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Which employer did Victor Ambartsumian work for in 01/11/1943?	January 11, 1943	{ "text": [ "Yerevan State University", "Yelabuga branch of Kazan Federal University" ] }	L2_Q164396_P108_2	Victor Ambartsumian works for Saint Petersburg State University from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1941. Victor Ambartsumian works for Yelabuga branch of Kazan Federal University from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1943. Victor Ambartsumian works for Yerevan State University from Jan, 1943 to Jan, 1946. Victor Ambartsumian works for Byurakan Observatory from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1988.	Viktor AmbartsumianViktor Amazaspovich Ambartsumian (; , "Viktor Hamazaspi Hambardzumyan"; 12 August 1996) was a Soviet Armenian astrophysicist and science administrator. One of the 20th century's top astronomers, he is widely regarded as the founder of theoretical astrophysics in the Soviet Union.Educated at Leningrad State University (LSU) and the Pulkovo Observatory, Ambartsumian taught at LSU and founded the Soviet Union's first department of astrophysics there in 1934. He subsequently moved to Soviet Armenia, where he founded the Byurakan Observatory in 1946. It became his institutional base for the decades to come and a major center of astronomical research. He also co-founded the Armenian Academy of Sciences and led it for almost half a century—the entire post-war period. One commentator noted that "science in Armenia was synonymous with the name Ambartsumian." In 1965 Ambartsumian founded the journal "Astrofizika" and served as its editor for over 20 years.Ambartsumian began retiring from the various positions he held only from the age of 80. He died at his house in Byurakan and was buried on the grounds of the observatory. He was declared a National Hero of Armenia in 1994.Ambartsumian was born in Tiflis on 18 September (5 September in Old Style), 1908 to Hripsime Khakhanian (1885–1972) and (1880–1966). Hripsime's father was an Armenian Apostolic priest from Tskhinvali, while Hamazasp hailed from Vardenis (Basargechar). His ancestors moved from Diyadin, what is now Turkey, to the southern shores of Lake Sevan in 1830, in the aftermath of the Russo-Turkish War. Hamazasp (Russified: Amazasp) was an educated man of letters who studied law at Saint Petersburg University. He was also a writer and translator and notably translated Homer's "Iliad" into Armenian from Classical Greek. In 1912 he co-founded the Caucasian Society of Armenian Writers, which lasted until 1921. Ambartsumian was the secretary, while Hovhannes Tumanyan, the famed poet, served as its president.Ambartsumian's parents married in 1904. He had a brother, Levon, and sister, . His brother, a geophysics student, died at 23-24 while on an expedition in the Urals. Gohar (1907–1979) was a mathematician and Chair of Probability Theory and Mathematical Statistics at Yerevan State University towards the end of her life.Ambartsumian developed an early interest in mathematics and was able to multiply by the age of 4. His interest in astronomy began with reading a Russian translation of a book by Ormsby M. Mitchel at 11. According to himself, he became an astronomer at the age of 12. Between 1917 and 1924 he studied at Tiflis gymnasiums #3 and #4 where schooling was done in both Russian and Armenian. In 1921 he transferred to gymnasium #4 to study under Nikolay Ignatievich Sudakov, a Moscow-educated astronomer, whom Ambartsumian called a "very serious teacher of astronomy." Ambartsumian worked with Sudakov at the school observatory the latter had built. At school, Ambartsumian wrote several papers on astronomy and delivered lectures on the origin of the solar system and extraterrestrial life at "first in school and then in the various clubs and houses of culture" beginning at 12–13. In 1924 Ambartsumian delivered a lecture at Yerevan State University about the theory of relativity. He also met Ashot Hovhannisyan and Alexander Miasnikian, Armenia's communist leaders.In 1924 Ambartsumian moved to Leningrad, where he began attending the Herzen Pedagogical Institute. According to Shakhbazyan it was his non-peasant and non-proletarian background that kept him from attending Leningrad State University (LSU). However, in an interview Ambartsumian stated that it was too late for him to apply to LSU, because he arrived in August and admissions were already closed. Not to lose a year, he instead enrolled in the physics and mathematics department at the pedagogical institute. After a year, he transferred to LSU's department of physics and mathematics. At university, Ambartsumian was interested in both astronomy and mathematics. "I loved mathematics, but at the same time I felt that my profession would be astronomy. Mathematics was like a hobby, but I did complete the full mathematics curriculum. Thus you could say that I graduated with a major in mathematics, but in fact it is recorded that I graduated as an astronomer," he said in an interview in 1987. At LSU among his professors were the physicist Orest Khvolson and mathematician Vladimir Smirnov. He studied alongside other major Soviet scientists such as Lev Landau, Sergei Sobolev, Sergey Khristianovich and George Gamow. In 1926 he published the first of his 16 scholarly papers as a student. He graduated in 1928, although he received his diploma only fifty years later—in 1978. His undergraduate thesis was "devoted to a study of radiative transfer radiative equilibrium." He completed his postgraduate studies at the Pulkovo Observatory under Aristarkh Belopolsky between 1928 and 1931.After completing his postgraduate studies in 1931, Ambartsumian began working at the Pulkovo Observatory and teaching part-time at LSU. In 1931 Ambartsumian began reading the first course on theoretical astrophysics in the Soviet Union. He also served as Pulkovo's scientific secretary in 1931–32, which involved mostly administrative work. Ambartsumian later characterized Pulkovo as being a "very old institution, and for this reason there were certain elements of ossification and stagnation. Nevertheless, this was the best qualified astronomical institution in the Soviet Union."In 1934 Ambartsumian was fired by Pulkovo director Boris Gerasimovich for alleged "laziness." Gerasimovich viewed Ambartsumian and other young astrophysicists as "undisciplined and in too much of a rush to publish untested theories and poorly documented research." Gerasimovich himself had a "tendency to non-cooperativeness." Gerasimovich was not taken seriously by them. When in 1934 Subrahmanyan Chandrasekhar visited Leningrad, he was told by Ambartsumian, "Look here, here is a set of papers by Gerasimovich. I turn to an arbitrary paper and to an arbitrary line. I am sure you will find a mistake." Chandrasekhar stated in 1977 that during his visit in 1934 Ambartsumian "was very free and very open. He was extremely critical of his seniors."After leaving Pulkovo, Ambartsumian founded the first department of astrophysics in the Soviet Union at Leningrad State University in 1934. In 1934 he was named professor at LSU and in 1935 he was named doctor of physical-mathematical sciences without having to defend a thesis "based on his scientific work through that date." He headed the department until 1946 or 1947.Between 1939 and 1941 Ambartsumian was the director of the . He was simultaneously prorector (deputy president) of the university. Among his graduate students were Viktor Sobolev, Benjamin Markarian, Grigor Gurzadyan, and others. Ambartsumian considered Sobolev his "most brilliant graduate student."Many of Ambartsumian's colleagues and friends suffered during the Great Purge under Stalin, most notably Nikolai Aleksandrovich Kozyrev (1908–83), with whom he became close friends in the mid-1920s. Kozyrev was sentenced to ten years in a forced-labor camp, but survived the repressions. Others such as Matvei Petrovich Bronstein and Pulkovo director Boris Gerasimovich did not survive. Ambartsumian's relations with Kozyrev were "strained for the remainder of his life." McCutcheon notes that while in the West some have questioned Ambartsumian's possible role in the terror, "there is no hard evidence to suggest that he was guilty of anything more serious than surviving at a time when others did not."Ambartsumian led the evacuation of part of the faculty of Leningrad State University to Elabuga (Yelabuga), Tatarstan in 1941, after the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union. There a branch of LSU operated under Ambartsumian's leadership until 1944. He served as the dean of the branch.In 1943 Ambartsumian moved with his family to Yerevan, Soviet Armenia, where he lived until the end of his life. In the same year, he co-founded the Armenian Academy of Sciences along with scientists and scholars Hovsep Orbeli, Hrachia Acharian, Artem Alikhanian, Abram Alikhanov, Manuk Abeghian and others. He served as vice president of the academy until 1947 and as president from 1947 to 1993.Since 1943 Ambartsumian served as director of the Yerevan Astronomical Observatory. The small observatory was affiliated with Yerevan State University. Ambartsumian had secured a nine-inch telescope from Leningrad for the observatory. Ambartsumian said that before the war "this observatory did not rise significantly above the level of amateur variable star observations. During the war they also carried out photographic observations of variable stars using a small camera." In 1945–1946 Ambartsumian founded the department of astrophysicists at Yerevan State University (YSU). He was named professor of astrophysics at YSU in 1947. He served as chair of the department until 1994.In 1965 Ambartsumian founded the journal "Astrofizika" (Armenian: Աստղաֆիզիկա, Russian: Астрофизика), which has been published by the Armenian Academy of Sciences since then. It was originally published in Russian, subsequently articles in English began to appear. He served as its editor-in-chief until 1987. The journal has also been published since the first issue in English by Springer in the US as "Astrophysics".In 1946 Ambartsumian founded the Byurakan Astrophysical Observatory in the village of Byurakan, at an altittude of , on the slopes of Mount Aragats, some from Yerevan. The first buildings were completed in 1951, though the official inauguration took place in 1956. Observations began to be carried out simultaneous with the construction of the observatory. "Our instruments stood under the open sky, covered with tarpaulin," said Ambartsumian. Ambartsumian initially lived at a house in the village of Byurakan then build a house within the observatory grounds with the money awarded with the 1950 Stalin Prize. Ambartsumian directed the Byurakan Observatory until 1988 and was named its honorary director that year. From 1946 until his death in 1996, the Byurakan Observatory served as Ambartsumian's "institutional base."In 1960 Ambartsumian secured a Schmidt telescope with 40І (102 cm) correcting plate and 52І (132 cm) mirror for Byurakan. The telescope was reportedly made by Carl Zeiss AG in Nazi Germany in the 1930s and was transferred to Leningrad as spoils of war. It was completed in Leningrad and sent to Armenia. Beginning with 1965, on Ambartsumian's initiative, Benjamin Markarian started the First Byurakan Survey that resulted in the discovery of the Markarian galaxies. A number of international symposiums and meetings were held at Byurakan under Ambartsumian's supervision. In 1968 the observatory was awarded the Order of Lenin, the Soviet Union's highest civilian order for its great merit to the development of science. In 1961 Ambartsumian supervised the establishment of an astrophysical station of Leningrad State University, his alma mater, within the grounds of the Byurakan Observatory. It is where graduate students of the LSU did their summer internships until the late 1980s. It was shut down in 1993.Ambartsumian and his disciples at the Byurakan Observatory became known in the scholarly literature as the "Byurakan School." From 1977 to 1996 Ambartsumian headed a specialized council for theses defenses at Byurakan. Over 50 scientists defended their PhD (Candidate) and Doctoral theses on astronomy, astrophysics and theoretical physics in those years under Ambartsumian. Though most of the students were graduates of the astrophysics department of Yerevan State University, many came from Russia, Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Hungary, Bulgaria, and elsewhere. Several symposiums of the International Astronomical Union and numerous conferences were held in Byurakan in attendance of Jan Oort, Fritz Zwicky, Subrahmanyan Chandrasekhar, Pyotr Kapitsa, Vitaly Ginzburg, and others. It was also visited by Soviet leaders Nikita Khrushchev and Leonid Brezhnev.With the Byurakan Observatory, Ambartsumian "put Armenia on the astronomical map" and made Soviet Armenia "one of the world's centers for the study of astrophysics." By the time of his death in 1996, "The New York Times" described Byurakan as "one of the world's leading astronomical research centers." As of 1960 the Byurakan Observatory maintained regular contact with 350 research institutions and with scientists from 50 countries.Ambartsumian carried out basic research in astronomy and cosmogony. His research covered astrophysics, theoretical physics and mathematical physics. Most of his research focused on physics of nebulae, star systems, and extragalactic astronomy. He is best known for having discovered stellar associations and predicted activity of galactic nuclei. In his later career, Ambartsumian held views in contradiction to the consequences of the general relativity, such as rejecting the existence of black holes.In 1947 Ambartsumian discovered stellar associations, a new type of stellar system, which led to the conclusion that star formation continues to take place in the Milky Way galaxy. At the time the "idea of star formation as an ongoing process was regarded as very speculative." His discovery was announced in a short publication by the Armenian Academy Sciences. Ambartsumian's discovery was based on his observation of stars of O and B spectral types and T Tauri and flare stars that cluster very loosely. This is significantly different from open clusters, which have a higher density of stars, while stellar associations have lower than average density. Ambartsumian divided stellar associations into OB and T groups and concluded that the "associations have to be dynamically unstable configurations, and must expand subsequently, dissolving to form field stars." He thus argued that star forming is ongoing in the galaxy and that stars are born explosively and in groups.Ambartsumian's concept was not immediately accepted. Chandrasekhar noted the "early scepticism with which this discovery was received by the astronomers of the 'establishment' when I first gave an account of [Ambartsumian's] paper at the colloquium at the Yerkes Observatory in late 1950." Chandrasekhar noted that Ambartsumian's discovery of stellar associations had "far-reaching implications for subsequent theories relating to star formation." McCutcheon noted that the discovery "opened an entirely new field of astrophysical research."Ambartsumian began studying nuclei of galaxies in the mid-1950s. He found that clusters of galaxies are unstable and that galaxy formation is still ongoing. At the 1958 Solvay Conference on Physics in Brussels he gave a famous lecture in which he claimed "enormous explosions take place in galactic nuclei and as a result a huge amount of mass is expelled. In addition, if this is so, these galactic nuclei must contain bodies of huge mass and unknown nature." Ambartsumian's report essentially introduced active galactic nucleus (AGN) as a major theory of galactic evolution. The concept of AGN was widely accepted some years later.Ambartsumian was a "pioneer of astronomical research from Soviet spacecraft." The program was directed by his disciple Grigor Gurzadyan and was launched in 1961. In April 1971 the Salyut 1 space station carried Orion 1, the "first space telescope with an objective prism, into orbit." In December 1973 the manned Soyuz 13 mission operated the "Orion-2 ultraviolet Cassegrain telescope with a quartz objective prism built in the Byurakan Observatory. Spectra of thousands of stars to as faint as thirteenth magnitude were obtained, as was the first satellite ultraviolet spectrogram of a planetary nebula, revealing lines of aluminium and titanium-elements not previously observed in planetary nebulae."These activities, especially the space missions, when for example a special manned spaceship had to be devoted to an experiment from the smallest Soviet republic, needed powerful backing, both in Kremlin corridors and within the top-secret rocket industry establishment. This was achieved due to Ambartsumian's political skills, with the active support of Mstislav Keldish, the then President of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR.Ambartsumian also made contributions to mathematics, most notably with his 1929 paper in "Zeitschrift für Physik". In it, Ambartsumian first introduced the inverse Sturm-Liouville problem. He proved that "among all vibrating strings only the homogeneous vibrating string has eigenvalues that are specific to it—that is, homogeneous vibrating strings have a spectrum of eigenvalues." It was only in the mid-1940s when his paper received attention and became a "significant research topic in the ensuing decades." He commented: "when an astronomer is publishing a mathematical paper in a physical journal, he cannot expect to attract too many readers."Ambartsumian was elected corresponding member of the USSR Academy of Sciences in 1939 and full member (academician) in 1953. In 1955 he became a member of the academy's presidium, the governing body. He also chaired the Academy's Joint Coordinating Scientific Council on astronomy, which was responsible for the priorities and all major decisions in all of astronomy. He was also chairman of the academy's commissions on astronomy (1944–46) and cosmogony (1952–64).In these positions, Ambartsumian was "one of the most powerful scientists of his time." McCutcheon noted that Ambartsumian's "towering authority as an astrophysicist combined with his position in the Soviet establishment made him arguably the most powerful Soviet astronomer of his day." He was often the "official head of Soviet delegations at many conferences, not only on astronomy but also on natural philosophy."From 1944 to 1979 Ambartsumian was a member of the editorial board of "Astronomicheskii zhurnal" (also known as "Astronomy Reports"), the Soviet Union's main astronomy journal. He was also on the editorial board of "Doklady Akademii Nauk SSSR" ("Proceedings of the USSR Academy of Sciences").Although the Armenian branch of the Soviet Academy of Sciences was established in 1935, it was not until 1943 that the National Academy of Sciences of the Armenian SSR was founded. Ambartsumian was one of its original co-founders along with other prominent scholars and scientists, including Hovsep Orbeli, who became its first president. Ambartsumian initially served as vice president and in 1947 he became the academy's second president, serving for 46 years until 1993. When he stepped down in 1993, he was declared honorary president of the academy.Rouben Paul Adalian wrote that Ambartsumian "exercised enormous influence in the advancement of science in Soviet Armenia, and was revered as his country's leading scientist." McCutcheon went on to note that "From that point forward, science in Armenia was synonymous with the name Ambartsumian." As president of the principal coordinating body for scientific research in Soviet Armenia, Ambartsumian played a significant role in promoting the sciences in the country. He actively promoted the natural and exact sciences, including physics and mathematics, radioelectronics, chemistry, mechanics and engineering. Artashes Shahinian noted that Ambartsumian played a significant role in the development of the physical and mathematical sciences. He played an instrumental role in the establishment and development of the Yerevan Scientific Research Institute of Mathematical Machines (YerNIIMM) in 1956, popularly known as the "Mergelyan Institute" after its first director, mathematician Sergey Mergelyan. Apoyan rejects that Ambartsumian had a direct involvement in its creation and characterizes his role as "favorable neutrality." Overall, Apoyan criticizes Ambartsumian's role in science administration. He wrote that he had a tendency to "fail projects that did not directly serve his fame." He went as far as call Ambartsumian's role similar to that of a "tyrant."Ambartsumian and Mergelyan had a complicated relationship. In 1971 Ambartsumian persuaded him to return to Armenia from Moscow and become vice president of the Armenian Academy of Sciences. However, in 1974 Mergelyan was not reelected to the presidium of the academy and was forced to leave it. Some academicians called for a revote, but Ambartsumian rejected any such attempts. Oganjanyan and Silantiev note that Ambartsumian was rumored to have seen Mergelyan as a rival for the academy's president and decided to "get rid of the competitor forever."Ambartsumian was the Chairman of the Editorial Board of the "Armenian Soviet Encyclopedia" ("Haykakan Sovetakan Hanragitaran"), published in 12 volumes in 1974–86. A supplementary volume devoted to Soviet Armenia was published in 1987. Works on the encyclopedia began in 1967. Although it reflected the government's Marxist–Leninist viewpoint, is in the most comprehensive encyclopedia in the Armenian language to this day. Each volume was published in 100,000 copies.According to Jean-Claude Pecker Ambartsumian "had a very strong influence on world astropolitics" and is one of the few astronomers who have had such a "deep influence on the life of the international bodies devoted to the promotion and defense of astronomy and science in general."Ambartsumian was a member of the International Astronomical Union (IAU) since 1946. He served as vice-president of the IAU from 1948 to 1955, then as president from 1961 to 1964. As Vice President Ambartsumian attempted to have the IAU General Assembly be held in Leningrad in 1951, however, the IAU Executive Committee canceled the assembly, increasing tensions within the IAU. An IAU General Assembly eventually took place in Moscow in 1958. Ambartsumian headed the organizing committee. Blaauw noted that "During these years, Ambartsumian, although violently opposing the IAU's policy, remained loyal to the Executive Committee's majority decisions for the sake of safeguarding international collaboration, an attitude that contributed to his election as President of the IAU in 1961." He continued to support it as "the world-wide organization embracing astronomers from all countries. His election as President of the IAU in 1961 reflected both the appreciation for his efforts in this respect and his outstanding scientific achievements."Ambartsumian was outspoken about the importance of international cooperation. At the 1952 IAU General Assembly in Rome he declared: "We believe that the joint study of such large problems as that of the evolution of celestial bodies will contribute to the cultural rapprochement of different nations, and to a better understanding among them. This is our modest contribution to the noble efforts toward maintaining peace throughout the world." At the 1963 IAU symposium in Sydney he stated that while competition between nations is important, it should be associated with co-operation.Ambartsumian also served as president of the International Council of Scientific Unions (ICSU) between 1968 and 1972, being elected twice for two-year terms in 1968 and 1970. He was the first individual from the Eastern bloc to be elected to that post.Ambartsumian published several books and articles on philosophy, including "Philosophical Questions About the Science of the Universe" (1973). In a 1968 paper Ambartsumian wrote that he believes in a close collaboration of philosophy ad the natural sciences to solve the main scientific problems about nature. Ambartsumian became a member of the administration of the when it was established in 1971. In 1990 he became honorary president of the Philosophical Society of Armenia, which was created through his efforts.Ambartsumian was an atheist and believed that science and religion are irreconcilable. Ambartsumian wrote in 1959:For over four decades, he headed "Gitelik"', the Armenian branch of the all-Soviet organization "" (Knowledge), founded in 1947 to continue the pre-war atheist work of the League of Militant Godless. It published atheist novels and journals, produced films and organized lectures on the supremacy of science over religion. The organization engaged in what it called "scientific-atheistic propaganda."Despite his atheism, Ambartsumian reportedly felt that Christianity has been important in preserving Armenian identity. According to one associate, Ambartsumian self-identified as an "Armenian Christian" but was not religious. Ambartsumian had friendly relations with Vazgen I, the long-time head (Catholicos) of the Armenian Apostolic Church, especially since at least the late 1980s. In 1969 Ambartsumian visited San Lazzaro degli Armeni in Venice, home of the Armenian Catholic congregation of the Mekhitarists and was declared an honorary member of the San Lazzaro Armenian Academy that year.Ambartsumian accepted and followed Marxist-Leninist philosophy and staunchly promoted dialectical materialism and projected it on his astrophysical interpretations. Helge Kragh described Ambartsumian as a "convinced Marxist." He wrote on Marxism–Leninism and dialectical materialism in 1959:Dialectical materialism influenced Ambartsumian's cosmological views and ideas. According to Loren Graham, "perhaps no great Soviet scientist has made more outspoken statements in favor of dialectical materialism" than Ambartsumian. Mark H. Teeter wrote in a 1981 report that Ambartsumian is "one of a rather limited group of Soviet scholars of international stature who claim that dialectical materialism has assisted them in their work." Kragh noted that Ambartsumian was not a cosmologist, but an astrophysicist, and that "his ideas of the universe were influenced both by his background in astrophysics and his adherence to Marxist–Leninist philosophy." Graham notes that his "praise of dialectical materialism has been voiced again and again over the years; these affirmations have come when political controls were rather lax as well as when they were tight. We have every reason to believe that they reflect, at root, his own approach to nature."Ambartsumian is often referred to as a politician; Donald Lynden-Bell called him a skillful one. In a 1977 interview Subrahmanyan Chandrasekhar went as far as to opine that Ambartsumian has been "much more of a politician than an astronomer" since the mid-1940s., a colleague and friend, wrote that "Ambartsumian was a true patriot of his native land, Soviet Armenia and all the Soviet Union, and simultaneously, he was a convinced internationalist." He was described by a US-based Soviet government-printed magazine as an "ardent advocate of the widest possible international scientific exchange."McCutcheon noted that Ambartsumian's life was "shaped and directed by the Soviet system" and he was politically loyal to the Soviet authorities. Loren Graham noted that "At the same time, Ambartsumian was not afraid to reprimand the Communist Party ideologues when they obstructed his research." Ronald E. Doel noted that Ambartsumian was in favor with the Communist Party and enjoyed the freedom to travel to the West. Adriaan Blaauw wrote that "his political views harmonized to a considerable degree with those of Soviet rulers." McCutcheon wrote the following on his relationship with the Soviet system:Ambartsumian jointed the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) in 1940. In 1948 he became a member of the Central Committee (the executive branch) of the Communist Party of the Armenian SSR. Ambartsumian was also a member of the Supreme Soviet from 1950 to 1989 (3rd to 11th convocation sessions). In 1989 he was elected as a representative from Armenia to the Congress of People's Deputies of the Soviet Union in the first relatively free elections.Ambartsumian was a delegate to the 19th (1952), 20th (1956), 22nd (1961), 23rd (1966), 24th (1971), 25th (1976) and 26th (1981) congresses of the CPSU.Ambartsumian often signed open letters in support of the official line of the Soviet authorities. In 1971 he was among leading 14 Soviet scientists who signed a letter to U.S. President Richard Nixon in support of black militant communist Angela Davis and appealed him to "give her an opportunity of continuing her scientific work." In 1983 Ambartsumian was among 244 Soviet scientists who signed a statement attacking U.S. President Ronald Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative ("Star Wars"), namely Reagan's plan for an effective defense against nuclear attack. The scientists stated that Reagan is "creating a most dangerous illusion that may turn into an even more threatening spiral of the arms race."Ambartsumian's relationship with dissidents was complicated. In 1973 he refused to meet Yuri Orlov, nuclear physicist and a prominent dissident, after having offered him a job in Yerevan. Ambartsumian told him through subordinate that "there are situations when even an Academy member is helpless." In 1975 he was among 72 Soviet scientists who denounced the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to Soviet physicist and dissident Andrei Sakharov.Ambartsumian revered the Armenian language and supported its usage. He insisted all internal communication of the Armenian Academy of Sciences be done in Armenian when he became president in 1947. As president of the Armenian Academy of Sciences, Ambartsumian often gave speeches at major events, such as during the commemorations of the 1600th anniversary of Mesrop Mashtots, the inventor of the Armenian alphabet, in 1962 and the 100th anniversary of Hovhannes Tumanyan, Armenia's national poet, in 1969.Ambartsumian delivered a speech on 24 April 1965, on the 50th anniversary of the Armenian genocide, describing it as "extermination of the Armenian population of Western Armenia." He linked it to the 45th anniversary of Soviet Armenia and the revival of the Armenian people as a result of the October Revolution. In an article published in "Pravda" on 24 April 1975 Ambartsumian linked the Armenian genocide to the Holocaust and blamed German imperialism during World War I for inspiring the Young Turks and the capitalist states for failing to defend the innocent Armenian population and praised the October Revolution for saving the Armenian nation.In November 1989 the Armenian Academy of Sciences, led by Ambartsumian, issued a statement protesting the decision of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union to return Nagorno-Karabakh to the direct jurisdiction of Soviet Azerbaijan.In September 1990 Ambartsumian and four other Armenians, including writer Zori Balayan and actor Sos Sargsyan, went on a hunger strike at the Hotel Moskva in Moscow to protest the military rule over Nagorno-Karabakh declared by Mikhail Gorbachev. Ambartsumian celebrated his 82nd birthday hunger striking. He insisted that Gorbachev had violated the Soviet constitution by keeping Nagorno-Karabakh under direct rule from Moscow. "This is a bad thing when a government does not abide by its own laws," he argued. He also stated: "My desire is that Karabakh be part of Armenia. This is a problem that has to be solved with a long process and with concessions." Ambartsumian stated that his only demand is that the "elected leaders of Nagorno-Karabakh regain control." Ambartsumian called the hunger strike a "modest step" aimed at making a "huge resonance in the world—to let the world know." The Soviet authorities "totally ignored" the strike. He ended it after 9 days only when Catholicos Vazgen I persuaded him to do so.On 11 May 1991 Ambartsumian and a number of members of the Armenian Academy of Sciences wrote a letter to Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev expressing their concern with the forced expulsion of ethnic Armenians from parts of NKAO and Shahumian rayon as part of Operation Ring.In June 1991 the session of the Armenian Academy of Sciences issued a statement on its views on Armenian independence and the future of the Soviet Union. The Academy stated its unconditional support for the independence of Armenia, pushed at the time by the Pan-Armenian National Movement (HHSh). However, it argued that because Armenia is economically interconnected with and dependent on other Soviet republics, an abrupt disruption in the existing relations would result in "unimaginable levels of economic collapse, unemployment and emigration." Thus, they called for Armenia to join the New Union Treaty proposed by Gorbachev. The session also argued that leaving the Soviet Union would mean to abandon Nagorno-Karabakh.As a communist, Ambartsumian reportedly regretted the collapse of the Soviet Union, but voted for Armenia's independence in the 1991 referendum. He appreciated independent Armenia, but reminded Armenians that they will be paying a high price for it. In 1995 he congratulated Armenians worldwide with Armenia's independence and stated that the newly independent republic is "moving forward." According to Yuri Shahbazyan, a friend and biographer of Ambartsumian, he remained sympathetic towards the Communist Party of Russia and was critical of Western-sponsored economic liberalization in Russia and other post-Soviet countries.When Ambartsumian was referred to by foreigners as a Russian scientist, he corrected them by saying he was Armenian. He spoke perfect Armenian, albeit with an accent.Between 1946 and 1996 Ambartsumian mostly divided his time between Yerevan and Byurakan. He built himself a house within the Byurakan Observatory with the award money that came with his second Stalin Prize in 1950. Since 1960 he also maintained a house next to the building of the Academy of Sciences in Yerevan, on Baghramyan Avenue.Donald Lynden-Bell characterized Ambartsumian as a "broad-shouldered thickset man of medium height, quick intellect and strong character." Lynden-Bell and Vahe Gurzadyan wrote that Ambartsumian was modest in private life and behaved simply in public. Fadey Sargsyan described Ambartsumian as an "extremely modest" man. Anthony Astrachan wrote in "The New Yorker" that Ambartsumian is "by all reports an engaging human being." Ambartsumian admitted to not having any hobbies: "My only passion is science, astronomy. Like a jealous wife, it expects a man to give all of himself." However, he loved poetry and music, and "could enliven even the most abstract mathematical lectures with quotations from classical and contemporary poets."In 1930 or 1931 Ambartsumian married Vera Fyodorovna (née Klochikhina), an ethnic Russian, who was the niece and the adopted daughter of Pelageya Shajn, the wife of Grigory Shajn, both Russian astronomers. She was an English teacher who taught him to read his papers in English when he visited the U.S. and Britain. However, she could not reconcile with his "barbarous pronunciation," as she described it. He was deeply depressed by her death in 1995.They had four children: daughters Karine (b. 1933) and Yelena (b. 1936) and sons (b. 1940) and Rouben (b. 1941). All four became either mathematicians or physicists. As of 1987 he had eight grandchildren.Ambartsumian began retiring from the various positions he held in 1988, at 80. He left the position of the director of the Byurakan Observatory that year. In 1993 he stepped down as president of the Armenian Academy of Sciences and in 1994 as chair of astrophysics at Yerevan State University.Ambartsumian died at his house at the Byurakan Observatory complex on 12 August 1996, a month before his 88th birthday. The house was opened as his museum in August 1998. He was buried at the observatory grounds, next to his wife and parents. His funeral was attended by thousands of people, including Armenia's president Levon Ter-Petrosyan.Ambartsumian was one of the leading astrophysicists and astronomers of the 20th century. In 1977 Subrahmanyan Chandrasekhar stated: "My own impression has always been that he was, when he was in his prime, one of the most perceptive and elegant of astronomers." Chandrasekhar wrote in 1988:Ambartsumian was, arguably, the leading astronomer of the Soviet Union and is universally recognized as the founder of the Soviet school of theoretical astrophysics. He was also well-regarded internationally. Loren Graham called him "one of the best-known abroad of all Soviet scientists." He was an honorary or foreign member of academies of sciences of over 25 countries.Despite being a Soviet scientist, he was well-regarded in the United States. During the Cold War, Ambartsumian was the first Soviet scientist to become foreign honorary member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and foreign associate of the National Academy of Sciences in 1958 and 1959, respectively. In January 1971 Ambartsumian was invited to the U.S. House Committee on Science and Astronautics, where he was introduced by Fred Lawrence Whipple as a "man who is rated the world's greatest astronomer or at least among the very greatest."Ambartsumian is recognized as the greatest scientist in 20th century Armenia. He is considered the greatest Armenian scientist since Anania Shirakatsi, the seventh century astronomer. Fadey Sargsyan, Ambartsumian's successor as President of the Armenian Academy of Sciences, stated in 1998 that Ambartsumian is "one of those scientists who, in his merits and reputation, goes beyond the limits of his scientific fields and in his own lifetime becomes a great national figure. He can truly be called a great Armenian."On 11 October 1994 Armenia's President Levon Ter-Petrosyan awarded Ambartsumian the title of a National Hero of Armenia for his scientific work of international significance, science administration and patriotic activism. His official obituary was signed by Armenia's president, government and parliament.An asteroid discovered at the Crimean Astrophysical Observatory in 1972 by Tamara Smirnova is named 1905 Ambartsumian.In 1998 Ambartsumian's 90th anniversary was celebrated in Armenia; the International Astronomical Union held a symposium at the Byurakan Observatory and the Central Bank of Armenia issued a 100 dram banknote depicting Ambartsumian and the Byurakan Observatory. The Byurakan Observatory was officially named after Ambartsumian that year. Other things named after Ambartsumian include Chair of General Physics and Astrophysics at Yerevan State University, a street, park, and public school in Yerevan, and the Pedagogical Institute of Vardenis.In 2009 a bronze of Ambartsumian was unveiled in Yerevan at the park around the in attendance of President Serzh Sargsyan and other officials. Busts of Ambartsumian stand at the Byurakan Observatory, the city of Vardenis (1978), and at the central campus of Yerevan State University.In 2009 President of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan signed a decree to establish an international prize in Ambartsumian's memory. It was first awarded in 2010 and is awarded every two years. The prize was initially $500,000, but was reduced to $300,000 in 2018. It is considered one of the prestigious awards in astronomy and related fields.Ambartsumian was elected honorary and foreign member of 28 Academies of Sciences, including:Ambartsumian received honorary doctorates from several universities: Australian National University (1963), University of Paris (1967), University of Liège (1967), Charles University in Prague (1967), Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń (1973), National University of La Plata (1974).Throughout his career, Ambartsumian authored some 20 books and booklets and over 200 academic papers.In 1939 he published the "first systematic textbook" in Russian on theoretical astrophysics, based on his lectures at Leningrad State University.Ambartsumian served as editor and senior author of the 1952 book "Teoreticheskaia Astrofizika" (Теоретическая астрофизика). It was translated into a number of languages, including English, German and Chinese. The English translation appeared in 1958 as "Theoretical Astrophysics". Roderick Oliver Redman noted in 1960 that it has found "many appreciative readers in both German and English speaking countries." It became a bible for a generation of astronomers and astrophysicists. The book received critical acclaim by contemporary astronomers. Cecilia Payne-Gaposchkin wrote that it is the "only advanced book of this scope in English, it will be of the greatest value." George B. Field described the book as "comprehensively and competently constructed." Redman wrote, "It is a welcome addition to the comparatively few general texts of solid worth which are now available."	[ "Saint Petersburg State University", "Byurakan Observatory", "Saint Petersburg State University", "Yelabuga branch of Kazan Federal University", "Byurakan Observatory" ]
Which employer did Victor Ambartsumian work for in 11-Jan-194311-January-1943?	January 11, 1943	{ "text": [ "Yerevan State University", "Yelabuga branch of Kazan Federal University" ] }	L2_Q164396_P108_2	Victor Ambartsumian works for Saint Petersburg State University from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1941. Victor Ambartsumian works for Yelabuga branch of Kazan Federal University from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1943. Victor Ambartsumian works for Yerevan State University from Jan, 1943 to Jan, 1946. Victor Ambartsumian works for Byurakan Observatory from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1988.	Viktor AmbartsumianViktor Amazaspovich Ambartsumian (; , "Viktor Hamazaspi Hambardzumyan"; 12 August 1996) was a Soviet Armenian astrophysicist and science administrator. One of the 20th century's top astronomers, he is widely regarded as the founder of theoretical astrophysics in the Soviet Union.Educated at Leningrad State University (LSU) and the Pulkovo Observatory, Ambartsumian taught at LSU and founded the Soviet Union's first department of astrophysics there in 1934. He subsequently moved to Soviet Armenia, where he founded the Byurakan Observatory in 1946. It became his institutional base for the decades to come and a major center of astronomical research. He also co-founded the Armenian Academy of Sciences and led it for almost half a century—the entire post-war period. One commentator noted that "science in Armenia was synonymous with the name Ambartsumian." In 1965 Ambartsumian founded the journal "Astrofizika" and served as its editor for over 20 years.Ambartsumian began retiring from the various positions he held only from the age of 80. He died at his house in Byurakan and was buried on the grounds of the observatory. He was declared a National Hero of Armenia in 1994.Ambartsumian was born in Tiflis on 18 September (5 September in Old Style), 1908 to Hripsime Khakhanian (1885–1972) and (1880–1966). Hripsime's father was an Armenian Apostolic priest from Tskhinvali, while Hamazasp hailed from Vardenis (Basargechar). His ancestors moved from Diyadin, what is now Turkey, to the southern shores of Lake Sevan in 1830, in the aftermath of the Russo-Turkish War. Hamazasp (Russified: Amazasp) was an educated man of letters who studied law at Saint Petersburg University. He was also a writer and translator and notably translated Homer's "Iliad" into Armenian from Classical Greek. In 1912 he co-founded the Caucasian Society of Armenian Writers, which lasted until 1921. Ambartsumian was the secretary, while Hovhannes Tumanyan, the famed poet, served as its president.Ambartsumian's parents married in 1904. He had a brother, Levon, and sister, . His brother, a geophysics student, died at 23-24 while on an expedition in the Urals. Gohar (1907–1979) was a mathematician and Chair of Probability Theory and Mathematical Statistics at Yerevan State University towards the end of her life.Ambartsumian developed an early interest in mathematics and was able to multiply by the age of 4. His interest in astronomy began with reading a Russian translation of a book by Ormsby M. Mitchel at 11. According to himself, he became an astronomer at the age of 12. Between 1917 and 1924 he studied at Tiflis gymnasiums #3 and #4 where schooling was done in both Russian and Armenian. In 1921 he transferred to gymnasium #4 to study under Nikolay Ignatievich Sudakov, a Moscow-educated astronomer, whom Ambartsumian called a "very serious teacher of astronomy." Ambartsumian worked with Sudakov at the school observatory the latter had built. At school, Ambartsumian wrote several papers on astronomy and delivered lectures on the origin of the solar system and extraterrestrial life at "first in school and then in the various clubs and houses of culture" beginning at 12–13. In 1924 Ambartsumian delivered a lecture at Yerevan State University about the theory of relativity. He also met Ashot Hovhannisyan and Alexander Miasnikian, Armenia's communist leaders.In 1924 Ambartsumian moved to Leningrad, where he began attending the Herzen Pedagogical Institute. According to Shakhbazyan it was his non-peasant and non-proletarian background that kept him from attending Leningrad State University (LSU). However, in an interview Ambartsumian stated that it was too late for him to apply to LSU, because he arrived in August and admissions were already closed. Not to lose a year, he instead enrolled in the physics and mathematics department at the pedagogical institute. After a year, he transferred to LSU's department of physics and mathematics. At university, Ambartsumian was interested in both astronomy and mathematics. "I loved mathematics, but at the same time I felt that my profession would be astronomy. Mathematics was like a hobby, but I did complete the full mathematics curriculum. Thus you could say that I graduated with a major in mathematics, but in fact it is recorded that I graduated as an astronomer," he said in an interview in 1987. At LSU among his professors were the physicist Orest Khvolson and mathematician Vladimir Smirnov. He studied alongside other major Soviet scientists such as Lev Landau, Sergei Sobolev, Sergey Khristianovich and George Gamow. In 1926 he published the first of his 16 scholarly papers as a student. He graduated in 1928, although he received his diploma only fifty years later—in 1978. His undergraduate thesis was "devoted to a study of radiative transfer radiative equilibrium." He completed his postgraduate studies at the Pulkovo Observatory under Aristarkh Belopolsky between 1928 and 1931.After completing his postgraduate studies in 1931, Ambartsumian began working at the Pulkovo Observatory and teaching part-time at LSU. In 1931 Ambartsumian began reading the first course on theoretical astrophysics in the Soviet Union. He also served as Pulkovo's scientific secretary in 1931–32, which involved mostly administrative work. Ambartsumian later characterized Pulkovo as being a "very old institution, and for this reason there were certain elements of ossification and stagnation. Nevertheless, this was the best qualified astronomical institution in the Soviet Union."In 1934 Ambartsumian was fired by Pulkovo director Boris Gerasimovich for alleged "laziness." Gerasimovich viewed Ambartsumian and other young astrophysicists as "undisciplined and in too much of a rush to publish untested theories and poorly documented research." Gerasimovich himself had a "tendency to non-cooperativeness." Gerasimovich was not taken seriously by them. When in 1934 Subrahmanyan Chandrasekhar visited Leningrad, he was told by Ambartsumian, "Look here, here is a set of papers by Gerasimovich. I turn to an arbitrary paper and to an arbitrary line. I am sure you will find a mistake." Chandrasekhar stated in 1977 that during his visit in 1934 Ambartsumian "was very free and very open. He was extremely critical of his seniors."After leaving Pulkovo, Ambartsumian founded the first department of astrophysics in the Soviet Union at Leningrad State University in 1934. In 1934 he was named professor at LSU and in 1935 he was named doctor of physical-mathematical sciences without having to defend a thesis "based on his scientific work through that date." He headed the department until 1946 or 1947.Between 1939 and 1941 Ambartsumian was the director of the . He was simultaneously prorector (deputy president) of the university. Among his graduate students were Viktor Sobolev, Benjamin Markarian, Grigor Gurzadyan, and others. Ambartsumian considered Sobolev his "most brilliant graduate student."Many of Ambartsumian's colleagues and friends suffered during the Great Purge under Stalin, most notably Nikolai Aleksandrovich Kozyrev (1908–83), with whom he became close friends in the mid-1920s. Kozyrev was sentenced to ten years in a forced-labor camp, but survived the repressions. Others such as Matvei Petrovich Bronstein and Pulkovo director Boris Gerasimovich did not survive. Ambartsumian's relations with Kozyrev were "strained for the remainder of his life." McCutcheon notes that while in the West some have questioned Ambartsumian's possible role in the terror, "there is no hard evidence to suggest that he was guilty of anything more serious than surviving at a time when others did not."Ambartsumian led the evacuation of part of the faculty of Leningrad State University to Elabuga (Yelabuga), Tatarstan in 1941, after the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union. There a branch of LSU operated under Ambartsumian's leadership until 1944. He served as the dean of the branch.In 1943 Ambartsumian moved with his family to Yerevan, Soviet Armenia, where he lived until the end of his life. In the same year, he co-founded the Armenian Academy of Sciences along with scientists and scholars Hovsep Orbeli, Hrachia Acharian, Artem Alikhanian, Abram Alikhanov, Manuk Abeghian and others. He served as vice president of the academy until 1947 and as president from 1947 to 1993.Since 1943 Ambartsumian served as director of the Yerevan Astronomical Observatory. The small observatory was affiliated with Yerevan State University. Ambartsumian had secured a nine-inch telescope from Leningrad for the observatory. Ambartsumian said that before the war "this observatory did not rise significantly above the level of amateur variable star observations. During the war they also carried out photographic observations of variable stars using a small camera." In 1945–1946 Ambartsumian founded the department of astrophysicists at Yerevan State University (YSU). He was named professor of astrophysics at YSU in 1947. He served as chair of the department until 1994.In 1965 Ambartsumian founded the journal "Astrofizika" (Armenian: Աստղաֆիզիկա, Russian: Астрофизика), which has been published by the Armenian Academy of Sciences since then. It was originally published in Russian, subsequently articles in English began to appear. He served as its editor-in-chief until 1987. The journal has also been published since the first issue in English by Springer in the US as "Astrophysics".In 1946 Ambartsumian founded the Byurakan Astrophysical Observatory in the village of Byurakan, at an altittude of , on the slopes of Mount Aragats, some from Yerevan. The first buildings were completed in 1951, though the official inauguration took place in 1956. Observations began to be carried out simultaneous with the construction of the observatory. "Our instruments stood under the open sky, covered with tarpaulin," said Ambartsumian. Ambartsumian initially lived at a house in the village of Byurakan then build a house within the observatory grounds with the money awarded with the 1950 Stalin Prize. Ambartsumian directed the Byurakan Observatory until 1988 and was named its honorary director that year. From 1946 until his death in 1996, the Byurakan Observatory served as Ambartsumian's "institutional base."In 1960 Ambartsumian secured a Schmidt telescope with 40І (102 cm) correcting plate and 52І (132 cm) mirror for Byurakan. The telescope was reportedly made by Carl Zeiss AG in Nazi Germany in the 1930s and was transferred to Leningrad as spoils of war. It was completed in Leningrad and sent to