke had a wide range of interests outside mathematics, including basketball, baseball, bridge, and cribbage. He wrote two books on the probabilities of winning at the latter. He also expressed interest in opera and philosophy, and once gave a series of lectures on the history of philosophy, mainly focusing on Baruch Spinoza's ideas.	[ "MRIGlobal", "University of Missouri", "University of Illinois system" ]
Which employer did Yudell Luke work for in Jul 12, 1943?	July 12, 1943	{ "text": [ "United States Navy" ] }	L2_Q8060225_P108_1	Yudell Luke works for University of Illinois system from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1942. Yudell Luke works for MRIGlobal from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1971. Yudell Luke works for University of Missouri from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1983. Yudell Luke works for United States Navy from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1946.	Yudell LukeYudell Leo Luke (26 June 1918 – 6 May 1983) was an American mathematician who made significant contributions to MRIGlobal, was awarded the N. T. Veatch award for Distinguished Research and Creative Activity in 1975, and appointed as Curator's Professor at the University of Missouri in 1978, a post he held until his death.Luke published eight books and nearly 100 papers in a wide variety of mathematical areas, ranging from aeronautics to approximation theory. By his own estimation, Luke reviewed over 1,800 papers and books throughout his career.Yudell Luke was born in Kansas City, Missouri, U.S. on 26 June 1918 to Jewish parents. His father, David Luke, was sexton of Congregation Kerem Israel Beth Shalom. The young Luke attended the Kansas City Missouri Junior College, graduating in 1937. He read mathematics at the University of Illinois, receiving a bachelor's degree in 1939, and a Masters the following year. He then taught at the university for two years, but was called up for World War II military service in 1942.Luke served in the United States Navy until 1946 and was stationed in Hawaii for the duration of the war. After his service, he returned to the university, where he met his future wife LaVerne (LaVerne B. ("née" Podolsky), 1922–2004) at the University of Illinois. They moved to Kansas City in 1946 and had four daughters, Molly, Janis, Linda, and Debra, and established the Yudell and LaVerne Luke Senior Adult Transportation Fund at the Kansas City Jewish Community Center.Soon after Luke moved to Kansas City, he was appointed to MRIGlobal (formerly Midwest Research Institute). His first position was as Head of the Mathematical Analysis Section, a position he held until his promotion to Senior Advisor for Mathematics in 1961. Luke also held posts at other universities. In 1955, he became a lecturer at the University of Missouri–Kansas City, and he also taught at the University of Kansas. After the mathematics group of MRIGlobal was disbanded in 1971, Luke was appointed professor at the University of Missouri, and in 1975, received the N T Veatch award for Distinguished Research and Creative Activity. He then became Curator's Professor at Missouri in 1978.In 1982, an exchange programme between the University of Missouri and the University of Moscow was formed, and the following year, Luke travelled to Moscow to lecture on a series of topics as part of the programme, including special functions, asymptotic analysis and approximation theory. He died while in Russia on 6 May 1983.Luke had a wide range of interests outside mathematics, including basketball, baseball, bridge, and cribbage. He wrote two books on the probabilities of winning at the latter. He also expressed interest in opera and philosophy, and once gave a series of lectures on the history of philosophy, mainly focusing on Baruch Spinoza's ideas.	[ "MRIGlobal", "University of Missouri", "University of Illinois system" ]
Which employer did Yudell Luke work for in 07/12/1943?	July 12, 1943	{ "text": [ "United States Navy" ] }	L2_Q8060225_P108_1	Yudell Luke works for University of Illinois system from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1942. Yudell Luke works for MRIGlobal from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1971. Yudell Luke works for University of Missouri from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1983. Yudell Luke works for United States Navy from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1946.	