Armenia. Beginning with 1965, on Ambartsumian's initiative, Benjamin Markarian started the First Byurakan Survey that resulted in the discovery of the Markarian galaxies. A number of international symposiums and meetings were held at Byurakan under Ambartsumian's supervision. In 1968 the observatory was awarded the Order of Lenin, the Soviet Union's highest civilian order for its great merit to the development of science. In 1961 Ambartsumian supervised the establishment of an astrophysical station of Leningrad State University, his alma mater, within the grounds of the Byurakan Observatory. It is where graduate students of the LSU did their summer internships until the late 1980s. It was shut down in 1993.Ambartsumian and his disciples at the Byurakan Observatory became known in the scholarly literature as the "Byurakan School." From 1977 to 1996 Ambartsumian headed a specialized council for theses defenses at Byurakan. Over 50 scientists defended their PhD (Candidate) and Doctoral theses on astronomy, astrophysics and theoretical physics in those years under Ambartsumian. Though most of the students were graduates of the astrophysics department of Yerevan State University, many came from Russia, Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Hungary, Bulgaria, and elsewhere. Several symposiums of the International Astronomical Union and numerous conferences were held in Byurakan in attendance of Jan Oort, Fritz Zwicky, Subrahmanyan Chandrasekhar, Pyotr Kapitsa, Vitaly Ginzburg, and others. It was also visited by Soviet leaders Nikita Khrushchev and Leonid Brezhnev.With the Byurakan Observatory, Ambartsumian "put Armenia on the astronomical map" and made Soviet Armenia "one of the world's centers for the study of astrophysics." By the time of his death in 1996, "The New York Times" described Byurakan as "one of the world's leading astronomical research centers." As of 1960 the Byurakan Observatory maintained regular contact with 350 research institutions and with scientists from 50 countries.Ambartsumian carried out basic research in astronomy and cosmogony. His research covered astrophysics, theoretical physics and mathematical physics. Most of his research focused on physics of nebulae, star systems, and extragalactic astronomy. He is best known for having discovered stellar associations and predicted activity of galactic nuclei. In his later career, Ambartsumian held views in contradiction to the consequences of the general relativity, such as rejecting the existence of black holes.In 1947 Ambartsumian discovered stellar associations, a new type of stellar system, which led to the conclusion that star formation continues to take place in the Milky Way galaxy. At the time the "idea of star formation as an ongoing process was regarded as very speculative." His discovery was announced in a short publication by the Armenian Academy Sciences. Ambartsumian's discovery was based on his observation of stars of O and B spectral types and T Tauri and flare stars that cluster very loosely. This is significantly different from open clusters, which have a higher density of stars, while stellar associations have lower than average density. Ambartsumian divided stellar associations into OB and T groups and concluded that the "associations have to be dynamically unstable configurations, and must expand subsequently, dissolving to form field stars." He thus argued that star forming is ongoing in the galaxy and that stars are born explosively and in groups.Ambartsumian's concept was not immediately accepted. Chandrasekhar noted the "early scepticism with which this discovery was received by the astronomers of the 'establishment' when I first gave an account of [Ambartsumian's] paper at the colloquium at the Yerkes Observatory in late 1950." Chandrasekhar noted that Ambartsumian's discovery of stellar associations had "far-reaching implications for subsequent theories relating to star formation." McCutcheon noted that the discovery "opened an entirely new field of astrophysical research."Ambartsumian began studying nuclei of galaxies in the mid-1950s. He found that clusters of galaxies are unstable and that galaxy formation is still ongoing. At the 1958 Solvay Conference on Physics in Brussels he gave a famous lecture in which he claimed "enormous explosions take place in galactic nuclei and as a result a huge amount of mass is expelled. In addition, if this is so, these galactic nuclei must contain bodies of huge mass and unknown nature." Ambartsumian's report essentially introduced active galactic nucleus (AGN) as a major theory of galactic evolution. The concept of AGN was widely accepted some years later.Ambartsumian was a "pioneer of astronomical research from Soviet spacecraft." The program was directed by his disciple Grigor Gurzadyan and was launched in 1961. In April 1971 the Salyut 1 space station carried Orion 1, the "first space telescope with an objective prism, into orbit." In December 1973 the manned Soyuz 13 mission operated the "Orion-2 ultraviolet Cassegrain telescope with a quartz objective prism built in the Byurakan Observatory. Spectra of thousands of stars to as faint as thirteenth magnitude were obtained, as was the first satellite ultraviolet spectrogram of a planetary nebula, revealing lines of aluminium and titanium-elements not previously observed in planetary nebulae."These activities, especially the space missions, when for example a special manned spaceship had to be devoted to an experiment from the smallest Soviet republic, needed powerful backing, both in Kremlin corridors and within the top-secret rocket industry establishment. This was achieved due to Ambartsumian's political skills, with the active support of Mstislav Keldish, the then President of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR.Ambartsumian also made contributions to mathematics, most notably with his 1929 paper in "Zeitschrift für Physik". In it, Ambartsumian first introduced the inverse Sturm-Liouville problem. He proved that "among all vibrating strings only the homogeneous vibrating string has eigenvalues that are specific to it—that is, homogeneous vibrating strings have a spectrum of eigenvalues." It was only in the mid-1940s when his paper received attention and became a "significant research topic in the ensuing decades." He commented: "when an astronomer is publishing a mathematical paper in a physical journal, he cannot expect to attract too many readers."Ambartsumian was elected corresponding member of the USSR Academy of Sciences in 1939 and full member (academician) in 1953. In 1955 he became a member of the academy's presidium, the governing body. He also chaired the Academy's Joint Coordinating Scientific Council on astronomy, which was responsible for the priorities and all major decisions in all of astronomy. He was also chairman of the academy's commissions on astronomy (1944–46) and cosmogony (1952–64).In these positions, Ambartsumian was "one of the most powerful scientists of his time." McCutcheon noted that Ambartsumian's "towering authority as an astrophysicist combined with his position in the Soviet establishment made him arguably the most powerful Soviet astronomer of his day." He was often the "official head of Soviet delegations at many conferences, not only on astronomy but also on natural philosophy."From 1944 to 1979 Ambartsumian was a member of the editorial board of "Astronomicheskii zhurnal" (also known as "Astronomy Reports"), the Soviet Union's main astronomy journal. He was also on the editorial board of "Doklady Akademii Nauk SSSR" ("Proceedings of the USSR Academy of Sciences").Although the Armenian branch of the Soviet Academy of Sciences was established in 1935, it was not until 1943 that the National Academy of Sciences of the Armenian SSR was founded. Ambartsumian was one of its original co-founders along with other prominent scholars and scientists, including Hovsep Orbeli, who became its first president. Ambartsumian initially served as vice president and in 1947 he became the academy's second president, serving for 46 years until 1993. When he stepped down in 1993, he was declared honorary president of the academy.Rouben Paul Adalian wrote that Ambartsumian "exercised enormous influence in the advancement of science in Soviet Armenia, and was revered as his country's leading scientist." McCutcheon went on to note that "From that point forward, science in Armenia was synonymous with the name Ambartsumian." As president of the principal coordinating body for scientific research in Soviet Armenia, Ambartsumian played a significant role in promoting the sciences in the country. He actively promoted the natural and exact sciences, including physics and mathematics, radioelectronics, chemistry, mechanics and engineering. Artashes Shahinian noted that Ambartsumian played a significant role in the development of the physical and mathematical sciences. He played an instrumental role in the establishment and development of the Yerevan Scientific Research Institute of Mathematical Machines (YerNIIMM) in 1956, popularly known as the "Mergelyan Institute" after its first director, mathematician Sergey Mergelyan. Apoyan rejects that Ambartsumian had a direct involvement in its creation and characterizes his role as "favorable neutrality." Overall, Apoyan criticizes Ambartsumian's role in science administration. He wrote that he had a tendency to "fail projects that did not directly serve his fame." He went as far as call Ambartsumian's role similar to that of a "tyrant."Ambartsumian and Mergelyan had a complicated relationship. In 1971 Ambartsumian persuaded him to return to Armenia from Moscow and become vice president of the Armenian Academy of Sciences. However, in 1974 Mergelyan was not reelected to the presidium of the academy and was forced to leave it. Some academicians called for a revote, but Ambartsumian rejected any such attempts. Oganjanyan and Silantiev note that Ambartsumian was rumored to have seen Mergelyan as a rival for the academy's president and decided to "get rid of the competitor forever."Ambartsumian was the Chairman of the Editorial Board of the "Armenian Soviet Encyclopedia" ("Haykakan Sovetakan Hanragitaran"), published in 12 volumes in 1974–86. A supplementary volume devoted to Soviet Armenia was published in 1987. Works on the encyclopedia began in 1967. Although it reflected the government's Marxist–Leninist viewpoint, is in the most comprehensive encyclopedia in the Armenian language to this day. Each volume was published in 100,000 copies.According to Jean-Claude Pecker Ambartsumian "had a very strong influence on world astropolitics" and is one of the few astronomers who have had such a "deep influence on the life of the international bodies devoted to the promotion and defense of astronomy and science in general."Ambartsumian was a member of the International Astronomical Union (IAU) since 1946. He served as vice-president of the IAU from 1948 to 1955, then as president from 1961 to 1964. As Vice President Ambartsumian attempted to have the IAU General Assembly be held in Leningrad in 1951, however, the IAU Executive Committee canceled the assembly, increasing tensions within the IAU. An IAU General Assembly eventually took place in Moscow in 1958. Ambartsumian headed the organizing committee. Blaauw noted that "During these years, Ambartsumian, although violently opposing the IAU's policy, remained loyal to the Executive Committee's majority decisions for the sake of safeguarding international collaboration, an attitude that contributed to his election as President of the IAU in 1961." He continued to support it as "the world-wide organization embracing astronomers from all countries. His election as President of the IAU in 1961 reflected both the appreciation for his efforts in this respect and his outstanding scientific achievements."Ambartsumian was outspoken about the importance of international cooperation. At the 1952 IAU General Assembly in Rome he declared: "We believe that the joint study of such large problems as that of the evolution of celestial bodies will contribute to the cultural rapprochement of different nations, and to a better understanding among them. This is our modest contribution to the noble efforts toward maintaining peace throughout the world." At the 1963 IAU symposium in Sydney he stated that while competition between nations is important, it should be associated with co-operation.Ambartsumian also served as president of the International Council of Scientific Unions (ICSU) between 1968 and 1972, being elected twice for two-year terms in 1968 and 1970. He was the first individual from the Eastern bloc to be elected to that post.Ambartsumian published several books and articles on philosophy, including "Philosophical Questions About the Science of the Universe" (1973). In a 1968 paper Ambartsumian wrote that he believes in a close collaboration of philosophy ad the natural sciences to solve the main scientific problems about nature. Ambartsumian became a member of the administration of the when it was established in 1971. In 1990 he became honorary president of the Philosophical Society of Armenia, which was created through his efforts.Ambartsumian was an atheist and believed that science and religion are irreconcilable. Ambartsumian wrote in 1959:For over four decades, he headed "Gitelik"', the Armenian branch of the all-Soviet organization "" (Knowledge), founded in 1947 to continue the pre-war atheist work of the League of Militant Godless. It published atheist novels and journals, produced films and organized lectures on the supremacy of science over religion. The organization engaged in what it called "scientific-atheistic propaganda."Despite his atheism, Ambartsumian reportedly felt that Christianity has been important in preserving Armenian identity. According to one associate, Ambartsumian self-identified as an "Armenian Christian" but was not religious. Ambartsumian had friendly relations with Vazgen I, the long-time head (Catholicos) of the Armenian Apostolic Church, especially since at least the late 1980s. In 1969 Ambartsumian visited San Lazzaro degli Armeni in Venice, home of the Armenian Catholic congregation of the Mekhitarists and was declared an honorary member of the San Lazzaro Armenian Academy that year.Ambartsumian accepted and followed Marxist-Leninist philosophy and staunchly promoted dialectical materialism and projected it on his astrophysical interpretations. Helge Kragh described Ambartsumian as a "convinced Marxist." He wrote on Marxism–Leninism and dialectical materialism in 1959:Dialectical materialism influenced Ambartsumian's cosmological views and ideas. According to Loren Graham, "perhaps no great Soviet scientist has made more outspoken statements in favor of dialectical materialism" than Ambartsumian. Mark H. Teeter wrote in a 1981 report that Ambartsumian is "one of a rather limited group of Soviet scholars of international stature who claim that dialectical materialism has assisted them in their work." Kragh noted that Ambartsumian was not a cosmologist, but an astrophysicist, and that "his ideas of the universe were influenced both by his background in astrophysics and his adherence to Marxist–Leninist philosophy." Graham notes that his "praise of dialectical materialism has been voiced again and again over the years; these affirmations have come when political controls were rather lax as well as when they were tight. We have every reason to believe that they reflect, at root, his own approach to nature."Ambartsumian is often referred to as a politician; Donald Lynden-Bell called him a skillful one. In a 1977 interview Subrahmanyan Chandrasekhar went as far as to opine that Ambartsumian has been "much more of a politician than an astronomer" since the mid-1940s., a colleague and friend, wrote that "Ambartsumian was a true patriot of his native land, Soviet Armenia and all the Soviet Union, and simultaneously, he was a convinced internationalist." He was described by a US-based Soviet government-printed magazine as an "ardent advocate of the widest possible international scientific exchange."McCutcheon noted that Ambartsumian's life was "shaped and directed by the Soviet system" and he was politically loyal to the Soviet authorities. Loren Graham noted that "At the same time, Ambartsumian was not afraid to reprimand the Communist Party ideologues when they obstructed his research." Ronald E. Doel noted that Ambartsumian was in favor with the Communist Party and enjoyed the freedom to travel to the West. Adriaan Blaauw wrote that "his political views harmonized to a considerable degree with those of Soviet rulers." McCutcheon wrote the following on his relationship with the Soviet system:Ambartsumian jointed the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) in 1940. In 1948 he became a member of the Central Committee (the executive branch) of the Communist Party of the Armenian SSR. Ambartsumian was also a member of the Supreme Soviet from 1950 to 1989 (3rd to 11th convocation sessions). In 1989 he was elected as a representative from Armenia to the Congress of People's Deputies of the Soviet Union in the first relatively free elections.Ambartsumian was a delegate to the 19th (1952), 20th (1956), 22nd (1961), 23rd (1966), 24th (1971), 25th (1976) and 26th (1981) congresses of the CPSU.Ambartsumian often signed open letters in support of the official line of the Soviet authorities. In 1971 he was among leading 14 Soviet scientists who signed a letter to U.S. President Richard Nixon in support of black militant communist Angela Davis and appealed him to "give her an opportunity of continuing her scientific work." In 1983 Ambartsumian was among 244 Soviet scientists who signed a statement attacking U.S. President Ronald Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative ("Star Wars"), namely Reagan's plan for an effective defense against nuclear attack. The scientists stated that Reagan is "creating a most dangerous illusion that may turn into an even more threatening spiral of the arms race."Ambartsumian's relationship with dissidents was complicated. In 1973 he refused to meet Yuri Orlov, nuclear physicist and a prominent dissident, after having offered him a job in Yerevan. Ambartsumian told him through subordinate that "there are situations when even an Academy member is helpless." In 1975 he was among 72 Soviet scientists who denounced the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to Soviet physicist and dissident Andrei Sakharov.Ambartsumian revered the Armenian language and supported its usage. He insisted all internal communication of the Armenian Academy of Sciences be done in Armenian when he became president in 1947. As president of the Armenian Academy of Sciences, Ambartsumian often gave speeches at major events, such as during the commemorations of the 1600th anniversary of Mesrop Mashtots, the inventor of the Armenian alphabet, in 1962 and the 100th anniversary of Hovhannes Tumanyan, Armenia's national poet, in 1969.Ambartsumian delivered a speech on 24 April 1965, on the 50th anniversary of the Armenian genocide, describing it as "extermination of the Armenian population of Western Armenia." He linked it to the 45th anniversary of Soviet Armenia and the revival of the Armenian people as a result of the October Revolution. In an article published in "Pravda" on 24 April 1975 Ambartsumian linked the Armenian genocide to the Holocaust and blamed German imperialism during World War I for inspiring the Young Turks and the capitalist states for failing to defend the innocent Armenian population and praised the October Revolution for saving the Armenian nation.In November 1989 the Armenian Academy of Sciences, led by Ambartsumian, issued a statement protesting the decision of the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union to return Nagorno-Karabakh to the direct jurisdiction of Soviet Azerbaijan.In September 1990 Ambartsumian and four other Armenians, including writer Zori Balayan and actor Sos Sargsyan, went on a hunger strike at the Hotel Moskva in Moscow to protest the military rule over Nagorno-Karabakh declared by Mikhail Gorbachev. Ambartsumian celebrated his 82nd birthday hunger striking. He insisted that Gorbachev had violated the Soviet constitution by keeping Nagorno-Karabakh under direct rule from Moscow. "This is a bad thing when a government does not abide by its own laws," he argued. He also stated: "My desire is that Karabakh be part of Armenia. This is a problem that has to be solved with a long process and with concessions." Ambartsumian stated that his only demand is that the "elected leaders of Nagorno-Karabakh regain control." Ambartsumian called the hunger strike a "modest step" aimed at making a "huge resonance in the world—to let the world know." The Soviet authorities "totally ignored" the strike. He ended it after 9 days only when Catholicos Vazgen I persuaded him to do so.On 11 May 1991 Ambartsumian and a number of members of the Armenian Academy of Sciences wrote a letter to Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev expressing their concern with the forced expulsion of ethnic Armenians from parts of NKAO and Shahumian rayon as part of Operation Ring.In June 1991 the session of the Armenian Academy of Sciences issued a statement on its views on Armenian independence and the future of the Soviet Union. The Academy stated its unconditional support for the independence of Armenia, pushed at the time by the Pan-Armenian National Movement (HHSh). However, it argued that because Armenia is economically interconnected with and dependent on other Soviet republics, an abrupt disruption in the existing relations would result in "unimaginable levels of economic collapse, unemployment and emigration." Thus, they called for Armenia to join the New Union Treaty proposed by Gorbachev. The session also argued that leaving the Soviet Union would mean to abandon Nagorno-Karabakh.As a communist, Ambartsumian reportedly regretted the collapse of the Soviet Union, but voted for Armenia's independence in the 1991 referendum. He appreciated independent Armenia, but reminded Armenians that they will be paying a high price for it. In 1995 he congratulated Armenians worldwide with Armenia's independence and stated that the newly independent republic is "moving forward." According to Yuri Shahbazyan, a friend and biographer of Ambartsumian, he remained sympathetic towards the Communist Party of Russia and was critical of Western-sponsored economic liberalization in Russia and other post-Soviet countries.When Ambartsumian was referred to by foreigners as a Russian scientist, he corrected them by saying he was Armenian. He spoke perfect Armenian, albeit with an accent.Between 1946 and 1996 Ambartsumian mostly divided his time between Yerevan and Byurakan. He built himself a house within the Byurakan Observatory with the award money that came with his second Stalin Prize in 1950. Since 1960 he also maintained a house next to the building of the Academy of Sciences in Yerevan, on Baghramyan Avenue.Donald Lynden-Bell characterized Ambartsumian as a "broad-shouldered thickset man of medium height, quick intellect and strong character." Lynden-Bell and Vahe Gurzadyan wrote that Ambartsumian was modest in private life and behaved simply in public. Fadey Sargsyan described Ambartsumian as an "extremely modest" man. Anthony Astrachan wrote in "The New Yorker" that Ambartsumian is "by all reports an engaging human being." Ambartsumian admitted to not having any hobbies: "My only passion is science, astronomy. Like a jealous wife, it expects a man to give all of himself." However, he loved poetry and music, and "could enliven even the most abstract mathematical lectures with quotations from classical and contemporary poets."In 1930 or 1931 Ambartsumian married Vera Fyodorovna (née Klochikhina), an ethnic Russian, who was the niece and the adopted daughter of Pelageya Shajn, the wife of Grigory Shajn, both Russian astronomers. She was an English teacher who taught him to read his papers in English when he visited the U.S. and Britain. However, she could not reconcile with his "barbarous pronunciation," as she described it. He was deeply depressed by her death in 1995.They had four children: daughters Karine (b. 1933) and Yelena (b. 1936) and sons (b. 1940) and Rouben (b. 1941). All four became either mathematicians or physicists. As of 1987 he had eight grandchildren.Ambartsumian began retiring from the various positions he held in 1988, at 80. He left the position of the director of the Byurakan Observatory that year. In 1993 he stepped down as president of the Armenian Academy of Sciences and in 1994 as chair of astrophysics at Yerevan State University.Ambartsumian died at his house at the Byurakan Observatory complex on 12 August 1996, a month before his 88th birthday. The house was opened as his museum in August 1998. He was buried at the observatory grounds, next to his wife and parents. His funeral was attended by thousands of people, including Armenia's president Levon Ter-Petrosyan.Ambartsumian was one of the leading astrophysicists and astronomers of the 20th century. In 1977 Subrahmanyan Chandrasekhar stated: "My own impression has always been that he was, when he was in his prime, one of the most perceptive and elegant of astronomers." Chandrasekhar wrote in 1988:Ambartsumian was, arguably, the leading astronomer of the Soviet Union and is universally recognized as the founder of the Soviet school of theoretical astrophysics. He was also well-regarded internationally. Loren Graham called him "one of the best-known abroad of all Soviet scientists." He was an honorary or foreign member of academies of sciences of over 25 countries.Despite being a Soviet scientist, he was well-regarded in the United States. During the Cold War, Ambartsumian was the first Soviet scientist to become foreign honorary member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and foreign associate of the National Academy of Sciences in 1958 and 1959, respectively. In January 1971 Ambartsumian was invited to the U.S. House Committee on Science and Astronautics, where he was introduced by Fred Lawrence Whipple as a "man who is rated the world's greatest astronomer or at least among the very greatest."Ambartsumian is recognized as the greatest scientist in 20th century Armenia. He is considered the greatest Armenian scientist since Anania Shirakatsi, the seventh century astronomer. Fadey Sargsyan, Ambartsumian's successor as President of the Armenian Academy of Sciences, stated in 1998 that Ambartsumian is "one of those scientists who, in his merits and reputation, goes beyond the limits of his scientific fields and in his own lifetime becomes a great national figure. He can truly be called a great Armenian."On 11 October 1994 Armenia's President Levon Ter-Petrosyan awarded Ambartsumian the title of a National Hero of Armenia for his scientific work of international significance, science administration and patriotic activism. His official obituary was signed by Armenia's president, government and parliament.An asteroid discovered at the Crimean Astrophysical Observatory in 1972 by Tamara Smirnova is named 1905 Ambartsumian.In 1998 Ambartsumian's 90th anniversary was celebrated in Armenia; the International Astronomical Union held a symposium at the Byurakan Observatory and the Central Bank of Armenia issued a 100 dram banknote depicting Ambartsumian and the Byurakan Observatory. The Byurakan Observatory was officially named after Ambartsumian that year. Other things named after Ambartsumian include Chair of General Physics and Astrophysics at Yerevan State University, a street, park, and public school in Yerevan, and the Pedagogical Institute of Vardenis.In 2009 a bronze of Ambartsumian was unveiled in Yerevan at the park around the in attendance of President Serzh Sargsyan and other officials. Busts of Ambartsumian stand at the Byurakan Observatory, the city of Vardenis (1978), and at the central campus of Yerevan State University.In 2009 President of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan signed a decree to establish an international prize in Ambartsumian's memory. It was first awarded in 2010 and is awarded every two years. The prize was initially $500,000, but was reduced to $300,000 in 2018. It is considered one of the prestigious awards in astronomy and related fields.Ambartsumian was elected honorary and foreign member of 28 Academies of Sciences, including:Ambartsumian received honorary doctorates from several universities: Australian National University (1963), University of Paris (1967), University of Liège (1967), Charles University in Prague (1967), Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń (1973), National University of La Plata (1974).Throughout his career, Ambartsumian authored some 20 books and booklets and over 200 academic papers.In 1939 he published the "first systematic textbook" in Russian on theoretical astrophysics, based on his lectures at Leningrad State University.Ambartsumian served as editor and senior author of the 1952 book "Teoreticheskaia Astrofizika" (Теоретическая астрофизика). It was translated into a number of languages, including English, German and Chinese. The English translation appeared in 1958 as "Theoretical Astrophysics". Roderick Oliver Redman noted in 1960 that it has found "many appreciative readers in both German and English speaking countries." It became a bible for a generation of astronomers and astrophysicists. The book received critical acclaim by contemporary astronomers. Cecilia Payne-Gaposchkin wrote that it is the "only advanced book of this scope in English, it will be of the greatest value." George B. Field described the book as "comprehensively and competently constructed." Redman wrote, "It is a welcome addition to the comparatively few general texts of solid worth which are now available."	[ "Saint Petersburg State University", "Byurakan Observatory", "Saint Petersburg State University", "Yelabuga branch of Kazan Federal University", "Byurakan Observatory" ]
Who was the head coach of the team Fremantle Football Club in May, 2017?	May 23, 2017	{ "text": [ "Ross Lyon" ] }	L2_Q278043_P286_4	Justin Longmuir is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Sep, 2019 to Dec, 2022. Ross Lyon is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Sep, 2011 to Aug, 2019. Gerard Neesham is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1998. Mark Harvey is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Jul, 2007 to Sep, 2011. Ben Allan is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from May, 2001 to Sep, 2001. Damian Drum is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Jan, 1999 to May, 2001.	Fremantle Football ClubThe Fremantle Football Club, nicknamed the Dockers, is a professional Australian rules football club competing in the Australian Football League (AFL), the sport's elite competition. The team was founded in 1994 to represent the port city of Fremantle, a stronghold of football in Western Australia. The Dockers were the second team from the state to be admitted to the competition, following the West Coast Eagles in 1987. Despite having participated in and won several finals matches, Fremantle is one of only three active AFL clubs not to have won a premiership (the others being and ), though it did claim a minor premiership in 2015 and reach the 2013 Grand Final, losing to . High-profile players who forged careers at Fremantle include All-Australian Matthew Pavlich, Hall of Fame inductee Peter Bell, and dual Brownlow Medal winner Nat Fyfe, who captains the club under head coach Justin Longmuir. Originally based at Fremantle Oval, the club's training and administrative facilities are now located nearby at Cockburn ARC in Cockburn Central, whilst its home ground is the 60,000-capacity Perth Stadium in Burswood. Fremantle has also fielded a women's team in the AFL Women's league since the competition's inception in 2017. They are coached by Trent Cooper and captained by Kara Antonio. Their most successful season was the 2020 season, in which the team was undefeated, but was ultimately cancelled without a premiership awarded due to the COVID-19 pandemic.The port city of Fremantle, Western Australia has a rich footballing history, hosting the state's first organised game of Australian rules in 1881. Fremantle's first teams, the Fremantle Football Club, the Union/Fremantle Football Club and East Fremantle Football Club, dominated the early years of the West Australian Football League (WAFL), winning 24 of the first 34 premierships. Since 1897, Fremantle Oval has been the main venue for Australian rules football matches in the city. Until the opening of Perth Stadium in 2018, the record attendance for an Australian rules football game in Western Australia stood at 52,781 for the 1979 WANFL Grand Final between East Fremantle and South Fremantle at Subiaco Oval.Champion footballers who forged careers playing for Fremantle-based clubs include, among other Australian Football Hall of Fame inductees, Steve Marsh, Jack Sheedy, John Todd, George Doig, William Truscott and Bernie Naylor.Negotiations between East Fremantle and South Fremantle to enter into the VFL as a merged club began in 1987. However, due to an exclusive rights clause granted to the West Coast Eagles this would be impossible until the end of the 1992 season. Further applications were made by the clubs to join but their model was out of favour with the West Australian Football Commission.The AFL announced on 14 December 1993 that a new team, to be based in Fremantle, would enter the league in 1995, with the tentative name of "Fremantle Sharks." The licence cost $4 million. The names "Fremantle Football Club", "Fremantle Dockers" and the club colours of purple, red, green and white were announced on 21 July 1994. The decision to base the new club in Fremantle was primarily due to the long association of Australian rules football in Fremantle. However, it was not represented in a national club competition until 1995, eight years after the first expansion of the then Victorian Football League into Western Australia in 1987 with the creation of the West Coast Eagles. Their first training session was held on 31 October 1994 at Fremantle Oval.The team endured some tough years near the bottom of the premiership ladder, until they finished fifth after the home and away rounds in 2003 and made the finals for the first time. The elimination final against eighth-placed Essendon at Subiaco Oval was then the club's biggest ever game, but ended in disappointment for the home team, with the finals experience of Essendon proving too strong for the young team. They then missed making the finals in the following two seasons, finishing both years with 11 wins, 11 losses and only 1 game outside the top eight.After an average first half to the 2006 AFL season, Fremantle finished the year with a club-record nine straight wins to earn themselves third position at the end of the home and away season with a club-best 15 wins. In the qualifying final against Adelaide at AAMI Stadium, the Dockers led for the first three-quarters before being overrun by the Crows. The following week saw the club win its first finals game in the semi-final against Melbourne at Subiaco Oval. The club subsequently earned a trip to Sydney to play in its first ever preliminary final, where they lost by 35 points at ANZ Stadium to the Sydney Swans.In 2007, following Chris Connolly's resignation midway through the season, Mark Harvey, a three-time premiership player with Essendon, was appointed caretaker coach for the club. During his seven matches for 2007, Harvey coached the Dockers to four wins and three losses. The club came 11th that year, and Harvey was appointed full-time coach at the end of the season. The following year saw the club slump to 14th.In Round 15, 2009, Fremantle recorded the lowest score in its history and of the 2000s, scoring only 1.7 (13) to the Adelaide Crows' 19.16 (130). It scored just one point in the first half and the only goal scored came in the third quarter.After finishing sixth in 2010, the club played in the finals for the first time since 2006. The team played Hawthorn at Subiaco Oval, and despite being considered underdogs, went on to win by 30 points. The win came from strong performances from Luke McPharlin and Adam McPhee who limited the impact of Lance Franklin and Luke Hodge, respectively. The team's second ever win in a finals match qualified them for a semi-final to be played against the Geelong Cats at the MCG the following week. In a one-sided contest, the Dockers lost by 69 points.The 2011 season saw Fremantle lose just once in the first six rounds before ending the year in 11th position after losing their final seven games. Fremantle's collapse was considered a result of a heavy injury count that began in the pre-season.In September 2011, Mark Harvey was sensationally sacked by the club in favour of still-contracted St. Kilda coach Ross Lyon.Fremantle qualified for the finals in 2012 after finishing in seventh position. In their elimination final against Geelong, the Dockers won their first ever finals game away from home with a 16-point victory at the MCG behind Matthew Pavlich's six goals. Fremantle subsequently lost to the Crows in Adelaide the following week, ending their finals campaign.In 2013, Fremantle finished the home-and-away season in third position with a club-best 16 wins. In their qualifying final against the Cats in Geelong, the Dockers produced a first-round upset with a 15-point victory to advance through to a home preliminary final. In the preliminary final, the Dockers defeated the reigning premiers, the Sydney Swans, by 25 points to advance to their maiden AFL Grand Final. In the 2013 grand final, the Dockers were defeated by Hawthorn by a margin of 15 points.In 2014, the club reached the finals for the third successive year with a top-four finish and 16 wins, but despite earning a double chance, they were knocked out after losses to Sydney away and Port Adelaide at home. Nat Fyfe was awarded the Leigh Matthews Trophy for winning the AFL Players' Association MVP award.In 2015, the club were crowned minor premiers for the first time in their history, earning their first piece of silverware with the McClelland Trophy. However, the club failed to convert this into a grand final appearance, losing to Hawthorn by 27 points in its home preliminary final. Fremantle ended their season with Nat Fyfe becoming the club's first Brownlow Medalist.Season 2016 marked Matthew Pavlich's final season in the AFL, as Fremantle missed the finals following a 10-game losing streak to start the year, finishing in 16th position with just four wins.Ross Lyon was sacked as coach on 20 August 2019 after the club failed to qualify for the finals. He was replaced by Justin Longmuir.After struggling in their early start up years, Fremantle are beginning to be a more established and consistently more competitive club in the AFL, with an overall win percentage of 50.0% since first making the finals in 2003. The Dockers' halcyon years took place between 2013 and 2015, where they earned three-straight top four finishes to go with their only grand final appearance (2013) and their only minor premiership (2015).Fremantle played in its first drawn match in Round 8, 2013 against the Sydney Swans. In 2006, against St Kilda at Aurora Stadium in Launceston, they did play in a controversial Round 5 match that initially ended in a draw. However, the AFL overturned the draw result the following Wednesday after the match, due to an off-field error made by the timekeepers not sounding the siren for long enough, and declared Fremantle as one-point winners. It marked the first time a game result had been later overturned since 1900.The club is nicknamed the "Dockers" in reference to Fremantle's history as a port city. Shortly after the club was launched in 1994, Levi Strauss & Co., which produces the Dockers brand of clothing, challenged the club's right to use the name "Fremantle Dockers", specifically on clothing. As a result, the club and the AFL discontinued the official use of the "Dockers" nickname in 1997. However, it remained in common usage both inside and outside the club, and continued to appear in the official team song "Freo Way to Go" and as the title of the official club magazine "Docker". In October 2010, the strong association that members and fans have with the "Dockers" nickname led the club to form a new arrangement with Levi Strauss & Co which allows the club to officially use the nickname "Dockers" everywhere including on clothing and other brand elements. This name change was made in conjunction with changes to the club logo and playing strip.Until 2011 the Fremantle Football Club used the anchor symbol as the basis for all of their guernseys. The home guernsey was purple, with a white anchor on the front separating the chest area into red and green panels, representing the traditional maritime port and starboard colours. The colours also acknowledged Fremantle's large Italian community, which historically has been associated with the city's fishing community. The away or clash guernsey was all white with a purple anchor. Since the end of the 2010 home and away season, the home jumper is purple with three white chevrons, and the away jumper is white with purple chevrons.One game each year is designated as the "Purple Haze" game, where an all-purple jumper with a white anchor is worn. This game is used to raise money for the Starlight Children's Foundation. After the guernsey re-design to a predominately purple home jumper, Fremantle wore the Starlight Foundation logo, a yellow star, above the highest chevron for their Purple Haze game.Since 2003, the AFL has hosted an annual Heritage Round. Until 2006, Fremantle wore a white guernsey with three red chevrons, to emulate the jumper worn by the original Fremantle Football Club in 1885. However, in 2007, the selected round had Fremantle playing Sydney, who also wear red and white. An alternative blue and white striped design was used, based on the jumper worn by the East Fremantle Football Club in their 1979 WAFL Grand Final win over the South Fremantle Football Club. This "Fremantle Derby" held the record, prior to the opening of Optus Stadium, for the highest attendance at a football game of any code in Western Australia, with 52,781 attending at Subiaco Oval.In September 2008, newly appointed CEO Steve Rosich confirmed that the Fremantle Football Club would undergo a thorough review of all areas, including the club's team name, song, guernsey, and logo in a bid to boost its marketability. However he later confirmed that the purple colour will be maintained as it had become synonymous with Fremantle.Fremantle Football Club had its original training and administration facilities at Fremantle Oval. On 21 February 2017 the club moved its training and administration facilities to Cockburn ARC, a world-class facility constructed in 2015–17 at a price of $109 million, located in the suburb of Cockburn Central.The team's home games are currently played at Optus Stadium, a 60,000 seat multi-purpose stadium located in the suburb of Burswood. The club began playing home matches at the venue in 2018, having previously played home matches at Subiaco Oval from 2001 onward and before that the WACA Ground from 1995 to 2000.The official song of Fremantle is "Freo Way to Go", a truncated version of the club's original song, "Freo Heave Ho", written by Ken Walther. "Freo Way to Go" was adopted in 2011 following a poll on the Dockers' official website, beating out three other newly composed songs, including "Freo Freo", written by Fremantle-based indie rock group and the Dockers' then-number one ticket holder, Eskimo Joe. The poll took place around the same time that the club's guernsey and logo were also updated.Unlike other AFL team songs, "Freo Way to Go" is played to a contemporary rock tune. "Freo Heave Ho" also had a section based on Igor Stravinsky's arrangement of the traditional Russian folk song, "Song of the Volga Boatmen", which was dropped in 2011, leaving only the original composition of Walther.Due to its unconventional style, the song is derided by many opposition supporters and defended with equally fierce loyalty by many fans. "Every other team song sounds like a 'Knees Up Mother Brown' from previous eras. We've got a backbeat", boasted author and Fremantle fan Tim Winton. In 2021, in response to being named the club's new number one ticket holder, Tame Impala frontman and Fremantle local Kevin Parker released a new Fremantle "pump up" track to be played at home games. Bolstering the Fremantle connection, the song draws inspiration from AC/DC.The club is owned by the West Australian Football Commission (WAFC). Since 2003, a Board of Directors controls the operation of the club, on behalf of the WAFC. Prior to this, a two-tier arrangement was in place, with a Board of Management between the Board of Directors and the Commission. The initial club chief executive officer was David Hatt, who had come from a hockey background, and the inaugural club chairman was Ross Kelly, who had played for West Perth. It was a deliberate act by the commission to avoid having administrators from either East Fremantle or South Fremantle in key roles, as they wanted the club to be bigger than just representing Fremantle.Kelly resigned at the end of 1998, replaced by Ross McLean. Whilst he presided over some key financial decisions, including the building of the club's administrative and training centre at Fremantle Oval and the deferment of the licence fee to the AFL, it was Fremantle's lowest point onfield, culminating in a two-win season in 2001 which saw the coach Damian Drum be sacked mid-year. McLean resigned following an inadvertent breach of the salary cap.In early 2001 Hatt accepted a government job and Cameron Schwab was appointed. After weathering the fallout from the disastrous 2001 season, Schwab and the new chairman, local West Australian retailing businessman Rick Hart, set about rebuilding the club. A former recruiting manager, Schwab focused on building up the on-field performance by recruiting high-profile players in Trent Croad, Peter Bell and Jeff Farmer, as well as coach Chris Connolly and with Hart then focused on enhancing the corporate and financial standing of the club. The club membership grew every year from 2002 until 2008 and the final licence payment was made to the AFL in 2005.Schwab chose to return to Melbourne in 2008 and was replaced as CEO by Steve Rosich, who had previously worked for the West Coast Eagles. A year later Hart resigned as president and Steve Harris, who runs The Brand Agency and had produced advertising for Fremantle since 2002, took over at the end of 2009. Harris had been on the board since November 2008, the first club chairman or president to have previously served on the board. The club has developed into one of the wealthiest clubs in the league and their surprise recruitment of Ross Lyon to replace Mark Harvey as coach at the end of the 2011 is seen as an example of their ruthless drive for sustained success. In 2014, Harris resigned as president nd was replaced by the then vice president, Perth property developer Dale Alcock.Fremantle's biggest rivalry is with the other Western Australian team, the West Coast Eagles, who they play twice each year in the home and away season, in the fiercely contested "Western Derby" matches (Pronounced in Western Australia). West Coast were victorious in the first nine games, before Fremantle won in round 16, 1999, after which has prompted a fairly even Derby result with Fremantle at 19 and West Coast at 21 Derby wins. The term "derby" is named after the Fremantle Derby games between East and South Fremantle in the West Australian Football League, which for almost 100 years have been considered some of the most important games in the local league. The 1979 WANFL Grand Final still holds the Subiaco Oval football attendance record of 52,781.The Dockers and the St Kilda Football Club have seen a number of controversial events between them, most notably the AFL siren controversy at York Park in 2006. The match was sent into a state of confusion with Fremantle leading by one point when the siren (which had not been very loud all game) was not heard by the umpires who then allowed St Kilda tagger Steven Baker to score a point after time had elapsed and, as a result, the match ended in a draw. The outcome of the game was taken to the AFL Commission and it was decided during the week that as the siren had gone Fremantle were judged to be the winners, disallowing Baker's point.During the 2011 off-season, Fremantle sacked coach Mark Harvey and replaced him with then-St Kilda coach Ross Lyon in controversial circumstances. The move was met with much criticism towards Fremantle's president, Steve Harris, and CEO, Steve Rosich, claiming that they had "backstabbed" Harvey. Lyon was also met with widespread criticism and was accused of backstabbing St Kilda by many Saints supporters as the club was made aware that Fremantle had approached Lyon during St Kilda's lead-up to its finals campaign. The two clubs contested a highly anticipated Friday night match in Round 4 of the 2012 AFL season at Etihad Stadium, with Fremantle winning by 13 points and Lyon being booed throughout the match. Lyon has since become Fremantle's longest serving and most successful coach.For most of Fremantle's history, players have played for various West Australian Football League (WAFL) teams when not selected to play for the Fremantle AFL team. Players recruited from the WAFL have remained with their original club, and players recruited from interstate have been allocated to teams via a draft system. Since the 2014 season, the Peel Thunder Football Club has served as the host club for the Fremantle Dockers, an arrangement which will see Fremantle's reserves players playing in the WAFL for Peel Thunder Football Club. An attempt to field a standalone Fremantle reserves side in the WAFL was rejected by the other WAFL clubs. A similar host club system was used in 1999 when South Fremantle was the aligned club but was cancelled after a single season.In May 2016, the club launched a bid to enter a team in the inaugural AFL Women's season in 2017. As part of the bid, the team would guarantee all players education and job opportunities with the club and the partnering Curtin University.Fremantle beat out a bid from rivals when they were granted a license on 15 June 2016.Kiara Bowers and Kara Antonio were the club's first signings, unveiled along with the league's other 14 marquee players on 27 July 2016. A further 24 senior players and two rookie players were added to the club's inaugural list in the league's drafting and signing period.Former South Fremantle assistant coach, Michelle Cowan was appointed the team's inaugural head coach in July 2016.The club's initial bid outlined plans for a game each at Domain Stadium and at Curtin University's Bentley campus as well as up to two remaining matches held at the club training base in the city of Cockburn. The club eventually played two home games at Fremantle Oval, one at Domain Stadium and one in Mandurah. In 2018, the Dockers hosted the first football game at Perth Stadium but will play the remainder of their home games at Fremantle Oval.The Dockers struggled in their inaugural season, only winning one of seven games and finishing seventh out of eight teams on the ladder. They fared slightly better in 2018, winning three matches, but again finished seventh on the ladder.In 2019, Fremantle had their most successful season, losing only one game during the home and away matches to eventual premiers Adelaide and making the finals for the first time. The team, now coached by Trent Cooper and with Kiara Bowers making her long-awaited debut after two injury affect years, started the year with a high scoring victory over Melbourne in the opening round and then kicked their highest ever score, 10.7 (67), in round 2 against Brisbane. Despite having won two more games than Carlton, the controversial conference system saw Carlton host the knock out preliminary final and inflict Fremantle's second defeat of the year. In the post-season awards, Bowers and Dana Hooker came second behind Erin Phillips in the AFLW MVP award and AFL Women's best and fairest award respectively. Bowers, Hooker and Gemma Houghton were all named in the AFL Women's All-Australian team. Ashley Sharp was awarded goal of the year for a long run, multiple bounce goal.The Doig Medal is the Fremantle Football Club's annual fairest and best award. Currently, the Fremantle coaching staff give every player votes on a 5, 4, 3, 2, 1 basis after every match, including Finals Series matches. Top votes are awarded for what is regarded as an elite performance. At the end of the year the votes are tallied and the Doig Medal Night is held to announce the winner. Variations on the voting system have been used in past years. The awards ceremony has been held at the Fremantle Passenger Terminal (1995), Challenge Stadium (1998–1999), Fremantle Oval (2000–2001), the Grand Ballroom at Burswood Entertainment Complex (2002–2005, 2008–current) and the Perth Convention Exhibition Centre (2006–2007).The Beacon Award is presented to the club's best first year player. Mature aged recruits Michael Barlow, Tendai Mzungu and Lee Spurr have won in recent years, despite being significantly older than most first year players.The Fremantle Football Hall of Legends was inaugurated by Fremantle Football Club in 1995, in recognition of the new AFL team's links with its home city's football heritage. The inductees are nominated by the two clubs from the Fremantle area in the WAFL: East Fremantle and South Fremantle. In time, players who represented Fremantle in the AFL will join their predecessors in this prestigious Hall.In 2019, The West Australian named Fremantle's greatest team of the past twenty five years as part of the club's twenty fifth anniversary celebrations, as voted by Fans and club officials.:It is traditional for each AFL club to recognise a prominent supporter as the number-one ticket holder. Fremantle originally chose to award this to Carmen Lawrence, the sitting member for the federal seat of Fremantle. This was roundly criticised as the member may or may not be a supporter of the club and unnecessarily linked politics with sport. The policy was soon changed to select a well-known Fremantle identity for a two-year period.On 23 April 2010, Eskimo Joe were announced as Fremantle's number-one ticket holder, replacing golfer Nick O'Hern. The band's drummer and guitarist, Joel Quartermain, hinted that they might write a new theme song for the club, saying that Other high-profile fans include current and former Premiers of Western Australia, Mark McGowan and Alan Carpenter, former Federal Minister of Defence, Stephen Smith, Tim Minchin, members of psychedelic rock band Tame Impala, author Tim Winton, American tennis player John Isner and journalists and television presenters Dixie Marshall, Simon Reeve and Matt Price, who wrote a book on Fremantle, "Way to Go".Despite a relative lack of on-field success, Fremantle has recorded membership figures above average for the league.The club in 2005 had the fastest growing membership in the AFL competition with home crowds growing at a similar rate. The club's recent membership slogans have emphasised the passion of Fremantle fans for their team.From 2003 until 2011, the Fremantle Football Club had the Governors of Western Australia as its patron.Vice-patrons	[ "Ben Allan", "Mark Harvey", "Gerard Neesham", "Damian Drum", "Justin Longmuir" ]