Yudell LukeYudell Leo Luke (26 June 1918 – 6 May 1983) was an American mathematician who made significant contributions to MRIGlobal, was awarded the N. T. Veatch award for Distinguished Research and Creative Activity in 1975, and appointed as Curator's Professor at the University of Missouri in 1978, a post he held until his death.Luke published eight books and nearly 100 papers in a wide variety of mathematical areas, ranging from aeronautics to approximation theory. By his own estimation, Luke reviewed over 1,800 papers and books throughout his career.Yudell Luke was born in Kansas City, Missouri, U.S. on 26 June 1918 to Jewish parents. His father, David Luke, was sexton of Congregation Kerem Israel Beth Shalom. The young Luke attended the Kansas City Missouri Junior College, graduating in 1937. He read mathematics at the University of Illinois, receiving a bachelor's degree in 1939, and a Masters the following year. He then taught at the university for two years, but was called up for World War II military service in 1942.Luke served in the United States Navy until 1946 and was stationed in Hawaii for the duration of the war. After his service, he returned to the university, where he met his future wife LaVerne (LaVerne B. ("née" Podolsky), 1922–2004) at the University of Illinois. They moved to Kansas City in 1946 and had four daughters, Molly, Janis, Linda, and Debra, and established the Yudell and LaVerne Luke Senior Adult Transportation Fund at the Kansas City Jewish Community Center.Soon after Luke moved to Kansas City, he was appointed to MRIGlobal (formerly Midwest Research Institute). His first position was as Head of the Mathematical Analysis Section, a position he held until his promotion to Senior Advisor for Mathematics in 1961. Luke also held posts at other universities. In 1955, he became a lecturer at the University of Missouri–Kansas City, and he also taught at the University of Kansas. After the mathematics group of MRIGlobal was disbanded in 1971, Luke was appointed professor at the University of Missouri, and in 1975, received the N T Veatch award for Distinguished Research and Creative Activity. He then became Curator's Professor at Missouri in 1978.In 1982, an exchange programme between the University of Missouri and the University of Moscow was formed, and the following year, Luke travelled to Moscow to lecture on a series of topics as part of the programme, including special functions, asymptotic analysis and approximation theory. He died while in Russia on 6 May 1983.Luke had a wide range of interests outside mathematics, including basketball, baseball, bridge, and cribbage. He wrote two books on the probabilities of winning at the latter. He also expressed interest in opera and philosophy, and once gave a series of lectures on the history of philosophy, mainly focusing on Baruch Spinoza's ideas.	[ "MRIGlobal", "University of Missouri", "University of Illinois system" ]
Which employer did Yudell Luke work for in 12-Jul-194312-July-1943?	July 12, 1943	{ "text": [ "United States Navy" ] }	L2_Q8060225_P108_1	Yudell Luke works for University of Illinois system from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1942. Yudell Luke works for MRIGlobal from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1971. Yudell Luke works for University of Missouri from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1983. Yudell Luke works for United States Navy from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1946.	Yudell LukeYudell Leo Luke (26 June 1918 – 6 May 1983) was an American mathematician who made significant contributions to MRIGlobal, was awarded the N. T. Veatch award for Distinguished Research and Creative Activity in 1975, and appointed as Curator's Professor at the University of Missouri in 1978, a post he held until his death.Luke published eight books and nearly 100 papers in a wide variety of mathematical areas, ranging from aeronautics to approximation theory. By his own estimation, Luke reviewed over 1,800 papers and books throughout his career.Yudell Luke was born in Kansas City, Missouri, U.S. on 26 June 1918 to Jewish parents. His father, David Luke, was sexton of Congregation Kerem Israel Beth Shalom. The young Luke attended the Kansas City Missouri Junior College, graduating in 1937. He read mathematics at the University of Illinois, receiving a bachelor's degree in 1939, and a Masters the following year. He then taught at the university for two years, but was called up for World War II military service in 1942.Luke served in the United States Navy until 1946 and was stationed in Hawaii for the duration of the war. After his service, he returned to the university, where he met his future wife LaVerne (LaVerne B. ("née" Podolsky), 1922–2004) at the University of Illinois. They moved to Kansas City in 1946 and had four daughters, Molly, Janis, Linda, and Debra, and established the Yudell and LaVerne Luke Senior Adult Transportation Fund at the Kansas City Jewish Community Center.Soon after Luke moved to Kansas City, he was appointed to MRIGlobal (formerly Midwest Research Institute). His first position was as Head of the Mathematical Analysis Section, a position he held until his promotion to Senior Advisor for Mathematics in 1961. Luke also held posts at other universities. In 1955, he became a lecturer at the University of Missouri–Kansas City, and he also taught at the University of Kansas. After the mathematics group of MRIGlobal was disbanded in 1971, Luke was appointed professor at the University of Missouri, and in 1975, received the N T Veatch award for Distinguished Research and Creative Activity. He then became Curator's Professor at Missouri in 1978.In 1982, an exchange programme between the University of Missouri and the University of Moscow was formed, and the following year, Luke travelled to Moscow to lecture on a series of topics as part of the programme, including special functions, asymptotic analysis and approximation theory. He died while in Russia on 6 May 1983.Luke had a wide range of interests outside mathematics, including basketball, baseball, bridge, and cribbage. He wrote two books on the probabilities of winning at the latter. He also expressed interest in opera and philosophy, and once gave a series of lectures on the history of philosophy, mainly focusing on Baruch Spinoza's ideas.	[ "MRIGlobal", "University of Missouri", "University of Illinois system" ]
Which position did Samuel Whitbread hold in Sep, 1892?	September 22, 1892	{ "text": [ "Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q7412920_P39_9	Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1865. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1874 to Mar, 1880. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1892 to Jul, 1895. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1880 to Nov, 1885. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1868 to Jan, 1874. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1865 to Nov, 1868. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Mar, 1857. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1857 to Apr, 1859.	Samuel Whitbread (1830–1915)Samuel Whitbread (5 May 1830 – 25 December 1915) was an English brewer and Liberal Party politician who sat in the House of Commons from 1852 to 1895.Whitbread was the eldest son of Samuel Charles Whitbread of Cardington, Bedfordshire and his wife Julia Brand, daughter of Lord Dacre. He was a member of the Whitbread brewing family. Whitbread was educated at Rugby School and Trinity College, Cambridge. He was private secretary to Sir George Grey in 1850 and in 1852 was elected as a Member of Parliament (MP) for Bedford. He was a frequent speaker during his time in the commons and was Civil Lord of the Admiralty from June 1859 to March 1863. He held his seat until 1895.Whitbread lived at Southill Park, Biggleswade. He was J.P. and Deputy Lieutenant for Bedfordshire. He died at the age of 85.Whitbread married Lady Isabella Charlotte Pelham, youngest daughter of Henry Pelham, 3rd Earl of Chichester on 9 July 1855. They had four children together, Samuel, Maude, Henry, and Francis.His eldest son, Samuel Howard, followed his father into politics.Maud married her cousin Charles, son of Samuel's younger brother William.Henry married Mary Raymond and lived at Norton Bavant, Warminster.Francis married Ida, daughter of Charles Hanbury-Tracy, 4th Baron Sudeley, and lived at Burford House, Tenbury Wells.	[ "Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Samuel Whitbread hold in 1892-09-22?	September 22, 1892	{ "text": [ "Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q7412920_P39_9	Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1865. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1874 to Mar, 1880. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1892 to Jul, 1895. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1880 to Nov, 1885. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1868 to Jan, 1874. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1865 to Nov, 1868. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Mar, 1857. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1857 to Apr, 1859.	