Who was the head coach of the team Fremantle Football Club in 2017-05-23?	May 23, 2017	{ "text": [ "Ross Lyon" ] }	L2_Q278043_P286_4	Justin Longmuir is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Sep, 2019 to Dec, 2022. Ross Lyon is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Sep, 2011 to Aug, 2019. Gerard Neesham is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1998. Mark Harvey is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Jul, 2007 to Sep, 2011. Ben Allan is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from May, 2001 to Sep, 2001. Damian Drum is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Jan, 1999 to May, 2001.	Fremantle Football ClubThe Fremantle Football Club, nicknamed the Dockers, is a professional Australian rules football club competing in the Australian Football League (AFL), the sport's elite competition. The team was founded in 1994 to represent the port city of Fremantle, a stronghold of football in Western Australia. The Dockers were the second team from the state to be admitted to the competition, following the West Coast Eagles in 1987. Despite having participated in and won several finals matches, Fremantle is one of only three active AFL clubs not to have won a premiership (the others being and ), though it did claim a minor premiership in 2015 and reach the 2013 Grand Final, losing to . High-profile players who forged careers at Fremantle include All-Australian Matthew Pavlich, Hall of Fame inductee Peter Bell, and dual Brownlow Medal winner Nat Fyfe, who captains the club under head coach Justin Longmuir. Originally based at Fremantle Oval, the club's training and administrative facilities are now located nearby at Cockburn ARC in Cockburn Central, whilst its home ground is the 60,000-capacity Perth Stadium in Burswood. Fremantle has also fielded a women's team in the AFL Women's league since the competition's inception in 2017. They are coached by Trent Cooper and captained by Kara Antonio. Their most successful season was the 2020 season, in which the team was undefeated, but was ultimately cancelled without a premiership awarded due to the COVID-19 pandemic.The port city of Fremantle, Western Australia has a rich footballing history, hosting the state's first organised game of Australian rules in 1881. Fremantle's first teams, the Fremantle Football Club, the Union/Fremantle Football Club and East Fremantle Football Club, dominated the early years of the West Australian Football League (WAFL), winning 24 of the first 34 premierships. Since 1897, Fremantle Oval has been the main venue for Australian rules football matches in the city. Until the opening of Perth Stadium in 2018, the record attendance for an Australian rules football game in Western Australia stood at 52,781 for the 1979 WANFL Grand Final between East Fremantle and South Fremantle at Subiaco Oval.Champion footballers who forged careers playing for Fremantle-based clubs include, among other Australian Football Hall of Fame inductees, Steve Marsh, Jack Sheedy, John Todd, George Doig, William Truscott and Bernie Naylor.Negotiations between East Fremantle and South Fremantle to enter into the VFL as a merged club began in 1987. However, due to an exclusive rights clause granted to the West Coast Eagles this would be impossible until the end of the 1992 season. Further applications were made by the clubs to join but their model was out of favour with the West Australian Football Commission.The AFL announced on 14 December 1993 that a new team, to be based in Fremantle, would enter the league in 1995, with the tentative name of "Fremantle Sharks." The licence cost $4 million. The names "Fremantle Football Club", "Fremantle Dockers" and the club colours of purple, red, green and white were announced on 21 July 1994. The decision to base the new club in Fremantle was primarily due to the long association of Australian rules football in Fremantle. However, it was not represented in a national club competition until 1995, eight years after the first expansion of the then Victorian Football League into Western Australia in 1987 with the creation of the West Coast Eagles. Their first training session was held on 31 October 1994 at Fremantle Oval.The team endured some tough years near the bottom of the premiership ladder, until they finished fifth after the home and away rounds in 2003 and made the finals for the first time. The elimination final against eighth-placed Essendon at Subiaco Oval was then the club's biggest ever game, but ended in disappointment for the home team, with the finals experience of Essendon proving too strong for the young team. They then missed making the finals in the following two seasons, finishing both years with 11 wins, 11 losses and only 1 game outside the top eight.After an average first half to the 2006 AFL season, Fremantle finished the year with a club-record nine straight wins to earn themselves third position at the end of the home and away season with a club-best 15 wins. In the qualifying final against Adelaide at AAMI Stadium, the Dockers led for the first three-quarters before being overrun by the Crows. The following week saw the club win its first finals game in the semi-final against Melbourne at Subiaco Oval. The club subsequently earned a trip to Sydney to play in its first ever preliminary final, where they lost by 35 points at ANZ Stadium to the Sydney Swans.In 2007, following Chris Connolly's resignation midway through the season, Mark Harvey, a three-time premiership player with Essendon, was appointed caretaker coach for the club. During his seven matches for 2007, Harvey coached the Dockers to four wins and three losses. The club came 11th that year, and Harvey was appointed full-time coach at the end of the season. The following year saw the club slump to 14th.In Round 15, 2009, Fremantle recorded the lowest score in its history and of the 2000s, scoring only 1.7 (13) to the Adelaide Crows' 19.16 (130). It scored just one point in the first half and the only goal scored came in the third quarter.After finishing sixth in 2010, the club played in the finals for the first time since 2006. The team played Hawthorn at Subiaco Oval, and despite being considered underdogs, went on to win by 30 points. The win came from strong performances from Luke McPharlin and Adam McPhee who limited the impact of Lance Franklin and Luke Hodge, respectively. The team's second ever win in a finals match qualified them for a semi-final to be played against the Geelong Cats at the MCG the following week. In a one-sided contest, the Dockers lost by 69 points.The 2011 season saw Fremantle lose just once in the first six rounds before ending the year in 11th position after losing their final seven games. Fremantle's collapse was considered a result of a heavy injury count that began in the pre-season.In September 2011, Mark Harvey was sensationally sacked by the club in favour of still-contracted St. Kilda coach Ross Lyon.Fremantle qualified for the finals in 2012 after finishing in seventh position. In their elimination final against Geelong, the Dockers won their first ever finals game away from home with a 16-point victory at the MCG behind Matthew Pavlich's six goals. Fremantle subsequently lost to the Crows in Adelaide the following week, ending their finals campaign.In 2013, Fremantle finished the home-and-away season in third position with a club-best 16 wins. In their qualifying final against the Cats in Geelong, the Dockers produced a first-round upset with a 15-point victory to advance through to a home preliminary final. In the preliminary final, the Dockers defeated the reigning premiers, the Sydney Swans, by 25 points to advance to their maiden AFL Grand Final. In the 2013 grand final, the Dockers were defeated by Hawthorn by a margin of 15 points.In 2014, the club reached the finals for the third successive year with a top-four finish and 16 wins, but despite earning a double chance, they were knocked out after losses to Sydney away and Port Adelaide at home. Nat Fyfe was awarded the Leigh Matthews Trophy for winning the AFL Players' Association MVP award.In 2015, the club were crowned minor premiers for the first time in their history, earning their first piece of silverware with the McClelland Trophy. However, the club failed to convert this into a grand final appearance, losing to Hawthorn by 27 points in its home preliminary final. Fremantle ended their season with Nat Fyfe becoming the club's first Brownlow Medalist.Season 2016 marked Matthew Pavlich's final season in the AFL, as Fremantle missed the finals following a 10-game losing streak to start the year, finishing in 16th position with just four wins.Ross Lyon was sacked as coach on 20 August 2019 after the club failed to qualify for the finals. He was replaced by Justin Longmuir.After struggling in their early start up years, Fremantle are beginning to be a more established and consistently more competitive club in the AFL, with an overall win percentage of 50.0% since first making the finals in 2003. The Dockers' halcyon years took place between 2013 and 2015, where they earned three-straight top four finishes to go with their only grand final appearance (2013) and their only minor premiership (2015).Fremantle played in its first drawn match in Round 8, 2013 against the Sydney Swans. In 2006, against St Kilda at Aurora Stadium in Launceston, they did play in a controversial Round 5 match that initially ended in a draw. However, the AFL overturned the draw result the following Wednesday after the match, due to an off-field error made by the timekeepers not sounding the siren for long enough, and declared Fremantle as one-point winners. It marked the first time a game result had been later overturned since 1900.The club is nicknamed the "Dockers" in reference to Fremantle's history as a port city. Shortly after the club was launched in 1994, Levi Strauss & Co., which produces the Dockers brand of clothing, challenged the club's right to use the name "Fremantle Dockers", specifically on clothing. As a result, the club and the AFL discontinued the official use of the "Dockers" nickname in 1997. However, it remained in common usage both inside and outside the club, and continued to appear in the official team song "Freo Way to Go" and as the title of the official club magazine "Docker". In October 2010, the strong association that members and fans have with the "Dockers" nickname led the club to form a new arrangement with Levi Strauss & Co which allows the club to officially use the nickname "Dockers" everywhere including on clothing and other brand elements. This name change was made in conjunction with changes to the club logo and playing strip.Until 2011 the Fremantle Football Club used the anchor symbol as the basis for all of their guernseys. The home guernsey was purple, with a white anchor on the front separating the chest area into red and green panels, representing the traditional maritime port and starboard colours. The colours also acknowledged Fremantle's large Italian community, which historically has been associated with the city's fishing community. The away or clash guernsey was all white with a purple anchor. Since the end of the 2010 home and away season, the home jumper is purple with three white chevrons, and the away jumper is white with purple chevrons.One game each year is designated as the "Purple Haze" game, where an all-purple jumper with a white anchor is worn. This game is used to raise money for the Starlight Children's Foundation. After the guernsey re-design to a predominately purple home jumper, Fremantle wore the Starlight Foundation logo, a yellow star, above the highest chevron for their Purple Haze game.Since 2003, the AFL has hosted an annual Heritage Round. Until 2006, Fremantle wore a white guernsey with three red chevrons, to emulate the jumper worn by the original Fremantle Football Club in 1885. However, in 2007, the selected round had Fremantle playing Sydney, who also wear red and white. An alternative blue and white striped design was used, based on the jumper worn by the East Fremantle Football Club in their 1979 WAFL Grand Final win over the South Fremantle Football Club. This "Fremantle Derby" held the record, prior to the opening of Optus Stadium, for the highest attendance at a football game of any code in Western Australia, with 52,781 attending at Subiaco Oval.In September 2008, newly appointed CEO Steve Rosich confirmed that the Fremantle Football Club would undergo a thorough review of all areas, including the club's team name, song, guernsey, and logo in a bid to boost its marketability. However he later confirmed that the purple colour will be maintained as it had become synonymous with Fremantle.Fremantle Football Club had its original training and administration facilities at Fremantle Oval. On 21 February 2017 the club moved its training and administration facilities to Cockburn ARC, a world-class facility constructed in 2015–17 at a price of $109 million, located in the suburb of Cockburn Central.The team's home games are currently played at Optus Stadium, a 60,000 seat multi-purpose stadium located in the suburb of Burswood. The club began playing home matches at the venue in 2018, having previously played home matches at Subiaco Oval from 2001 onward and before that the WACA Ground from 1995 to 2000.The official song of Fremantle is "Freo Way to Go", a truncated version of the club's original song, "Freo Heave Ho", written by Ken Walther. "Freo Way to Go" was adopted in 2011 following a poll on the Dockers' official website, beating out three other newly composed songs, including "Freo Freo", written by Fremantle-based indie rock group and the Dockers' then-number one ticket holder, Eskimo Joe. The poll took place around the same time that the club's guernsey and logo were also updated.Unlike other AFL team songs, "Freo Way to Go" is played to a contemporary rock tune. "Freo Heave Ho" also had a section based on Igor Stravinsky's arrangement of the traditional Russian folk song, "Song of the Volga Boatmen", which was dropped in 2011, leaving only the original composition of Walther.Due to its unconventional style, the song is derided by many opposition supporters and defended with equally fierce loyalty by many fans. "Every other team song sounds like a 'Knees Up Mother Brown' from previous eras. We've got a backbeat", boasted author and Fremantle fan Tim Winton. In 2021, in response to being named the club's new number one ticket holder, Tame Impala frontman and Fremantle local Kevin Parker released a new Fremantle "pump up" track to be played at home games. Bolstering the Fremantle connection, the song draws inspiration from AC/DC.The club is owned by the West Australian Football Commission (WAFC). Since 2003, a Board of Directors controls the operation of the club, on behalf of the WAFC. Prior to this, a two-tier arrangement was in place, with a Board of Management between the Board of Directors and the Commission. The initial club chief executive officer was David Hatt, who had come from a hockey background, and the inaugural club chairman was Ross Kelly, who had played for West Perth. It was a deliberate act by the commission to avoid having administrators from either East Fremantle or South Fremantle in key roles, as they wanted the club to be bigger than just representing Fremantle.Kelly resigned at the end of 1998, replaced by Ross McLean. Whilst he presided over some key financial decisions, including the building of the club's administrative and training centre at Fremantle Oval and the deferment of the licence fee to the AFL, it was Fremantle's lowest point onfield, culminating in a two-win season in 2001 which saw the coach Damian Drum be sacked mid-year. McLean resigned following an inadvertent breach of the salary cap.In early 2001 Hatt accepted a government job and Cameron Schwab was appointed. After weathering the fallout from the disastrous 2001 season, Schwab and the new chairman, local West Australian retailing businessman Rick Hart, set about rebuilding the club. A former recruiting manager, Schwab focused on building up the on-field performance by recruiting high-profile players in Trent Croad, Peter Bell and Jeff Farmer, as well as coach Chris Connolly and with Hart then focused on enhancing the corporate and financial standing of the club. The club membership grew every year from 2002 until 2008 and the final licence payment was made to the AFL in 2005.Schwab chose to return to Melbourne in 2008 and was replaced as CEO by Steve Rosich, who had previously worked for the West Coast Eagles. A year later Hart resigned as president and Steve Harris, who runs The Brand Agency and had produced advertising for Fremantle since 2002, took over at the end of 2009. Harris had been on the board since November 2008, the first club chairman or president to have previously served on the board. The club has developed into one of the wealthiest clubs in the league and their surprise recruitment of Ross Lyon to replace Mark Harvey as coach at the end of the 2011 is seen as an example of their ruthless drive for sustained success. In 2014, Harris resigned as president nd was replaced by the then vice president, Perth property developer Dale Alcock.Fremantle's biggest rivalry is with the other Western Australian team, the West Coast Eagles, who they play twice each year in the home and away season, in the fiercely contested "Western Derby" matches (Pronounced in Western Australia). West Coast were victorious in the first nine games, before Fremantle won in round 16, 1999, after which has prompted a fairly even Derby result with Fremantle at 19 and West Coast at 21 Derby wins. The term "derby" is named after the Fremantle Derby games between East and South Fremantle in the West Australian Football League, which for almost 100 years have been considered some of the most important games in the local league. The 1979 WANFL Grand Final still holds the Subiaco Oval football attendance record of 52,781.The Dockers and the St Kilda Football Club have seen a number of controversial events between them, most notably the AFL siren controversy at York Park in 2006. The match was sent into a state of confusion with Fremantle leading by one point when the siren (which had not been very loud all game) was not heard by the umpires who then allowed St Kilda tagger Steven Baker to score a point after time had elapsed and, as a result, the match ended in a draw. The outcome of the game was taken to the AFL Commission and it was decided during the week that as the siren had gone Fremantle were judged to be the winners, disallowing Baker's point.During the 2011 off-season, Fremantle sacked coach Mark Harvey and replaced him with then-St Kilda coach Ross Lyon in controversial circumstances. The move was met with much criticism towards Fremantle's president, Steve Harris, and CEO, Steve Rosich, claiming that they had "backstabbed" Harvey. Lyon was also met with widespread criticism and was accused of backstabbing St Kilda by many Saints supporters as the club was made aware that Fremantle had approached Lyon during St Kilda's lead-up to its finals campaign. The two clubs contested a highly anticipated Friday night match in Round 4 of the 2012 AFL season at Etihad Stadium, with Fremantle winning by 13 points and Lyon being booed throughout the match. Lyon has since become Fremantle's longest serving and most successful coach.For most of Fremantle's history, players have played for various West Australian Football League (WAFL) teams when not selected to play for the Fremantle AFL team. Players recruited from the WAFL have remained with their original club, and players recruited from interstate have been allocated to teams via a draft system. Since the 2014 season, the Peel Thunder Football Club has served as the host club for the Fremantle Dockers, an arrangement which will see Fremantle's reserves players playing in the WAFL for Peel Thunder Football Club. An attempt to field a standalone Fremantle reserves side in the WAFL was rejected by the other WAFL clubs. A similar host club system was used in 1999 when South Fremantle was the aligned club but was cancelled after a single season.In May 2016, the club launched a bid to enter a team in the inaugural AFL Women's season in 2017. As part of the bid, the team would guarantee all players education and job opportunities with the club and the partnering Curtin University.Fremantle beat out a bid from rivals when they were granted a license on 15 June 2016.Kiara Bowers and Kara Antonio were the club's first signings, unveiled along with the league's other 14 marquee players on 27 July 2016. A further 24 senior players and two rookie players were added to the club's inaugural list in the league's drafting and signing period.Former South Fremantle assistant coach, Michelle Cowan was appointed the team's inaugural head coach in July 2016.The club's initial bid outlined plans for a game each at Domain Stadium and at Curtin University's Bentley campus as well as up to two remaining matches held at the club training base in the city of Cockburn. The club eventually played two home games at Fremantle Oval, one at Domain Stadium and one in Mandurah. In 2018, the Dockers hosted the first football game at Perth Stadium but will play the remainder of their home games at Fremantle Oval.The Dockers struggled in their inaugural season, only winning one of seven games and finishing seventh out of eight teams on the ladder. They fared slightly better in 2018, winning three matches, but again finished seventh on the ladder.In 2019, Fremantle had their most successful season, losing only one game during the home and away matches to eventual premiers Adelaide and making the finals for the first time. The team, now coached by Trent Cooper and with Kiara Bowers making her long-awaited debut after two injury affect years, started the year with a high scoring victory over Melbourne in the opening round and then kicked their highest ever score, 10.7 (67), in round 2 against Brisbane. Despite having won two more games than Carlton, the controversial conference system saw Carlton host the knock out preliminary final and inflict Fremantle's second defeat of the year. In the post-season awards, Bowers and Dana Hooker came second behind Erin Phillips in the AFLW MVP award and AFL Women's best and fairest award respectively. Bowers, Hooker and Gemma Houghton were all named in the AFL Women's All-Australian team. Ashley Sharp was awarded goal of the year for a long run, multiple bounce goal.The Doig Medal is the Fremantle Football Club's annual fairest and best award. Currently, the Fremantle coaching staff give every player votes on a 5, 4, 3, 2, 1 basis after every match, including Finals Series matches. Top votes are awarded for what is regarded as an elite performance. At the end of the year the votes are tallied and the Doig Medal Night is held to announce the winner. Variations on the voting system have been used in past years. The awards ceremony has been held at the Fremantle Passenger Terminal (1995), Challenge Stadium (1998–1999), Fremantle Oval (2000–2001), the Grand Ballroom at Burswood Entertainment Complex (2002–2005, 2008–current) and the Perth Convention Exhibition Centre (2006–2007).The Beacon Award is presented to the club's best first year player. Mature aged recruits Michael Barlow, Tendai Mzungu and Lee Spurr have won in recent years, despite being significantly older than most first year players.The Fremantle Football Hall of Legends was inaugurated by Fremantle Football Club in 1995, in recognition of the new AFL team's links with its home city's football heritage. The inductees are nominated by the two clubs from the Fremantle area in the WAFL: East Fremantle and South Fremantle. In time, players who represented Fremantle in the AFL will join their predecessors in this prestigious Hall.In 2019, The West Australian named Fremantle's greatest team of the past twenty five years as part of the club's twenty fifth anniversary celebrations, as voted by Fans and club officials.:It is traditional for each AFL club to recognise a prominent supporter as the number-one ticket holder. Fremantle originally chose to award this to Carmen Lawrence, the sitting member for the federal seat of Fremantle. This was roundly criticised as the member may or may not be a supporter of the club and unnecessarily linked politics with sport. The policy was soon changed to select a well-known Fremantle identity for a two-year period.On 23 April 2010, Eskimo Joe were announced as Fremantle's number-one ticket holder, replacing golfer Nick O'Hern. The band's drummer and guitarist, Joel Quartermain, hinted that they might write a new theme song for the club, saying that Other high-profile fans include current and former Premiers of Western Australia, Mark McGowan and Alan Carpenter, former Federal Minister of Defence, Stephen Smith, Tim Minchin, members of psychedelic rock band Tame Impala, author Tim Winton, American tennis player John Isner and journalists and television presenters Dixie Marshall, Simon Reeve and Matt Price, who wrote a book on Fremantle, "Way to Go".Despite a relative lack of on-field success, Fremantle has recorded membership figures above average for the league.The club in 2005 had the fastest growing membership in the AFL competition with home crowds growing at a similar rate. The club's recent membership slogans have emphasised the passion of Fremantle fans for their team.From 2003 until 2011, the Fremantle Football Club had the Governors of Western Australia as its patron.Vice-patrons	[ "Ben Allan", "Mark Harvey", "Gerard Neesham", "Damian Drum", "Justin Longmuir" ]
Who was the head coach of the team Fremantle Football Club in 23/05/2017?	May 23, 2017	{ "text": [ "Ross Lyon" ] }	L2_Q278043_P286_4	Justin Longmuir is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Sep, 2019 to Dec, 2022. Ross Lyon is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Sep, 2011 to Aug, 2019. Gerard Neesham is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1998. Mark Harvey is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Jul, 2007 to Sep, 2011. Ben Allan is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from May, 2001 to Sep, 2001. Damian Drum is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Jan, 1999 to May, 2001.	Fremantle Football ClubThe Fremantle Football Club, nicknamed the Dockers, is a professional Australian rules football club competing in the Australian Football League (AFL), the sport's elite competition. The team was founded in 1994 to represent the port city of Fremantle, a stronghold of football in Western Australia. The Dockers were the second team from the state to be admitted to the competition, following the West Coast Eagles in 1987. Despite having participated in and won several finals matches, Fremantle is one of only three active AFL clubs not to have won a premiership (the others being and ), though it did claim a minor premiership in 2015 and reach the 2013 Grand Final, losing to . High-profile players who forged careers at Fremantle include All-Australian Matthew Pavlich, Hall of Fame inductee Peter Bell, and dual Brownlow Medal winner Nat Fyfe, who captains the club under head coach Justin Longmuir. Originally based at Fremantle Oval, the club's training and administrative facilities are now located nearby at Cockburn ARC in Cockburn Central, whilst its home ground is the 60,000-capacity Perth Stadium in Burswood. Fremantle has also fielded a women's team in the AFL Women's league since the competition's inception in 2017. They are coached by Trent Cooper and captained by Kara Antonio. Their most successful season was the 2020 season, in which the team was undefeated, but was ultimately cancelled without a premiership awarded due to the COVID-19 pandemic.The port city of Fremantle, Western Australia has a rich footballing history, hosting the state's first organised game of Australian rules in 1881. Fremantle's first teams, the Fremantle Football Club, the Union/Fremantle Football Club and East Fremantle Football Club, dominated the early years of the West Australian Football League (WAFL), winning 24 of the first 34 premierships. Since 1897, Fremantle Oval has been the main venue for Australian rules football matches in the city. Until the opening of Perth Stadium in 2018, the record attendance for an Australian rules football game in Western Australia stood at 52,781 for the 1979 WANFL Grand Final between East Fremantle and South Fremantle at Subiaco Oval.Champion footballers who forged careers playing for Fremantle-based clubs include, among other Australian Football Hall of Fame inductees, Steve Marsh, Jack Sheedy, John Todd, George Doig, William Truscott and Bernie Naylor.Negotiations between East Fremantle and South Fremantle to enter into the VFL as a merged club began in 1987. However, due to an exclusive rights clause granted to the West Coast Eagles this would be impossible until the end of the 1992 season. Further applications were made by the clubs to join but their model was out of favour with the West Australian Football Commission.The AFL announced on 14 December 1993 that a new team, to be based in Fremantle, would enter the league in 1995, with the tentative name of "Fremantle Sharks." The licence cost $4 million. The names "Fremantle Football Club", "Fremantle Dockers" and the club colours of purple, red, green and white were announced on 21 July 1994. The decision to base the new club in Fremantle was primarily due to the long association of Australian rules football in Fremantle. However, it was not represented in a national club competition until 1995, eight years after the first expansion of the then Victorian Football League into Western Australia in 1987 with the creation of the West Coast Eagles. Their first training session was held on 31 October 1994 at Fremantle Oval.The team endured some tough years near the bottom of the premiership ladder, until they finished fifth after the home and away rounds in 2003 and made the finals for the first time. The elimination final against eighth-placed Essendon at Subiaco Oval was then the club's biggest ever game, but ended in disappointment for the home team, with the finals experience of Essendon proving too strong for the young team. They then missed making the finals in the following two seasons, finishing both years with 11 wins, 11 losses and only 1 game outside the top eight.After an average first half to the 2006 AFL season, Fremantle finished the year with a club-record nine straight wins to earn themselves third position at the end of the home and away season with a club-best 15 wins. In the qualifying final against Adelaide at AAMI Stadium, the Dockers led for the first three-quarters before being overrun by the Crows. The following week saw the club win its first finals game in the semi-final against Melbourne at Subiaco Oval. The club subsequently earned a trip to Sydney to play in its first ever preliminary final, where they lost by 35 points at ANZ Stadium to the Sydney Swans.In 2007, following Chris Connolly's resignation midway through the season, Mark Harvey, a three-time premiership player with Essendon, was appointed caretaker coach for the club. During his seven matches for 2007, Harvey coached the Dockers to four wins and three losses. The club came 11th that year, and Harvey was appointed full-time coach at the end of the season. The following year saw the club slump to 14th.In Round 15, 2009, Fremantle recorded the lowest score in its history and of the 2000s, scoring only 1.7 (13) to the Adelaide Crows' 19.16 (130). It scored just one point in the first half and the only goal scored came in the third quarter.After finishing sixth in 2010, the club played in the finals for the first time since 2006. The team played Hawthorn at Subiaco Oval, and despite being considered underdogs, went on to win by 30 points. The win came from strong performances from Luke McPharlin and Adam McPhee who limited the impact of Lance Franklin and Luke Hodge, respectively. The team's second ever win in a finals match qualified them for a semi-final to be played against the Geelong Cats at the MCG the following week. In a one-sided contest, the Dockers lost by 69 points.The 2011 season saw Fremantle lose just once in the first six rounds before ending the year in 11th position after losing their final seven games. Fremantle's collapse was considered a result of a heavy injury count that began in the pre-season.In September 2011, Mark Harvey was sensationally sacked by the club in favour of still-contracted St. Kilda coach Ross Lyon.Fremantle qualified for the finals in 2012 after finishing in seventh position. In their elimination final against Geelong, the Dockers won their first ever finals game away from home with a 16-point victory at the MCG behind Matthew Pavlich's six goals. Fremantle subsequently lost to the Crows in Adelaide the following week, ending their finals campaign.In 2013, Fremantle finished the home-and-away season in third position with a club-best 16 wins. In their qualifying final against the Cats in Geelong, the Dockers produced a first-round upset with a 15-point victory to advance through to a home preliminary final. In the preliminary final, the Dockers defeated the reigning premiers, the Sydney Swans, by 25 points to advance to their maiden AFL Grand Final. In the 2013 grand final, the Dockers were defeated by Hawthorn by a margin of 15 points.In 2014, the club reached the finals for the third successive year with a top-four finish and 16 wins, but despite earning a double chance, they were knocked out after losses to Sydney away and Port Adelaide at home. Nat Fyfe was awarded the Leigh Matthews Trophy for winning the AFL Players' Association MVP award.In 2015, the club were crowned minor premiers for the first time in their history, earning their first piece of silverware with the McClelland Trophy. However, the club failed to convert this into a grand final appearance, losing to Hawthorn by 27 points in its home preliminary final. Fremantle ended their season with Nat Fyfe becoming the club's first Brownlow Medalist.Season 2016 marked Matthew Pavlich's final season in the AFL, as Fremantle missed the finals following a 10-game losing streak to start the year, finishing in 16th position with just four wins.Ross Lyon was sacked as coach on 20 August 2019 after the club failed to qualify for the finals. He was replaced by Justin Longmuir.After struggling in their early start up years, Fremantle are beginning to be a more established and consistently more competitive club in the AFL, with an overall win percentage of 50.0% since first making the finals in 2003. The Dockers' halcyon years took place between 2013 and 2015, where they earned three-straight top four finishes to go with their only grand final appearance (2013) and their only minor premiership (2015).Fremantle played in its first drawn match in Round 8, 2013 against the Sydney Swans. In 2006, against St Kilda at Aurora Stadium in Launceston, they did play in a controversial Round 5 match that initially ended in a draw. However, the AFL overturned the draw result the following Wednesday after the match, due to an off-field error made by the timekeepers not sounding the siren for long enough, and declared Fremantle as one-point winners. It marked the first time a game result had been later overturned since 1900.The club is nicknamed the "Dockers" in reference to Fremantle's history as a port city. Shortly after the club was launched in 1994, Levi Strauss & Co., which produces the Dockers brand of clothing, challenged the club's right to use the name "Fremantle Dockers", specifically on clothing. As a result, the club and the AFL discontinued the official use of the "Dockers" nickname in 1997. However, it remained in common usage both inside and outside the club, and continued to appear in the official team song "Freo Way to Go" and as the title of the official club magazine "Docker". In October 2010, the strong association that members and fans have with the "Dockers" nickname led the club to form a new arrangement with Levi Strauss & Co which allows the club to officially use the nickname "Dockers" everywhere including on clothing and other brand elements. This name change was made in conjunction with changes to the club logo and playing strip.Until 2011 the Fremantle Football Club used the anchor symbol as the basis for all of their guernseys. The home guernsey was purple, with a white anchor on the front separating the chest area into red and green panels, representing the traditional maritime port and starboard colours. The colours also acknowledged Fremantle's large Italian community, which historically has been associated with the city's fishing community. The away or clash guernsey was all white with a purple anchor. Since the end of the 2010 home and away season, the home jumper is purple with three white chevrons, and the away jumper is white with purple chevrons.One game each year is designated as the "Purple Haze" game, where an all-purple jumper with a white anchor is worn. This game is used to raise money for the Starlight Children's Foundation. After the guernsey re-design to a predominately purple home jumper, Fremantle wore the Starlight Foundation logo, a yellow star, above the highest chevron for their Purple Haze game.Since 2003, the AFL has hosted an annual Heritage Round. Until 2006, Fremantle wore a white guernsey with three red chevrons, to emulate the jumper worn by the original Fremantle Football Club in 1885. However, in 2007, the selected round had Fremantle playing Sydney, who also wear red and white. An alternative blue and white striped design was used, based on the jumper worn by the East Fremantle Football Club in their 1979 WAFL Grand Final win over the South Fremantle Football Club. This "Fremantle Derby" held the record, prior to the opening of Optus Stadium, for the highest attendance at a football game of any code in Western Australia, with 52,781 attending at Subiaco Oval.In September 2008, newly appointed CEO Steve Rosich confirmed that the Fremantle Football Club would undergo a thorough review of all areas, including the club's team name, song, guernsey, and logo in a bid to boost its marketability. However he later confirmed that the purple colour will be maintained as it had become synonymous with Fremantle.Fremantle Football Club had its original training and administration facilities at Fremantle Oval. On 21 February 2017 the club moved its training and administration facilities to Cockburn ARC, a world-class facility constructed in 2015–17 at a price of $109 million, located in the suburb of Cockburn Central.The team's home games are currently played at Optus Stadium, a 60,000 seat multi-purpose stadium located in the suburb of Burswood. The club began playing home matches at the venue in 2018, having previously played home matches at Subiaco Oval from 2001 onward and before that the WACA Ground from 1995 to 2000.The official song of Fremantle is "Freo Way to Go", a truncated version of the club's original song, "Freo Heave Ho", written by Ken Walther. "Freo Way to Go" was adopted in 2011 following a poll on the Dockers' official website, beating out three other newly composed songs, including "Freo Freo", written by Fremantle-based indie rock group and the Dockers' then-number one ticket holder, Eskimo Joe. The poll took place around the same time that the club's guernsey and logo were also updated.Unlike other AFL team songs, "Freo Way to Go" is played to a contemporary rock tune. "Freo Heave Ho" also had a section based on Igor Stravinsky's arrangement of the traditional Russian folk song, "Song of the Volga Boatmen", which was dropped in 2011, leaving only the original composition of Walther.Due to its unconventional style, the song is derided by many opposition supporters and defended with equally fierce loyalty by many fans. "Every other team song sounds like a 'Knees Up Mother Brown' from previous eras. We've got a backbeat", boasted author and Fremantle fan Tim Winton. In 2021, in response to being named the club's new number one ticket holder, Tame Impala frontman and Fremantle local Kevin Parker released a new Fremantle "pump up" track to be played at home games. Bolstering the Fremantle connection, the song draws inspiration from AC/DC.The club is owned by the West Australian Football Commission (WAFC). Since 2003, a Board of Directors controls the operation of the club, on behalf of the WAFC. Prior to this, a two-tier arrangement was in place, with a Board of Management between the Board of Directors and the Commission. The initial club chief executive officer was David Hatt, who had come from a hockey background, and the inaugural club chairman was Ross Kelly, who had played for West Perth. It was a deliberate act by the commission to avoid having administrators from either East Fremantle or South Fremantle in key roles, as they wanted the club to be bigger than just representing Fremantle.Kelly resigned at the end of 1998, replaced by Ross McLean. Whilst he presided over some key financial decisions, including the building of the club's administrative and training centre at Fremantle Oval and the deferment of the licence fee to the AFL, it was Fremantle's lowest point onfield, culminating in a two-win season in 2001 which saw the coach Damian Drum be sacked mid-year. McLean resigned following an inadvertent breach of the salary cap.In early 2001 Hatt accepted a government job and Cameron Schwab was appointed. After weathering the fallout from the disastrous 2001 season, Schwab and the new chairman, local West Australian retailing businessman Rick Hart, set about rebuilding the club. A former recruiting manager, Schwab focused on building up the on-field performance by recruiting high-profile players in Trent Croad, Peter Bell and Jeff Farmer, as well as coach Chris Connolly and with Hart then focused on enhancing the corporate and financial standing of the club. The club membership grew every year from 2002 until 2008 and the final licence payment was made to the AFL in 2005.Schwab chose to return to Melbourne in 2008 and was replaced as CEO by Steve Rosich, who had previously worked for the West Coast Eagles. A year later Hart resigned as president and Steve Harris, who runs The Brand Agency and had produced advertising for Fremantle since 2002, took over at the end of 2009. Harris had been on the board since November 2008, the first club chairman or president to have previously served on the board. The club has developed into one of the wealthiest clubs in the league and their surprise recruitment of Ross Lyon to replace Mark Harvey as coach at the end of the 2011 is seen as an example of their ruthless drive for sustained success. In 2014, Harris resigned as president nd was replaced by the then vice president, Perth property developer Dale Alcock.Fremantle's biggest rivalry is with the other Western Australian team, the West Coast Eagles, who they play twice each year in the home and away season, in the fiercely contested "Western Derby" matches (Pronounced in Western Australia). West Coast were victorious in the first nine games, before Fremantle won in round 16, 1999, after which has prompted a fairly even Derby result with Fremantle at 19 and West Coast at 21 Derby wins. The term "derby" is named after the Fremantle Derby games between East and South Fremantle in the West Australian Football League, which for almost 100 years have been considered some of the most important games in the local league. The 1979 WANFL Grand Final still holds the Subiaco Oval football attendance record of 52,781.The Dockers and the St Kilda Football Club have seen a number of controversial events between them, most notably the AFL siren controversy at York Park in 2006. The match was sent into a state of confusion with Fremantle leading by one point when the siren (which had not been very loud all game) was not heard by the umpires who then allowed St Kilda tagger Steven Baker to score a point after time had elapsed and, as a result, the match ended in a draw. The outcome of the game was taken to the AFL Commission and it was decided during the week that as the siren had gone Fremantle were judged to be the winners, disallowing Baker's point.During the 2011 off-season, Fremantle sacked coach Mark Harvey and replaced him with then-St Kilda coach Ross Lyon in controversial circumstances. The move was met with much criticism towards Fremantle's president, Steve Harris, and CEO, Steve Rosich, claiming that they had "backstabbed" Harvey. Lyon was also met with widespread criticism and was accused of backstabbing St Kilda by many Saints supporters as the club was made aware that Fremantle had approached Lyon during St Kilda's lead-up to its finals campaign. The two clubs contested a highly anticipated Friday night match in Round 4 of the 2012 AFL season at Etihad Stadium, with Fremantle winning by 13 points and Lyon being booed throughout the match. Lyon has since become Fremantle's longest serving and most successful coach.For most of Fremantle's history, players have played for various West Australian Football League (WAFL) teams when not selected to play for the Fremantle AFL team. Players recruited from the WAFL have remained with their original club, and players recruited from interstate have been allocated to teams via a draft system. Since the 2014 season, the Peel Thunder Football Club has served as the host club for the Fremantle Dockers, an arrangement which will see Fremantle's reserves players playing in the WAFL for Peel Thunder Football Club. An attempt to field a standalone Fremantle reserves side in the WAFL was rejected by the other WAFL clubs. A similar host club system was used in 1999 when South Fremantle was the aligned club but was cancelled after a single season.In May 2016, the club launched a bid to enter a team in the inaugural AFL Women's season in 2017. As part of the bid, the team would guarantee all players education and job opportunities with the club and the partnering Curtin University.Fremantle beat out a bid from rivals when they were granted a license on 15 June 2016.Kiara Bowers and Kara Antonio were the club's first signings, unveiled along with the league's other 14 marquee players on 27 July 2016. A further 24 senior players and two rookie players were added to the club's inaugural list in the league's drafting and signing period.Former South Fremantle assistant coach, Michelle Cowan was appointed the team's inaugural head coach in July 2016.The club's initial bid outlined plans for a game each at Domain Stadium and at Curtin University's Bentley campus as well as up to two remaining matches held at the club training base in the city of Cockburn. The club eventually played two home games at Fremantle Oval, one at Domain Stadium and one in Mandurah. In 2018, the Dockers hosted the first football game at Perth Stadium but will play the remainder of their home games at Fremantle Oval.The Dockers struggled in their inaugural season, only winning one of seven games and finishing seventh out of eight teams on the ladder. They fared slightly better in 2018, winning three matches, but again finished seventh on the ladder.In 2019, Fremantle had their most successful season, losing only one game during the home and away matches to eventual premiers Adelaide and making the finals for the first time. The team, now coached by Trent Cooper and with Kiara Bowers making her long-awaited debut after two injury affect years, started the year with a high scoring victory over Melbourne in the opening round and then kicked their highest ever score, 10.7 (67), in round 2 against Brisbane. Despite having won two more games than Carlton, the controversial conference system saw Carlton host the knock out preliminary final and inflict Fremantle's second defeat of the year. In the post-season awards, Bowers and Dana Hooker came second behind Erin Phillips in the AFLW MVP award and AFL Women's best and fairest award respectively. Bowers, Hooker and Gemma Houghton were all named in the AFL Women's All-Australian team. Ashley Sharp was awarded goal of the year for a long run, multiple bounce goal.The Doig Medal is the Fremantle Football Club's annual fairest and best award. Currently, the Fremantle coaching staff give every player votes on a 5, 4, 3, 2, 1 basis after every match, including Finals Series matches. Top votes are awarded for what is regarded as an elite performance. At the end of the year the votes are tallied and the Doig Medal Night is held to announce the winner. Variations on the voting system have been used in past years. The awards ceremony has been held at the Fremantle Passenger Terminal (1995), Challenge Stadium (1998–1999), Fremantle Oval (2000–2001), the Grand Ballroom at Burswood Entertainment Complex (2002–2005, 2008–current) and the Perth Convention Exhibition Centre (2006–2007).The Beacon Award is presented to the club's best first year player. Mature aged recruits Michael Barlow, Tendai Mzungu and Lee Spurr have won in recent years, despite being significantly older than most first year players.The Fremantle Football Hall of Legends was inaugurated by Fremantle Football Club in 1995, in recognition of the new AFL team's links with its home city's football heritage. The inductees are nominated by the two clubs from the Fremantle area in the WAFL: East Fremantle and South Fremantle. In time, players who represented Fremantle in the AFL will join their predecessors in this prestigious Hall.In 2019, The West Australian named Fremantle's greatest team of the past twenty five years as part of the club's twenty fifth anniversary celebrations, as voted by Fans and club officials.:It is traditional for each AFL club to recognise a prominent supporter as the number-one ticket holder. Fremantle originally chose to award this to Carmen Lawrence, the sitting member for the federal seat of Fremantle. This was roundly criticised as the member may or may not be a supporter of the club and unnecessarily linked politics with sport. The policy was soon changed to select a well-known Fremantle identity for a two-year period.On 23 April 2010, Eskimo Joe were announced as Fremantle's number-one ticket holder, replacing golfer Nick O'Hern. The band's drummer and guitarist, Joel Quartermain, hinted that they might write a new theme song for the club, saying that Other high-profile fans include current and former Premiers of Western Australia, Mark McGowan and Alan Carpenter, former Federal Minister of Defence, Stephen Smith, Tim Minchin, members of psychedelic rock band Tame Impala, author Tim Winton, American tennis player John Isner and journalists and television presenters Dixie Marshall, Simon Reeve and Matt Price, who wrote a book on Fremantle, "Way to Go".Despite a relative lack of on-field success, Fremantle has recorded membership figures above average for the league.The club in 2005 had the fastest growing membership in the AFL competition with home crowds growing at a similar rate. The club's recent membership slogans have emphasised the passion of Fremantle fans for their team.From 2003 until 2011, the Fremantle Football Club had the Governors of Western Australia as its patron.Vice-patrons	[ "Ben Allan", "Mark Harvey", "Gerard Neesham", "Damian Drum", "Justin Longmuir" ]