Samuel Whitbread (1830–1915)Samuel Whitbread (5 May 1830 – 25 December 1915) was an English brewer and Liberal Party politician who sat in the House of Commons from 1852 to 1895.Whitbread was the eldest son of Samuel Charles Whitbread of Cardington, Bedfordshire and his wife Julia Brand, daughter of Lord Dacre. He was a member of the Whitbread brewing family. Whitbread was educated at Rugby School and Trinity College, Cambridge. He was private secretary to Sir George Grey in 1850 and in 1852 was elected as a Member of Parliament (MP) for Bedford. He was a frequent speaker during his time in the commons and was Civil Lord of the Admiralty from June 1859 to March 1863. He held his seat until 1895.Whitbread lived at Southill Park, Biggleswade. He was J.P. and Deputy Lieutenant for Bedfordshire. He died at the age of 85.Whitbread married Lady Isabella Charlotte Pelham, youngest daughter of Henry Pelham, 3rd Earl of Chichester on 9 July 1855. They had four children together, Samuel, Maude, Henry, and Francis.His eldest son, Samuel Howard, followed his father into politics.Maud married her cousin Charles, son of Samuel's younger brother William.Henry married Mary Raymond and lived at Norton Bavant, Warminster.Francis married Ida, daughter of Charles Hanbury-Tracy, 4th Baron Sudeley, and lived at Burford House, Tenbury Wells.	[ "Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Samuel Whitbread hold in 22/09/1892?	September 22, 1892	{ "text": [ "Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q7412920_P39_9	Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1865. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1874 to Mar, 1880. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1892 to Jul, 1895. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1880 to Nov, 1885. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1868 to Jan, 1874. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1865 to Nov, 1868. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Mar, 1857. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1857 to Apr, 1859.	Samuel Whitbread (1830–1915)Samuel Whitbread (5 May 1830 – 25 December 1915) was an English brewer and Liberal Party politician who sat in the House of Commons from 1852 to 1895.Whitbread was the eldest son of Samuel Charles Whitbread of Cardington, Bedfordshire and his wife Julia Brand, daughter of Lord Dacre. He was a member of the Whitbread brewing family. Whitbread was educated at Rugby School and Trinity College, Cambridge. He was private secretary to Sir George Grey in 1850 and in 1852 was elected as a Member of Parliament (MP) for Bedford. He was a frequent speaker during his time in the commons and was Civil Lord of the Admiralty from June 1859 to March 1863. He held his seat until 1895.Whitbread lived at Southill Park, Biggleswade. He was J.P. and Deputy Lieutenant for Bedfordshire. He died at the age of 85.Whitbread married Lady Isabella Charlotte Pelham, youngest daughter of Henry Pelham, 3rd Earl of Chichester on 9 July 1855. They had four children together, Samuel, Maude, Henry, and Francis.His eldest son, Samuel Howard, followed his father into politics.Maud married her cousin Charles, son of Samuel's younger brother William.Henry married Mary Raymond and lived at Norton Bavant, Warminster.Francis married Ida, daughter of Charles Hanbury-Tracy, 4th Baron Sudeley, and lived at Burford House, Tenbury Wells.	[ "Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Samuel Whitbread hold in Sep 22, 1892?	September 22, 1892	{ "text": [ "Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q7412920_P39_9	Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1865. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1874 to Mar, 1880. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1892 to Jul, 1895. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1880 to Nov, 1885. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1868 to Jan, 1874. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1865 to Nov, 1868. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Mar, 1857. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1857 to Apr, 1859.	Samuel Whitbread (1830–1915)Samuel Whitbread (5 May 1830 – 25 December 1915) was an English brewer and Liberal Party politician who sat in the House of Commons from 1852 to 1895.Whitbread was the eldest son of Samuel Charles Whitbread of Cardington, Bedfordshire and his wife Julia Brand, daughter of Lord Dacre. He was a member of the Whitbread brewing family. Whitbread was educated at Rugby School and Trinity College, Cambridge. He was private secretary to Sir George Grey in 1850 and in 1852 was elected as a Member of Parliament (MP) for Bedford. He was a frequent speaker during his time in the commons and was Civil Lord of the Admiralty from June 1859 to March 1863. He held his seat until 1895.Whitbread lived at Southill Park, Biggleswade. He was J.P. and Deputy Lieutenant for Bedfordshire. He died at the age of 85.Whitbread married Lady Isabella Charlotte Pelham, youngest daughter of Henry Pelham, 3rd Earl of Chichester on 9 July 1855. They had four children together, Samuel, Maude, Henry, and Francis.His eldest son, Samuel Howard, followed his father into politics.Maud married her cousin Charles, son of Samuel's younger brother William.Henry married Mary Raymond and lived at Norton Bavant, Warminster.Francis married Ida, daughter of Charles Hanbury-Tracy, 4th Baron Sudeley, and lived at Burford House, Tenbury Wells.	[ "Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Samuel Whitbread hold in 09/22/1892?	September 22, 1892	{ "text": [ "Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q7412920_P39_9	Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1865. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1874 to Mar, 1880. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1892 to Jul, 1895. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1880 to Nov, 1885. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1868 to Jan, 1874. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1865 to Nov, 1868. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Mar, 1857. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1857 to Apr, 1859.	Samuel Whitbread (1830–1915)Samuel Whitbread (5 May 1830 – 25 December 1915) was an English brewer and Liberal Party politician who sat in the House of Commons from 1852 to 1895.Whitbread was the eldest son of Samuel Charles Whitbread of Cardington, Bedfordshire and his wife Julia Brand, daughter of Lord Dacre. He was a member of the Whitbread brewing family. Whitbread was educated at Rugby School and Trinity College, Cambridge. He was private secretary to Sir George Grey in 1850 and in 1852 was elected as a Member of Parliament (MP) for Bedford. He was a frequent speaker during his time in the commons and was Civil Lord of the Admiralty from June 1859 to March 1863. He held his seat until 1895.Whitbread lived at Southill Park, Biggleswade. He was J.P. and Deputy Lieutenant for Bedfordshire. He died at the age of 85.Whitbread married Lady Isabella Charlotte Pelham, youngest daughter of Henry Pelham, 3rd Earl of Chichester on 9 July 1855. They had four children together, Samuel, Maude, Henry, and Francis.His eldest son, Samuel Howard, followed his father into politics.Maud married her cousin Charles, son of Samuel's younger brother William.Henry married Mary Raymond and lived at Norton Bavant, Warminster.Francis married Ida, daughter of Charles Hanbury-Tracy, 4th Baron Sudeley, and lived at Burford House, Tenbury Wells.	[ "Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Samuel Whitbread hold in 22-Sep-189222-September-1892?	September 22, 1892	{ "text": [ "Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q7412920_P39_9	Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1865. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1874 to Mar, 1880. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1892 to Jul, 1895. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1880 to Nov, 1885. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1868 to Jan, 1874. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1865 to Nov, 1868. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Mar, 1857. Samuel Whitbread holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1857 to Apr, 1859.	Samuel Whitbread (1830–1915)Samuel Whitbread (5 May 1830 – 25 December 1915) was an English brewer and Liberal Party politician who sat in the House of Commons from 1852 to 1895.Whitbread was the eldest son of Samuel Charles Whitbread of Cardington, Bedfordshire and his wife Julia Brand, daughter of Lord Dacre. He was a member of the Whitbread brewing family. Whitbread was educated at Rugby School and Trinity College, Cambridge. He was private secretary to Sir George Grey in 1850 and in 1852 was elected as a Member of Parliament (MP) for Bedford. He was a frequent speaker during his time in the commons and was Civil Lord of the Admiralty from June 1859 to March 1863. He held his seat until 1895.Whitbread lived at Southill Park, Biggleswade. He was J.P. and Deputy Lieutenant for Bedfordshire. He died at the age of 85.Whitbread married Lady Isabella Charlotte Pelham, youngest daughter of Henry Pelham, 3rd Earl of Chichester on 9 July 1855. They had four children together, Samuel, Maude, Henry, and Francis.His eldest son, Samuel Howard, followed his father into politics.Maud married her cousin Charles, son of Samuel's younger brother William.Henry married Mary Raymond and lived at Norton Bavant, Warminster.Francis married Ida, daughter of Charles Hanbury-Tracy, 4th Baron Sudeley, and lived at Burford House, Tenbury Wells.	[ "Member of the 21st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 22nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 20th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which team did Omar Migineishvili play for in Jun, 2007?	June 12, 2007	{ "text": [ "FC Lokomotivi Tbilisi" ] }	L2_Q12867809_P54_0	Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Dila Gori from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015. Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Dinamo Tbilisi from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014. Omar Migineishvili plays for Georgia national football team from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. Omar Migineishvili plays for Spartaki-Tskhinvali Tbilisi from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015. Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Lokomotivi Tbilisi from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008. Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Torpedo Kutaisi from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2013.	Omar MigineishviliOmar Migineishvili (, ; born 2 June 1984) is a Georgian football player who plays as a goalkeeper for FC Dinamo Tbilisi in Georgia. His height is 189 cm and he weighs 88 kg. He have also played for the national team of Georgia.Omar Migineishvili made his first international appearance on 2 June 2013 against Republic of Ireland at Aviva Stadium.	[ "FC Dinamo Tbilisi", "FC Dila Gori", "Georgia national football team", "FC Torpedo Kutaisi", "Spartaki-Tskhinvali Tbilisi" ]
Which team did Omar Migineishvili play for in 2007-06-12?	June 12, 2007	{ "text": [ "FC Lokomotivi Tbilisi" ] }	L2_Q12867809_P54_0	Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Dila Gori from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015. Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Dinamo Tbilisi from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014. Omar Migineishvili plays for Georgia national football team from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. Omar Migineishvili plays for Spartaki-Tskhinvali Tbilisi from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015. Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Lokomotivi Tbilisi from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008. Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Torpedo Kutaisi from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2013.	Omar MigineishviliOmar Migineishvili (, ; born 2 June 1984) is a Georgian football player who plays as a goalkeeper for FC Dinamo Tbilisi in Georgia. His height is 189 cm and he weighs 88 kg. He have also played for the national team of Georgia.Omar Migineishvili made his first international appearance on 2 June 2013 against Republic of Ireland at Aviva Stadium.	[ "FC Dinamo Tbilisi", "FC Dila Gori", "Georgia national football team", "FC Torpedo Kutaisi", "Spartaki-Tskhinvali Tbilisi" ]
Which team did Omar Migineishvili play for in 12/06/2007?	June 12, 2007	{ "text": [ "FC Lokomotivi Tbilisi" ] }	L2_Q12867809_P54_0	Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Dila Gori from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015. Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Dinamo Tbilisi from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014. Omar Migineishvili plays for Georgia national football team from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. Omar Migineishvili plays for Spartaki-Tskhinvali Tbilisi from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015. Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Lokomotivi Tbilisi from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008. Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Torpedo Kutaisi from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2013.	Omar MigineishviliOmar Migineishvili (, ; born 2 June 1984) is a Georgian football player who plays as a goalkeeper for FC Dinamo Tbilisi in Georgia. His height is 189 cm and he weighs 88 kg. He have also played for the national team of Georgia.Omar Migineishvili made his first international appearance on 2 June 2013 against Republic of Ireland at Aviva Stadium.	[ "FC Dinamo Tbilisi", "FC Dila Gori", "Georgia national football team", "FC Torpedo Kutaisi", "Spartaki-Tskhinvali Tbilisi" ]
Which team did Omar Migineishvili play for in Jun 12, 2007?	June 12, 2007	{ "text": [ "FC Lokomotivi Tbilisi" ] }	L2_Q12867809_P54_0	Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Dila Gori from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015. Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Dinamo Tbilisi from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014. Omar Migineishvili plays for Georgia national football team from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. Omar Migineishvili plays for Spartaki-Tskhinvali Tbilisi from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015. Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Lokomotivi Tbilisi from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008. Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Torpedo Kutaisi from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2013.	Omar MigineishviliOmar Migineishvili (, ; born 2 June 1984) is a Georgian football player who plays as a goalkeeper for FC Dinamo Tbilisi in Georgia. His height is 189 cm and he weighs 88 kg. He have also played for the national team of Georgia.Omar Migineishvili made his first international appearance on 2 June 2013 against Republic of Ireland at Aviva Stadium.	[ "FC Dinamo Tbilisi", "FC Dila Gori", "Georgia national football team", "FC Torpedo Kutaisi", "Spartaki-Tskhinvali Tbilisi" ]