Who was the head coach of the team Fremantle Football Club in May 23, 2017?	May 23, 2017	{ "text": [ "Ross Lyon" ] }	L2_Q278043_P286_4	Justin Longmuir is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Sep, 2019 to Dec, 2022. Ross Lyon is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Sep, 2011 to Aug, 2019. Gerard Neesham is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1998. Mark Harvey is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Jul, 2007 to Sep, 2011. Ben Allan is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from May, 2001 to Sep, 2001. Damian Drum is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Jan, 1999 to May, 2001.	Fremantle Football ClubThe Fremantle Football Club, nicknamed the Dockers, is a professional Australian rules football club competing in the Australian Football League (AFL), the sport's elite competition. The team was founded in 1994 to represent the port city of Fremantle, a stronghold of football in Western Australia. The Dockers were the second team from the state to be admitted to the competition, following the West Coast Eagles in 1987. Despite having participated in and won several finals matches, Fremantle is one of only three active AFL clubs not to have won a premiership (the others being and ), though it did claim a minor premiership in 2015 and reach the 2013 Grand Final, losing to . High-profile players who forged careers at Fremantle include All-Australian Matthew Pavlich, Hall of Fame inductee Peter Bell, and dual Brownlow Medal winner Nat Fyfe, who captains the club under head coach Justin Longmuir. Originally based at Fremantle Oval, the club's training and administrative facilities are now located nearby at Cockburn ARC in Cockburn Central, whilst its home ground is the 60,000-capacity Perth Stadium in Burswood. Fremantle has also fielded a women's team in the AFL Women's league since the competition's inception in 2017. They are coached by Trent Cooper and captained by Kara Antonio. Their most successful season was the 2020 season, in which the team was undefeated, but was ultimately cancelled without a premiership awarded due to the COVID-19 pandemic.The port city of Fremantle, Western Australia has a rich footballing history, hosting the state's first organised game of Australian rules in 1881. Fremantle's first teams, the Fremantle Football Club, the Union/Fremantle Football Club and East Fremantle Football Club, dominated the early years of the West Australian Football League (WAFL), winning 24 of the first 34 premierships. Since 1897, Fremantle Oval has been the main venue for Australian rules football matches in the city. Until the opening of Perth Stadium in 2018, the record attendance for an Australian rules football game in Western Australia stood at 52,781 for the 1979 WANFL Grand Final between East Fremantle and South Fremantle at Subiaco Oval.Champion footballers who forged careers playing for Fremantle-based clubs include, among other Australian Football Hall of Fame inductees, Steve Marsh, Jack Sheedy, John Todd, George Doig, William Truscott and Bernie Naylor.Negotiations between East Fremantle and South Fremantle to enter into the VFL as a merged club began in 1987. However, due to an exclusive rights clause granted to the West Coast Eagles this would be impossible until the end of the 1992 season. Further applications were made by the clubs to join but their model was out of favour with the West Australian Football Commission.The AFL announced on 14 December 1993 that a new team, to be based in Fremantle, would enter the league in 1995, with the tentative name of "Fremantle Sharks." The licence cost $4 million. The names "Fremantle Football Club", "Fremantle Dockers" and the club colours of purple, red, green and white were announced on 21 July 1994. The decision to base the new club in Fremantle was primarily due to the long association of Australian rules football in Fremantle. However, it was not represented in a national club competition until 1995, eight years after the first expansion of the then Victorian Football League into Western Australia in 1987 with the creation of the West Coast Eagles. Their first training session was held on 31 October 1994 at Fremantle Oval.The team endured some tough years near the bottom of the premiership ladder, until they finished fifth after the home and away rounds in 2003 and made the finals for the first time. The elimination final against eighth-placed Essendon at Subiaco Oval was then the club's biggest ever game, but ended in disappointment for the home team, with the finals experience of Essendon proving too strong for the young team. They then missed making the finals in the following two seasons, finishing both years with 11 wins, 11 losses and only 1 game outside the top eight.After an average first half to the 2006 AFL season, Fremantle finished the year with a club-record nine straight wins to earn themselves third position at the end of the home and away season with a club-best 15 wins. In the qualifying final against Adelaide at AAMI Stadium, the Dockers led for the first three-quarters before being overrun by the Crows. The following week saw the club win its first finals game in the semi-final against Melbourne at Subiaco Oval. The club subsequently earned a trip to Sydney to play in its first ever preliminary final, where they lost by 35 points at ANZ Stadium to the Sydney Swans.In 2007, following Chris Connolly's resignation midway through the season, Mark Harvey, a three-time premiership player with Essendon, was appointed caretaker coach for the club. During his seven matches for 2007, Harvey coached the Dockers to four wins and three losses. The club came 11th that year, and Harvey was appointed full-time coach at the end of the season. The following year saw the club slump to 14th.In Round 15, 2009, Fremantle recorded the lowest score in its history and of the 2000s, scoring only 1.7 (13) to the Adelaide Crows' 19.16 (130). It scored just one point in the first half and the only goal scored came in the third quarter.After finishing sixth in 2010, the club played in the finals for the first time since 2006. The team played Hawthorn at Subiaco Oval, and despite being considered underdogs, went on to win by 30 points. The win came from strong performances from Luke McPharlin and Adam McPhee who limited the impact of Lance Franklin and Luke Hodge, respectively. The team's second ever win in a finals match qualified them for a semi-final to be played against the Geelong Cats at the MCG the following week. In a one-sided contest, the Dockers lost by 69 points.The 2011 season saw Fremantle lose just once in the first six rounds before ending the year in 11th position after losing their final seven games. Fremantle's collapse was considered a result of a heavy injury count that began in the pre-season.In September 2011, Mark Harvey was sensationally sacked by the club in favour of still-contracted St. Kilda coach Ross Lyon.Fremantle qualified for the finals in 2012 after finishing in seventh position. In their elimination final against Geelong, the Dockers won their first ever finals game away from home with a 16-point victory at the MCG behind Matthew Pavlich's six goals. Fremantle subsequently lost to the Crows in Adelaide the following week, ending their finals campaign.In 2013, Fremantle finished the home-and-away season in third position with a club-best 16 wins. In their qualifying final against the Cats in Geelong, the Dockers produced a first-round upset with a 15-point victory to advance through to a home preliminary final. In the preliminary final, the Dockers defeated the reigning premiers, the Sydney Swans, by 25 points to advance to their maiden AFL Grand Final. In the 2013 grand final, the Dockers were defeated by Hawthorn by a margin of 15 points.In 2014, the club reached the finals for the third successive year with a top-four finish and 16 wins, but despite earning a double chance, they were knocked out after losses to Sydney away and Port Adelaide at home. Nat Fyfe was awarded the Leigh Matthews Trophy for winning the AFL Players' Association MVP award.In 2015, the club were crowned minor premiers for the first time in their history, earning their first piece of silverware with the McClelland Trophy. However, the club failed to convert this into a grand final appearance, losing to Hawthorn by 27 points in its home preliminary final. Fremantle ended their season with Nat Fyfe becoming the club's first Brownlow Medalist.Season 2016 marked Matthew Pavlich's final season in the AFL, as Fremantle missed the finals following a 10-game losing streak to start the year, finishing in 16th position with just four wins.Ross Lyon was sacked as coach on 20 August 2019 after the club failed to qualify for the finals. He was replaced by Justin Longmuir.After struggling in their early start up years, Fremantle are beginning to be a more established and consistently more competitive club in the AFL, with an overall win percentage of 50.0% since first making the finals in 2003. The Dockers' halcyon years took place between 2013 and 2015, where they earned three-straight top four finishes to go with their only grand final appearance (2013) and their only minor premiership (2015).Fremantle played in its first drawn match in Round 8, 2013 against the Sydney Swans. In 2006, against St Kilda at Aurora Stadium in Launceston, they did play in a controversial Round 5 match that initially ended in a draw. However, the AFL overturned the draw result the following Wednesday after the match, due to an off-field error made by the timekeepers not sounding the siren for long enough, and declared Fremantle as one-point winners. It marked the first time a game result had been later overturned since 1900.The club is nicknamed the "Dockers" in reference to Fremantle's history as a port city. Shortly after the club was launched in 1994, Levi Strauss & Co., which produces the Dockers brand of clothing, challenged the club's right to use the name "Fremantle Dockers", specifically on clothing. As a result, the club and the AFL discontinued the official use of the "Dockers" nickname in 1997. However, it remained in common usage both inside and outside the club, and continued to appear in the official team song "Freo Way to Go" and as the title of the official club magazine "Docker". In October 2010, the strong association that members and fans have with the "Dockers" nickname led the club to form a new arrangement with Levi Strauss & Co which allows the club to officially use the nickname "Dockers" everywhere including on clothing and other brand elements. This name change was made in conjunction with changes to the club logo and playing strip.Until 2011 the Fremantle Football Club used the anchor symbol as the basis for all of their guernseys. The home guernsey was purple, with a white anchor on the front separating the chest area into red and green panels, representing the traditional maritime port and starboard colours. The colours also acknowledged Fremantle's large Italian community, which historically has been associated with the city's fishing community. The away or clash guernsey was all white with a purple anchor. Since the end of the 2010 home and away season, the home jumper is purple with three white chevrons, and the away jumper is white with purple chevrons.One game each year is designated as the "Purple Haze" game, where an all-purple jumper with a white anchor is worn. This game is used to raise money for the Starlight Children's Foundation. After the guernsey re-design to a predominately purple home jumper, Fremantle wore the Starlight Foundation logo, a yellow star, above the highest chevron for their Purple Haze game.Since 2003, the AFL has hosted an annual Heritage Round. Until 2006, Fremantle wore a white guernsey with three red chevrons, to emulate the jumper worn by the original Fremantle Football Club in 1885. However, in 2007, the selected round had Fremantle playing Sydney, who also wear red and white. An alternative blue and white striped design was used, based on the jumper worn by the East Fremantle Football Club in their 1979 WAFL Grand Final win over the South Fremantle Football Club. This "Fremantle Derby" held the record, prior to the opening of Optus Stadium, for the highest attendance at a football game of any code in Western Australia, with 52,781 attending at Subiaco Oval.In September 2008, newly appointed CEO Steve Rosich confirmed that the Fremantle Football Club would undergo a thorough review of all areas, including the club's team name, song, guernsey, and logo in a bid to boost its marketability. However he later confirmed that the purple colour will be maintained as it had become synonymous with Fremantle.Fremantle Football Club had its original training and administration facilities at Fremantle Oval. On 21 February 2017 the club moved its training and administration facilities to Cockburn ARC, a world-class facility constructed in 2015–17 at a price of $109 million, located in the suburb of Cockburn Central.The team's home games are currently played at Optus Stadium, a 60,000 seat multi-purpose stadium located in the suburb of Burswood. The club began playing home matches at the venue in 2018, having previously played home matches at Subiaco Oval from 2001 onward and before that the WACA Ground from 1995 to 2000.The official song of Fremantle is "Freo Way to Go", a truncated version of the club's original song, "Freo Heave Ho", written by Ken Walther. "Freo Way to Go" was adopted in 2011 following a poll on the Dockers' official website, beating out three other newly composed songs, including "Freo Freo", written by Fremantle-based indie rock group and the Dockers' then-number one ticket holder, Eskimo Joe. The poll took place around the same time that the club's guernsey and logo were also updated.Unlike other AFL team songs, "Freo Way to Go" is played to a contemporary rock tune. "Freo Heave Ho" also had a section based on Igor Stravinsky's arrangement of the traditional Russian folk song, "Song of the Volga Boatmen", which was dropped in 2011, leaving only the original composition of Walther.Due to its unconventional style, the song is derided by many opposition supporters and defended with equally fierce loyalty by many fans. "Every other team song sounds like a 'Knees Up Mother Brown' from previous eras. We've got a backbeat", boasted author and Fremantle fan Tim Winton. In 2021, in response to being named the club's new number one ticket holder, Tame Impala frontman and Fremantle local Kevin Parker released a new Fremantle "pump up" track to be played at home games. Bolstering the Fremantle connection, the song draws inspiration from AC/DC.The club is owned by the West Australian Football Commission (WAFC). Since 2003, a Board of Directors controls the operation of the club, on behalf of the WAFC. Prior to this, a two-tier arrangement was in place, with a Board of Management between the Board of Directors and the Commission. The initial club chief executive officer was David Hatt, who had come from a hockey background, and the inaugural club chairman was Ross Kelly, who had played for West Perth. It was a deliberate act by the commission to avoid having administrators from either East Fremantle or South Fremantle in key roles, as they wanted the club to be bigger than just representing Fremantle.Kelly resigned at the end of 1998, replaced by Ross McLean. Whilst he presided over some key financial decisions, including the building of the club's administrative and training centre at Fremantle Oval and the deferment of the licence fee to the AFL, it was Fremantle's lowest point onfield, culminating in a two-win season in 2001 which saw the coach Damian Drum be sacked mid-year. McLean resigned following an inadvertent breach of the salary cap.In early 2001 Hatt accepted a government job and Cameron Schwab was appointed. After weathering the fallout from the disastrous 2001 season, Schwab and the new chairman, local West Australian retailing businessman Rick Hart, set about rebuilding the club. A former recruiting manager, Schwab focused on building up the on-field performance by recruiting high-profile players in Trent Croad, Peter Bell and Jeff Farmer, as well as coach Chris Connolly and with Hart then focused on enhancing the corporate and financial standing of the club. The club membership grew every year from 2002 until 2008 and the final licence payment was made to the AFL in 2005.Schwab chose to return to Melbourne in 2008 and was replaced as CEO by Steve Rosich, who had previously worked for the West Coast Eagles. A year later Hart resigned as president and Steve Harris, who runs The Brand Agency and had produced advertising for Fremantle since 2002, took over at the end of 2009. Harris had been on the board since November 2008, the first club chairman or president to have previously served on the board. The club has developed into one of the wealthiest clubs in the league and their surprise recruitment of Ross Lyon to replace Mark Harvey as coach at the end of the 2011 is seen as an example of their ruthless drive for sustained success. In 2014, Harris resigned as president nd was replaced by the then vice president, Perth property developer Dale Alcock.Fremantle's biggest rivalry is with the other Western Australian team, the West Coast Eagles, who they play twice each year in the home and away season, in the fiercely contested "Western Derby" matches (Pronounced in Western Australia). West Coast were victorious in the first nine games, before Fremantle won in round 16, 1999, after which has prompted a fairly even Derby result with Fremantle at 19 and West Coast at 21 Derby wins. The term "derby" is named after the Fremantle Derby games between East and South Fremantle in the West Australian Football League, which for almost 100 years have been considered some of the most important games in the local league. The 1979 WANFL Grand Final still holds the Subiaco Oval football attendance record of 52,781.The Dockers and the St Kilda Football Club have seen a number of controversial events between them, most notably the AFL siren controversy at York Park in 2006. The match was sent into a state of confusion with Fremantle leading by one point when the siren (which had not been very loud all game) was not heard by the umpires who then allowed St Kilda tagger Steven Baker to score a point after time had elapsed and, as a result, the match ended in a draw. The outcome of the game was taken to the AFL Commission and it was decided during the week that as the siren had gone Fremantle were judged to be the winners, disallowing Baker's point.During the 2011 off-season, Fremantle sacked coach Mark Harvey and replaced him with then-St Kilda coach Ross Lyon in controversial circumstances. The move was met with much criticism towards Fremantle's president, Steve Harris, and CEO, Steve Rosich, claiming that they had "backstabbed" Harvey. Lyon was also met with widespread criticism and was accused of backstabbing St Kilda by many Saints supporters as the club was made aware that Fremantle had approached Lyon during St Kilda's lead-up to its finals campaign. The two clubs contested a highly anticipated Friday night match in Round 4 of the 2012 AFL season at Etihad Stadium, with Fremantle winning by 13 points and Lyon being booed throughout the match. Lyon has since become Fremantle's longest serving and most successful coach.For most of Fremantle's history, players have played for various West Australian Football League (WAFL) teams when not selected to play for the Fremantle AFL team. Players recruited from the WAFL have remained with their original club, and players recruited from interstate have been allocated to teams via a draft system. Since the 2014 season, the Peel Thunder Football Club has served as the host club for the Fremantle Dockers, an arrangement which will see Fremantle's reserves players playing in the WAFL for Peel Thunder Football Club. An attempt to field a standalone Fremantle reserves side in the WAFL was rejected by the other WAFL clubs. A similar host club system was used in 1999 when South Fremantle was the aligned club but was cancelled after a single season.In May 2016, the club launched a bid to enter a team in the inaugural AFL Women's season in 2017. As part of the bid, the team would guarantee all players education and job opportunities with the club and the partnering Curtin University.Fremantle beat out a bid from rivals when they were granted a license on 15 June 2016.Kiara Bowers and Kara Antonio were the club's first signings, unveiled along with the league's other 14 marquee players on 27 July 2016. A further 24 senior players and two rookie players were added to the club's inaugural list in the league's drafting and signing period.Former South Fremantle assistant coach, Michelle Cowan was appointed the team's inaugural head coach in July 2016.The club's initial bid outlined plans for a game each at Domain Stadium and at Curtin University's Bentley campus as well as up to two remaining matches held at the club training base in the city of Cockburn. The club eventually played two home games at Fremantle Oval, one at Domain Stadium and one in Mandurah. In 2018, the Dockers hosted the first football game at Perth Stadium but will play the remainder of their home games at Fremantle Oval.The Dockers struggled in their inaugural season, only winning one of seven games and finishing seventh out of eight teams on the ladder. They fared slightly better in 2018, winning three matches, but again finished seventh on the ladder.In 2019, Fremantle had their most successful season, losing only one game during the home and away matches to eventual premiers Adelaide and making the finals for the first time. The team, now coached by Trent Cooper and with Kiara Bowers making her long-awaited debut after two injury affect years, started the year with a high scoring victory over Melbourne in the opening round and then kicked their highest ever score, 10.7 (67), in round 2 against Brisbane. Despite having won two more games than Carlton, the controversial conference system saw Carlton host the knock out preliminary final and inflict Fremantle's second defeat of the year. In the post-season awards, Bowers and Dana Hooker came second behind Erin Phillips in the AFLW MVP award and AFL Women's best and fairest award respectively. Bowers, Hooker and Gemma Houghton were all named in the AFL Women's All-Australian team. Ashley Sharp was awarded goal of the year for a long run, multiple bounce goal.The Doig Medal is the Fremantle Football Club's annual fairest and best award. Currently, the Fremantle coaching staff give every player votes on a 5, 4, 3, 2, 1 basis after every match, including Finals Series matches. Top votes are awarded for what is regarded as an elite performance. At the end of the year the votes are tallied and the Doig Medal Night is held to announce the winner. Variations on the voting system have been used in past years. The awards ceremony has been held at the Fremantle Passenger Terminal (1995), Challenge Stadium (1998–1999), Fremantle Oval (2000–2001), the Grand Ballroom at Burswood Entertainment Complex (2002–2005, 2008–current) and the Perth Convention Exhibition Centre (2006–2007).The Beacon Award is presented to the club's best first year player. Mature aged recruits Michael Barlow, Tendai Mzungu and Lee Spurr have won in recent years, despite being significantly older than most first year players.The Fremantle Football Hall of Legends was inaugurated by Fremantle Football Club in 1995, in recognition of the new AFL team's links with its home city's football heritage. The inductees are nominated by the two clubs from the Fremantle area in the WAFL: East Fremantle and South Fremantle. In time, players who represented Fremantle in the AFL will join their predecessors in this prestigious Hall.In 2019, The West Australian named Fremantle's greatest team of the past twenty five years as part of the club's twenty fifth anniversary celebrations, as voted by Fans and club officials.:It is traditional for each AFL club to recognise a prominent supporter as the number-one ticket holder. Fremantle originally chose to award this to Carmen Lawrence, the sitting member for the federal seat of Fremantle. This was roundly criticised as the member may or may not be a supporter of the club and unnecessarily linked politics with sport. The policy was soon changed to select a well-known Fremantle identity for a two-year period.On 23 April 2010, Eskimo Joe were announced as Fremantle's number-one ticket holder, replacing golfer Nick O'Hern. The band's drummer and guitarist, Joel Quartermain, hinted that they might write a new theme song for the club, saying that Other high-profile fans include current and former Premiers of Western Australia, Mark McGowan and Alan Carpenter, former Federal Minister of Defence, Stephen Smith, Tim Minchin, members of psychedelic rock band Tame Impala, author Tim Winton, American tennis player John Isner and journalists and television presenters Dixie Marshall, Simon Reeve and Matt Price, who wrote a book on Fremantle, "Way to Go".Despite a relative lack of on-field success, Fremantle has recorded membership figures above average for the league.The club in 2005 had the fastest growing membership in the AFL competition with home crowds growing at a similar rate. The club's recent membership slogans have emphasised the passion of Fremantle fans for their team.From 2003 until 2011, the Fremantle Football Club had the Governors of Western Australia as its patron.Vice-patrons	[ "Ben Allan", "Mark Harvey", "Gerard Neesham", "Damian Drum", "Justin Longmuir" ]
Who was the head coach of the team Fremantle Football Club in 05/23/2017?	May 23, 2017	{ "text": [ "Ross Lyon" ] }	L2_Q278043_P286_4	Justin Longmuir is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Sep, 2019 to Dec, 2022. Ross Lyon is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Sep, 2011 to Aug, 2019. Gerard Neesham is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1998. Mark Harvey is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Jul, 2007 to Sep, 2011. Ben Allan is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from May, 2001 to Sep, 2001. Damian Drum is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Jan, 1999 to May, 2001.	Fremantle Football ClubThe Fremantle Football Club, nicknamed the Dockers, is a professional Australian rules football club competing in the Australian Football League (AFL), the sport's elite competition. The team was founded in 1994 to represent the port city of Fremantle, a stronghold of football in Western Australia. The Dockers were the second team from the state to be admitted to the competition, following the West Coast Eagles in 1987. Despite having participated in and won several finals matches, Fremantle is one of only three active AFL clubs not to have won a premiership (the others being and ), though it did claim a minor premiership in 2015 and reach the 2013 Grand Final, losing to . High-profile players who forged careers at Fremantle include All-Australian Matthew Pavlich, Hall of Fame inductee Peter Bell, and dual Brownlow Medal winner Nat Fyfe, who captains the club under head coach Justin Longmuir. Originally based at Fremantle Oval, the club's training and administrative facilities are now located nearby at Cockburn ARC in Cockburn Central, whilst its home ground is the 60,000-capacity Perth Stadium in Burswood. Fremantle has also fielded a women's team in the AFL Women's league since the competition's inception in 2017. They are coached by Trent Cooper and captained by Kara Antonio. Their most successful season was the 2020 season, in which the team was undefeated, but was ultimately cancelled without a premiership awarded due to the COVID-19 pandemic.The port city of Fremantle, Western Australia has a rich footballing history, hosting the state's first organised game of Australian rules in 1881. Fremantle's first teams, the Fremantle Football Club, the Union/Fremantle Football Club and East Fremantle Football Club, dominated the early years of the West Australian Football League (WAFL), winning 24 of the first 34 premierships. Since 1897, Fremantle Oval has been the main venue for Australian rules football matches in the city. Until the opening of Perth Stadium in 2018, the record attendance for an Australian rules football game in Western Australia stood at 52,781 for the 1979 WANFL Grand Final between East Fremantle and South Fremantle at Subiaco Oval.Champion footballers who forged careers playing for Fremantle-based clubs include, among other Australian Football Hall of Fame inductees, Steve Marsh, Jack Sheedy, John Todd, George Doig, William Truscott and Bernie Naylor.Negotiations between East Fremantle and South Fremantle to enter into the VFL as a merged club began in 1987. However, due to an exclusive rights clause granted to the West Coast Eagles this would be impossible until the end of the 1992 season. Further applications were made by the clubs to join but their model was out of favour with the West Australian Football Commission.The AFL announced on 14 December 1993 that a new team, to be based in Fremantle, would enter the league in 1995, with the tentative name of "Fremantle Sharks." The licence cost $4 million. The names "Fremantle Football Club", "Fremantle Dockers" and the club colours of purple, red, green and white were announced on 21 July 1994. The decision to base the new club in Fremantle was primarily due to the long association of Australian rules football in Fremantle. However, it was not represented in a national club competition until 1995, eight years after the first expansion of the then Victorian Football League into Western Australia in 1987 with the creation of the West Coast Eagles. Their first training session was held on 31 October 1994 at Fremantle Oval.The team endured some tough years near the bottom of the premiership ladder, until they finished fifth after the home and away rounds in 2003 and made the finals for the first time. The elimination final against eighth-placed Essendon at Subiaco Oval was then the club's biggest ever game, but ended in disappointment for the home team, with the finals experience of Essendon proving too strong for the young team. They then missed making the finals in the following two seasons, finishing both years with 11 wins, 11 losses and only 1 game outside the top eight.After an average first half to the 2006 AFL season, Fremantle finished the year with a club-record nine straight wins to earn themselves third position at the end of the home and away season with a club-best 15 wins. In the qualifying final against Adelaide at AAMI Stadium, the Dockers led for the first three-quarters before being overrun by the Crows. The following week saw the club win its first finals game in the semi-final against Melbourne at Subiaco Oval. The club subsequently earned a trip to Sydney to play in its first ever preliminary final, where they lost by 35 points at ANZ Stadium to the Sydney Swans.In 2007, following Chris Connolly's resignation midway through the season, Mark Harvey, a three-time premiership player with Essendon, was appointed caretaker coach for the club. During his seven matches for 2007, Harvey coached the Dockers to four wins and three losses. The club came 11th that year, and Harvey was appointed full-time coach at the end of the season. The following year saw the club slump to 14th.In Round 15, 2009, Fremantle recorded the lowest score in its history and of the 2000s, scoring only 1.7 (13) to the Adelaide Crows' 19.16 (130). It scored just one point in the first half and the only goal scored came in the third quarter.After finishing sixth in 2010, the club played in the finals for the first time since 2006. The team played Hawthorn at Subiaco Oval, and despite being considered underdogs, went on to win by 30 points. The win came from strong performances from Luke McPharlin and Adam McPhee who limited the impact of Lance Franklin and Luke Hodge, respectively. The team's second ever win in a finals match qualified them for a semi-final to be played against the Geelong Cats at the MCG the following week. In a one-sided contest, the Dockers lost by 69 points.The 2011 season saw Fremantle lose just once in the first six rounds before ending the year in 11th position after losing their final seven games. Fremantle's collapse was considered a result of a heavy injury count that began in the pre-season.In September 2011, Mark Harvey was sensationally sacked by the club in favour of still-contracted St. Kilda coach Ross Lyon.Fremantle qualified for the finals in 2012 after finishing in seventh position. In their elimination final against Geelong, the Dockers won their first ever finals game away from home with a 16-point victory at the MCG behind Matthew Pavlich's six goals. Fremantle subsequently lost to the Crows in Adelaide the following week, ending their finals campaign.In 2013, Fremantle finished the home-and-away season in third position with a club-best 16 wins. In their qualifying final against the Cats in Geelong, the Dockers produced a first-round upset with a 15-point victory to advance through to a home preliminary final. In the preliminary final, the Dockers defeated the reigning premiers, the Sydney Swans, by 25 points to advance to their maiden AFL Grand Final. In the 2013 grand final, the Dockers were defeated by Hawthorn by a margin of 15 points.In 2014, the club reached the finals for the third successive year with a top-four finish and 16 wins, but despite earning a double chance, they were knocked out after losses to Sydney away and Port Adelaide at home. Nat Fyfe was awarded the Leigh Matthews Trophy for winning the AFL Players' Association MVP award.In 2015, the club were crowned minor premiers for the first time in their history, earning their first piece of silverware with the McClelland Trophy. However, the club failed to convert this into a grand final appearance, losing to Hawthorn by 27 points in its home preliminary final. Fremantle ended their season with Nat Fyfe becoming the club's first Brownlow Medalist.Season 2016 marked Matthew Pavlich's final season in the AFL, as Fremantle missed the finals following a 10-game losing streak to start the year, finishing in 16th position with just four wins.Ross Lyon was sacked as coach on 20 August 2019 after the club failed to qualify for the finals. He was replaced by Justin Longmuir.After struggling in their early start up years, Fremantle are beginning to be a more established and consistently more competitive club in the AFL, with an overall win percentage of 50.0% since first making the finals in 2003. The Dockers' halcyon years took place between 2013 and 2015, where they earned three-straight top four finishes to go with their only grand final appearance (2013) and their only minor premiership (2015).Fremantle played in its first drawn match in Round 8, 2013 against the Sydney Swans. In 2006, against St Kilda at Aurora Stadium in Launceston, they did play in a controversial Round 5 match that initially ended in a draw. However, the AFL overturned the draw result the following Wednesday after the match, due to an off-field error made by the timekeepers not sounding the siren for long enough, and declared Fremantle as one-point winners. It marked the first time a game result had been later overturned since 1900.The club is nicknamed the "Dockers" in reference to Fremantle's history as a port city. Shortly after the club was launched in 1994, Levi Strauss & Co., which produces the Dockers brand of clothing, challenged the club's right to use the name "Fremantle Dockers", specifically on clothing. As a result, the club and the AFL discontinued the official use of the "Dockers" nickname in 1997. However, it remained in common usage both inside and outside the club, and continued to appear in the official team song "Freo Way to Go" and as the title of the official club magazine "Docker". In October 2010, the strong association that members and fans have with the "Dockers" nickname led the club to form a new arrangement with Levi Strauss & Co which allows the club to officially use the nickname "Dockers" everywhere including on clothing and other brand elements. This name change was made in conjunction with changes to the club logo and playing strip.Until 2011 the Fremantle Football Club used the anchor symbol as the basis for all of their guernseys. The home guernsey was purple, with a white anchor on the front separating the chest area into red and green panels, representing the traditional maritime port and starboard colours. The colours also acknowledged Fremantle's large Italian community, which historically has been associated with the city's fishing community. The away or clash guernsey was all white with a purple anchor. Since the end of the 2010 home and away season, the home jumper is purple with three white chevrons, and the away jumper is white with purple chevrons.One game each year is designated as the "Purple Haze" game, where an all-purple jumper with a white anchor is worn. This game is used to raise money for the Starlight Children's Foundation. After the guernsey re-design to a predominately purple home jumper, Fremantle wore the Starlight Foundation logo, a yellow star, above the highest chevron for their Purple Haze game.Since 2003, the AFL has hosted an annual Heritage Round. Until 2006, Fremantle wore a white guernsey with three red chevrons, to emulate the jumper worn by the original Fremantle Football Club in 1885. However, in 2007, the selected round had Fremantle playing Sydney, who also wear red and white. An alternative blue and white striped design was used, based on the jumper worn by the East Fremantle Football Club in their 1979 WAFL Grand Final win over the South Fremantle Football Club. This "Fremantle Derby" held the record, prior to the opening of Optus Stadium, for the highest attendance at a football game of any code in Western Australia, with 52,781 attending at Subiaco Oval.In September 2008, newly appointed CEO Steve Rosich confirmed that the Fremantle Football Club would undergo a thorough review of all areas, including the club's team name, song, guernsey, and logo in a bid to boost its marketability. However he later confirmed that the purple colour will be maintained as it had become synonymous with Fremantle.Fremantle Football Club had its original training and administration facilities at Fremantle Oval. On 21 February 2017 the club moved its training and administration facilities to Cockburn ARC, a world-class facility constructed in 2015–17 at a price of $109 million, located in the suburb of Cockburn Central.The team's home games are currently played at Optus Stadium, a 60,000 seat multi-purpose stadium located in the suburb of Burswood. The club began playing home matches at the venue in 2018, having previously played home matches at Subiaco Oval from 2001 onward and before that the WACA Ground from 1995 to 2000.The official song of Fremantle is "Freo Way to Go", a truncated version of the club's original song, "Freo Heave Ho", written by Ken Walther. "Freo Way to Go" was adopted in 2011 following a poll on the Dockers' official website, beating out three other newly composed songs, including "Freo Freo", written by Fremantle-based indie rock group and the Dockers' then-number one ticket holder, Eskimo Joe. The poll took place around the same time that the club's guernsey and logo were also updated.Unlike other AFL team songs, "Freo Way to Go" is played to a contemporary rock tune. "Freo Heave Ho" also had a section based on Igor Stravinsky's arrangement of the traditional Russian folk song, "Song of the Volga Boatmen", which was dropped in 2011, leaving only the original composition of Walther.Due to its unconventional style, the song is derided by many opposition supporters and defended with equally fierce loyalty by many fans. "Every other team song sounds like a 'Knees Up Mother Brown' from previous eras. We've got a backbeat", boasted author and Fremantle fan Tim Winton. In 2021, in response to being named the club's new number one ticket holder, Tame Impala frontman and Fremantle local Kevin Parker released a new Fremantle "pump up" track to be played at home games. Bolstering the Fremantle connection, the song draws inspiration from AC/DC.The club is owned by the West Australian Football Commission (WAFC). Since 2003, a Board of Directors controls the operation of the club, on behalf of the WAFC. Prior to this, a two-tier arrangement was in place, with a Board of Management between the Board of Directors and the Commission. The initial club chief executive officer was David Hatt, who had come from a hockey background, and the inaugural club chairman was Ross Kelly, who had played for West Perth. It was a deliberate act by the commission to avoid having administrators from either East Fremantle or South Fremantle in key roles, as they wanted the club to be bigger than just representing Fremantle.Kelly resigned at the end of 1998, replaced by Ross McLean. Whilst he presided over some key financial decisions, including the building of the club's administrative and training centre at Fremantle Oval and the deferment of the licence fee to the AFL, it was Fremantle's lowest point onfield, culminating in a two-win season in 2001 which saw the coach Damian Drum be sacked mid-year. McLean resigned following an inadvertent breach of the salary cap.In early 2001 Hatt accepted a government job and Cameron Schwab was appointed. After weathering the fallout from the disastrous 2001 season, Schwab and the new chairman, local West Australian retailing businessman Rick Hart, set about rebuilding the club. A former recruiting manager, Schwab focused on building up the on-field performance by recruiting high-profile players in Trent Croad, Peter Bell and Jeff Farmer, as well as coach Chris Connolly and with Hart then focused on enhancing the corporate and financial standing of the club. The club membership grew every year from 2002 until 2008 and the final licence payment was made to the AFL in 2005.Schwab chose to return to Melbourne in 2008 and was replaced as CEO by Steve Rosich, who had previously worked for the West Coast Eagles. A year later Hart resigned as president and Steve Harris, who runs The Brand Agency and had produced advertising for Fremantle since 2002, took over at the end of 2009. Harris had been on the board since November 2008, the first club chairman or president to have previously served on the board. The club has developed into one of the wealthiest clubs in the league and their surprise recruitment of Ross Lyon to replace Mark Harvey as coach at the end of the 2011 is seen as an example of their ruthless drive for sustained success. In 2014, Harris resigned as president nd was replaced by the then vice president, Perth property developer Dale Alcock.Fremantle's biggest rivalry is with the other Western Australian team, the West Coast Eagles, who they play twice each year in the home and away season, in the fiercely contested "Western Derby" matches (Pronounced in Western Australia). West Coast were victorious in the first nine games, before Fremantle won in round 16, 1999, after which has prompted a fairly even Derby result with Fremantle at 19 and West Coast at 21 Derby wins. The term "derby" is named after the Fremantle Derby games between East and South Fremantle in the West Australian Football League, which for almost 100 years have been considered some of the most important games in the local league. The 1979 WANFL Grand Final still holds the Subiaco Oval football attendance record of 52,781.The Dockers and the St Kilda Football Club have seen a number of controversial events between them, most notably the AFL siren controversy at York Park in 2006. The match was sent into a state of confusion with Fremantle leading by one point when the siren (which had not been very loud all game) was not heard by the umpires who then allowed St Kilda tagger Steven Baker to score a point after time had elapsed and, as a result, the match ended in a draw. The outcome of the game was taken to the AFL Commission and it was decided during the week that as the siren had gone Fremantle were judged to be the winners, disallowing Baker's point.During the 2011 off-season, Fremantle sacked coach Mark Harvey and replaced him with then-St Kilda coach Ross Lyon in controversial circumstances. The move was met with much criticism towards Fremantle's president, Steve Harris, and CEO, Steve Rosich, claiming that they had "backstabbed" Harvey. Lyon was also met with widespread criticism and was accused of backstabbing St Kilda by many Saints supporters as the club was made aware that Fremantle had approached Lyon during St Kilda's lead-up to its finals campaign. The two clubs contested a highly anticipated Friday night match in Round 4 of the 2012 AFL season at Etihad Stadium, with Fremantle winning by 13 points and Lyon being booed throughout the match. Lyon has since become Fremantle's longest serving and most successful coach.For most of Fremantle's history, players have played for various West Australian Football League (WAFL) teams when not selected to play for the Fremantle AFL team. Players recruited from the WAFL have remained with their original club, and players recruited from interstate have been allocated to teams via a draft system. Since the 2014 season, the Peel Thunder Football Club has served as the host club for the Fremantle Dockers, an arrangement which will see Fremantle's reserves players playing in the WAFL for Peel Thunder Football Club. An attempt to field a standalone Fremantle reserves side in the WAFL was rejected by the other WAFL clubs. A similar host club system was used in 1999 when South Fremantle was the aligned club but was cancelled after a single season.In May 2016, the club launched a bid to enter a team in the inaugural AFL Women's season in 2017. As part of the bid, the team would guarantee all players education and job opportunities with the club and the partnering Curtin University.Fremantle beat out a bid from rivals when they were granted a license on 15 June 2016.Kiara Bowers and Kara Antonio were the club's first signings, unveiled along with the league's other 14 marquee players on 27 July 2016. A further 24 senior players and two rookie players were added to the club's inaugural list in the league's drafting and signing period.Former South Fremantle assistant coach, Michelle Cowan was appointed the team's inaugural head coach in July 2016.The club's initial bid outlined plans for a game each at Domain Stadium and at Curtin University's Bentley campus as well as up to two remaining matches held at the club training base in the city of Cockburn. The club eventually played two home games at Fremantle Oval, one at Domain Stadium and one in Mandurah. In 2018, the Dockers hosted the first football game at Perth Stadium but will play the remainder of their home games at Fremantle Oval.The Dockers struggled in their inaugural season, only winning one of seven games and finishing seventh out of eight teams on the ladder. They fared slightly better in 2018, winning three matches, but again finished seventh on the ladder.In 2019, Fremantle had their most successful season, losing only one game during the home and away matches to eventual premiers Adelaide and making the finals for the first time. The team, now coached by Trent Cooper and with Kiara Bowers making her long-awaited debut after two injury affect years, started the year with a high scoring victory over Melbourne in the opening round and then kicked their highest ever score, 10.7 (67), in round 2 against Brisbane. Despite having won two more games than Carlton, the controversial conference system saw Carlton host the knock out preliminary final and inflict Fremantle's second defeat of the year. In the post-season awards, Bowers and Dana Hooker came second behind Erin Phillips in the AFLW MVP award and AFL Women's best and fairest award respectively. Bowers, Hooker and Gemma Houghton were all named in the AFL Women's All-Australian team. Ashley Sharp was awarded goal of the year for a long run, multiple bounce goal.The Doig Medal is the Fremantle Football Club's annual fairest and best award. Currently, the Fremantle coaching staff give every player votes on a 5, 4, 3, 2, 1 basis after every match, including Finals Series matches. Top votes are awarded for what is regarded as an elite performance. At the end of the year the votes are tallied and the Doig Medal Night is held to announce the winner. Variations on the voting system have been used in past years. The awards ceremony has been held at the Fremantle Passenger Terminal (1995), Challenge Stadium (1998–1999), Fremantle Oval (2000–2001), the Grand Ballroom at Burswood Entertainment Complex (2002–2005, 2008–current) and the Perth Convention Exhibition Centre (2006–2007).The Beacon Award is presented to the club's best first year player. Mature aged recruits Michael Barlow, Tendai Mzungu and Lee Spurr have won in recent years, despite being significantly older than most first year players.The Fremantle Football Hall of Legends was inaugurated by Fremantle Football Club in 1995, in recognition of the new AFL team's links with its home city's football heritage. The inductees are nominated by the two clubs from the Fremantle area in the WAFL: East Fremantle and South Fremantle. In time, players who represented Fremantle in the AFL will join their predecessors in this prestigious Hall.In 2019, The West Australian named Fremantle's greatest team of the past twenty five years as part of the club's twenty fifth anniversary celebrations, as voted by Fans and club officials.:It is traditional for each AFL club to recognise a prominent supporter as the number-one ticket holder. Fremantle originally chose to award this to Carmen Lawrence, the sitting member for the federal seat of Fremantle. This was roundly criticised as the member may or may not be a supporter of the club and unnecessarily linked politics with sport. The policy was soon changed to select a well-known Fremantle identity for a two-year period.On 23 April 2010, Eskimo Joe were announced as Fremantle's number-one ticket holder, replacing golfer Nick O'Hern. The band's drummer and guitarist, Joel Quartermain, hinted that they might write a new theme song for the club, saying that Other high-profile fans include current and former Premiers of Western Australia, Mark McGowan and Alan Carpenter, former Federal Minister of Defence, Stephen Smith, Tim Minchin, members of psychedelic rock band Tame Impala, author Tim Winton, American tennis player John Isner and journalists and television presenters Dixie Marshall, Simon Reeve and Matt Price, who wrote a book on Fremantle, "Way to Go".Despite a relative lack of on-field success, Fremantle has recorded membership figures above average for the league.The club in 2005 had the fastest growing membership in the AFL competition with home crowds growing at a similar rate. The club's recent membership slogans have emphasised the passion of Fremantle fans for their team.From 2003 until 2011, the Fremantle Football Club had the Governors of Western Australia as its patron.Vice-patrons	[ "Ben Allan", "Mark Harvey", "Gerard Neesham", "Damian Drum", "Justin Longmuir" ]
Who was the head coach of the team Fremantle Football Club in 23-May-201723-May-2017?	May 23, 2017	{ "text": [ "Ross Lyon" ] }	L2_Q278043_P286_4	Justin Longmuir is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Sep, 2019 to Dec, 2022. Ross Lyon is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Sep, 2011 to Aug, 2019. Gerard Neesham is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1998. Mark Harvey is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Jul, 2007 to Sep, 2011. Ben Allan is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from May, 2001 to Sep, 2001. Damian Drum is the head coach of Fremantle Football Club from Jan, 1999 to May, 2001.	Fremantle Football ClubThe Fremantle Football Club, nicknamed the Dockers, is a professional Australian rules football club competing in the Australian Football League (AFL), the sport's elite competition. The team was founded in 1994 to represent the port city of Fremantle, a stronghold of football in Western Australia. The Dockers were the second team from the state to be admitted to the competition, following the West Coast Eagles in 1987. Despite having participated in and won several finals matches, Fremantle is one of only three active AFL clubs not to have won a premiership (the others being and ), though it did claim a minor premiership in 2015 and reach the 2013 Grand Final, losing to . High-profile players who forged careers at Fremantle include All-Australian Matthew Pavlich, Hall of Fame inductee Peter Bell, and dual Brownlow Medal winner Nat Fyfe, who captains the club under head coach Justin Longmuir. Originally based at Fremantle Oval, the club's training and administrative facilities are now located nearby at Cockburn ARC in Cockburn Central, whilst its home ground is the 60,000-capacity Perth Stadium in Burswood. Fremantle has also fielded a women's team in the AFL Women's league since the competition's inception in 2017. They are coached by Trent Cooper and captained by Kara Antonio. Their most successful season was the 2020 season, in which the team was undefeated, but was ultimately cancelled without a premiership awarded due to the COVID-19 pandemic.The port city of Fremantle, Western Australia has a rich footballing history, hosting the state's first organised game of Australian rules in 1881. Fremantle's first teams, the Fremantle Football Club, the Union/Fremantle Football Club and East Fremantle Football Club, dominated the early years of the West Australian Football League (WAFL), winning 24 of the first 34 premierships. Since 1897, Fremantle Oval has been the main venue for Australian rules football matches in the city. Until the opening of Perth Stadium in 2018, the record attendance for an Australian rules football game in Western Australia stood at 52,781 for the 1979 WANFL Grand Final between East Fremantle and South Fremantle at Subiaco Oval.Champion footballers who forged careers playing for Fremantle-based clubs include, among other Australian Football Hall of Fame inductees, Steve Marsh, Jack Sheedy, John Todd, George Doig, William Truscott and Bernie Naylor.Negotiations between East Fremantle and South Fremantle to enter into the VFL as a merged club began in 1987. However, due to an exclusive rights clause granted to the West Coast Eagles this would be impossible until the end of the 1992 season. Further applications were made by the clubs to join but their model was out of favour with the West Australian Football Commission.The AFL announced on 14 December 1993 that a new team, to be based in Fremantle, would enter the league in 1995, with the tentative name of "Fremantle Sharks." The licence cost $4 million. The names "Fremantle Football Club", "Fremantle Dockers" and the club colours of purple, red, green and white were announced on 21 July 1994. The decision to base the new club in Fremantle was primarily due to the long association of Australian rules football in Fremantle. However, it was not represented in a national club competition until 1995, eight years after the first expansion of the then Victorian Football League into Western Australia in 1987 with the creation of the West Coast Eagles. Their first training session was held on 31 October 1994 at Fremantle Oval.The team endured some tough years near the bottom of the premiership ladder, until they finished fifth after the home and away rounds in 2003 and made the finals for the first time. The elimination final against eighth-placed Essendon at Subiaco Oval was then the club's biggest ever game, but ended in disappointment for the home team, with the finals experience of Essendon proving too strong for the young team. They then missed making the finals in the following two seasons, finishing both years with 11 wins, 11 losses and only 1 game outside the top eight.After an average first half to the 2006 AFL season, Fremantle finished the year with a club-record nine straight wins to earn themselves third position at the end of the home and away season with a club-best 15 wins. In the qualifying final against Adelaide at AAMI Stadium, the Dockers led for the first three-quarters before being overrun by the Crows. The following week saw the club win its first finals game in the semi-final against Melbourne at Subiaco Oval. The club subsequently earned a trip to Sydney to play in its first ever preliminary final, where they lost by 35 points at ANZ Stadium to the Sydney Swans.In 2007, following Chris Connolly's resignation midway through the season, Mark Harvey, a three-time premiership player with Essendon, was appointed caretaker coach for the club. During his seven matches for 2007, Harvey coached the Dockers to four wins and three losses. The club came 11th that year, and Harvey was appointed full-time coach at the end of the season. The following year saw the club slump to 14th.In Round 15, 2009, Fremantle recorded the lowest score in its history and of the 2000s, scoring only 1.7 (13) to the Adelaide Crows' 19.16 (130). It scored just one point in the first half and the only goal scored came in the third quarter.After finishing sixth in 2010, the club played in the finals for the first time since 2006. The team played Hawthorn at Subiaco Oval, and despite being considered underdogs, went on to win by 30 points. The win came from strong performances from Luke McPharlin and Adam McPhee who limited the impact of Lance Franklin and Luke Hodge, respectively. The team's second ever win in a finals match qualified them for a semi-final to be played against the Geelong Cats at the MCG the following week. In a one-sided contest, the Dockers lost by 69 points.The 2011 season saw Fremantle lose just once in the first six rounds before ending the year in 11th position after losing their final seven games. Fremantle's collapse was considered a result of a heavy injury count that began in the pre-season.In September 2011, Mark Harvey was sensationally sacked by the club in favour of still-contracted St. Kilda coach Ross Lyon.Fremantle qualified for the finals in 2012 after finishing in seventh position. In their elimination final against Geelong, the Dockers won their first ever finals game away from home with a 16-point victory at the MCG behind Matthew Pavlich's six goals. Fremantle subsequently lost to the Crows in Adelaide the following week, ending their finals campaign.In 2013, Fremantle finished the home-and-away season in third position with a club-best 16 wins. In their qualifying final against the Cats in Geelong, the Dockers produced a first-round upset with a 15-point victory to advance through to a home preliminary final. In the preliminary final, the Dockers defeated the reigning premiers, the Sydney Swans, by 25 points to advance to their maiden AFL Grand Final. In the 2013 grand final, the Dockers were defeated by Hawthorn by a margin of 15 points.In 2014, the club reached the finals for the third successive year with a top-four finish and 16 wins, but despite earning a double chance, they were knocked out after losses to Sydney away and Port Adelaide at home. Nat Fyfe was awarded the Leigh Matthews Trophy for winning the AFL Players' Association MVP award.In 2015, the club were crowned minor premiers for the first time in their history, earning their first piece of silverware with the McClelland Trophy. However, the club failed to convert this into a grand final appearance, losing to Hawthorn by 27 points in its home preliminary final. Fremantle ended their season with Nat Fyfe becoming the club's first Brownlow Medalist.Season 2016 marked Matthew Pavlich's final season in the AFL, as Fremantle missed the finals following a 10-game losing streak to start the year, finishing in 16th position with just four wins.Ross Lyon was sacked as coach on 20 August 2019 after the club failed to qualify for the finals. He was replaced by Justin Longmuir.After struggling in their early start up years, Fremantle are beginning to be a more established and consistently more competitive club in the AFL, with an overall win percentage of 50.0% since first making the finals in 2003. The Dockers' halcyon years took place between 2013 and 2015, where they earned three-straight top four finishes to go with their only grand final appearance (2013) and their only minor premiership (2015).Fremantle played in its first drawn match in Round 8, 2013 against the Sydney Swans. In 2006, against St Kilda at Aurora Stadium in Launceston, they did play in a controversial Round 5 match that initially ended in a draw. However, the AFL overturned the draw result the following Wednesday after the match, due to an off-field error made by the timekeepers not sounding the siren for long enough, and declared Fremantle as one-point winners. It marked the first time a game result had been later overturned since 1900.The club is nicknamed the "Dockers" in reference to Fremantle's history as a port city. Shortly after the club was launched in 1994, Levi Strauss & Co., which produces the Dockers brand of clothing, challenged the club's right to use the name "Fremantle Dockers", specifically on clothing. As a result, the club and the AFL discontinued the official use of the "Dockers" nickname in 1997. However, it remained in common usage both inside and outside the club, and continued to appear in the official team song "Freo Way to Go" and as the title of the official club magazine "Docker". In October 2010, the strong association that members and fans have with the "Dockers" nickname led the club to form a new arrangement with Levi Strauss & Co which allows the club to officially use the nickname "Dockers" everywhere including on clothing and other brand elements. This name change was made in conjunction with changes to the club logo and playing strip.Until 2011 the Fremantle Football Club used the anchor symbol as the basis for all of their guernseys. The home guernsey was purple, with a white anchor on the front separating the chest area into red and green panels, representing the traditional maritime port and starboard colours. The colours also acknowledged Fremantle's large Italian community, which historically has been associated with the city's fishing community. The away or clash guernsey was all white with a purple anchor. Since the end of the 2010 home and away season, the home jumper is purple with three white chevrons, and the away jumper is white with purple chevrons.One game each year is designated as the "Purple Haze" game, where an all-purple jumper with a white anchor is worn. This game is used to raise money for the Starlight Children's Foundation. After the guernsey re-design to a predominately purple home jumper, Fremantle wore the Starlight Foundation logo, a yellow star, above the highest chevron for their Purple Haze game.Since 2003, the AFL has hosted an annual Heritage Round. Until 2006, Fremantle wore a white guernsey with three red chevrons, to emulate the jumper worn by the original Fremantle Football Club in 1885. However, in 2007, the selected round had Fremantle playing Sydney, who also wear red and white. An alternative blue and white striped design was used, based on the jumper worn by the East Fremantle Football Club in their 1979 WAFL Grand Final win over the South Fremantle Football Club. This "Fremantle Derby" held the record, prior to the opening of Optus Stadium, for the highest attendance at a football game of any code in Western Australia, with 52,781 attending at Subiaco Oval.In September 2008, newly appointed CEO Steve Rosich confirmed that the Fremantle Football Club would undergo a thorough review of all areas, including the club's team name, song, guernsey, and logo in a bid to boost its marketability. However he later confirmed that the purple colour will be maintained as it had become synonymous with Fremantle.Fremantle Football Club had its original training and administration facilities at Fremantle Oval. On 21 February 2017 the club moved its training and administration facilities to Cockburn ARC, a world-class facility constructed in 2015–17 at a price of $109 million, located in the suburb of Cockburn Central.The team's home games are currently played at Optus Stadium, a 60,000 seat multi-purpose stadium located in the suburb of Burswood. The club began playing home matches at the venue in 2018, having previously played home matches at Subiaco Oval from 2001 onward and before that the WACA Ground from 1995 to 2000.The official song of Fremantle is "Freo Way to Go", a truncated version of the club's original song, "Freo Heave Ho", written by Ken Walther. "Freo Way to Go" was adopted in 2011 following a poll on the Dockers' official website, beating out three other newly composed songs, including "Freo Freo", written by Fremantle-based indie rock group and the Dockers' then-number one ticket holder, Eskimo Joe. The poll took place around the same time that the club's guernsey and logo were also updated.Unlike other AFL team songs, "Freo Way to Go" is played to a contemporary rock tune. "Freo Heave Ho" also had a section based on Igor Stravinsky's arrangement of the traditional Russian folk song, "Song of the Volga Boatmen", which was dropped in 2011, leaving only the original composition of Walther.Due to its unconventional style, the song is derided by many opposition supporters and defended with equally fierce loyalty by many fans. "Every other team song sounds like a 'Knees Up Mother Brown' from previous eras. We've got a backbeat", boasted author and Fremantle fan Tim Winton. In 2021, in response to being named the club's new number one ticket holder, Tame Impala frontman and Fremantle local Kevin Parker released a new Fremantle "pump up" track to be played at home games. Bolstering the Fremantle connection, the song draws inspiration from AC/DC.The club is owned by the West Australian Football Commission (WAFC). Since 2003, a Board of Directors controls the operation of the club, on behalf of the WAFC. Prior to this, a two-tier arrangement was in place, with a Board of Management between the Board of Directors and the Commission. The initial club chief executive officer was David Hatt, who had come from a hockey background, and the inaugural club chairman was Ross Kelly, who had played for West Perth. It was a deliberate act by the commission to avoid having administrators from either East Fremantle or South Fremantle in key roles, as they wanted the club to be bigger than just representing Fremantle.Kelly resigned at the end of 1998, replaced by Ross McLean. Whilst he presided over some key financial decisions, including the building of the club's administrative and training centre at Fremantle Oval and the deferment of the licence fee to the AFL, it was Fremantle's lowest point onfield, culminating in a two-win season in 2001 which saw the coach Damian Drum be sacked mid-year. McLean resigned following an inadvertent breach of the salary cap.In early 2001 Hatt accepted a government job and Cameron Schwab was appointed. After weathering the fallout from the disastrous 2001 season, Schwab and the new chairman, local West Australian retailing businessman Rick Hart, set about rebuilding the club. A former recruiting manager, Schwab focused on building up the on-field performance by recruiting high-profile players in Trent Croad, Peter Bell and Jeff Farmer, as well as coach Chris Connolly and with Hart then focused on enhancing the corporate and financial standing of the club. The club membership grew every year from 2002 until 2008 and the final licence payment was made to the AFL in 2005.Schwab chose to return to Melbourne in 2008 and was replaced as CEO by Steve Rosich, who had previously worked for the West Coast Eagles. A year later Hart resigned as president and Steve Harris, who runs The Brand Agency and had produced advertising for Fremantle since 2002, took over at the end of 2009. Harris had been on the board since November 2008, the first club chairman or president to have previously served on the board. The club has developed into one of the wealthiest clubs in the league and their surprise recruitment of Ross Lyon to replace Mark Harvey as coach at the end of the 2011 is seen as an example of their ruthless drive for sustained success. In 2014, Harris resigned as president nd was replaced by the then vice president, Perth property developer Dale Alcock.Fremantle's biggest rivalry is with the other Western Australian team, the West Coast Eagles, who they play twice each year in the home and away season, in the fiercely contested "Western Derby" matches (Pronounced in Western Australia). West Coast were victorious in the first nine games, before Fremantle won in round 16, 1999, after which has prompted a fairly even Derby result with Fremantle at 19 and West Coast at 21 Derby wins. The term "derby" is named after the Fremantle Derby games between East and South Fremantle in the West Australian Football League, which for almost 100 years have been considered some of the most important games in the local league. The 1979 WANFL Grand Final still holds the Subiaco Oval football attendance record of 52,781.The Dockers and the St Kilda Football Club have seen a number of controversial events between them, most notably the AFL siren controversy at York Park in 2006. The match was sent into a state of confusion with Fremantle leading by one point when the siren (which had not been very loud all game) was not heard by the umpires who then allowed St Kilda tagger Steven Baker to score a point after time had elapsed and, as a result, the match ended in a draw. The outcome of the game was taken to the AFL Commission and it was decided during the week that as the siren had gone Fremantle were judged to be the winners, disallowing Baker's point.During the 2011 off-season, Fremantle sacked coach Mark Harvey and replaced him with then-St Kilda coach Ross Lyon in controversial circumstances. The move was met with much criticism towards Fremantle's president, Steve Harris, and CEO, Steve Rosich, claiming that they had "backstabbed" Harvey. Lyon was also met with widespread criticism and was accused of backstabbing St Kilda by many Saints supporters as the club was made aware that Fremantle had approached Lyon during St Kilda's lead-up to its finals campaign. The two clubs contested a highly anticipated Friday night match in Round 4 of the 2012 AFL season at Etihad Stadium, with Fremantle winning by 13 points and Lyon being booed throughout the match. Lyon has since become Fremantle's longest serving and most successful coach.For most of Fremantle's history, players have played for various West Australian Football League (WAFL) teams when not selected to play for the Fremantle AFL team. Players recruited from the WAFL have remained with their original club, and players recruited from interstate have been allocated to teams via a draft system. Since the 2014 season, the Peel Thunder Football Club has served as the host club for the Fremantle Dockers, an arrangement which will see Fremantle's reserves players playing in the WAFL for Peel Thunder Football Club. An attempt to field a standalone Fremantle reserves side in the WAFL was rejected by the other WAFL clubs. A similar host club system was used in 1999 when South Fremantle was the aligned club but was cancelled after a single season.In May 2016, the club launched a bid to enter a team in the inaugural AFL Women's season in 2017. As part of the bid, the team would guarantee all players education and job opportunities with the club and the partnering Curtin University.Fremantle beat out a bid from rivals when they were granted a license on 15 June 2016.Kiara Bowers and Kara Antonio were the club's first signings, unveiled along with the league's other 14 marquee players on 27 July 2016. A further 24 senior players and two rookie players were added to the club's inaugural list in the league's drafting and signing period.Former South Fremantle assistant coach, Michelle Cowan was appointed the team's inaugural head coach in July 2016.The club's initial bid outlined plans for a game each at Domain Stadium and at Curtin University's Bentley campus as well as up to two remaining matches held at the club training base in the city of Cockburn. The club eventually played two home games at Fremantle Oval, one at Domain Stadium and one in Mandurah. In 2018, the Dockers hosted the first football game at Perth Stadium but will play the remainder of their home games at Fremantle Oval.The Dockers struggled in their inaugural season, only winning one of seven games and finishing seventh out of eight teams on the ladder. They fared slightly better in 2018, winning three matches, but again finished seventh on the ladder.In 2019, Fremantle had their most successful season, losing only one game during the home and away matches to eventual premiers Adelaide and making the finals for the first time. The team, now coached by Trent Cooper and with Kiara Bowers making her long-awaited debut after two injury affect years, started the year with a high scoring victory over Melbourne in the opening round and then kicked their highest ever score, 10.7 (67), in round 2 against Brisbane. Despite having won two more games than Carlton, the controversial conference system saw Carlton host the knock out preliminary final and inflict Fremantle's second defeat of the year. In the post-season awards, Bowers and Dana Hooker came second behind Erin Phillips in the AFLW MVP award and AFL Women's best and fairest award respectively. Bowers, Hooker and Gemma Houghton were all named in the AFL Women's All-Australian team. Ashley Sharp was awarded goal of the year for a long run, multiple bounce goal.The Doig Medal is the Fremantle Football Club's annual fairest and best award. Currently, the Fremantle coaching staff give every player votes on a 5, 4, 3, 2, 1 basis after every match, including Finals Series matches. Top votes are awarded for what is regarded as an elite performance. At the end of the year the votes are tallied and the Doig Medal Night is held to announce the winner. Variations on the voting system have been used in past years. The awards ceremony has been held at the Fremantle Passenger Terminal (1995), Challenge Stadium (1998–1999), Fremantle Oval (2000–2001), the Grand Ballroom at Burswood Entertainment Complex (2002–2005, 2008–current) and the Perth Convention Exhibition Centre (2006–2007).The Beacon Award is presented to the club's best first year player. Mature aged recruits Michael Barlow, Tendai Mzungu and Lee Spurr have won in recent years, despite being significantly older than most first year players.The Fremantle Football Hall of Legends was inaugurated by Fremantle Football Club in 1995, in recognition of the new AFL team's links with its home city's football heritage. The inductees are nominated by the two clubs from the Fremantle area in the WAFL: East Fremantle and South Fremantle. In time, players who represented Fremantle in the AFL will join their predecessors in this prestigious Hall.In 2019, The West Australian named Fremantle's greatest team of the past twenty five years as part of the club's twenty fifth anniversary celebrations, as voted by Fans and club officials.:It is traditional for each AFL club to recognise a prominent supporter as the number-one ticket holder. Fremantle originally chose to award this to Carmen Lawrence, the sitting member for the federal seat of Fremantle. This was roundly criticised as the member may or may not be a supporter of the club and unnecessarily linked politics with sport. The policy was soon changed to select a well-known Fremantle identity for a two-year period.On 23 April 2010, Eskimo Joe were announced as Fremantle's number-one ticket holder, replacing golfer Nick O'Hern. The band's drummer and guitarist, Joel Quartermain, hinted that they might write a new theme song for the club, saying that Other high-profile fans include current and former Premiers of Western Australia, Mark McGowan and Alan Carpenter, former Federal Minister of Defence, Stephen Smith, Tim Minchin, members of psychedelic rock band Tame Impala, author Tim Winton, American tennis player John Isner and journalists and television presenters Dixie Marshall, Simon Reeve and Matt Price, who wrote a book on Fremantle, "Way to Go".Despite a relative lack of on-field success, Fremantle has recorded membership figures above average for the league.The club in 2005 had the fastest growing membership in the AFL competition with home crowds growing at a similar rate. The club's recent membership slogans have emphasised the passion of Fremantle fans for their team.From 2003 until 2011, the Fremantle Football Club had the Governors of Western Australia as its patron.Vice-patrons	[ "Ben Allan", "Mark Harvey", "Gerard Neesham", "Damian Drum", "Justin Longmuir" ]
Which position did Siim Kallas hold in May, 2002?	May 27, 2002	{ "text": [ "Prime Minister of Estonia" ] }	L2_Q156469_P39_2	Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro from May, 2004 to Nov, 2004. Siim Kallas holds the position of Prime Minister of Estonia from Jan, 2002 to Apr, 2003. Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Transport from Feb, 2010 to Nov, 2014. Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Finance from Mar, 1999 to Jan, 2002. Siim Kallas holds the position of member of the Estonian Riigikogu from Apr, 2019 to Dec, 2022. Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs from Nov, 1995 to Nov, 1996.	Siim KallasSiim Kallas (; born 2 October 1948) is an Estonian politician, who served as European Commissioner for Transport between 2010 and 2014. Before that he was European Commissioner for Administrative Affairs, Audit and Anti-Fraud between 2004 and 2009. In both Barroso Commissions he was also vice-president.Kallas has been Prime Minister of Estonia, Estonian Minister of Finance, Estonian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Member of the Supreme Council of the Soviet Union and member of the Riigikogu. Kallas is a member and former leader of the free-market liberal Estonian Reform Party. Kallas was a vice-president of Liberal International.He was twice appointed Acting Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro in Olli Rehn's stead, from 19 April 2014 – 25 May 2014 while he was on electoral campaign leave for the 2014 elections to the European Parliament and from 1 July 2014 – 16 July 2014 after he took up his seat.After leaving the Commission, Kallas run in the Estonian presidential election in 2016, but was not elected. In October 2017, he started as the municipal mayor of Viimsi Parish.Kallas speaks Estonian, English, Russian, Finnish, and German. Kallas is of Estonian and Baltic German origin. He also has passive knowledge of French. Married to doctor Kristi Kallas, he has one son and one daughter. During the Soviet deportations from Estonia his wife Kristi Kallas, 6 months old at the time, was deported to Siberia with her mother and grandmother in a cattle car and lived there until she was 10 years old.Kallas has been an active participant in the restoration of Estonian statehood.His daughter Kaja Kallas is the current leader of the Reform party and Prime Minister of Estonia since 2021.Kallas' inability to address some politically controversial issues in public caused him to renounce his candidacy for the office of Prime Minister of Estonia in 2014.	[ "Minister of Finance", "European Commissioner for Transport", "European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro", "Minister of Foreign Affairs", "member of the Estonian Riigikogu" ]
Which position did Siim Kallas hold in 2002-05-27?	May 27, 2002	{ "text": [ "Prime Minister of Estonia" ] }	L2_Q156469_P39_2	Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro from May, 2004 to Nov, 2004. Siim Kallas holds the position of Prime Minister of Estonia from Jan, 2002 to Apr, 2003. Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Transport from Feb, 2010 to Nov, 2014. Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Finance from Mar, 1999 to Jan, 2002. Siim Kallas holds the position of member of the Estonian Riigikogu from Apr, 2019 to Dec, 2022. Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs from Nov, 1995 to Nov, 1996.	Siim KallasSiim Kallas (; born 2 October 1948) is an Estonian politician, who served as European Commissioner for Transport between 2010 and 2014. Before that he was European Commissioner for Administrative Affairs, Audit and Anti-Fraud between 2004 and 2009. In both Barroso Commissions he was also vice-president.Kallas has been Prime Minister of Estonia, Estonian Minister of Finance, Estonian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Member of the Supreme Council of the Soviet Union and member of the Riigikogu. Kallas is a member and former leader of the free-market liberal Estonian Reform Party. Kallas was a vice-president of Liberal International.He was twice appointed Acting Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro in Olli Rehn's stead, from 19 April 2014 – 25 May 2014 while he was on electoral campaign leave for the 2014 elections to the European Parliament and from 1 July 2014 – 16 July 2014 after he took up his seat.After leaving the Commission, Kallas run in the Estonian presidential election in 2016, but was not elected. In October 2017, he started as the municipal mayor of Viimsi Parish.Kallas speaks Estonian, English, Russian, Finnish, and German. Kallas is of Estonian and Baltic German origin. He also has passive knowledge of French. Married to doctor Kristi Kallas, he has one son and one daughter. During the Soviet deportations from Estonia his wife Kristi Kallas, 6 months old at the time, was deported to Siberia with her mother and grandmother in a cattle car and lived there until she was 10 years old.Kallas has been an active participant in the restoration of Estonian statehood.His daughter Kaja Kallas is the current leader of the Reform party and Prime Minister of Estonia since 2021.Kallas' inability to address some politically controversial issues in public caused him to renounce his candidacy for the office of Prime Minister of Estonia in 2014.	[ "Minister of Finance", "European Commissioner for Transport", "European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro", "Minister of Foreign Affairs", "member of the Estonian Riigikogu" ]
Which position did Siim Kallas hold in 27/05/2002?	May 27, 2002	{ "text": [ "Prime Minister of Estonia" ] }	L2_Q156469_P39_2	Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro from May, 2004 to Nov, 2004. Siim Kallas holds the position of Prime Minister of Estonia from Jan, 2002 to Apr, 2003. Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Transport from Feb, 2010 to Nov, 2014. Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Finance from Mar, 1999 to Jan, 2002. Siim Kallas holds the position of member of the Estonian Riigikogu from Apr, 2019 to Dec, 2022. Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs from Nov, 1995 to Nov, 1996.	Siim KallasSiim Kallas (; born 2 October 1948) is an Estonian politician, who served as European Commissioner for Transport between 2010 and 2014. Before that he was European Commissioner for Administrative Affairs, Audit and Anti-Fraud between 2004 and 2009. In both Barroso Commissions he was also vice-president.Kallas has been Prime Minister of Estonia, Estonian Minister of Finance, Estonian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Member of the Supreme Council of the Soviet Union and member of the Riigikogu. Kallas is a member and former leader of the free-market liberal Estonian Reform Party. Kallas was a vice-president of Liberal International.He was twice appointed Acting Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro in Olli Rehn's stead, from 19 April 2014 – 25 May 2014 while he was on electoral campaign leave for the 2014 elections to the European Parliament and from 1 July 2014 – 16 July 2014 after he took up his seat.After leaving the Commission, Kallas run in the Estonian presidential election in 2016, but was not elected. In October 2017, he started as the municipal mayor of Viimsi Parish.Kallas speaks Estonian, English, Russian, Finnish, and German. Kallas is of Estonian and Baltic German origin. He also has passive knowledge of French. Married to doctor Kristi Kallas, he has one son and one daughter. During the Soviet deportations from Estonia his wife Kristi Kallas, 6 months old at the time, was deported to Siberia with her mother and grandmother in a cattle car and lived there until she was 10 years old.Kallas has been an active participant in the restoration of Estonian statehood.His daughter Kaja Kallas is the current leader of the Reform party and Prime Minister of Estonia since 2021.Kallas' inability to address some politically controversial issues in public caused him to renounce his candidacy for the office of Prime Minister of Estonia in 2014.	[ "Minister of Finance", "European Commissioner for Transport", "European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro", "Minister of Foreign Affairs", "member of the Estonian Riigikogu" ]
Which position did Siim Kallas hold in May 27, 2002?	May 27, 2002	{ "text": [ "Prime Minister of Estonia" ] }	L2_Q156469_P39_2	Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro from May, 2004 to Nov, 2004. Siim Kallas holds the position of Prime Minister of Estonia from Jan, 2002 to Apr, 2003. Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Transport from Feb, 2010 to Nov, 2014. Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Finance from Mar, 1999 to Jan, 2002. Siim Kallas holds the position of member of the Estonian Riigikogu from Apr, 2019 to Dec, 2022. Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs from Nov, 1995 to Nov, 1996.	Siim KallasSiim Kallas (; born 2 October 1948) is an Estonian politician, who served as European Commissioner for Transport between 2010 and 2014. Before that he was European Commissioner for Administrative Affairs, Audit and Anti-Fraud between 2004 and 2009. In both Barroso Commissions he was also vice-president.Kallas has been Prime Minister of Estonia, Estonian Minister of Finance, Estonian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Member of the Supreme Council of the Soviet Union and member of the Riigikogu. Kallas is a member and former leader of the free-market liberal Estonian Reform Party. Kallas was a vice-president of Liberal International.He was twice appointed Acting Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro in Olli Rehn's stead, from 19 April 2014 – 25 May 2014 while he was on electoral campaign leave for the 2014 elections to the European Parliament and from 1 July 2014 – 16 July 2014 after he took up his seat.After leaving the Commission, Kallas run in the Estonian presidential election in 2016, but was not elected. In October 2017, he started as the municipal mayor of Viimsi Parish.Kallas speaks Estonian, English, Russian, Finnish, and German. Kallas is of Estonian and Baltic German origin. He also has passive knowledge of French. Married to doctor Kristi Kallas, he has one son and one daughter. During the Soviet deportations from Estonia his wife Kristi Kallas, 6 months old at the time, was deported to Siberia with her mother and grandmother in a cattle car and lived there until she was 10 years old.Kallas has been an active participant in the restoration of Estonian statehood.His daughter Kaja Kallas is the current leader of the Reform party and Prime Minister of Estonia since 2021.Kallas' inability to address some politically controversial issues in public caused him to renounce his candidacy for the office of Prime Minister of Estonia in 2014.	[ "Minister of Finance", "European Commissioner for Transport", "European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro", "Minister of Foreign Affairs", "member of the Estonian Riigikogu" ]
Which position did Siim Kallas hold in 05/27/2002?	May 27, 2002	{ "text": [ "Prime Minister of Estonia" ] }	L2_Q156469_P39_2	Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro from May, 2004 to Nov, 2004. Siim Kallas holds the position of Prime Minister of Estonia from Jan, 2002 to Apr, 2003. Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Transport from Feb, 2010 to Nov, 2014. Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Finance from Mar, 1999 to Jan, 2002. Siim Kallas holds the position of member of the Estonian Riigikogu from Apr, 2019 to Dec, 2022. Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs from Nov, 1995 to Nov, 1996.	Siim KallasSiim Kallas (; born 2 October 1948) is an Estonian politician, who served as European Commissioner for Transport between 2010 and 2014. Before that he was European Commissioner for Administrative Affairs, Audit and Anti-Fraud between 2004 and 2009. In both Barroso Commissions he was also vice-president.Kallas has been Prime Minister of Estonia, Estonian Minister of Finance, Estonian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Member of the Supreme Council of the Soviet Union and member of the Riigikogu. Kallas is a member and former leader of the free-market liberal Estonian Reform Party. Kallas was a vice-president of Liberal International.He was twice appointed Acting Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro in Olli Rehn's stead, from 19 April 2014 – 25 May 2014 while he was on electoral campaign leave for the 2014 elections to the European Parliament and from 1 July 2014 – 16 July 2014 after he took up his seat.After leaving the Commission, Kallas run in the Estonian presidential election in 2016, but was not elected. In October 2017, he started as the municipal mayor of Viimsi Parish.Kallas speaks Estonian, English, Russian, Finnish, and German. Kallas is of Estonian and Baltic German origin. He also has passive knowledge of French. Married to doctor Kristi Kallas, he has one son and one daughter. During the Soviet deportations from Estonia his wife Kristi Kallas, 6 months old at the time, was deported to Siberia with her mother and grandmother in a cattle car and lived there until she was 10 years old.Kallas has been an active participant in the restoration of Estonian statehood.His daughter Kaja Kallas is the current leader of the Reform party and Prime Minister of Estonia since 2021.Kallas' inability to address some politically controversial issues in public caused him to renounce his candidacy for the office of Prime Minister of Estonia in 2014.	[ "Minister of Finance", "European Commissioner for Transport", "European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro", "Minister of Foreign Affairs", "member of the Estonian Riigikogu" ]
Which position did Siim Kallas hold in 27-May-200227-May-2002?	May 27, 2002	{ "text": [ "Prime Minister of Estonia" ] }	L2_Q156469_P39_2	Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro from May, 2004 to Nov, 2004. Siim Kallas holds the position of Prime Minister of Estonia from Jan, 2002 to Apr, 2003. Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Transport from Feb, 2010 to Nov, 2014. Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Finance from Mar, 1999 to Jan, 2002. Siim Kallas holds the position of member of the Estonian Riigikogu from Apr, 2019 to Dec, 2022. Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs from Nov, 1995 to Nov, 1996.	Siim KallasSiim Kallas (; born 2 October 1948) is an Estonian politician, who served as European Commissioner for Transport between 2010 and 2014. Before that he was European Commissioner for Administrative Affairs, Audit and Anti-Fraud between 2004 and 2009. In both Barroso Commissions he was also vice-president.Kallas has been Prime Minister of Estonia, Estonian Minister of Finance, Estonian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Member of the Supreme Council of the Soviet Union and member of the Riigikogu. Kallas is a member and former leader of the free-market liberal Estonian Reform Party. Kallas was a vice-president of Liberal International.He was twice appointed Acting Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro in Olli Rehn's stead, from 19 April 2014 – 25 May 2014 while he was on electoral campaign leave for the 2014 elections to the European Parliament and from 1 July 2014 – 16 July 2014 after he took up his seat.After leaving the Commission, Kallas run in the Estonian presidential election in 2016, but was not elected. In October 2017, he started as the municipal mayor of Viimsi Parish.Kallas speaks Estonian, English, Russian, Finnish, and German. Kallas is of Estonian and Baltic German origin. He also has passive knowledge of French. Married to doctor Kristi Kallas, he has one son and one daughter. During the Soviet deportations from Estonia his wife Kristi Kallas, 6 months old at the time, was deported to Siberia with her mother and grandmother in a cattle car and lived there until she was 10 years old.Kallas has been an active participant in the restoration of Estonian statehood.His daughter Kaja Kallas is the current leader of the Reform party and Prime Minister of Estonia since 2021.Kallas' inability to address some politically controversial issues in public caused him to renounce his candidacy for the office of Prime Minister of Estonia in 2014.	[ "Minister of Finance", "European Commissioner for Transport", "European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro", "Minister of Foreign Affairs", "member of the Estonian Riigikogu" ]
Who was the chair of Free Democratic Party in Feb, 1969?	February 20, 1969	{ "text": [ "Walter Scheel" ] }	L2_Q13124_P488_5	Otto Graf Lambsdorff is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1993. Theodor Heuss is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1949. Thomas Dehler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1957. Philipp Rösler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013. Walter Scheel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1968 to Jan, 1974. Erich Mende is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1968. Hans-Dietrich Genscher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1985. Klaus Kinkel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995. Franz Blücher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1954. Guido Westerwelle is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2011. Wolfgang Gerhardt is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2001. Martin Bangemann is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1988. Christian Lindner is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. Reinhold Maier is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1960.	Free Democratic Party (Germany)The Free Democratic Party (, FDP) is a classical-liberal political party in Germany. The FDP is led by Christian Lindner.The FDP was founded in 1948 by members of former liberal political parties which existed in Germany before World War II, namely the German Democratic Party and the German People's Party. For most of the second half of the 20th century, the FDP held the balance of power in the Bundestag. It was a junior coalition partner to the CDU/CSU (1949–1956, 1961–1966, 1982–1998 and 2009–2013) and the Social Democratic Party of Germany (1969–1982). In the 2013 federal election, the FDP failed to win any directly elected seats in the Bundestag and came up short of the 5 percent threshold to qualify for list representation, being left without representation in the Bundestag for the first time in its history. In the 2017 federal election, the FDP regained its representation in the Bundestag, receiving 10.6% of the vote.Since the 1980s, the party has pushed economic liberalism and has aligned itself closely to the promotion of free markets and privatization, and is aligned to the centre or centre-right of the political spectrum. The FDP is a member of the Liberal International, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) and Renew Europe.The history of liberal parties in Germany dates back to 1861, when the German Progress Party (DFP) was founded, being the first political party in the modern sense in Germany. From the establishment of the National Liberal Party in 1867 until the demise of the Weimar Republic in 1933, the liberal-democratic camp was divided into a "national-liberal" and a "left-liberal" line of tradition. After 1918 the national-liberal strain was represented by the German People's Party (DVP), the left-liberal one by the German Democratic Party (DDP, which merged into the German State Party in 1930). Both parties played an important role in government during the Weimar Republic era, but successively lost votes during the rise of the Nazi Party since the late-1920s. After the Nazi seizure of power, both liberal parties agreed to the Enabling Act of 1933 and subsequently dissolved themselves. During the 12 years of Hitler's rule, some former liberals collaborated with the Nazis (e.g. economy minister Hjalmar Schacht), while others resisted actively against Nazism (e.g. the Solf Circle).Soon after World War II, the Soviet Union pushed for the creation of licensed "anti-fascist" parties in its occupation zone in East Germany. In July 1945, former DDP politicians Wilhelm Külz, Eugen Schiffer and Waldemar Koch called for the establishment of a pan-German liberal party. Their Liberal-Democratic Party (LDP) was soon licensed by the Soviet Military Administration in Germany, under the condition that the new party joined the pro-Soviet "Democratic Bloc".In September 1945, citizens in Hamburg—including the anti-Nazi resistance circle "Association Free Hamburg"—established the "Party of Free Democrats" (PFD) as a bourgeois left-wing party and the first liberal Party in the Western occupation zones. The German Democratic Party was revived in some states of the Western occupation zones (in the Southwestern states of Württemberg-Baden and Württemberg-Hohenzollern under the name of Democratic People's Party).Many former members of DDP and DVP however agreed to finally overcome the traditional split of German liberalism into a national-liberal and a left-liberal branch, aiming for the creation of a united liberal party. In October 1945 a liberal coalition party was founded in the state of Bremen under the name of Bremen Democratic People's Party. In January 1946, liberal state parties of the British occupation zone merged into the "Free Democratic Party of the British Zone" (FDP). A similar state party in Hesse, called the Liberal Democratic Party, was licensed by the US military government in January 1946. In the state of Bavaria, a "Free Democratic Party" was founded in May 1946.In the first post-war state elections in 1946, liberal parties performed well in Württemberg-Baden (16.8%), Bremen (18.3%), Hamburg (18.2%) and Greater Berlin (still undivided; 9.3%). The LDP was especially strong in the October 1946 state elections of the Soviet zone—the last free parliamentary election in East Germany—obtaining an average of 24.6% (highest in Saxony-Anhalt, 29.9%, and Thuringia, 28.5%), thwarting an absolute majority of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) that was favoured by the Soviet occupation power. This disappointment to the communists however led to a change of electoral laws in the Soviet zone, cutting the autonomy of non-socialist parties including the LDP and forcing it to join the SED-dominated National Front, making it a dependent "bloc party".The Democratic Party of Germany (DPD) was established in Rothenburg ob der Tauber on 17 March 1947 as a pan-German party of liberals from all four occupation zones. Its leaders were Theodor Heuss (representing the DVP of Württemberg-Baden in the American zone) and Wilhelm Külz (representing the LDP of the Soviet zone). However, the project failed in January 1948 as a result of disputes over Külz's pro-Soviet direction.The Free Democratic Party was established on 11–12 December 1948 in Heppenheim, in Hesse, as an association of all 13 liberal state parties in the three Western zones of occupation. The proposed name, Liberal Democratic Party, was rejected by the delegates, who voted 64 to 25 in favour of the name Free Democratic Party (FDP).The party's first chairman was Theodor Heuss, a member of the Democratic People's Party in Württemberg-Baden; his deputy was Franz Blücher of the FDP in the British zone. The place for the party's foundation was chosen deliberately: the "Heppenheim Assembly" was held at the Hotel "Halber Mond" on 10 October 1847, a meeting of moderate liberals who were preparing for what would be, within a few months, the Revolutions of 1848 in the German states.The FDP was founded on 11 December 1948 through the merger of nine regional liberal parties formed in 1945 from the remnants of the pre-1933 German People's Party (DVP) and the German Democratic Party (DDP), which had been active in the Weimar Republic.In the first elections to the Bundestag on 14 August 1949, the FDP won a vote share of 11.9 percent (with 12 direct mandates, particularly in Baden-Württemberg and Hesse), and thus obtained 52 of 402 seats. In September of the same year the FDP chairman Theodor Heuss was elected the first President of the Federal Republic of Germany. In his 1954 re-election, he received the best election result to date of a President with 871 of 1018 votes (85.6 percent) of the Federal Assembly. Adenauer was also elected on the proposal of the new German President with an extremely narrow majority as the first Chancellor. The FDP participated with the CDU/CSU and the German Party in Adenauer's coalition cabinet: they had three ministers: Franz Blücher (Vice-Chancellor), Thomas Dehler (Justice) and Eberhard Wildermuth (housing).On the most important economic, social and German national issues, the FDP agreed with their coalition partners, the CDU/CSU. However, the FDP offered to bourgeois voters a secular party that refused the religious schools and accused the opposition parties of clericalization. The FDP said they were known also as a consistent representative of the market economy, while the CDU was then dominated nominally from the Ahlen Programme, which allowed a Third Way between capitalism and socialism. Ludwig Erhard, the "father" of the social market economy, had his followers in the early years of the Federal Republic in the CDU/CSU rather than in the FDP.The FDP won Hesse's 1950 state election with 31.8 percent, the best result in its history, through appealing to East Germans displaced by the war by including them on their ticket.Up to the 1950s, several of the FDP's regional organizations were to the right of the CDU/CSU, which initially had ideas of some sort of Christian socialism, and even former office-holders of the Third Reich were courted with nationalist values. The FDP voted in parliament at the end of 1950 against the CDU- and SPD-introduced