Which team did Omar Migineishvili play for in 06/12/2007?	June 12, 2007	{ "text": [ "FC Lokomotivi Tbilisi" ] }	L2_Q12867809_P54_0	Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Dila Gori from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015. Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Dinamo Tbilisi from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014. Omar Migineishvili plays for Georgia national football team from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. Omar Migineishvili plays for Spartaki-Tskhinvali Tbilisi from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015. Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Lokomotivi Tbilisi from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008. Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Torpedo Kutaisi from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2013.	Omar MigineishviliOmar Migineishvili (, ; born 2 June 1984) is a Georgian football player who plays as a goalkeeper for FC Dinamo Tbilisi in Georgia. His height is 189 cm and he weighs 88 kg. He have also played for the national team of Georgia.Omar Migineishvili made his first international appearance on 2 June 2013 against Republic of Ireland at Aviva Stadium.	[ "FC Dinamo Tbilisi", "FC Dila Gori", "Georgia national football team", "FC Torpedo Kutaisi", "Spartaki-Tskhinvali Tbilisi" ]
Which team did Omar Migineishvili play for in 12-Jun-200712-June-2007?	June 12, 2007	{ "text": [ "FC Lokomotivi Tbilisi" ] }	L2_Q12867809_P54_0	Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Dila Gori from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015. Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Dinamo Tbilisi from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014. Omar Migineishvili plays for Georgia national football team from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. Omar Migineishvili plays for Spartaki-Tskhinvali Tbilisi from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015. Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Lokomotivi Tbilisi from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008. Omar Migineishvili plays for FC Torpedo Kutaisi from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2013.	Omar MigineishviliOmar Migineishvili (, ; born 2 June 1984) is a Georgian football player who plays as a goalkeeper for FC Dinamo Tbilisi in Georgia. His height is 189 cm and he weighs 88 kg. He have also played for the national team of Georgia.Omar Migineishvili made his first international appearance on 2 June 2013 against Republic of Ireland at Aviva Stadium.	[ "FC Dinamo Tbilisi", "FC Dila Gori", "Georgia national football team", "FC Torpedo Kutaisi", "Spartaki-Tskhinvali Tbilisi" ]
Which team did Elia Bastianoni play for in Nov, 2012?	November 29, 2012	{ "text": [ "Varese Calcio" ] }	L2_Q19647586_P54_2	Elia Bastianoni plays for Calcio Catania from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022. Elia Bastianoni plays for Varese Calcio from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2015. Elia Bastianoni plays for Carpi FC 1909 from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Elia Bastianoni plays for A.S. Livorno from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Elia Bastianoni plays for A.S.D. Sarzanese Calcio 1906 from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.	Elia BastianoniAntonio Elia Bastianoni, known as Elia Bastianoni (born 18 May 1991) is an Italian footballer who plays as a goalkeeper for Santarcangelo.He made his Serie C debut for Carpi on 4 September 2011 in a game against Tritium.On 12 July 2016, he joined Bassano on a free transfer after being released by Catania in the summer.	[ "Carpi FC 1909", "A.S. Livorno", "A.S.D. Sarzanese Calcio 1906", "Calcio Catania" ]
Which team did Elia Bastianoni play for in 2012-11-29?	November 29, 2012	{ "text": [ "Varese Calcio" ] }	L2_Q19647586_P54_2	Elia Bastianoni plays for Calcio Catania from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022. Elia Bastianoni plays for Varese Calcio from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2015. Elia Bastianoni plays for Carpi FC 1909 from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Elia Bastianoni plays for A.S. Livorno from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Elia Bastianoni plays for A.S.D. Sarzanese Calcio 1906 from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.	Elia BastianoniAntonio Elia Bastianoni, known as Elia Bastianoni (born 18 May 1991) is an Italian footballer who plays as a goalkeeper for Santarcangelo.He made his Serie C debut for Carpi on 4 September 2011 in a game against Tritium.On 12 July 2016, he joined Bassano on a free transfer after being released by Catania in the summer.	[ "Carpi FC 1909", "A.S. Livorno", "A.S.D. Sarzanese Calcio 1906", "Calcio Catania" ]