de-nazification process. At their party conference in Munich in 1951 they demanded the release of all "so-called war criminals" and welcomed the establishment of the "Association of German soldiers" of former Wehrmacht and SS members to advance the integration of the nationalist forces in democracy. The 1953 Naumann-Affair, named after Werner Naumann, identified old Nazis trying to infiltrate the party, which had many right-wing and nationalist members in Hesse, North Rhine-Westphalia and Lower Saxony. After the British occupation authorities had arrested seven prominent members of the Naumann circle, the FDP federal board installed a commission of inquiry, chaired by Thomas Dehler, which particularly sharply criticized the situation in the North Rhine-Westphalian FDP. In the following years, the right wing lost power, and the extreme right increasingly sought areas of activity outside the FDP. In the 1953 federal election, the FDP received 9.5 percent of the party votes, 10.8 percent of the primary vote (with 14 direct mandates, particularly in Hamburg, Lower Saxony, Hesse, Württemberg and Bavaria) and 48 of 487 seats.In the second term of the Bundestag, the South German Liberal democrats gained influence in the party. Thomas Dehler, a representative of a more social-liberal course took over as party and parliamentary leader. The former Minister of Justice Dehler, who in 1933 suffered persecution by the Nazis, was known for his rhetorical focus. Generally the various regional associations were independent. After the FDP had left in early 1956, the coalition with the CDU in North Rhine-Westphalia and made with SPD and centre a new state government, were a total of 16 members of parliament, including the four federal ministers from the FDP and founded the short-lived Free People's Party, which then up was involved to the end of the legislature instead of FDP in the Federal Government. The FDP first took it to the opposition.Only one of the smaller post-war parties, the FDP survived despite many problems. In 1957 federal elections they still reached 7.7 percent of the vote to 1990 and their last direct mandate with which they had held 41 of 497 seats in the Bundestag. However, they still remained in opposition because the Union won an absolute majority. The FDP also called for a nuclear-free zone in Central Europe.Even before the election Dehler was assigned as party chairman. At the federal party in Berlin at the end January 1957 relieved him Reinhold Maier. Dehler's role as Group Chairman took over after the election of the national set very Erich Mende. Mende was also chairman of the party.In the 1961 federal election, the FDP achieved 12.8 percent nationwide, the best result until then, and the FDP entered a coalition with the CDU again. Although it was committed before the election to continuing to sit in any case in a government together with Adenauer, Chancellor Adenauer was again, however, to withdraw under the proviso, after two years. These events led to the FDP being nicknamed the "Umfallerpartei" ("pushover party").In the Spiegel Affair, the FDP withdrew their ministers from the federal government. Although the coalition was renewed again under Adenauer in 1962, the FDP withdrew again on the condition in October 1963. This occurred even under the new Chancellor, Ludwig Erhard. This was for Erich Mende turn the occasion to go into the cabinet: he took the rather unimportant Federal Ministry for All-German Affairs.In the 1965 federal elections the FDP gained 9.5 percent. The coalition with the CDU in 1966 broke on the subject of tax increases and it was followed by a grand coalition between the CDU and the SPD. The opposition also pioneered a course change to: The former foreign policy and the attitude to the eastern territories were discussed. The new chairman elected delegates in 1968 Walter Scheel, a European-oriented liberals, although it came from the national liberal camp, but with Willi Weyer and Hans-Dietrich Genscher led the new center of the party. This center strove to make the FDP coalition support both major parties. Here, the Liberals approached to by their reorientation in East Germany and politics especially of the SPD.On 21 October 1969 began the period after the election of a Social-Liberal coalition with the SPD and the German Chancellor Willy Brandt. Walter Scheel was he who initiated the foreign policy reversal. Despite a very small majority he and Willy Brandt sat by the controversial New Ostpolitik. This policy was within the FDP quite controversial, especially since after the entry into the Federal Government defeats in state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, Lower Saxony and Saarland on 14 June 1970 followed. In Hanover and Saarbrücken, the party left the parliament.After the federal party congress in Bonn, just a week later supported the policy of the party leadership and Scheel had confirmed in office, founded by Siegfried party rights Zoglmann 11 July 1970 a "non-partisan" organization called the National-Liberal action on the Hohensyburgstraße - to fall with the goal of ending the left-liberal course of the party and Scheel. However, this was not. Zoglmann supported in October 1970 a disapproval resolution of opposition to Treasury Secretary Alexander Möller, Erich Mende, Heinz Starke, and did the same. A little later all three declared their withdrawal from the FDP; Mende and Strong joined the CDU, Zoglmann later founded the German Union "(Deutsche Union)", which remained a splinter party.The foreign policy and the socio-political changes were made in 1971 by the Freiburg theses, which were as Rowohlt Paperback sold more than 100,000 times, on a theoretical basis, the FDP is committed to "social liberalism" and social reforms. Walter Scheel was first foreign minister and vice chancellor, 1974, he was then second-liberal President and paving the way for inner-party the previous interior minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher free.From 1969 to 1974 the FDP supported the SPD Chancellor Willy Brandt, who was succeeded by Helmut Schmidt. Already by the end of the 70s there did not seem to be enough similarities between the FDP and the SPD to form a new coalition, but the CDU/CSU chancellor candidate of Franz Josef Strauss in 1980 pushed the parties to run together again. The FDP's policies, however, began to drift apart from the SPD's, especially when it came to the economy. Within the SPD, there was strong grassroots opposition to Chancellor Helmut Schmidt's policies on the NATO Double-Track Decision. However, within the FDP, the conflicts and contrasts were always greater.In the fall of 1982, the FDP reneged on its coalition agreement with the SPD and instead threw its support behind the CDU/CSU. On 1 October, the FDP and CDU/CSU were able to oust Schmidt and replace him with CDU party chairman Helmut Kohl as the new Chancellor. The coalition change resulted in severe internal conflicts, and the FDP then lost about 20 percent of its 86,500 members, as reflected in the general election in 1983 by a drop from 10.6 percent to 7.0 percent. The members went mostly to the SPD, the Greens and newly formed splinter parties, such as the left-liberal party Liberal Democrats (LD). The exiting members included the former FDP General Secretary and later EU Commissioner Günter Verheugen. At the party convention in November 1982, the Schleswig-Holstein state chairman Uwe Ronneburger challenged Hans-Dietrich Genscher as party chairman. Ronneburger received 186 of the votes—about 40 percent—and was just narrowly defeated by Genscher.in 1980, FDP members who did not agree with the politics of the FDP youth organization Young Democrats founded the Young Liberals (JuLis). For a time JuLis and the Young Democrats operated side by side, until the JuLis became the sole official youth wing of the FDP in 1983. The Young Democrats split from the FDP and were left as a party-independent youth organization.At the time of reunification, the FDP's objective was a special economic zone in the former East Germany, but could not prevail against the CDU/CSU, as this would prevent any loss of votes in the five new federal states in the general election in 1990.In all federal election campaigns since the 1980s, the party sided with the CDU and CSU, the main conservative parties in Germany. Following German reunification in 1990, the FDP merged with the Association of Free Democrats, a grouping of liberals from East Germany and the Liberal Democratic Party of Germany.During the political upheavals of 1989/1990 in the GDR new liberal parties emerged, like the FDP East Germany or the German Forum Party. They formed the Liberal Democratic Party, who had previously acted as a bloc party on the side of the SED and with Manfred Gerlach also the last Council of State of the GDR presented, the Alliance of Free Democrats (BFD). Within the FDP came in the following years to considerable internal discussions about dealing with the former bloc party. Even before the reunification of Germany united on a joint congress in Hanover, the West German FDP united with the other parties to form the first all-German party. Both party factions brought the FDP a great, albeit short-lived, increase in membership. In the first all-German Bundestag elections, the CDU/CSU/FDP centre-right coalition was confirmed, the FDP received 11.0 percent of the valid votes (79 seats) and won (in Halle (Saale)) the first direct mandate since 1957.During the 1990s, the FDP won between 6.2 and 11 percent of the vote in Bundestag elections. It last participated in the federal government by representing the junior partner in the government of Chancellor Helmut Kohl of the CDU.In 1998, the CDU/CSU-FDP coalition lost the federal election, which ended the FDP's nearly three decade reign in government. In its 2002 campaign the FDP made an exception to its party policy of siding with the CDU/CSU when it adopted equidistance to the CDU and SPD. From 1998 until 2009 the FDP remained in the opposition until it became part of a new centre-right coalition government.In the 2005 general election the party won 9.8 percent of the vote and 61 federal deputies, an unpredicted improvement from prior opinion polls. It is believed that this was partly due to tactical voting by CDU and Christian Social Union of Bavaria (CSU) alliance supporters who hoped for stronger market-oriented economic reforms than the CDU/CSU alliance called for. However, because the CDU did worse than predicted, the FDP and the CDU/CSU alliance were unable to form a coalition government. At other times, for example after the 2002 federal election, a coalition between the FDP and CDU/CSU was impossible primarily because of the weak results of the FDP.The CDU/CSU parties had achieved the third-worst performance in German postwar history with only 35.2 percent of the votes. Therefore, the FDP was unable to form a coalition with its preferred partners, the CDU/CSU parties. As a result, the party was considered as a potential member of two other political coalitions, following the election. One possibility was a partnership between the FDP, the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and the Alliance 90/The Greens, known as a "traffic light coalition", named after the colors of the three parties. This coalition was ruled out, because the FDP considered the Social Democrats and the Greens insufficiently committed to market-oriented economic reform. The other possibility was a CDU-FDP-Green coalition, known as a "Jamaica coalition" because of the colours of the three parties. This coalition wasn't concluded either, since the Greens ruled out participation in any coalition with the CDU/CSU. Instead, the CDU formed a Grand coalition with the SPD, and the FDP entered the opposition. FDP leader Guido Westerwelle became the unofficial leader of the opposition by virtue of the FDP's position as the largest opposition party in the Bundestag.In the 2009 European election, the FDP received 11% of the national vote (2,888,084 votes in total) and returned 12 MEPs.In the September 2009 federal elections, the FDP increased its share of the vote by 4.8 percentage points to 14.6%, an all-time record so far. This percentage was enough to offset a decline in the CDU/CSU's vote compared to 2005, to create a CDU-FDP centre-right governing coalition in the Bundestag with a 53% majority of seats. On election night, party leader Westerwelle said his party would work to ensure that civil liberties were respected and that Germany got an "equitable tax system and better education opportunities".The party also made gains in the two state elections held at the same time, acquiring sufficient seats for a CDU-FDP coalition in the northernmost state, Schleswig-Holstein, and gaining enough votes in left-leaning Brandenburg to clear the 5% hurdle to enter that state's parliament.However, after reaching its best ever election result in 2009, the FDP's support collapsed. The party’s policy pledges were put on hold by Merkel as the recession of 2009 unfolded and with the onset of the European debt crisis in 2010. By the end of 2010, the party's support had dropped to as low as 5%. The FDP retained their seats in the state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, which was held six months after the federal election, but out of the seven state elections that have been held since 2009, the FDP have lost all their seats in five of them due to failing to cross the 5% threshold.Support for the party further eroded amid infighting and an internal rebellion over euro-area bailouts during the debt crisis.Westerwelle stepped down as party leader following the 2011 state elections, in which the party was wiped out in Saxony-Anhalt and Rhineland-Palatinate and lost half its seats in Baden-Württemberg. Westerwelle was replaced in May 2011 by Philipp Rösler. The change in leadership failed to revive the FDP's fortunes, however, and in the next series of state elections, the party lost all its seats in Bremen, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, and Berlin. In Berlin, the party lost nearly 75% of the support they had had in the previous election.In March 2012, the FDP lost all their state-level representation in the 2012 Saarland state election. However, this was averted in the Schleswig-Holstein state elections, when they achieved 8% of the vote, which was a severe loss of seats but still over the 5% threshold. In the snap elections in North Rhine-Westphalia a week later, the FDP not only crossed the electoral threshold, but also increased its share of the votes to 2 percentage points higher than in the previous state election. This was attributed to the local leadership of Christian Lindner.The FDP last won a directly elected seat in 1990, in Halle—the only time it has won a directly elected seat since 1957. The party's inability to win directly elected seats came back to haunt it at the 2013 election, in which it came up just short of the 5% threshold. With no directly elected seats, the FDP was shut out of the Bundestag for the first time since 1949. After the previous chairman Philipp Rösler then resigned, Christian Lindner took over the leadership of the party.In the 2014 European parliament elections, the FDP received 3.36% of the national vote (986,253 votes in total) and returned 3 MEPs. In the 2014 Brandenburg state election the party experienced a 5.8% down-swing and lost all their representatives in the Brandenburg state parliament. In the 2014 Saxony state election, the party experienced a 5.2% down-swing, again losing all of its seats. In the 2014 Thuringian state election a similar phenomenon was repeated with the party falling below the 5% threshold following a 5.1% drop in popular vote.The party managed to enter parliament in the 2015 Bremen state election with the party receiving 6.5% of the vote and gaining 6 seats. However, it failed to get into government as a coalition between the Social Democrats and the Greens was created. In the 2016 Mecklenburg-Vorpommern state election the party failed to get into parliament despite increasing its vote share by 0.3%. The party did manage to get into parliament in Baden-Württemberg, gaining 3% of the vote and a total of 12 seats. This represents a five-seat improvement over their previous results. In the 2016 Berlin state election the party gained 4.9% of the vote and 12 seats but still failed to get into government. A red-red-green coalition was instead formed relegating the FDP to the opposition. In the 2016 Rhineland-Palatinate state election, the party managed to enter parliament receiving 6.2% of the vote and 7 seats. It also managed to enter government under a traffic light coalition. In 2016 Saxony-Anhalt state election the party narrowly missed the 5% threshold, receiving 4.9% of the vote and therefore receiving zero seats despite a 1% swing in their favour.The 2017 North Rhine-Westphalia state election was widely considered a test of the party's future as their chairman Christian Lindner was also leading the party in that state. The party experienced a 4% swing in its favour gaining 6 seats and entering into a coalition with the CDU with a bare majority. In the 2017 Saarland state election the party again failed to gain any seats despite a 1% swing in their favour. The party gained 3 seats and increased its vote share by 3.2% in the 2017 Schleswig-Holstein state election. This success was often credited to their state chairman Wolfgang Kubicki. They also managed to re-enter the government under a Jamaica coalition.In the 2017 federal election the party scored 10.7% of votes and re-entered the Bundestag, winning 80 seats.The FDP won 5.4% and 5 seats in the 2019 European election. In the October 2019 Thuringian state election, the FDP won seats in the Landtag of Thuringia for the first time since 2009. It exceeded the 5% threshold by just 5 votes. In February 2020, the FDP's Thomas Kemmerich was elected Minister-President of Thuringia by the Landtag with the likely support of the CDU and AfD, becoming the second member of the FDP to serve as head of government in a German state. This was also the first time a head of government had been elected with the support of AfD. Under intense pressure from state and federal politicians, Kemmerich resigned the following day, stating he would seek new elections. The next month, he was replaced by Bodo Ramelow of The Left; the FDP did not run a candidate in the second vote for Minister-President.The FDP is described as liberal, classical-liberal, conservative-liberal, and liberal-conservative.The FDP is a predominantly classical-liberal party, both in the sense of supporting "laissez-faire" and free market economic policies and in the sense of policies emphasizing the minimization of government interference in individual affairs. Scholars of political science have historically identified the FDP as closer to the CDU/CSU bloc than to the Social Democratic Party (SPD) on economic issues but closer to the SPD and the Greens on issues such as civil liberties, education, defense, and foreign policy. During the 2017 federal election, the party called for Germany to adopt an immigration channel using a Canada-style points-based immigration system; spend up to 3% of GDP on defense and international security; phase out the solidarity surcharge tax (which was first levied in 1991 to pay for the costs of absorbing East Germany after German reunification); cut taxes by 30 billion euro (twice the amount of the tax cut proposed by the CDU); and improve road infrastructure by spending 2 billion euro annually for each of the next two decades, to be funded by selling government stakes in Deutsche Bahn, Deutsche Telekom, and Deutsche Post. The FDP also called for the improvement of Germany's digital infrastructure, the establishment of a Ministry of Digital Affairs, and greater investment in education. The party also supports allowing dual citizenship (in contrast to the CDU/CSU, which opposes it) but also supports requiring third-generation immigrants to select a single nationality.The FDP supports the legalization of cannabis in Germany and opposes proposals to heighten Internet surveillance.The FDP has mixed views on European integration. In its 2009 campaign manifesto, the FDP pledged support for ratification of the Lisbon Treaty as well as EU reforms aimed at enhancing transparency and democratic responsiveness, reducing bureaucracy, establishing stringent curbs on the EU budget, and fully liberalizing the Single Market. At its January 2019 congress ahead of the 2019 European Parliament election, FDP's manifesto called for further EU reforms, including reducing the number of European Commissioners to 18 from the current 28, abolishing the European Economic and Social Committee, and ending the European Parliament's "traveling circus" between Brussels and Strasbourg. Vice chairwoman and Deputy Leader Nicola Beer stated “We want both more and less Europe."In the European Parliament the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe group with five MEPs.In the European Committee of the Regions, the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe CoR group, with one full and one alternate member for the 2020–2025 mandate.The party tends to draw its support from professionals and self-employed Germans. It lacks consistent support from a voting bloc, such as the trade union membership that supports the SPD or the church membership that supports the CDU/CSU, and thus has historically only garnered a small group of "Stammwähler" (staunch supporters) who consistently vote for the party.The party's membership has historically been largely male; in 1995, less than one-third of the party's members were women, and in the 1980s women made up less than one-tenth of the party's national executive committee. By the 1990s, the percentage of women on the FDP's national executive committee rose to 20%.Below are charts of the results that the FDP has secured in each election to the federal Bundestag. Timelines showing the number of seats and percentage of party list votes won are on the right.	[ "Thomas Dehler", "Reinhold Maier", "Franz Blücher", "Theodor Heuss", "Erich Mende", "Wolfgang Gerhardt", "Guido Westerwelle", "Hans-Dietrich Genscher", "Philipp Rösler", "Christian Lindner", "Martin Bangemann", "Klaus Kinkel", "Otto Graf Lambsdorff" ]
Who was the chair of Free Democratic Party in 1969-02-20?	February 20, 1969	{ "text": [ "Walter Scheel" ] }	L2_Q13124_P488_5	Otto Graf Lambsdorff is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1993. Theodor Heuss is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1949. Thomas Dehler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1957. Philipp Rösler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013. Walter Scheel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1968 to Jan, 1974. Erich Mende is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1968. Hans-Dietrich Genscher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1985. Klaus Kinkel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995. Franz Blücher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1954. Guido Westerwelle is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2011. Wolfgang Gerhardt is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2001. Martin Bangemann is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1988. Christian Lindner is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. Reinhold Maier is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1960.	Free Democratic Party (Germany)The Free Democratic Party (, FDP) is a classical-liberal political party in Germany. The FDP is led by Christian Lindner.The FDP was founded in 1948 by members of former liberal political parties which existed in Germany before World War II, namely the German Democratic Party and the German People's Party. For most of the second half of the 20th century, the FDP held the balance of power in the Bundestag. It was a junior coalition partner to the CDU/CSU (1949–1956, 1961–1966, 1982–1998 and 2009–2013) and the Social Democratic Party of Germany (1969–1982). In the 2013 federal election, the FDP failed to win any directly elected seats in the Bundestag and came up short of the 5 percent threshold to qualify for list representation, being left without representation in the Bundestag for the first time in its history. In the 2017 federal election, the FDP regained its representation in the Bundestag, receiving 10.6% of the vote.Since the 1980s, the party has pushed economic liberalism and has aligned itself closely to the promotion of free markets and privatization, and is aligned to the centre or centre-right of the political spectrum. The FDP is a member of the Liberal International, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) and Renew Europe.The history of liberal parties in Germany dates back to 1861, when the German Progress Party (DFP) was founded, being the first political party in the modern sense in Germany. From the establishment of the National Liberal Party in 1867 until the demise of the Weimar Republic in 1933, the liberal-democratic camp was divided into a "national-liberal" and a "left-liberal" line of tradition. After 1918 the national-liberal strain was represented by the German People's Party (DVP), the left-liberal one by the German Democratic Party (DDP, which merged into the German State Party in 1930). Both parties played an important role in government during the Weimar Republic era, but successively lost votes during the rise of the Nazi Party since the late-1920s. After the Nazi seizure of power, both liberal parties agreed to the Enabling Act of 1933 and subsequently dissolved themselves. During the 12 years of Hitler's rule, some former liberals collaborated with the Nazis (e.g. economy minister Hjalmar Schacht), while others resisted actively against Nazism (e.g. the Solf Circle).Soon after World War II, the Soviet Union pushed for the creation of licensed "anti-fascist" parties in its occupation zone in East Germany. In July 1945, former DDP politicians Wilhelm Külz, Eugen Schiffer and Waldemar Koch called for the establishment of a pan-German liberal party. Their Liberal-Democratic Party (LDP) was soon licensed by the Soviet Military Administration in Germany, under the condition that the new party joined the pro-Soviet "Democratic Bloc".In September 1945, citizens in Hamburg—including the anti-Nazi resistance circle "Association Free Hamburg"—established the "Party of Free Democrats" (PFD) as a bourgeois left-wing party and the first liberal Party in the Western occupation zones. The German Democratic Party was revived in some states of the Western occupation zones (in the Southwestern states of Württemberg-Baden and Württemberg-Hohenzollern under the name of Democratic People's Party).Many former members of DDP and DVP however agreed to finally overcome the traditional split of German liberalism into a national-liberal and a left-liberal branch, aiming for the creation of a united liberal party. In October 1945 a liberal coalition party was founded in the state of Bremen under the name of Bremen Democratic People's Party. In January 1946, liberal state parties of the British occupation zone merged into the "Free Democratic Party of the British Zone" (FDP). A similar state party in Hesse, called the Liberal Democratic Party, was licensed by the US military government in January 1946. In the state of Bavaria, a "Free Democratic Party" was founded in May 1946.In the first post-war state elections in 1946, liberal parties performed well in Württemberg-Baden (16.8%), Bremen (18.3%), Hamburg (18.2%) and Greater Berlin (still undivided; 9.3%). The LDP was especially strong in the October 1946 state elections of the Soviet zone—the last free parliamentary election in East Germany—obtaining an average of 24.6% (highest in Saxony-Anhalt, 29.9%, and Thuringia, 28.5%), thwarting an absolute majority of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) that was favoured by the Soviet occupation power. This disappointment to the communists however led to a change of electoral laws in the Soviet zone, cutting the autonomy of non-socialist parties including the LDP and forcing it to join the SED-dominated National Front, making it a dependent "bloc party".The Democratic Party of Germany (DPD) was established in Rothenburg ob der Tauber on 17 March 1947 as a pan-German party of liberals from all four occupation zones. Its leaders were Theodor Heuss (representing the DVP of Württemberg-Baden in the American zone) and Wilhelm Külz (representing the LDP of the Soviet zone). However, the project failed in January 1948 as a result of disputes over Külz's pro-Soviet direction.The Free Democratic Party was established on 11–12 December 1948 in Heppenheim, in Hesse, as an association of all 13 liberal state parties in the three Western zones of occupation. The proposed name, Liberal Democratic Party, was rejected by the delegates, who voted 64 to 25 in favour of the name Free Democratic Party (FDP).The party's first chairman was Theodor Heuss, a member of the Democratic People's Party in Württemberg-Baden; his deputy was Franz Blücher of the FDP in the British zone. The place for the party's foundation was chosen deliberately: the "Heppenheim Assembly" was held at the Hotel "Halber Mond" on 10 October 1847, a meeting of moderate liberals who were preparing for what would be, within a few months, the Revolutions of 1848 in the German states.The FDP was founded on 11 December 1948 through the merger of nine regional liberal parties formed in 1945 from the remnants of the pre-1933 German People's Party (DVP) and the German Democratic Party (DDP), which had been active in the Weimar Republic.In the first elections to the Bundestag on 14 August 1949, the FDP won a vote share of 11.9 percent (with 12 direct mandates, particularly in Baden-Württemberg and Hesse), and thus obtained 52 of 402 seats. In September of the same year the FDP chairman Theodor Heuss was elected the first President of the Federal Republic of Germany. In his 1954 re-election, he received the best election result to date of a President with 871 of 1018 votes (85.6 percent) of the Federal Assembly. Adenauer was also elected on the proposal of the new German President with an extremely narrow majority as the first Chancellor. The FDP participated with the CDU/CSU and the German Party in Adenauer's coalition cabinet: they had three ministers: Franz Blücher (Vice-Chancellor), Thomas Dehler (Justice) and Eberhard Wildermuth (housing).On the most important economic, social and German national issues, the FDP agreed with their coalition partners, the CDU/CSU. However, the FDP offered to bourgeois voters a secular party that refused the religious schools and accused the opposition parties of clericalization. The FDP said they were known also as a consistent representative of the market economy, while the CDU was then dominated nominally from the Ahlen Programme, which allowed a Third Way between capitalism and socialism. Ludwig Erhard, the "father" of the social market economy, had his followers in the early years of the Federal Republic in the CDU/CSU rather than in the FDP.The FDP won Hesse's 1950 state election with 31.8 percent, the best result in its history, through appealing to East Germans displaced by the war by including them on their ticket.Up to the 1950s, several of the FDP's regional organizations were to the right of the CDU/CSU, which initially had ideas of some sort of Christian socialism, and even former office-holders of the Third Reich were courted with nationalist values. The FDP voted in parliament at the end of 1950 against the CDU- and SPD-introduced de-nazification process. At their party conference in Munich in 1951 they demanded the release of all "so-called war criminals" and welcomed the establishment of the "Association of German soldiers" of former Wehrmacht and SS members to advance the integration of the nationalist forces in democracy. The 1953 Naumann-Affair, named after Werner Naumann, identified old Nazis trying to infiltrate the party, which had many right-wing and nationalist members in Hesse, North Rhine-Westphalia and Lower Saxony. After the British occupation authorities had arrested seven prominent members of the Naumann circle, the FDP federal board installed a commission of inquiry, chaired by Thomas Dehler, which particularly sharply criticized the situation in the North Rhine-Westphalian FDP. In the following years, the right wing lost power, and the extreme right increasingly sought areas of activity outside the FDP. In the 1953 federal election, the FDP received 9.5 percent of the party votes, 10.8 percent of the primary vote (with 14 direct mandates, particularly in Hamburg, Lower Saxony, Hesse, Württemberg and Bavaria) and 48 of 487 seats.In the second term of the Bundestag, the South German Liberal democrats gained influence in the party. Thomas Dehler, a representative of a more social-liberal course took over as party and parliamentary leader. The former Minister of Justice Dehler, who in 1933 suffered persecution by the Nazis, was known for his rhetorical focus. Generally the various regional associations were independent. After the FDP had left in early 1956, the coalition with the CDU in North Rhine-Westphalia and made with SPD and centre a new state government, were a total of 16 members of parliament, including the four federal ministers from the FDP and founded the short-lived Free People's Party, which then up was involved to the end of the legislature instead of FDP in the Federal Government. The FDP first took it to the opposition.Only one of the smaller post-war parties, the FDP survived despite many problems. In 1957 federal elections they still reached 7.7 percent of the vote to 1990 and their last direct mandate with which they had held 41 of 497 seats in the Bundestag. However, they still remained in opposition because the Union won an absolute majority. The FDP also called for a nuclear-free zone in Central Europe.Even before the election Dehler was assigned as party chairman. At the federal party in Berlin at the end January 1957 relieved him Reinhold Maier. Dehler's role as Group Chairman took over after the election of the national set very Erich Mende. Mende was also chairman of the party.In the 1961 federal election, the FDP achieved 12.8 percent nationwide, the best result until then, and the FDP entered a coalition with the CDU again. Although it was committed before the election to continuing to sit in any case in a government together with Adenauer, Chancellor Adenauer was again, however, to withdraw under the proviso, after two years. These events led to the FDP being nicknamed the "Umfallerpartei" ("pushover party").In the Spiegel Affair, the FDP withdrew their ministers from the federal government. Although the coalition was renewed again under Adenauer in 1962, the FDP withdrew again on the condition in October 1963. This occurred even under the new Chancellor, Ludwig Erhard. This was for Erich Mende turn the occasion to go into the cabinet: he took the rather unimportant Federal Ministry for All-German Affairs.In the 1965 federal elections the FDP gained 9.5 percent. The coalition with the CDU in 1966 broke on the subject of tax increases and it was followed by a grand coalition between the CDU and the SPD. The opposition also pioneered a course change to: The former foreign policy and the attitude to the eastern territories were discussed. The new chairman elected delegates in 1968 Walter Scheel, a European-oriented liberals, although it came from the national liberal camp, but with Willi Weyer and Hans-Dietrich Genscher led the new center of the party. This center strove to make the FDP coalition support both major parties. Here, the Liberals approached to by their reorientation in East Germany and politics especially of the SPD.On 21 October 1969 began the period after the election of a Social-Liberal coalition with the SPD and the German Chancellor Willy Brandt. Walter Scheel was he who initiated the foreign policy reversal. Despite a very small majority he and Willy Brandt sat by the controversial New Ostpolitik. This policy was within the FDP quite controversial, especially since after the entry into the Federal Government defeats in state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, Lower Saxony and Saarland on 14 June 1970 followed. In Hanover and Saarbrücken, the party left the parliament.After the federal party congress in Bonn, just a week later supported the policy of the party leadership and Scheel had confirmed in office, founded by Siegfried party rights Zoglmann 11 July 1970 a "non-partisan" organization called the National-Liberal action on the Hohensyburgstraße - to fall with the goal of ending the left-liberal course of the party and Scheel. However, this was not. Zoglmann supported in October 1970 a disapproval resolution of opposition to Treasury Secretary Alexander Möller, Erich Mende, Heinz Starke, and did the same. A little later all three declared their withdrawal from the FDP; Mende and Strong joined the CDU, Zoglmann later founded the German Union "(Deutsche Union)", which remained a splinter party.The foreign policy and the socio-political changes were made in 1971 by the Freiburg theses, which were as Rowohlt Paperback sold more than 100,000 times, on a theoretical basis, the FDP is committed to "social liberalism" and social reforms. Walter Scheel was first foreign minister and vice chancellor, 1974, he was then second-liberal President and paving the way for inner-party the previous interior minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher free.From 1969 to 1974 the FDP supported the SPD Chancellor Willy Brandt, who was succeeded by Helmut Schmidt. Already by the end of the 70s there did not seem to be enough similarities between the FDP and the SPD to form a new coalition, but the CDU/CSU chancellor candidate of Franz Josef Strauss in 1980 pushed the parties to run together again. The FDP's policies, however, began to drift apart from the SPD's, especially when it came to the economy. Within the SPD, there was strong grassroots opposition to Chancellor Helmut Schmidt's policies on the NATO Double-Track Decision. However, within the FDP, the conflicts and contrasts were always greater.In the fall of 1982, the FDP reneged on its coalition agreement with the SPD and instead threw its support behind the CDU/CSU. On 1 October, the FDP and CDU/CSU were able to oust Schmidt and replace him with CDU party chairman Helmut Kohl as the new Chancellor. The coalition change resulted in severe internal conflicts, and the FDP then lost about 20 percent of its 86,500 members, as reflected in the general election in 1983 by a drop from 10.6 percent to 7.0 percent. The members went mostly to the SPD, the Greens and newly formed splinter parties, such as the left-liberal party Liberal Democrats (LD). The exiting members included the former FDP General Secretary and later EU Commissioner Günter Verheugen. At the party convention in November 1982, the Schleswig-Holstein state chairman Uwe Ronneburger challenged Hans-Dietrich Genscher as party chairman. Ronneburger received 186 of the votes—about 40 percent—and was just narrowly defeated by Genscher.in 1980, FDP members who did not agree with the politics of the FDP youth organization Young Democrats founded the Young Liberals (JuLis). For a time JuLis and the Young Democrats operated side by side, until the JuLis became the sole official youth wing of the FDP in 1983. The Young Democrats split from the FDP and were left as a party-independent youth organization.At the time of reunification, the FDP's objective was a special economic zone in the former East Germany, but could not prevail against the CDU/CSU, as this would prevent any loss of votes in the five new federal states in the general election in 1990.In all federal election campaigns since the 1980s, the party sided with the CDU and CSU, the main conservative parties in Germany. Following German reunification in 1990, the FDP merged with the Association of Free Democrats, a grouping of liberals from East Germany and the Liberal Democratic Party of Germany.During the political upheavals of 1989/1990 in the GDR new liberal parties emerged, like the FDP East Germany or the German Forum Party. They formed the Liberal Democratic Party, who had previously acted as a bloc party on the side of the SED and with Manfred Gerlach also the last Council of State of the GDR presented, the Alliance of Free Democrats (BFD). Within the FDP came in the following years to considerable internal discussions about dealing with the former bloc party. Even before the reunification of Germany united on a joint congress in Hanover, the West German FDP united with the other parties to form the first all-German party. Both party factions brought the FDP a great, albeit short-lived, increase in membership. In the first all-German Bundestag elections, the CDU/CSU/FDP centre-right coalition was confirmed, the FDP received 11.0 percent of the valid votes (79 seats) and won (in Halle (Saale)) the first direct mandate since 1957.During the 1990s, the FDP won between 6.2 and 11 percent of the vote in Bundestag elections. It last participated in the federal government by representing the junior partner in the government of Chancellor Helmut Kohl of the CDU.In 1998, the CDU/CSU-FDP coalition lost the federal election, which ended the FDP's nearly three decade reign in government. In its 2002 campaign the FDP made an exception to its party policy of siding with the CDU/CSU when it adopted equidistance to the CDU and SPD. From 1998 until 2009 the FDP remained in the opposition until it became part of a new centre-right coalition government.In the 2005 general election the party won 9.8 percent of the vote and 61 federal deputies, an unpredicted improvement from prior opinion polls. It is believed that this was partly due to tactical voting by CDU and Christian Social Union of Bavaria (CSU) alliance supporters who hoped for stronger market-oriented economic reforms than the CDU/CSU alliance called for. However, because the CDU did worse than predicted, the FDP and the CDU/CSU alliance were unable to form a coalition government. At other times, for example after the 2002 federal election, a coalition between the FDP and CDU/CSU was impossible primarily because of the weak results of the FDP.The CDU/CSU parties had achieved the third-worst performance in German postwar history with only 35.2 percent of the votes. Therefore, the FDP was unable to form a coalition with its preferred partners, the CDU/CSU parties. As a result, the party was considered as a potential member of two other political coalitions, following the election. One possibility was a partnership between the FDP, the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and the Alliance 90/The Greens, known as a "traffic light coalition", named after the colors of the three parties. This coalition was ruled out, because the FDP considered the Social Democrats and the Greens insufficiently committed to market-oriented economic reform. The other possibility was a CDU-FDP-Green coalition, known as a "Jamaica coalition" because of the colours of the three parties. This coalition wasn't concluded either, since the Greens ruled out participation in any coalition with the CDU/CSU. Instead, the CDU formed a Grand coalition with the SPD, and the FDP entered the opposition. FDP leader Guido Westerwelle became the unofficial leader of the opposition by virtue of the FDP's position as the largest opposition party in the Bundestag.In the 2009 European election, the FDP received 11% of the national vote (2,888,084 votes in total) and returned 12 MEPs.In the September 2009 federal elections, the FDP increased its share of the vote by 4.8 percentage points to 14.6%, an all-time record so far. This percentage was enough to offset a decline in the CDU/CSU's vote compared to 2005, to create a CDU-FDP centre-right governing coalition in the Bundestag with a 53% majority of seats. On election night, party leader Westerwelle said his party would work to ensure that civil liberties were respected and that Germany got an "equitable tax system and better education opportunities".The party also made gains in the two state elections held at the same time, acquiring sufficient seats for a CDU-FDP coalition in the northernmost state, Schleswig-Holstein, and gaining enough votes in left-leaning Brandenburg to clear the 5% hurdle to enter that state's parliament.However, after reaching its best ever election result in 2009, the FDP's support collapsed. The party’s policy pledges were put on hold by Merkel as the recession of 2009 unfolded and with the onset of the European debt crisis in 2010. By the end of 2010, the party's support had dropped to as low as 5%. The FDP retained their seats in the state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, which was held six months after the federal election, but out of the seven state elections that have been held since 2009, the FDP have lost all their seats in five of them due to failing to cross the 5% threshold.Support for the party further eroded amid infighting and an internal rebellion over euro-area bailouts during the debt crisis.Westerwelle stepped down as party leader following the 2011 state elections, in which the party was wiped out in Saxony-Anhalt and Rhineland-Palatinate and lost half its seats in Baden-Württemberg. Westerwelle was replaced in May 2011 by Philipp Rösler. The change in leadership failed to revive the FDP's fortunes, however, and in the next series of state elections, the party lost all its seats in Bremen, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, and Berlin. In Berlin, the party lost nearly 75% of the support they had had in the previous election.In March 2012, the FDP lost all their state-level representation in the 2012 Saarland state election. However, this was averted in the Schleswig-Holstein state elections, when they achieved 8% of the vote, which was a severe loss of seats but still over the 5% threshold. In the snap elections in North Rhine-Westphalia a week later, the FDP not only crossed the electoral threshold, but also increased its share of the votes to 2 percentage points higher than in the previous state election. This was attributed to the local leadership of Christian Lindner.The FDP last won a directly elected seat in 1990, in Halle—the only time it has won a directly elected seat since 1957. The party's inability to win directly elected seats came back to haunt it at the 2013 election, in which it came up just short of the 5% threshold. With no directly elected seats, the FDP was shut out of the Bundestag for the first time since 1949. After the previous chairman Philipp Rösler then resigned, Christian Lindner took over the leadership of the party.In the 2014 European parliament elections, the FDP received 3.36% of the national vote (986,253 votes in total) and returned 3 MEPs. In the 2014 Brandenburg state election the party experienced a 5.8% down-swing and lost all their representatives in the Brandenburg state parliament. In the 2014 Saxony state election, the party experienced a 5.2% down-swing, again losing all of its seats. In the 2014 Thuringian state election a similar phenomenon was repeated with the party falling below the 5% threshold following a 5.1% drop in popular vote.The party managed to enter parliament in the 2015 Bremen state election with the party receiving 6.5% of the vote and gaining 6 seats. However, it failed to get into government as a coalition between the Social Democrats and the Greens was created. In the 2016 Mecklenburg-Vorpommern state election the party failed to get into parliament despite increasing its vote share by 0.3%. The party did manage to get into parliament in Baden-Württemberg, gaining 3% of the vote and a total of 12 seats. This represents a five-seat improvement over their previous results. In the 2016 Berlin state election the party gained 4.9% of the vote and 12 seats but still failed to get into government. A red-red-green coalition was instead formed relegating the FDP to the opposition. In the 2016 Rhineland-Palatinate state election, the party managed to enter parliament receiving 6.2% of the vote and 7 seats. It also managed to enter government under a traffic light coalition. In 2016 Saxony-Anhalt state election the party narrowly missed the 5% threshold, receiving 4.9% of the vote and therefore receiving zero seats despite a 1% swing in their favour.The 2017 North Rhine-Westphalia state election was widely considered a test of the party's future as their chairman Christian Lindner was also leading the party in that state. The party experienced a 4% swing in its favour gaining 6 seats and entering into a coalition with the CDU with a bare majority. In the 2017 Saarland state election the party again failed to gain any seats despite a 1% swing in their favour. The party gained 3 seats and increased its vote share by 3.2% in the 2017 Schleswig-Holstein state election. This success was often credited to their state chairman Wolfgang Kubicki. They also managed to re-enter the government under a Jamaica coalition.In the 2017 federal election the party scored 10.7% of votes and re-entered the Bundestag, winning 80 seats.The FDP won 5.4% and 5 seats in the 2019 European election. In the October 2019 Thuringian state election, the FDP won seats in the Landtag of Thuringia for the first time since 2009. It exceeded the 5% threshold by just 5 votes. In February 2020, the FDP's Thomas Kemmerich was elected Minister-President of Thuringia by the Landtag with the likely support of the CDU and AfD, becoming the second member of the FDP to serve as head of government in a German state. This was also the first time a head of government had been elected with the support of AfD. Under intense pressure from state and federal politicians, Kemmerich resigned the following day, stating he would seek new elections. The next month, he was replaced by Bodo Ramelow of The Left; the FDP did not run a candidate in the second vote for Minister-President.The FDP is described as liberal, classical-liberal, conservative-liberal, and liberal-conservative.The FDP is a predominantly classical-liberal party, both in the sense of supporting "laissez-faire" and free market economic policies and in the sense of policies emphasizing the minimization of government interference in individual affairs. Scholars of political science have historically identified the FDP as closer to the CDU/CSU bloc than to the Social Democratic Party (SPD) on economic issues but closer to the SPD and the Greens on issues such as civil liberties, education, defense, and foreign policy. During the 2017 federal election, the party called for Germany to adopt an immigration channel using a Canada-style points-based immigration system; spend up to 3% of GDP on defense and international security; phase out the solidarity surcharge tax (which was first levied in 1991 to pay for the costs of absorbing East Germany after German reunification); cut taxes by 30 billion euro (twice the amount of the tax cut proposed by the CDU); and improve road infrastructure by spending 2 billion euro annually for each of the next two decades, to be funded by selling government stakes in Deutsche Bahn, Deutsche Telekom, and Deutsche Post. The FDP also called for the improvement of Germany's digital infrastructure, the establishment of a Ministry of Digital Affairs, and greater investment in education. The party also supports allowing dual citizenship (in contrast to the CDU/CSU, which opposes it) but also supports requiring third-generation immigrants to select a single nationality.The FDP supports the legalization of cannabis in Germany and opposes proposals to heighten Internet surveillance.The FDP has mixed views on European integration. In its 2009 campaign manifesto, the FDP pledged support for ratification of the Lisbon Treaty as well as EU reforms aimed at enhancing transparency and democratic responsiveness, reducing bureaucracy, establishing stringent curbs on the EU budget, and fully liberalizing the Single Market. At its January 2019 congress ahead of the 2019 European Parliament election, FDP's manifesto called for further EU reforms, including reducing the number of European Commissioners to 18 from the current 28, abolishing the European Economic and Social Committee, and ending the European Parliament's "traveling circus" between Brussels and Strasbourg. Vice chairwoman and Deputy Leader Nicola Beer stated “We want both more and less Europe."In the European Parliament the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe group with five MEPs.In the European Committee of the Regions, the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe CoR group, with one full and one alternate member for the 2020–2025 mandate.The party tends to draw its support from professionals and self-employed Germans. It lacks consistent support from a voting bloc, such as the trade union membership that supports the SPD or the church membership that supports the CDU/CSU, and thus has historically only garnered a small group of "Stammwähler" (staunch supporters) who consistently vote for the party.The party's membership has historically been largely male; in 1995, less than one-third of the party's members were women, and in the 1980s women made up less than one-tenth of the party's national executive committee. By the 1990s, the percentage of women on the FDP's national executive committee rose to 20%.Below are charts of the results that the FDP has secured in each election to the federal Bundestag. Timelines showing the number of seats and percentage of party list votes won are on the right.	[ "Thomas Dehler", "Reinhold Maier", "Franz Blücher", "Theodor Heuss", "Erich Mende", "Wolfgang Gerhardt", "Guido Westerwelle", "Hans-Dietrich Genscher", "Philipp Rösler", "Christian Lindner", "Martin Bangemann", "Klaus Kinkel", "Otto Graf Lambsdorff" ]
Who was the chair of Free Democratic Party in 20/02/1969?	February 20, 1969	{ "text": [ "Walter Scheel" ] }	L2_Q13124_P488_5	Otto Graf Lambsdorff is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1993. Theodor Heuss is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1949. Thomas Dehler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1957. Philipp Rösler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013. Walter Scheel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1968 to Jan, 1974. Erich Mende is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1968. Hans-Dietrich Genscher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1985. Klaus Kinkel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995. Franz Blücher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1954. Guido Westerwelle is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2011. Wolfgang Gerhardt is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2001. Martin Bangemann is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1988. Christian Lindner is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. Reinhold Maier is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1960.	Free Democratic Party (Germany)The Free Democratic Party (, FDP) is a classical-liberal political party in Germany. The FDP is led by Christian Lindner.The FDP was founded in 1948 by members of former liberal political parties which existed in Germany before World War II, namely the German Democratic Party and the German People's Party. For most of the second half of the 20th century, the FDP held the balance of power in the Bundestag. It was a junior coalition partner to the CDU/CSU (1949–1956, 1961–1966, 1982–1998 and 2009–2013) and the Social Democratic Party of Germany (1969–1982). In the 2013 federal election, the FDP failed to win any directly elected seats in the Bundestag and came up short of the 5 percent threshold to qualify for list representation, being left without representation in the Bundestag for the first time in its history. In the 2017 federal election, the FDP regained its representation in the Bundestag, receiving 10.6% of the vote.Since the 1980s, the party has pushed economic liberalism and has aligned itself closely to the promotion of free markets and privatization, and is aligned to the centre or centre-right of the political spectrum. The FDP is a member of the Liberal International, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) and Renew Europe.The history of liberal parties in Germany dates back to 1861, when the German Progress Party (DFP) was founded, being the first political party in the modern sense in Germany. From the establishment of the National Liberal Party in 1867 until the demise of the Weimar Republic in 1933, the liberal-democratic camp was divided into a "national-liberal" and a "left-liberal" line of tradition. After 1918 the national-liberal strain was represented by the German People's Party (DVP), the left-liberal one by the German Democratic Party (DDP, which merged into the German State Party in 1930). Both parties played an important role in government during the Weimar Republic era, but successively lost votes during the rise of the Nazi Party since the late-1920s. After the Nazi seizure of power, both liberal parties agreed to the Enabling Act of 1933 and subsequently dissolved themselves. During the 12 years of Hitler's rule, some former liberals collaborated with the Nazis (e.g. economy minister Hjalmar Schacht), while others resisted actively against Nazism (e.g. the Solf Circle).Soon after World War II, the Soviet Union pushed for the creation of licensed "anti-fascist" parties in its occupation zone in East Germany. In July 1945, former DDP politicians Wilhelm Külz, Eugen Schiffer and Waldemar Koch called for the establishment of a pan-German liberal party. Their Liberal-Democratic Party (LDP) was soon licensed by the Soviet Military Administration in Germany, under the condition that the new party joined the pro-Soviet "Democratic Bloc".In September 1945, citizens in Hamburg—including the anti-Nazi resistance circle "Association Free Hamburg"—established the "Party of Free Democrats" (PFD) as a bourgeois left-wing party and the first liberal Party in the Western occupation zones. The German Democratic Party was revived in some states of the Western occupation zones (in the Southwestern states of Württemberg-Baden and Württemberg-Hohenzollern under the name of Democratic People's Party).Many former members of DDP and DVP however agreed to finally overcome the traditional split of German liberalism into a national-liberal and a left-liberal branch, aiming for the creation of a united liberal party. In October 1945 a liberal coalition party was founded in the state of Bremen under the name of Bremen Democratic People's Party. In January 1946, liberal state parties of the British occupation zone merged into the "Free Democratic Party of the British Zone" (FDP). A similar state party in Hesse, called the Liberal Democratic Party, was licensed by the US military government in January 1946. In the state of Bavaria, a "Free Democratic Party" was founded in May 1946.In the first post-war state elections in 1946, liberal parties performed well in Württemberg-Baden (16.8%), Bremen (18.3%), Hamburg (18.2%) and Greater Berlin (still undivided; 9.3%). The LDP was especially strong in the October 1946 state elections of the Soviet zone—the last free parliamentary election in East Germany—obtaining an average of 24.6% (highest in Saxony-Anhalt, 29.9%, and Thuringia, 28.5%), thwarting an absolute majority of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) that was favoured by the Soviet occupation power. This disappointment to the communists however led to a change of electoral laws in the Soviet zone, cutting the autonomy of non-socialist parties including the LDP and forcing it to join the SED-dominated National Front, making it a dependent "bloc party".The Democratic Party of Germany (DPD) was established in Rothenburg ob der Tauber on 17 March 1947 as a pan-German party of liberals from all four occupation zones. Its leaders were Theodor Heuss (representing the DVP of Württemberg-Baden in the American zone) and Wilhelm Külz (representing the LDP of the Soviet zone). However, the project failed in January 1948 as a result of disputes over Külz's pro-Soviet direction.The Free Democratic Party was established on 11–12 December 1948 in Heppenheim, in Hesse, as an association of all 13 liberal state parties in the three Western zones of occupation. The proposed name, Liberal Democratic Party, was rejected by the delegates, who voted 64 to 25 in favour of the name Free Democratic Party (FDP).The party's first chairman was Theodor Heuss, a member of the Democratic People's Party in Württemberg-Baden; his deputy was Franz Blücher of the FDP in the British zone. The place for the party's foundation was chosen deliberately: the "Heppenheim Assembly" was held at the Hotel "Halber Mond" on 10 October 1847, a meeting of moderate liberals who were preparing for what would be, within a few months, the Revolutions of 1848 in the German states.The FDP was founded on 11 December 1948 through the merger of nine regional liberal parties formed in 1945 from the remnants of the pre-1933 German People's Party (DVP) and the German Democratic Party (DDP), which had been active in the Weimar Republic.In the first elections to the Bundestag on 14 August 1949, the FDP won a vote share of 11.9 percent (with 12 direct mandates, particularly in Baden-Württemberg and Hesse), and thus obtained 52 of 402 seats. In September of the same year the FDP chairman Theodor Heuss was elected the first President of the Federal Republic of Germany. In his 1954 re-election, he received the best election result to date of a President with 871 of 1018 votes (85.6 percent) of the Federal Assembly. Adenauer was also elected on the proposal of the new German President with an extremely narrow majority as the first Chancellor. The FDP participated with the CDU/CSU and the German Party in Adenauer's coalition cabinet: they had three ministers: Franz Blücher (Vice-Chancellor), Thomas Dehler (Justice) and Eberhard Wildermuth (housing).On the most important economic, social and German national issues, the FDP agreed with their coalition partners, the CDU/CSU. However, the FDP offered to bourgeois voters a secular party that refused the religious schools and accused the opposition parties of clericalization. The FDP said they were known also as a consistent representative of the market economy, while the CDU was then dominated nominally from the Ahlen Programme, which allowed a Third Way between capitalism and socialism. Ludwig Erhard, the "father" of the social market economy, had his followers in the early years of the Federal Republic in the CDU/CSU rather than in the FDP.The FDP won Hesse's 1950 state election with 31.8 percent, the best result in its history, through appealing to East Germans displaced by the war by including them on their ticket.Up to the 1950s, several of the FDP's regional organizations were to the right of the CDU/CSU, which initially had ideas of some sort of Christian socialism, and even former office-holders of the Third Reich were courted with nationalist values. The FDP voted in parliament at the end of 1950 against the CDU- and SPD-introduced de-nazification process. At their party conference in Munich in 1951 they demanded the release of all "so-called war criminals" and welcomed the establishment of the "Association of German soldiers" of former Wehrmacht and SS members to advance the integration of the nationalist forces in democracy. The 1953 Naumann-Affair, named after Werner Naumann, identified old Nazis trying to infiltrate the party, which had many right-wing and nationalist members in Hesse, North Rhine-Westphalia and Lower Saxony. After the British occupation authorities had arrested seven prominent members of the Naumann circle, the FDP federal board installed a commission of inquiry, chaired by Thomas Dehler, which particularly sharply criticized the situation in the North Rhine-Westphalian FDP. In the following years, the right wing lost power, and the extreme right increasingly sought areas of activity outside the FDP. In the 1953 federal election, the FDP received 9.5 percent of the party votes, 10.8 percent of the primary vote (with 14 direct mandates, particularly in Hamburg, Lower Saxony, Hesse, Württemberg and Bavaria) and 48 of 487 seats.In the second term of the Bundestag, the South German Liberal democrats gained influence in the party. Thomas Dehler, a representative of a more social-liberal course took over as party and parliamentary leader. The former Minister of Justice Dehler, who in 1933 suffered persecution by the Nazis, was known for his rhetorical focus. Generally the various regional associations were independent. After the FDP had left in early 1956, the coalition with the CDU in North Rhine-Westphalia and made with SPD and centre a new state government, were a total of 16 members of parliament, including the four federal ministers from the FDP and founded the short-lived Free People's Party, which then up was involved to the end of the legislature instead of FDP in the Federal Government. The FDP first took it to the opposition.Only one of the smaller post-war parties, the FDP survived despite many problems. In 1957 federal elections they still reached 7.7 percent of the vote to 1990 and their last direct mandate with which they had held 41 of 497 seats in the Bundestag. However, they still remained in opposition because the Union won an absolute majority. The FDP also called for a nuclear-free zone in Central Europe.Even before the election Dehler was assigned as party chairman. At the federal party in Berlin at the end January 1957 relieved him Reinhold Maier. Dehler's role as Group Chairman took over after the election of the national set very Erich Mende. Mende was also chairman of the party.In the 1961 federal election, the FDP achieved 12.8 percent nationwide, the best result until then, and the FDP entered a coalition with the CDU again. Although it was committed before the election to continuing to sit in any case in a government together with Adenauer, Chancellor Adenauer was again, however, to withdraw under the proviso, after two years. These events led to the FDP being nicknamed the "Umfallerpartei" ("pushover party").In the Spiegel Affair, the FDP withdrew their ministers from the federal government. Although the coalition was renewed again under Adenauer in 1962, the FDP withdrew again on the condition in October 1963. This occurred even under the new Chancellor, Ludwig Erhard. This was for Erich Mende turn the occasion to go into the cabinet: he took the rather unimportant Federal Ministry for All-German Affairs.In the 1965 federal elections the FDP gained 9.5 percent. The coalition with the CDU in 1966 broke on the subject of tax increases and it was followed by a grand coalition between the CDU and the SPD. The opposition also pioneered a course change to: The former foreign policy and the attitude to the eastern territories were discussed. The new chairman elected delegates in 1968 Walter Scheel, a European-oriented liberals, although it came from the national liberal camp, but with Willi Weyer and Hans-Dietrich Genscher led the new center of the party. This center strove to make the FDP coalition support both major parties. Here, the Liberals approached to by their reorientation in East Germany and politics especially of the SPD.On 21 October 1969 began the period after the election of a Social-Liberal coalition with the SPD and the German Chancellor Willy Brandt. Walter Scheel was he who initiated the foreign policy reversal. Despite a very small majority he and Willy Brandt sat by the controversial New Ostpolitik. This policy was within the FDP quite controversial, especially since after the entry into the Federal Government defeats in state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, Lower Saxony and Saarland on 14 June 1970 followed. In Hanover and Saarbrücken, the party left the parliament.After the federal party congress in Bonn, just a week later supported the policy of the party leadership and Scheel had confirmed in office, founded by Siegfried party rights Zoglmann 11 July 1970 a "non-partisan" organization called the National-Liberal action on the Hohensyburgstraße - to fall with the goal of ending the left-liberal course of the party and Scheel. However, this was not. Zoglmann supported in October 1970 a disapproval resolution of opposition to Treasury Secretary Alexander Möller, Erich Mende, Heinz Starke, and did the same. A little later all three declared their withdrawal from the FDP; Mende and Strong joined the CDU, Zoglmann later founded the German Union "(Deutsche Union)", which remained a splinter party.The foreign policy and the socio-political changes were made in 1971 by the Freiburg theses, which were as Rowohlt Paperback sold more than 100,000 times, on a theoretical basis, the FDP is committed to "social liberalism" and social reforms. Walter Scheel was first foreign minister and vice chancellor, 1974, he was then second-liberal President and paving the way for inner-party the previous interior minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher free.From 1969 to 1974 the FDP supported the SPD Chancellor Willy Brandt, who was succeeded by Helmut Schmidt. Already by the end of the 70s there did not seem to be enough similarities between the FDP and the SPD to form a new coalition, but the CDU/CSU chancellor candidate of Franz Josef Strauss in 1980 pushed the parties to run together again. The FDP's policies, however, began to drift apart from the SPD's, especially when it came to the economy. Within the SPD, there was strong grassroots opposition to Chancellor Helmut Schmidt's policies on the NATO Double-Track Decision. However, within the FDP, the conflicts and contrasts were always greater.In the fall of 1982, the FDP reneged on its coalition agreement with the SPD and instead threw its support behind the CDU/CSU. On 1 October, the FDP and CDU/CSU were able to oust Schmidt and replace him with CDU party chairman Helmut Kohl as the new Chancellor. The coalition change resulted in severe internal conflicts, and the FDP then lost about 20 percent of its 86,500 members, as reflected in the general election in 1983 by a drop from 10.6 percent to 7.0 percent. The members went mostly to the SPD, the Greens and newly formed splinter parties, such as the left-liberal party Liberal Democrats (LD). The exiting members included the former FDP General Secretary and later EU Commissioner Günter Verheugen. At the party convention in November 1982, the Schleswig-Holstein state chairman Uwe Ronneburger challenged Hans-Dietrich Genscher as party chairman. Ronneburger received 186 of the votes—about 40 percent—and was just narrowly defeated by Genscher.in 1980, FDP members who did not agree with the politics of the FDP youth organization Young Democrats founded the Young Liberals (JuLis). For a time JuLis and the Young Democrats operated side by side, until the JuLis became the sole official youth wing of the FDP in 1983. The Young Democrats split from the FDP and were left as a party-independent youth organization.At the time of reunification, the FDP's objective was a special economic zone in the former East Germany, but could not prevail against the CDU/CSU, as this would prevent any loss of votes in the five new federal states in the general election in 1990.In all federal election campaigns since the 1980s, the party sided with the CDU and CSU, the main conservative parties in Germany. Following German reunification in 1990, the FDP merged with the Association of Free Democrats, a grouping of liberals from East Germany and the Liberal Democratic Party of Germany.During the political upheavals of 1989/1990 in the GDR new liberal parties emerged, like the FDP East Germany or the German Forum Party. They formed the Liberal Democratic Party, who had previously acted as a bloc party on the side of the SED and with Manfred Gerlach also the last Council of State of the GDR presented, the Alliance of Free Democrats (BFD). Within the FDP came in the following years to considerable internal discussions about dealing with the former bloc party. Even before the reunification of Germany united on a joint congress in Hanover, the West German FDP united with the other parties to form the first all-German party. Both party factions brought the FDP a great, albeit short-lived, increase in membership. In the first all-German Bundestag elections, the CDU/CSU/FDP centre-right coalition was confirmed, the FDP received 11.0 percent of the valid votes (79 seats) and won (in Halle (Saale)) the first direct mandate since 1957.During the 1990s, the FDP won between 6.2 and 11 percent of the vote in Bundestag elections. It last participated in the federal government by representing the junior partner in the government of Chancellor Helmut Kohl of the CDU.In 1998, the CDU/CSU-FDP coalition lost the federal election, which ended the FDP's nearly three decade reign in government. In its 2002 campaign the FDP made an exception to its party policy of siding with the CDU/CSU when it adopted equidistance to the CDU and SPD. From 1998 until 2009 the FDP remained in the opposition until it became part of a new centre-right coalition government.In the 2005 general election the party won 9.8 percent of the vote and 61 federal deputies, an unpredicted improvement from prior opinion polls. It is believed that this was partly due to tactical voting by CDU and Christian Social Union of Bavaria (CSU) alliance supporters who hoped for stronger market-oriented economic reforms than the CDU/CSU alliance called for. However, because the CDU did worse than predicted, the FDP and the CDU/CSU alliance were unable to form a coalition government. At other times, for example after the 2002 federal election, a coalition between the FDP and CDU/CSU was impossible primarily because of the weak results of the FDP.The CDU/CSU parties had achieved the third-worst performance in German postwar history with only 35.2 percent of the votes. Therefore, the FDP was unable to form a coalition with its preferred partners, the CDU/CSU parties. As a result, the party was considered as a potential member of two other political coalitions, following the election. One possibility was a partnership between the FDP, the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and the Alliance 90/The Greens, known as a "traffic light coalition", named after the colors of the three parties. This coalition was ruled out, because the FDP considered the Social Democrats and the Greens insufficiently committed to market-oriented economic reform. The other possibility was a CDU-FDP-Green coalition, known as a "Jamaica coalition" because of the colours of the three parties. This coalition wasn't concluded either, since the Greens ruled out participation in any coalition with the CDU/CSU. Instead, the CDU formed a Grand coalition with the SPD, and the FDP entered the opposition. FDP leader Guido Westerwelle became the unofficial leader of the opposition by virtue of the FDP's position as the largest opposition party in the Bundestag.In the 2009 European election, the FDP received 11% of the national vote (2,888,084 votes in total) and returned 12 MEPs.In the September 2009 federal elections, the FDP increased its share of the vote by 4.8 percentage points to 14.6%, an all-time record so far. This percentage was enough to offset a decline in the CDU/CSU's vote compared to 2005, to create a CDU-FDP centre-right governing coalition in the Bundestag with a 53% majority of seats. On election night, party leader Westerwelle said his party would work to ensure that civil liberties were respected and that Germany got an "equitable tax system and better education opportunities".The party also made gains in the two state elections held at the same time, acquiring sufficient seats for a CDU-FDP coalition in the northernmost state, Schleswig-Holstein, and gaining enough votes in left-leaning Brandenburg to clear the 5% hurdle to enter that state's parliament.However, after reaching its best ever election result in 2009, the FDP's support collapsed. The party’s policy pledges were put on hold by Merkel as the recession of 2009 unfolded and with the onset of the European debt crisis in 2010. By the end of 2010, the party's support had dropped to as low as 5%. The FDP retained their seats in the state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, which was held six months after the federal election, but out of the seven state elections that have been held since 2009, the FDP have lost all their seats in five of them due to failing to cross the 5% threshold.Support for the party further eroded amid infighting and an internal rebellion over euro-area bailouts during the debt crisis.Westerwelle stepped down as party leader following the 2011 state elections, in which the party was wiped out in Saxony-Anhalt and Rhineland-Palatinate and lost half its seats in Baden-Württemberg. Westerwelle was replaced in May 2011 by Philipp Rösler. The change in leadership failed to revive the FDP's fortunes, however, and in the next series of state elections, the party lost all its seats in Bremen, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, and Berlin. In Berlin, the party lost nearly 75% of the support they had had in the previous election.In March 2012, the FDP lost all their state-level representation in the 2012 Saarland state election. However, this was averted in the Schleswig-Holstein state elections, when they achieved 8% of the vote, which was a severe loss of seats but still over the 5% threshold. In the snap elections in North Rhine-Westphalia a week later, the FDP not only crossed the electoral threshold, but also increased its share of the votes to 2 percentage points higher than in the previous state election. This was attributed to the local leadership of Christian Lindner.The FDP last won a directly elected seat in 1990, in Halle—the only time it has won a directly elected seat since 1957. The party's inability to win directly elected seats came back to haunt it at the 2013 election, in which it came up just short of the 5% threshold. With no directly elected seats, the FDP was shut out of the Bundestag for the first time since 1949. After the previous chairman Philipp Rösler then resigned, Christian Lindner took over the leadership of the party.In the 2014 European parliament elections, the FDP received 3.36% of the national vote (986,253 votes in total) and returned 3 MEPs. In the 2014 Brandenburg state election the party experienced a 5.8% down-swing and lost all their representatives in the Brandenburg state parliament. In the 2014 Saxony state election, the party experienced a 5.2% down-swing, again losing all of its seats. In the 2014 Thuringian state election a similar phenomenon was repeated with the party falling below the 5% threshold following a 5.1% drop in popular vote.The party managed to enter parliament in the 2015 Bremen state election with the party receiving 6.5% of the vote and gaining 6 seats. However, it failed to get into government as a coalition between the Social Democrats and the Greens was created. In the 2016 Mecklenburg-Vorpommern state election the party failed to get into parliament despite increasing its vote share by 0.3%. The party did manage to get into parliament in Baden-Württemberg, gaining 3% of the vote and a total of 12 seats. This represents a five-seat improvement over their previous results. In the 2016 Berlin state election the party gained 4.9% of the vote and 12 seats but still failed to get into government. A red-red-green coalition was instead formed relegating the FDP to the opposition. In the 2016 Rhineland-Palatinate state election, the party managed to enter parliament receiving 6.2% of the vote and 7 seats. It also managed to enter government under a traffic light coalition. In 2016 Saxony-Anhalt state election the party narrowly missed the 5% threshold, receiving 4.9% of the vote and therefore receiving zero seats despite a 1% swing in their favour.The 2017 North Rhine-Westphalia state election was widely considered a test of the party's future as their chairman Christian Lindner was also leading the party in that state. The party experienced a 4% swing in its favour gaining 6 seats and entering into a coalition with the CDU with a bare majority. In the 2017 Saarland state election the party again failed to gain any seats despite a 1% swing in their favour. The party gained 3 seats and increased its vote share by 3.2% in the 2017 Schleswig-Holstein state election. This success was often credited to their state chairman Wolfgang Kubicki. They also managed to re-enter the government under a Jamaica coalition.In the 2017 federal election the party scored 10.7% of votes and re-entered the Bundestag, winning 80 seats.The FDP won 5.4% and 5 seats in the 2019 European election. In the October 2019 Thuringian state election, the FDP won seats in the Landtag of Thuringia for the first time since 2009. It exceeded the 5% threshold by just 5 votes. In February 2020, the FDP's Thomas Kemmerich was elected Minister-President of Thuringia by the Landtag with the likely support of the CDU and AfD, becoming the second member of the FDP to serve as head of government in a German state. This was also the first time a head of government had been elected with the support of AfD. Under intense pressure from state and federal politicians, Kemmerich resigned the following day, stating he would seek new elections. The next month, he was replaced by Bodo Ramelow of The Left; the FDP did not run a candidate in the second vote for Minister-President.The FDP is described as liberal, classical-liberal, conservative-liberal, and liberal-conservative.The FDP is a predominantly classical-liberal party, both in the sense of supporting "laissez-faire" and free market economic policies and in the sense of policies emphasizing the minimization of government interference in individual affairs. Scholars of political science have historically identified the FDP as closer to the CDU/CSU bloc than to the Social Democratic Party (SPD) on economic issues but closer to the SPD and the Greens on issues such as civil liberties, education, defense, and foreign policy. During the 2017 federal election, the party called for Germany to adopt an immigration channel using a Canada-style points-based immigration system; spend up to 3% of GDP on defense and international security; phase out the solidarity surcharge tax (which was first levied in 1991 to pay for the costs of absorbing East Germany after German reunification); cut taxes by 30 billion euro (twice the amount of the tax cut proposed by the CDU); and improve road infrastructure by spending 2 billion euro annually for each of the next two decades, to be funded by selling government stakes in Deutsche Bahn, Deutsche Telekom, and Deutsche Post. The FDP also called for the improvement of Germany's digital infrastructure, the establishment of a Ministry of Digital Affairs, and greater investment in education. The party also supports allowing dual citizenship (in contrast to the CDU/CSU, which opposes it) but also supports requiring third-generation immigrants to select a single nationality.The FDP supports the legalization of cannabis in Germany and opposes proposals to heighten Internet surveillance.The FDP has mixed views on European integration. In its 2009 campaign manifesto, the FDP pledged support for ratification of the Lisbon Treaty as well as EU reforms aimed at enhancing transparency and democratic responsiveness, reducing bureaucracy, establishing stringent curbs on the EU budget, and fully liberalizing the Single Market. At its January 2019 congress ahead of the 2019 European Parliament election, FDP's manifesto called for further EU reforms, including reducing the number of European Commissioners to 18 from the current 28, abolishing the European Economic and Social Committee, and ending the European Parliament's "traveling circus" between Brussels and Strasbourg. Vice chairwoman and Deputy Leader Nicola Beer stated “We want both more and less Europe."In the European Parliament the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe group with five MEPs.In the European Committee of the Regions, the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe CoR group, with one full and one alternate member for the 2020–2025 mandate.The party tends to draw its support from professionals and self-employed Germans. It lacks consistent support from a voting bloc, such as the trade union membership that supports the SPD or the church membership that supports the CDU/CSU, and thus has historically only garnered a small group of "Stammwähler" (staunch supporters) who consistently vote for the party.The party's membership has historically been largely male; in 1995, less than one-third of the party's members were women, and in the 1980s women made up less than one-tenth of the party's national executive committee. By the 1990s, the percentage of women on the FDP's national executive committee rose to 20%.Below are charts of the results that the FDP has secured in each election to the federal Bundestag. Timelines showing the number of seats and percentage of party list votes won are on the right.	[ "Thomas Dehler", "Reinhold Maier", "Franz Blücher", "Theodor Heuss", "Erich Mende", "Wolfgang Gerhardt", "Guido Westerwelle", "Hans-Dietrich Genscher", "Philipp Rösler", "Christian Lindner", "Martin Bangemann", "Klaus Kinkel", "Otto Graf Lambsdorff" ]
Who was the chair of Free Democratic Party in Feb 20, 1969?	February 20, 1969	{ "text": [ "Walter Scheel" ] }	L2_Q13124_P488_5	Otto Graf Lambsdorff is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1993. Theodor Heuss is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1949. Thomas Dehler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1957. Philipp Rösler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013. Walter Scheel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1968 to Jan, 1974. Erich Mende is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1968. Hans-Dietrich Genscher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1985. Klaus Kinkel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995. Franz Blücher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1954. Guido Westerwelle is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2011. Wolfgang Gerhardt is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2001. Martin Bangemann is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1988. Christian Lindner is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. Reinhold Maier is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1960.	Free Democratic Party (Germany)The Free Democratic Party (, FDP) is a classical-liberal political party in Germany. The FDP is led by Christian Lindner.The FDP was founded in 1948 by members of former liberal political parties which existed in Germany before World War II, namely the German Democratic Party and the German People's Party. For most of the second half of the 20th century, the FDP held the balance of power in the Bundestag. It was a junior coalition partner to the CDU/CSU (1949–1956, 1961–1966, 1982–1998 and 2009–2013) and the Social Democratic Party of Germany (1969–1982). In the 2013 federal election, the FDP failed to win any directly elected seats in the Bundestag and came up short of the 5 percent threshold to qualify for list representation, being left without representation in the Bundestag for the first time in its history. In the 2017 federal election, the FDP regained its representation in the Bundestag, receiving 10.6% of the vote.Since the 1980s, the party has pushed economic liberalism and has aligned itself closely to the promotion of free markets and privatization, and is aligned to the centre or centre-right of the political spectrum. The FDP is a member of the Liberal International, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) and Renew Europe.The history of liberal parties in Germany dates back to 1861, when the German Progress Party (DFP) was founded, being the first political party in the modern sense in Germany. From the establishment of the National Liberal Party in 1867 until the demise of the Weimar Republic in 1933, the liberal-democratic camp was divided into a "national-liberal" and a "left-liberal" line of tradition. After 1918 the national-liberal strain was represented by the German People's Party (DVP), the left-liberal one by the German Democratic Party (DDP, which merged into the German State Party in 1930). Both parties played an important role in government during the Weimar Republic era, but successively lost votes during the rise of the Nazi Party since the late-1920s. After the Nazi seizure of power, both liberal parties agreed to the Enabling Act of 1933 and subsequently dissolved themselves. During the 12 years of Hitler's rule, some former liberals collaborated with the Nazis (e.g. economy minister Hjalmar Schacht), while others resisted actively against Nazism (e.g. the Solf Circle).Soon after World War II, the Soviet Union pushed for the creation of licensed "anti-fascist" parties in its occupation zone in East Germany. In July 1945, former DDP politicians Wilhelm Külz, Eugen Schiffer and Waldemar Koch called for the establishment of a pan-German liberal party. Their Liberal-Democratic Party (LDP) was soon licensed by the Soviet Military Administration in Germany, under the condition that the new party joined the pro-Soviet "Democratic Bloc".In September 1945, citizens in Hamburg—including the anti-Nazi resistance circle "Association Free Hamburg"—established the "Party of Free Democrats" (PFD) as a bourgeois left-wing party and the first liberal Party in the Western occupation zones. The German Democratic Party was revived in some states of the Western occupation zones (in the Southwestern states of Württemberg-Baden and Württemberg-Hohenzollern under the name of Democratic People's Party).Many former members of DDP and DVP however agreed to finally overcome the traditional split of German liberalism into a national-liberal and a left-liberal branch, aiming for the creation of a united liberal party. In October 1945 a liberal coalition party was founded in the state of Bremen under the name of Bremen Democratic People's Party. In January 1946, liberal state parties of the British occupation zone merged into the "Free Democratic Party of the British Zone" (FDP). A similar state party in Hesse, called the Liberal Democratic Party, was licensed by the US military government in January 1946. In the state of Bavaria, a "Free Democratic Party" was founded in May 1946.In the first post-war state elections in 1946, liberal parties performed well in Württemberg-Baden (16.8%), Bremen (18.3%), Hamburg (18.2%) and Greater Berlin (still undivided; 9.3%). The LDP was especially strong in the October 1946 state elections of the Soviet zone—the last free parliamentary election in East Germany—obtaining an average of 24.6% (highest in Saxony-Anhalt, 29.9%, and Thuringia, 28.5%), thwarting an absolute majority of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) that was favoured by the Soviet occupation power. This disappointment to the communists however led to a change of electoral laws in the Soviet zone, cutting the autonomy of non-socialist parties including the LDP and forcing it to join the SED-dominated National Front, making it a dependent "bloc party".The Democratic Party of Germany (DPD) was established in Rothenburg ob der Tauber on 17 March 1947 as a pan-German party of liberals from all four occupation zones. Its leaders were Theodor Heuss (representing the DVP of Württemberg-Baden in the American zone) and Wilhelm Külz (representing the LDP of the Soviet zone). However, the project failed in January 1948 as a result of disputes over Külz's pro-Soviet direction.The Free Democratic Party was established on 11–12 December 1948 in Heppenheim, in Hesse, as an association of all 13 liberal state parties in the three Western zones of occupation. The proposed name, Liberal Democratic Party, was rejected by the delegates, who voted 64 to 25 in favour of the name Free Democratic Party (FDP).The party's first chairman was Theodor Heuss, a member of the Democratic People's Party in Württemberg-Baden; his deputy was Franz Blücher of the FDP in the British zone. The place for the party's foundation was chosen deliberately: the "Heppenheim Assembly" was held at the Hotel "Halber Mond" on 10 October 1847, a meeting of moderate liberals who were preparing for what would be, within a few months, the Revolutions of 1848 in the German states.The FDP was founded on 11 December 1948 through the merger of nine regional liberal parties formed in 1945 from the remnants of the pre-1933 German People's Party (DVP) and the German Democratic Party (DDP), which had been active in the Weimar Republic.In the first elections to the Bundestag on 14 August 1949, the FDP won a vote share of 11.9 percent (with 12 direct mandates, particularly in Baden-Württemberg and Hesse), and thus obtained 52 of 402 seats. In September of the same year the FDP chairman Theodor Heuss was elected the first President of the Federal Republic of Germany. In his 1954 re-election, he received the best election result to date of a President with 871 of 1018 votes (85.6 percent) of the Federal Assembly. Adenauer was also elected on the proposal of the new German President with an extremely narrow majority as the first Chancellor. The FDP participated with the CDU/CSU and the German Party in Adenauer's coalition cabinet: they had three ministers: Franz Blücher (Vice-Chancellor), Thomas Dehler (Justice) and Eberhard Wildermuth (housing).On the most important economic, social and German national issues, the FDP agreed with their coalition partners, the CDU/CSU. However, the FDP offered to bourgeois voters a secular party that refused the religious schools and accused the opposition parties of clericalization. The FDP said they were known also as a consistent representative of the market economy, while the CDU was then dominated nominally from the Ahlen Programme, which allowed a Third Way between capitalism and socialism. Ludwig Erhard, the "father" of the social market economy, had his followers in the early years of the Federal Republic in the CDU/CSU rather than in the FDP.The FDP won Hesse's 1950 state election with 31.8 percent, the best result in its history, through appealing to East Germans displaced by the war by including them on their ticket.Up to the 1950s, several of the FDP's regional organizations were to the right of the CDU/CSU, which initially had ideas of some sort of Christian socialism, and even former office-holders of the Third Reich were courted with nationalist values. The FDP voted in parliament at the end of 1950 against the CDU- and SPD-introduced de-nazification process. At their party conference in Munich in 1951 they demanded the release of all "so-called war criminals" and welcomed the establishment of the "Association of German soldiers" of former Wehrmacht and SS members to advance the integration of the nationalist forces in democracy. The 1953 Naumann-Affair, named after Werner Naumann, identified old Nazis trying to infiltrate the party, which had many right-wing and nationalist members in Hesse, North Rhine-Westphalia and Lower Saxony. After the British occupation authorities had arrested seven prominent members of the Naumann circle, the FDP federal board installed a commission of inquiry, chaired by Thomas Dehler, which particularly sharply criticized the situation in the North Rhine-Westphalian FDP. In the following years, the right wing lost power, and the extreme right increasingly sought areas of activity outside the FDP. In the 1953 federal election, the FDP received 9.5 percent of the party votes, 10.8 percent of the primary vote (with 14 direct mandates, particularly in Hamburg, Lower Saxony, Hesse, Württemberg and Bavaria) and 48 of 487 seats.In the second term of the Bundestag, the South German Liberal democrats gained influence in the party. Thomas Dehler, a representative of a more social-liberal course took over as party and parliamentary leader. The former Minister of Justice Dehler, who in 1933 suffered persecution by the Nazis, was known for his rhetorical focus. Generally the various regional associations were independent. After the FDP had left in early 1956, the coalition with the CDU in North Rhine-Westphalia and made with SPD and centre a new state government, were a total of 16 members of parliament, including the four federal ministers from the FDP and founded the short-lived Free People's Party, which then up was involved to the end of the legislature instead of FDP in the Federal Government. The FDP first took it to the opposition.Only one of the smaller post-war parties, the FDP survived despite many problems. In 1957 federal elections they still reached 7.7 percent of the vote to 1990 and their last direct mandate with which they had held 41 of 497 seats in the Bundestag. However, they still remained in opposition because the Union won an absolute majority. The FDP also called for a nuclear-free zone in Central Europe.Even before the election Dehler was assigned as party chairman. At the federal party in Berlin at the end January 1957 relieved him Reinhold Maier. Dehler's role as Group Chairman took over after the election of the national set very Erich Mende. Mende was also chairman of the party.In the 1961 federal election, the FDP achieved 12.8 percent nationwide, the best result until then, and the FDP entered a coalition with the CDU again. Although it was committed before the election to continuing to sit in any case in a government together with Adenauer, Chancellor Adenauer was again, however, to withdraw under the proviso, after two years. These events led to the FDP being nicknamed the "Umfallerpartei" ("pushover party").In the Spiegel Affair, the FDP withdrew their ministers from the federal government. Although the coalition was renewed again under Adenauer in 1962, the FDP withdrew again on the condition in October 1963. This occurred even under the new Chancellor, Ludwig Erhard. This was for Erich Mende turn the occasion to go into the cabinet: he took the rather unimportant Federal Ministry for All-German Affairs.In the 1965 federal elections the FDP gained 9.5 percent. The coalition with the CDU in 1966 broke on the subject of tax increases and it was followed by a grand coalition between the CDU and the SPD. The opposition also pioneered a course change to: The former foreign policy and the attitude to the eastern territories were discussed. The new chairman elected delegates in 1968 Walter Scheel, a European-oriented liberals, although it came from the national liberal camp, but with Willi Weyer and Hans-Dietrich Genscher led the new center of the party. This center strove to make the FDP coalition support both major parties. Here, the Liberals approached to by their reorientation in East Germany and politics especially of the SPD.On 21 October 1969 began the period after the election of a Social-Liberal coalition with the SPD and the German Chancellor Willy Brandt. Walter Scheel was he who initiated the foreign policy reversal. Despite a very small majority he and Willy Brandt sat by the controversial New Ostpolitik. This policy was within the FDP quite controversial, especially since after the entry into the Federal Government defeats in state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, Lower Saxony and Saarland on 14 June 1970 followed. In Hanover and Saarbrücken, the party left the parliament.After the federal party congress in Bonn, just a week later supported the policy of the party leadership and Scheel had confirmed in office, founded by Siegfried party rights Zoglmann 11 July 1970 a "non-partisan" organization called the National-Liberal action on the Hohensyburgstraße - to fall with the goal of ending the left-liberal course of the party and Scheel. However, this was not. Zoglmann supported in October 1970 a disapproval resolution of opposition to Treasury Secretary Alexander Möller, Erich Mende, Heinz Starke, and did the same. A little later all three declared their withdrawal from the FDP; Mende and Strong joined the CDU, Zoglmann later founded the German Union "(Deutsche Union)", which remained a splinter party.The foreign policy and the socio-political changes were made in 1971 by the Freiburg theses, which were as Rowohlt Paperback sold more than 100,000 times, on a theoretical basis, the FDP is committed to "social liberalism" and social reforms. Walter Scheel was first foreign minister and vice chancellor, 1974, he was then second-liberal President and paving the way for inner-party the previous interior minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher free.From 1969 to 1974 the FDP supported the SPD Chancellor Willy Brandt, who was succeeded by Helmut Schmidt. Already by the end of the 70s there did not seem to be enough similarities between the FDP and the SPD to form a new coalition, but the CDU/CSU chancellor candidate of Franz Josef Strauss in 1980 pushed the parties to run together again. The FDP's policies, however, began to drift apart from the SPD's, especially when it came to the economy. Within the SPD, there was strong grassroots opposition to Chancellor Helmut Schmidt's policies on the NATO Double-Track Decision. However, within the FDP, the conflicts and contrasts were always greater.In the fall of 1982, the FDP reneged on its coalition agreement with the SPD and instead threw its support behind the CDU/CSU. On 1 October, the FDP and CDU/CSU were able to oust Schmidt and replace him with CDU party chairman Helmut Kohl as the new Chancellor. The coalition change resulted in severe internal conflicts, and the FDP then lost about 20 percent of its 86,500 members, as reflected in the general election in 1983 by a drop from 10.6 percent to 7.0 percent. The members went mostly to the SPD, the Greens and newly formed splinter parties, such as the left-liberal party Liberal Democrats (LD). The exiting members included the former FDP General Secretary and later EU Commissioner Günter Verheugen. At the party convention in November 1982, the Schleswig-Holstein state chairman Uwe Ronneburger challenged Hans-Dietrich Genscher as party chairman. Ronneburger received 186 of the votes—about 40 percent—and was just narrowly defeated by Genscher.in 1980, FDP members who did not agree with the politics of the FDP youth organization Young Democrats founded the Young Liberals (JuLis). For a time JuLis and the Young Democrats operated side by side, until the JuLis became the sole official youth wing of the FDP in 1983. The Young Democrats split from the FDP and were left as a party-independent youth organization.At the time of reunification, the FDP's objective was a special economic zone in the former East Germany, but could not prevail against the CDU/CSU, as this would prevent any loss of votes in the five new federal states in the general election in 1990.In all federal election campaigns since the 1980s, the party sided with the CDU and CSU, the main conservative parties in Germany. Following German reunification in 1990, the FDP merged with the Association of Free Democrats, a grouping of liberals from East Germany and the Liberal Democratic Party of Germany.During the political upheavals of 1989/1990 in the GDR new liberal parties emerged, like the FDP East Germany or the German Forum Party. They formed the Liberal Democratic Party, who had previously acted as a bloc party on the side of the SED and with Manfred Gerlach also the last Council of State of the GDR presented, the Alliance of Free Democrats (BFD). Within the FDP came in the following years to considerable internal discussions about dealing with the former bloc party. Even before the reunification of Germany united on a joint congress in Hanover, the West German FDP united with the other parties to form the first all-German party. Both party factions brought the FDP a great, albeit short-lived, increase in membership. In the first all-German Bundestag elections, the CDU/CSU/FDP centre-right coalition was confirmed, the FDP received 11.0 percent of the valid votes (79 seats) and won (in Halle (Saale)) the first direct mandate since 1957.During the 1990s, the FDP won between 6.2 and 11 percent of the vote in Bundestag elections. It last participated in the federal government by representing the junior partner in the government of Chancellor Helmut Kohl of the CDU.In 1998, the CDU/CSU-FDP coalition lost the federal election, which ended the FDP's nearly three decade reign in government. In its 2002 campaign the FDP made an exception to its party policy of siding with the CDU/CSU when it adopted