Which team did Elia Bastianoni play for in 29/11/2012?	November 29, 2012	{ "text": [ "Varese Calcio" ] }	L2_Q19647586_P54_2	Elia Bastianoni plays for Calcio Catania from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022. Elia Bastianoni plays for Varese Calcio from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2015. Elia Bastianoni plays for Carpi FC 1909 from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Elia Bastianoni plays for A.S. Livorno from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Elia Bastianoni plays for A.S.D. Sarzanese Calcio 1906 from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.	Elia BastianoniAntonio Elia Bastianoni, known as Elia Bastianoni (born 18 May 1991) is an Italian footballer who plays as a goalkeeper for Santarcangelo.He made his Serie C debut for Carpi on 4 September 2011 in a game against Tritium.On 12 July 2016, he joined Bassano on a free transfer after being released by Catania in the summer.	[ "Carpi FC 1909", "A.S. Livorno", "A.S.D. Sarzanese Calcio 1906", "Calcio Catania" ]
Which team did Elia Bastianoni play for in Nov 29, 2012?	November 29, 2012	{ "text": [ "Varese Calcio" ] }	L2_Q19647586_P54_2	Elia Bastianoni plays for Calcio Catania from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022. Elia Bastianoni plays for Varese Calcio from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2015. Elia Bastianoni plays for Carpi FC 1909 from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Elia Bastianoni plays for A.S. Livorno from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Elia Bastianoni plays for A.S.D. Sarzanese Calcio 1906 from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.	Elia BastianoniAntonio Elia Bastianoni, known as Elia Bastianoni (born 18 May 1991) is an Italian footballer who plays as a goalkeeper for Santarcangelo.He made his Serie C debut for Carpi on 4 September 2011 in a game against Tritium.On 12 July 2016, he joined Bassano on a free transfer after being released by Catania in the summer.	[ "Carpi FC 1909", "A.S. Livorno", "A.S.D. Sarzanese Calcio 1906", "Calcio Catania" ]
Which team did Elia Bastianoni play for in 11/29/2012?	November 29, 2012	{ "text": [ "Varese Calcio" ] }	L2_Q19647586_P54_2	Elia Bastianoni plays for Calcio Catania from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022. Elia Bastianoni plays for Varese Calcio from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2015. Elia Bastianoni plays for Carpi FC 1909 from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Elia Bastianoni plays for A.S. Livorno from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Elia Bastianoni plays for A.S.D. Sarzanese Calcio 1906 from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.	Elia BastianoniAntonio Elia Bastianoni, known as Elia Bastianoni (born 18 May 1991) is an Italian footballer who plays as a goalkeeper for Santarcangelo.He made his Serie C debut for Carpi on 4 September 2011 in a game against Tritium.On 12 July 2016, he joined Bassano on a free transfer after being released by Catania in the summer.	[ "Carpi FC 1909", "A.S. Livorno", "A.S.D. Sarzanese Calcio 1906", "Calcio Catania" ]
Which team did Elia Bastianoni play for in 29-Nov-201229-November-2012?	November 29, 2012	{ "text": [ "Varese Calcio" ] }	L2_Q19647586_P54_2	Elia Bastianoni plays for Calcio Catania from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022. Elia Bastianoni plays for Varese Calcio from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2015. Elia Bastianoni plays for Carpi FC 1909 from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Elia Bastianoni plays for A.S. Livorno from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Elia Bastianoni plays for A.S.D. Sarzanese Calcio 1906 from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.	Elia BastianoniAntonio Elia Bastianoni, known as Elia Bastianoni (born 18 May 1991) is an Italian footballer who plays as a goalkeeper for Santarcangelo.He made his Serie C debut for Carpi on 4 September 2011 in a game against Tritium.On 12 July 2016, he joined Bassano on a free transfer after being released by Catania in the summer.	[ "Carpi FC 1909", "A.S. Livorno", "A.S.D. Sarzanese Calcio 1906", "Calcio Catania" ]

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