equidistance to the CDU and SPD. From 1998 until 2009 the FDP remained in the opposition until it became part of a new centre-right coalition government.In the 2005 general election the party won 9.8 percent of the vote and 61 federal deputies, an unpredicted improvement from prior opinion polls. It is believed that this was partly due to tactical voting by CDU and Christian Social Union of Bavaria (CSU) alliance supporters who hoped for stronger market-oriented economic reforms than the CDU/CSU alliance called for. However, because the CDU did worse than predicted, the FDP and the CDU/CSU alliance were unable to form a coalition government. At other times, for example after the 2002 federal election, a coalition between the FDP and CDU/CSU was impossible primarily because of the weak results of the FDP.The CDU/CSU parties had achieved the third-worst performance in German postwar history with only 35.2 percent of the votes. Therefore, the FDP was unable to form a coalition with its preferred partners, the CDU/CSU parties. As a result, the party was considered as a potential member of two other political coalitions, following the election. One possibility was a partnership between the FDP, the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and the Alliance 90/The Greens, known as a "traffic light coalition", named after the colors of the three parties. This coalition was ruled out, because the FDP considered the Social Democrats and the Greens insufficiently committed to market-oriented economic reform. The other possibility was a CDU-FDP-Green coalition, known as a "Jamaica coalition" because of the colours of the three parties. This coalition wasn't concluded either, since the Greens ruled out participation in any coalition with the CDU/CSU. Instead, the CDU formed a Grand coalition with the SPD, and the FDP entered the opposition. FDP leader Guido Westerwelle became the unofficial leader of the opposition by virtue of the FDP's position as the largest opposition party in the Bundestag.In the 2009 European election, the FDP received 11% of the national vote (2,888,084 votes in total) and returned 12 MEPs.In the September 2009 federal elections, the FDP increased its share of the vote by 4.8 percentage points to 14.6%, an all-time record so far. This percentage was enough to offset a decline in the CDU/CSU's vote compared to 2005, to create a CDU-FDP centre-right governing coalition in the Bundestag with a 53% majority of seats. On election night, party leader Westerwelle said his party would work to ensure that civil liberties were respected and that Germany got an "equitable tax system and better education opportunities".The party also made gains in the two state elections held at the same time, acquiring sufficient seats for a CDU-FDP coalition in the northernmost state, Schleswig-Holstein, and gaining enough votes in left-leaning Brandenburg to clear the 5% hurdle to enter that state's parliament.However, after reaching its best ever election result in 2009, the FDP's support collapsed. The party’s policy pledges were put on hold by Merkel as the recession of 2009 unfolded and with the onset of the European debt crisis in 2010. By the end of 2010, the party's support had dropped to as low as 5%. The FDP retained their seats in the state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, which was held six months after the federal election, but out of the seven state elections that have been held since 2009, the FDP have lost all their seats in five of them due to failing to cross the 5% threshold.Support for the party further eroded amid infighting and an internal rebellion over euro-area bailouts during the debt crisis.Westerwelle stepped down as party leader following the 2011 state elections, in which the party was wiped out in Saxony-Anhalt and Rhineland-Palatinate and lost half its seats in Baden-Württemberg. Westerwelle was replaced in May 2011 by Philipp Rösler. The change in leadership failed to revive the FDP's fortunes, however, and in the next series of state elections, the party lost all its seats in Bremen, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, and Berlin. In Berlin, the party lost nearly 75% of the support they had had in the previous election.In March 2012, the FDP lost all their state-level representation in the 2012 Saarland state election. However, this was averted in the Schleswig-Holstein state elections, when they achieved 8% of the vote, which was a severe loss of seats but still over the 5% threshold. In the snap elections in North Rhine-Westphalia a week later, the FDP not only crossed the electoral threshold, but also increased its share of the votes to 2 percentage points higher than in the previous state election. This was attributed to the local leadership of Christian Lindner.The FDP last won a directly elected seat in 1990, in Halle—the only time it has won a directly elected seat since 1957. The party's inability to win directly elected seats came back to haunt it at the 2013 election, in which it came up just short of the 5% threshold. With no directly elected seats, the FDP was shut out of the Bundestag for the first time since 1949. After the previous chairman Philipp Rösler then resigned, Christian Lindner took over the leadership of the party.In the 2014 European parliament elections, the FDP received 3.36% of the national vote (986,253 votes in total) and returned 3 MEPs. In the 2014 Brandenburg state election the party experienced a 5.8% down-swing and lost all their representatives in the Brandenburg state parliament. In the 2014 Saxony state election, the party experienced a 5.2% down-swing, again losing all of its seats. In the 2014 Thuringian state election a similar phenomenon was repeated with the party falling below the 5% threshold following a 5.1% drop in popular vote.The party managed to enter parliament in the 2015 Bremen state election with the party receiving 6.5% of the vote and gaining 6 seats. However, it failed to get into government as a coalition between the Social Democrats and the Greens was created. In the 2016 Mecklenburg-Vorpommern state election the party failed to get into parliament despite increasing its vote share by 0.3%. The party did manage to get into parliament in Baden-Württemberg, gaining 3% of the vote and a total of 12 seats. This represents a five-seat improvement over their previous results. In the 2016 Berlin state election the party gained 4.9% of the vote and 12 seats but still failed to get into government. A red-red-green coalition was instead formed relegating the FDP to the opposition. In the 2016 Rhineland-Palatinate state election, the party managed to enter parliament receiving 6.2% of the vote and 7 seats. It also managed to enter government under a traffic light coalition. In 2016 Saxony-Anhalt state election the party narrowly missed the 5% threshold, receiving 4.9% of the vote and therefore receiving zero seats despite a 1% swing in their favour.The 2017 North Rhine-Westphalia state election was widely considered a test of the party's future as their chairman Christian Lindner was also leading the party in that state. The party experienced a 4% swing in its favour gaining 6 seats and entering into a coalition with the CDU with a bare majority. In the 2017 Saarland state election the party again failed to gain any seats despite a 1% swing in their favour. The party gained 3 seats and increased its vote share by 3.2% in the 2017 Schleswig-Holstein state election. This success was often credited to their state chairman Wolfgang Kubicki. They also managed to re-enter the government under a Jamaica coalition.In the 2017 federal election the party scored 10.7% of votes and re-entered the Bundestag, winning 80 seats.The FDP won 5.4% and 5 seats in the 2019 European election. In the October 2019 Thuringian state election, the FDP won seats in the Landtag of Thuringia for the first time since 2009. It exceeded the 5% threshold by just 5 votes. In February 2020, the FDP's Thomas Kemmerich was elected Minister-President of Thuringia by the Landtag with the likely support of the CDU and AfD, becoming the second member of the FDP to serve as head of government in a German state. This was also the first time a head of government had been elected with the support of AfD. Under intense pressure from state and federal politicians, Kemmerich resigned the following day, stating he would seek new elections. The next month, he was replaced by Bodo Ramelow of The Left; the FDP did not run a candidate in the second vote for Minister-President.The FDP is described as liberal, classical-liberal, conservative-liberal, and liberal-conservative.The FDP is a predominantly classical-liberal party, both in the sense of supporting "laissez-faire" and free market economic policies and in the sense of policies emphasizing the minimization of government interference in individual affairs. Scholars of political science have historically identified the FDP as closer to the CDU/CSU bloc than to the Social Democratic Party (SPD) on economic issues but closer to the SPD and the Greens on issues such as civil liberties, education, defense, and foreign policy. During the 2017 federal election, the party called for Germany to adopt an immigration channel using a Canada-style points-based immigration system; spend up to 3% of GDP on defense and international security; phase out the solidarity surcharge tax (which was first levied in 1991 to pay for the costs of absorbing East Germany after German reunification); cut taxes by 30 billion euro (twice the amount of the tax cut proposed by the CDU); and improve road infrastructure by spending 2 billion euro annually for each of the next two decades, to be funded by selling government stakes in Deutsche Bahn, Deutsche Telekom, and Deutsche Post. The FDP also called for the improvement of Germany's digital infrastructure, the establishment of a Ministry of Digital Affairs, and greater investment in education. The party also supports allowing dual citizenship (in contrast to the CDU/CSU, which opposes it) but also supports requiring third-generation immigrants to select a single nationality.The FDP supports the legalization of cannabis in Germany and opposes proposals to heighten Internet surveillance.The FDP has mixed views on European integration. In its 2009 campaign manifesto, the FDP pledged support for ratification of the Lisbon Treaty as well as EU reforms aimed at enhancing transparency and democratic responsiveness, reducing bureaucracy, establishing stringent curbs on the EU budget, and fully liberalizing the Single Market. At its January 2019 congress ahead of the 2019 European Parliament election, FDP's manifesto called for further EU reforms, including reducing the number of European Commissioners to 18 from the current 28, abolishing the European Economic and Social Committee, and ending the European Parliament's "traveling circus" between Brussels and Strasbourg. Vice chairwoman and Deputy Leader Nicola Beer stated “We want both more and less Europe."In the European Parliament the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe group with five MEPs.In the European Committee of the Regions, the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe CoR group, with one full and one alternate member for the 2020–2025 mandate.The party tends to draw its support from professionals and self-employed Germans. It lacks consistent support from a voting bloc, such as the trade union membership that supports the SPD or the church membership that supports the CDU/CSU, and thus has historically only garnered a small group of "Stammwähler" (staunch supporters) who consistently vote for the party.The party's membership has historically been largely male; in 1995, less than one-third of the party's members were women, and in the 1980s women made up less than one-tenth of the party's national executive committee. By the 1990s, the percentage of women on the FDP's national executive committee rose to 20%.Below are charts of the results that the FDP has secured in each election to the federal Bundestag. Timelines showing the number of seats and percentage of party list votes won are on the right.	[ "Thomas Dehler", "Reinhold Maier", "Franz Blücher", "Theodor Heuss", "Erich Mende", "Wolfgang Gerhardt", "Guido Westerwelle", "Hans-Dietrich Genscher", "Philipp Rösler", "Christian Lindner", "Martin Bangemann", "Klaus Kinkel", "Otto Graf Lambsdorff" ]
Who was the chair of Free Democratic Party in 02/20/1969?	February 20, 1969	{ "text": [ "Walter Scheel" ] }	L2_Q13124_P488_5	Otto Graf Lambsdorff is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1993. Theodor Heuss is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1949. Thomas Dehler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1957. Philipp Rösler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013. Walter Scheel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1968 to Jan, 1974. Erich Mende is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1968. Hans-Dietrich Genscher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1985. Klaus Kinkel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995. Franz Blücher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1954. Guido Westerwelle is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2011. Wolfgang Gerhardt is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2001. Martin Bangemann is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1988. Christian Lindner is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. Reinhold Maier is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1960.	Free Democratic Party (Germany)The Free Democratic Party (, FDP) is a classical-liberal political party in Germany. The FDP is led by Christian Lindner.The FDP was founded in 1948 by members of former liberal political parties which existed in Germany before World War II, namely the German Democratic Party and the German People's Party. For most of the second half of the 20th century, the FDP held the balance of power in the Bundestag. It was a junior coalition partner to the CDU/CSU (1949–1956, 1961–1966, 1982–1998 and 2009–2013) and the Social Democratic Party of Germany (1969–1982). In the 2013 federal election, the FDP failed to win any directly elected seats in the Bundestag and came up short of the 5 percent threshold to qualify for list representation, being left without representation in the Bundestag for the first time in its history. In the 2017 federal election, the FDP regained its representation in the Bundestag, receiving 10.6% of the vote.Since the 1980s, the party has pushed economic liberalism and has aligned itself closely to the promotion of free markets and privatization, and is aligned to the centre or centre-right of the political spectrum. The FDP is a member of the Liberal International, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) and Renew Europe.The history of liberal parties in Germany dates back to 1861, when the German Progress Party (DFP) was founded, being the first political party in the modern sense in Germany. From the establishment of the National Liberal Party in 1867 until the demise of the Weimar Republic in 1933, the liberal-democratic camp was divided into a "national-liberal" and a "left-liberal" line of tradition. After 1918 the national-liberal strain was represented by the German People's Party (DVP), the left-liberal one by the German Democratic Party (DDP, which merged into the German State Party in 1930). Both parties played an important role in government during the Weimar Republic era, but successively lost votes during the rise of the Nazi Party since the late-1920s. After the Nazi seizure of power, both liberal parties agreed to the Enabling Act of 1933 and subsequently dissolved themselves. During the 12 years of Hitler's rule, some former liberals collaborated with the Nazis (e.g. economy minister Hjalmar Schacht), while others resisted actively against Nazism (e.g. the Solf Circle).Soon after World War II, the Soviet Union pushed for the creation of licensed "anti-fascist" parties in its occupation zone in East Germany. In July 1945, former DDP politicians Wilhelm Külz, Eugen Schiffer and Waldemar Koch called for the establishment of a pan-German liberal party. Their Liberal-Democratic Party (LDP) was soon licensed by the Soviet Military Administration in Germany, under the condition that the new party joined the pro-Soviet "Democratic Bloc".In September 1945, citizens in Hamburg—including the anti-Nazi resistance circle "Association Free Hamburg"—established the "Party of Free Democrats" (PFD) as a bourgeois left-wing party and the first liberal Party in the Western occupation zones. The German Democratic Party was revived in some states of the Western occupation zones (in the Southwestern states of Württemberg-Baden and Württemberg-Hohenzollern under the name of Democratic People's Party).Many former members of DDP and DVP however agreed to finally overcome the traditional split of German liberalism into a national-liberal and a left-liberal branch, aiming for the creation of a united liberal party. In October 1945 a liberal coalition party was founded in the state of Bremen under the name of Bremen Democratic People's Party. In January 1946, liberal state parties of the British occupation zone merged into the "Free Democratic Party of the British Zone" (FDP). A similar state party in Hesse, called the Liberal Democratic Party, was licensed by the US military government in January 1946. In the state of Bavaria, a "Free Democratic Party" was founded in May 1946.In the first post-war state elections in 1946, liberal parties performed well in Württemberg-Baden (16.8%), Bremen (18.3%), Hamburg (18.2%) and Greater Berlin (still undivided; 9.3%). The LDP was especially strong in the October 1946 state elections of the Soviet zone—the last free parliamentary election in East Germany—obtaining an average of 24.6% (highest in Saxony-Anhalt, 29.9%, and Thuringia, 28.5%), thwarting an absolute majority of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) that was favoured by the Soviet occupation power. This disappointment to the communists however led to a change of electoral laws in the Soviet zone, cutting the autonomy of non-socialist parties including the LDP and forcing it to join the SED-dominated National Front, making it a dependent "bloc party".The Democratic Party of Germany (DPD) was established in Rothenburg ob der Tauber on 17 March 1947 as a pan-German party of liberals from all four occupation zones. Its leaders were Theodor Heuss (representing the DVP of Württemberg-Baden in the American zone) and Wilhelm Külz (representing the LDP of the Soviet zone). However, the project failed in January 1948 as a result of disputes over Külz's pro-Soviet direction.The Free Democratic Party was established on 11–12 December 1948 in Heppenheim, in Hesse, as an association of all 13 liberal state parties in the three Western zones of occupation. The proposed name, Liberal Democratic Party, was rejected by the delegates, who voted 64 to 25 in favour of the name Free Democratic Party (FDP).The party's first chairman was Theodor Heuss, a member of the Democratic People's Party in Württemberg-Baden; his deputy was Franz Blücher of the FDP in the British zone. The place for the party's foundation was chosen deliberately: the "Heppenheim Assembly" was held at the Hotel "Halber Mond" on 10 October 1847, a meeting of moderate liberals who were preparing for what would be, within a few months, the Revolutions of 1848 in the German states.The FDP was founded on 11 December 1948 through the merger of nine regional liberal parties formed in 1945 from the remnants of the pre-1933 German People's Party (DVP) and the German Democratic Party (DDP), which had been active in the Weimar Republic.In the first elections to the Bundestag on 14 August 1949, the FDP won a vote share of 11.9 percent (with 12 direct mandates, particularly in Baden-Württemberg and Hesse), and thus obtained 52 of 402 seats. In September of the same year the FDP chairman Theodor Heuss was elected the first President of the Federal Republic of Germany. In his 1954 re-election, he received the best election result to date of a President with 871 of 1018 votes (85.6 percent) of the Federal Assembly. Adenauer was also elected on the proposal of the new German President with an extremely narrow majority as the first Chancellor. The FDP participated with the CDU/CSU and the German Party in Adenauer's coalition cabinet: they had three ministers: Franz Blücher (Vice-Chancellor), Thomas Dehler (Justice) and Eberhard Wildermuth (housing).On the most important economic, social and German national issues, the FDP agreed with their coalition partners, the CDU/CSU. However, the FDP offered to bourgeois voters a secular party that refused the religious schools and accused the opposition parties of clericalization. The FDP said they were known also as a consistent representative of the market economy, while the CDU was then dominated nominally from the Ahlen Programme, which allowed a Third Way between capitalism and socialism. Ludwig Erhard, the "father" of the social market economy, had his followers in the early years of the Federal Republic in the CDU/CSU rather than in the FDP.The FDP won Hesse's 1950 state election with 31.8 percent, the best result in its history, through appealing to East Germans displaced by the war by including them on their ticket.Up to the 1950s, several of the FDP's regional organizations were to the right of the CDU/CSU, which initially had ideas of some sort of Christian socialism, and even former office-holders of the Third Reich were courted with nationalist values. The FDP voted in parliament at the end of 1950 against the CDU- and SPD-introduced de-nazification process. At their party conference in Munich in 1951 they demanded the release of all "so-called war criminals" and welcomed the establishment of the "Association of German soldiers" of former Wehrmacht and SS members to advance the integration of the nationalist forces in democracy. The 1953 Naumann-Affair, named after Werner Naumann, identified old Nazis trying to infiltrate the party, which had many right-wing and nationalist members in Hesse, North Rhine-Westphalia and Lower Saxony. After the British occupation authorities had arrested seven prominent members of the Naumann circle, the FDP federal board installed a commission of inquiry, chaired by Thomas Dehler, which particularly sharply criticized the situation in the North Rhine-Westphalian FDP. In the following years, the right wing lost power, and the extreme right increasingly sought areas of activity outside the FDP. In the 1953 federal election, the FDP received 9.5 percent of the party votes, 10.8 percent of the primary vote (with 14 direct mandates, particularly in Hamburg, Lower Saxony, Hesse, Württemberg and Bavaria) and 48 of 487 seats.In the second term of the Bundestag, the South German Liberal democrats gained influence in the party. Thomas Dehler, a representative of a more social-liberal course took over as party and parliamentary leader. The former Minister of Justice Dehler, who in 1933 suffered persecution by the Nazis, was known for his rhetorical focus. Generally the various regional associations were independent. After the FDP had left in early 1956, the coalition with the CDU in North Rhine-Westphalia and made with SPD and centre a new state government, were a total of 16 members of parliament, including the four federal ministers from the FDP and founded the short-lived Free People's Party, which then up was involved to the end of the legislature instead of FDP in the Federal Government. The FDP first took it to the opposition.Only one of the smaller post-war parties, the FDP survived despite many problems. In 1957 federal elections they still reached 7.7 percent of the vote to 1990 and their last direct mandate with which they had held 41 of 497 seats in the Bundestag. However, they still remained in opposition because the Union won an absolute majority. The FDP also called for a nuclear-free zone in Central Europe.Even before the election Dehler was assigned as party chairman. At the federal party in Berlin at the end January 1957 relieved him Reinhold Maier. Dehler's role as Group Chairman took over after the election of the national set very Erich Mende. Mende was also chairman of the party.In the 1961 federal election, the FDP achieved 12.8 percent nationwide, the best result until then, and the FDP entered a coalition with the CDU again. Although it was committed before the election to continuing to sit in any case in a government together with Adenauer, Chancellor Adenauer was again, however, to withdraw under the proviso, after two years. These events led to the FDP being nicknamed the "Umfallerpartei" ("pushover party").In the Spiegel Affair, the FDP withdrew their ministers from the federal government. Although the coalition was renewed again under Adenauer in 1962, the FDP withdrew again on the condition in October 1963. This occurred even under the new Chancellor, Ludwig Erhard. This was for Erich Mende turn the occasion to go into the cabinet: he took the rather unimportant Federal Ministry for All-German Affairs.In the 1965 federal elections the FDP gained 9.5 percent. The coalition with the CDU in 1966 broke on the subject of tax increases and it was followed by a grand coalition between the CDU and the SPD. The opposition also pioneered a course change to: The former foreign policy and the attitude to the eastern territories were discussed. The new chairman elected delegates in 1968 Walter Scheel, a European-oriented liberals, although it came from the national liberal camp, but with Willi Weyer and Hans-Dietrich Genscher led the new center of the party. This center strove to make the FDP coalition support both major parties. Here, the Liberals approached to by their reorientation in East Germany and politics especially of the SPD.On 21 October 1969 began the period after the election of a Social-Liberal coalition with the SPD and the German Chancellor Willy Brandt. Walter Scheel was he who initiated the foreign policy reversal. Despite a very small majority he and Willy Brandt sat by the controversial New Ostpolitik. This policy was within the FDP quite controversial, especially since after the entry into the Federal Government defeats in state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, Lower Saxony and Saarland on 14 June 1970 followed. In Hanover and Saarbrücken, the party left the parliament.After the federal party congress in Bonn, just a week later supported the policy of the party leadership and Scheel had confirmed in office, founded by Siegfried party rights Zoglmann 11 July 1970 a "non-partisan" organization called the National-Liberal action on the Hohensyburgstraße - to fall with the goal of ending the left-liberal course of the party and Scheel. However, this was not. Zoglmann supported in October 1970 a disapproval resolution of opposition to Treasury Secretary Alexander Möller, Erich Mende, Heinz Starke, and did the same. A little later all three declared their withdrawal from the FDP; Mende and Strong joined the CDU, Zoglmann later founded the German Union "(Deutsche Union)", which remained a splinter party.The foreign policy and the socio-political changes were made in 1971 by the Freiburg theses, which were as Rowohlt Paperback sold more than 100,000 times, on a theoretical basis, the FDP is committed to "social liberalism" and social reforms. Walter Scheel was first foreign minister and vice chancellor, 1974, he was then second-liberal President and paving the way for inner-party the previous interior minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher free.From 1969 to 1974 the FDP supported the SPD Chancellor Willy Brandt, who was succeeded by Helmut Schmidt. Already by the end of the 70s there did not seem to be enough similarities between the FDP and the SPD to form a new coalition, but the CDU/CSU chancellor candidate of Franz Josef Strauss in 1980 pushed the parties to run together again. The FDP's policies, however, began to drift apart from the SPD's, especially when it came to the economy. Within the SPD, there was strong grassroots opposition to Chancellor Helmut Schmidt's policies on the NATO Double-Track Decision. However, within the FDP, the conflicts and contrasts were always greater.In the fall of 1982, the FDP reneged on its coalition agreement with the SPD and instead threw its support behind the CDU/CSU. On 1 October, the FDP and CDU/CSU were able to oust Schmidt and replace him with CDU party chairman Helmut Kohl as the new Chancellor. The coalition change resulted in severe internal conflicts, and the FDP then lost about 20 percent of its 86,500 members, as reflected in the general election in 1983 by a drop from 10.6 percent to 7.0 percent. The members went mostly to the SPD, the Greens and newly formed splinter parties, such as the left-liberal party Liberal Democrats (LD). The exiting members included the former FDP General Secretary and later EU Commissioner Günter Verheugen. At the party convention in November 1982, the Schleswig-Holstein state chairman Uwe Ronneburger challenged Hans-Dietrich Genscher as party chairman. Ronneburger received 186 of the votes—about 40 percent—and was just narrowly defeated by Genscher.in 1980, FDP members who did not agree with the politics of the FDP youth organization Young Democrats founded the Young Liberals (JuLis). For a time JuLis and the Young Democrats operated side by side, until the JuLis became the sole official youth wing of the FDP in 1983. The Young Democrats split from the FDP and were left as a party-independent youth organization.At the time of reunification, the FDP's objective was a special economic zone in the former East Germany, but could not prevail against the CDU/CSU, as this would prevent any loss of votes in the five new federal states in the general election in 1990.In all federal election campaigns since the 1980s, the party sided with the CDU and CSU, the main conservative parties in Germany. Following German reunification in 1990, the FDP merged with the Association of Free Democrats, a grouping of liberals from East Germany and the Liberal Democratic Party of Germany.During the political upheavals of 1989/1990 in the GDR new liberal parties emerged, like the FDP East Germany or the German Forum Party. They formed the Liberal Democratic Party, who had previously acted as a bloc party on the side of the SED and with Manfred Gerlach also the last Council of State of the GDR presented, the Alliance of Free Democrats (BFD). Within the FDP came in the following years to considerable internal discussions about dealing with the former bloc party. Even before the reunification of Germany united on a joint congress in Hanover, the West German FDP united with the other parties to form the first all-German party. Both party factions brought the FDP a great, albeit short-lived, increase in membership. In the first all-German Bundestag elections, the CDU/CSU/FDP centre-right coalition was confirmed, the FDP received 11.0 percent of the valid votes (79 seats) and won (in Halle (Saale)) the first direct mandate since 1957.During the 1990s, the FDP won between 6.2 and 11 percent of the vote in Bundestag elections. It last participated in the federal government by representing the junior partner in the government of Chancellor Helmut Kohl of the CDU.In 1998, the CDU/CSU-FDP coalition lost the federal election, which ended the FDP's nearly three decade reign in government. In its 2002 campaign the FDP made an exception to its party policy of siding with the CDU/CSU when it adopted equidistance to the CDU and SPD. From 1998 until 2009 the FDP remained in the opposition until it became part of a new centre-right coalition government.In the 2005 general election the party won 9.8 percent of the vote and 61 federal deputies, an unpredicted improvement from prior opinion polls. It is believed that this was partly due to tactical voting by CDU and Christian Social Union of Bavaria (CSU) alliance supporters who hoped for stronger market-oriented economic reforms than the CDU/CSU alliance called for. However, because the CDU did worse than predicted, the FDP and the CDU/CSU alliance were unable to form a coalition government. At other times, for example after the 2002 federal election, a coalition between the FDP and CDU/CSU was impossible primarily because of the weak results of the FDP.The CDU/CSU parties had achieved the third-worst performance in German postwar history with only 35.2 percent of the votes. Therefore, the FDP was unable to form a coalition with its preferred partners, the CDU/CSU parties. As a result, the party was considered as a potential member of two other political coalitions, following the election. One possibility was a partnership between the FDP, the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and the Alliance 90/The Greens, known as a "traffic light coalition", named after the colors of the three parties. This coalition was ruled out, because the FDP considered the Social Democrats and the Greens insufficiently committed to market-oriented economic reform. The other possibility was a CDU-FDP-Green coalition, known as a "Jamaica coalition" because of the colours of the three parties. This coalition wasn't concluded either, since the Greens ruled out participation in any coalition with the CDU/CSU. Instead, the CDU formed a Grand coalition with the SPD, and the FDP entered the opposition. FDP leader Guido Westerwelle became the unofficial leader of the opposition by virtue of the FDP's position as the largest opposition party in the Bundestag.In the 2009 European election, the FDP received 11% of the national vote (2,888,084 votes in total) and returned 12 MEPs.In the September 2009 federal elections, the FDP increased its share of the vote by 4.8 percentage points to 14.6%, an all-time record so far. This percentage was enough to offset a decline in the CDU/CSU's vote compared to 2005, to create a CDU-FDP centre-right governing coalition in the Bundestag with a 53% majority of seats. On election night, party leader Westerwelle said his party would work to ensure that civil liberties were respected and that Germany got an "equitable tax system and better education opportunities".The party also made gains in the two state elections held at the same time, acquiring sufficient seats for a CDU-FDP coalition in the northernmost state, Schleswig-Holstein, and gaining enough votes in left-leaning Brandenburg to clear the 5% hurdle to enter that state's parliament.However, after reaching its best ever election result in 2009, the FDP's support collapsed. The party’s policy pledges were put on hold by Merkel as the recession of 2009 unfolded and with the onset of the European debt crisis in 2010. By the end of 2010, the party's support had dropped to as low as 5%. The FDP retained their seats in the state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, which was held six months after the federal election, but out of the seven state elections that have been held since 2009, the FDP have lost all their seats in five of them due to failing to cross the 5% threshold.Support for the party further eroded amid infighting and an internal rebellion over euro-area bailouts during the debt crisis.Westerwelle stepped down as party leader following the 2011 state elections, in which the party was wiped out in Saxony-Anhalt and Rhineland-Palatinate and lost half its seats in Baden-Württemberg. Westerwelle was replaced in May 2011 by Philipp Rösler. The change in leadership failed to revive the FDP's fortunes, however, and in the next series of state elections, the party lost all its seats in Bremen, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, and Berlin. In Berlin, the party lost nearly 75% of the support they had had in the previous election.In March 2012, the FDP lost all their state-level representation in the 2012 Saarland state election. However, this was averted in the Schleswig-Holstein state elections, when they achieved 8% of the vote, which was a severe loss of seats but still over the 5% threshold. In the snap elections in North Rhine-Westphalia a week later, the FDP not only crossed the electoral threshold, but also increased its share of the votes to 2 percentage points higher than in the previous state election. This was attributed to the local leadership of Christian Lindner.The FDP last won a directly elected seat in 1990, in Halle—the only time it has won a directly elected seat since 1957. The party's inability to win directly elected seats came back to haunt it at the 2013 election, in which it came up just short of the 5% threshold. With no directly elected seats, the FDP was shut out of the Bundestag for the first time since 1949. After the previous chairman Philipp Rösler then resigned, Christian Lindner took over the leadership of the party.In the 2014 European parliament elections, the FDP received 3.36% of the national vote (986,253 votes in total) and returned 3 MEPs. In the 2014 Brandenburg state election the party experienced a 5.8% down-swing and lost all their representatives in the Brandenburg state parliament. In the 2014 Saxony state election, the party experienced a 5.2% down-swing, again losing all of its seats. In the 2014 Thuringian state election a similar phenomenon was repeated with the party falling below the 5% threshold following a 5.1% drop in popular vote.The party managed to enter parliament in the 2015 Bremen state election with the party receiving 6.5% of the vote and gaining 6 seats. However, it failed to get into government as a coalition between the Social Democrats and the Greens was created. In the 2016 Mecklenburg-Vorpommern state election the party failed to get into parliament despite increasing its vote share by 0.3%. The party did manage to get into parliament in Baden-Württemberg, gaining 3% of the vote and a total of 12 seats. This represents a five-seat improvement over their previous results. In the 2016 Berlin state election the party gained 4.9% of the vote and 12 seats but still failed to get into government. A red-red-green coalition was instead formed relegating the FDP to the opposition. In the 2016 Rhineland-Palatinate state election, the party managed to enter parliament receiving 6.2% of the vote and 7 seats. It also managed to enter government under a traffic light coalition. In 2016 Saxony-Anhalt state election the party narrowly missed the 5% threshold, receiving 4.9% of the vote and therefore receiving zero seats despite a 1% swing in their favour.The 2017 North Rhine-Westphalia state election was widely considered a test of the party's future as their chairman Christian Lindner was also leading the party in that state. The party experienced a 4% swing in its favour gaining 6 seats and entering into a coalition with the CDU with a bare majority. In the 2017 Saarland state election the party again failed to gain any seats despite a 1% swing in their favour. The party gained 3 seats and increased its vote share by 3.2% in the 2017 Schleswig-Holstein state election. This success was often credited to their state chairman Wolfgang Kubicki. They also managed to re-enter the government under a Jamaica coalition.In the 2017 federal election the party scored 10.7% of votes and re-entered the Bundestag, winning 80 seats.The FDP won 5.4% and 5 seats in the 2019 European election. In the October 2019 Thuringian state election, the FDP won seats in the Landtag of Thuringia for the first time since 2009. It exceeded the 5% threshold by just 5 votes. In February 2020, the FDP's Thomas Kemmerich was elected Minister-President of Thuringia by the Landtag with the likely support of the CDU and AfD, becoming the second member of the FDP to serve as head of government in a German state. This was also the first time a head of government had been elected with the support of AfD. Under intense pressure from state and federal politicians, Kemmerich resigned the following day, stating he would seek new elections. The next month, he was replaced by Bodo Ramelow of The Left; the FDP did not run a candidate in the second vote for Minister-President.The FDP is described as liberal, classical-liberal, conservative-liberal, and liberal-conservative.The FDP is a predominantly classical-liberal party, both in the sense of supporting "laissez-faire" and free market economic policies and in the sense of policies emphasizing the minimization of government interference in individual affairs. Scholars of political science have historically identified the FDP as closer to the CDU/CSU bloc than to the Social Democratic Party (SPD) on economic issues but closer to the SPD and the Greens on issues such as civil liberties, education, defense, and foreign policy. During the 2017 federal election, the party called for Germany to adopt an immigration channel using a Canada-style points-based immigration system; spend up to 3% of GDP on defense and international security; phase out the solidarity surcharge tax (which was first levied in 1991 to pay for the costs of absorbing East Germany after German reunification); cut taxes by 30 billion euro (twice the amount of the tax cut proposed by the CDU); and improve road infrastructure by spending 2 billion euro annually for each of the next two decades, to be funded by selling government stakes in Deutsche Bahn, Deutsche Telekom, and Deutsche Post. The FDP also called for the improvement of Germany's digital infrastructure, the establishment of a Ministry of Digital Affairs, and greater investment in education. The party also supports allowing dual citizenship (in contrast to the CDU/CSU, which opposes it) but also supports requiring third-generation immigrants to select a single nationality.The FDP supports the legalization of cannabis in Germany and opposes proposals to heighten Internet surveillance.The FDP has mixed views on European integration. In its 2009 campaign manifesto, the FDP pledged support for ratification of the Lisbon Treaty as well as EU reforms aimed at enhancing transparency and democratic responsiveness, reducing bureaucracy, establishing stringent curbs on the EU budget, and fully liberalizing the Single Market. At its January 2019 congress ahead of the 2019 European Parliament election, FDP's manifesto called for further EU reforms, including reducing the number of European Commissioners to 18 from the current 28, abolishing the European Economic and Social Committee, and ending the European Parliament's "traveling circus" between Brussels and Strasbourg. Vice chairwoman and Deputy Leader Nicola Beer stated “We want both more and less Europe."In the European Parliament the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe group with five MEPs.In the European Committee of the Regions, the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe CoR group, with one full and one alternate member for the 2020–2025 mandate.The party tends to draw its support from professionals and self-employed Germans. It lacks consistent support from a voting bloc, such as the trade union membership that supports the SPD or the church membership that supports the CDU/CSU, and thus has historically only garnered a small group of "Stammwähler" (staunch supporters) who consistently vote for the party.The party's membership has historically been largely male; in 1995, less than one-third of the party's members were women, and in the 1980s women made up less than one-tenth of the party's national executive committee. By the 1990s, the percentage of women on the FDP's national executive committee rose to 20%.Below are charts of the results that the FDP has secured in each election to the federal Bundestag. Timelines showing the number of seats and percentage of party list votes won are on the right.	[ "Thomas Dehler", "Reinhold Maier", "Franz Blücher", "Theodor Heuss", "Erich Mende", "Wolfgang Gerhardt", "Guido Westerwelle", "Hans-Dietrich Genscher", "Philipp Rösler", "Christian Lindner", "Martin Bangemann", "Klaus Kinkel", "Otto Graf Lambsdorff" ]
Who was the chair of Free Democratic Party in 20-Feb-196920-February-1969?	February 20, 1969	{ "text": [ "Walter Scheel" ] }	L2_Q13124_P488_5	Otto Graf Lambsdorff is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1993. Theodor Heuss is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1949. Thomas Dehler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1957. Philipp Rösler is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2013. Walter Scheel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1968 to Jan, 1974. Erich Mende is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1968. Hans-Dietrich Genscher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1985. Klaus Kinkel is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995. Franz Blücher is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1954. Guido Westerwelle is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2011. Wolfgang Gerhardt is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2001. Martin Bangemann is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1988. Christian Lindner is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. Reinhold Maier is the chair of Free Democratic Party from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1960.	Free Democratic Party (Germany)The Free Democratic Party (, FDP) is a classical-liberal political party in Germany. The FDP is led by Christian Lindner.The FDP was founded in 1948 by members of former liberal political parties which existed in Germany before World War II, namely the German Democratic Party and the German People's Party. For most of the second half of the 20th century, the FDP held the balance of power in the Bundestag. It was a junior coalition partner to the CDU/CSU (1949–1956, 1961–1966, 1982–1998 and 2009–2013) and the Social Democratic Party of Germany (1969–1982). In the 2013 federal election, the FDP failed to win any directly elected seats in the Bundestag and came up short of the 5 percent threshold to qualify for list representation, being left without representation in the Bundestag for the first time in its history. In the 2017 federal election, the FDP regained its representation in the Bundestag, receiving 10.6% of the vote.Since the 1980s, the party has pushed economic liberalism and has aligned itself closely to the promotion of free markets and privatization, and is aligned to the centre or centre-right of the political spectrum. The FDP is a member of the Liberal International, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) and Renew Europe.The history of liberal parties in Germany dates back to 1861, when the German Progress Party (DFP) was founded, being the first political party in the modern sense in Germany. From the establishment of the National Liberal Party in 1867 until the demise of the Weimar Republic in 1933, the liberal-democratic camp was divided into a "national-liberal" and a "left-liberal" line of tradition. After 1918 the national-liberal strain was represented by the German People's Party (DVP), the left-liberal one by the German Democratic Party (DDP, which merged into the German State Party in 1930). Both parties played an important role in government during the Weimar Republic era, but successively lost votes during the rise of the Nazi Party since the late-1920s. After the Nazi seizure of power, both liberal parties agreed to the Enabling Act of 1933 and subsequently dissolved themselves. During the 12 years of Hitler's rule, some former liberals collaborated with the Nazis (e.g. economy minister Hjalmar Schacht), while others resisted actively against Nazism (e.g. the Solf Circle).Soon after World War II, the Soviet Union pushed for the creation of licensed "anti-fascist" parties in its occupation zone in East Germany. In July 1945, former DDP politicians Wilhelm Külz, Eugen Schiffer and Waldemar Koch called for the establishment of a pan-German liberal party. Their Liberal-Democratic Party (LDP) was soon licensed by the Soviet Military Administration in Germany, under the condition that the new party joined the pro-Soviet "Democratic Bloc".In September 1945, citizens in Hamburg—including the anti-Nazi resistance circle "Association Free Hamburg"—established the "Party of Free Democrats" (PFD) as a bourgeois left-wing party and the first liberal Party in the Western occupation zones. The German Democratic Party was revived in some states of the Western occupation zones (in the Southwestern states of Württemberg-Baden and Württemberg-Hohenzollern under the name of Democratic People's Party).Many former members of DDP and DVP however agreed to finally overcome the traditional split of German liberalism into a national-liberal and a left-liberal branch, aiming for the creation of a united liberal party. In October 1945 a liberal coalition party was founded in the state of Bremen under the name of Bremen Democratic People's Party. In January 1946, liberal state parties of the British occupation zone merged into the "Free Democratic Party of the British Zone" (FDP). A similar state party in Hesse, called the Liberal Democratic Party, was licensed by the US military government in January 1946. In the state of Bavaria, a "Free Democratic Party" was founded in May 1946.In the first post-war state elections in 1946, liberal parties performed well in Württemberg-Baden (16.8%), Bremen (18.3%), Hamburg (18.2%) and Greater Berlin (still undivided; 9.3%). The LDP was especially strong in the October 1946 state elections of the Soviet zone—the last free parliamentary election in East Germany—obtaining an average of 24.6% (highest in Saxony-Anhalt, 29.9%, and Thuringia, 28.5%), thwarting an absolute majority of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) that was favoured by the Soviet occupation power. This disappointment to the communists however led to a change of electoral laws in the Soviet zone, cutting the autonomy of non-socialist parties including the LDP and forcing it to join the SED-dominated National Front, making it a dependent "bloc party".The Democratic Party of Germany (DPD) was established in Rothenburg ob der Tauber on 17 March 1947 as a pan-German party of liberals from all four occupation zones. Its leaders were Theodor Heuss (representing the DVP of Württemberg-Baden in the American zone) and Wilhelm Külz (representing the LDP of the Soviet zone). However, the project failed in January 1948 as a result of disputes over Külz's pro-Soviet direction.The Free Democratic Party was established on 11–12 December 1948 in Heppenheim, in Hesse, as an association of all 13 liberal state parties in the three Western zones of occupation. The proposed name, Liberal Democratic Party, was rejected by the delegates, who voted 64 to 25 in favour of the name Free Democratic Party (FDP).The party's first chairman was Theodor Heuss, a member of the Democratic People's Party in Württemberg-Baden; his deputy was Franz Blücher of the FDP in the British zone. The place for the party's foundation was chosen deliberately: the "Heppenheim Assembly" was held at the Hotel "Halber Mond" on 10 October 1847, a meeting of moderate liberals who were preparing for what would be, within a few months, the Revolutions of 1848 in the German states.The FDP was founded on 11 December 1948 through the merger of nine regional liberal parties formed in 1945 from the remnants of the pre-1933 German People's Party (DVP) and the German Democratic Party (DDP), which had been active in the Weimar Republic.In the first elections to the Bundestag on 14 August 1949, the FDP won a vote share of 11.9 percent (with 12 direct mandates, particularly in Baden-Württemberg and Hesse), and thus obtained 52 of 402 seats. In September of the same year the FDP chairman Theodor Heuss was elected the first President of the Federal Republic of Germany. In his 1954 re-election, he received the best election result to date of a President with 871 of 1018 votes (85.6 percent) of the Federal Assembly. Adenauer was also elected on the proposal of the new German President with an extremely narrow majority as the first Chancellor. The FDP participated with the CDU/CSU and the German Party in Adenauer's coalition cabinet: they had three ministers: Franz Blücher (Vice-Chancellor), Thomas Dehler (Justice) and Eberhard Wildermuth (housing).On the most important economic, social and German national issues, the FDP agreed with their coalition partners, the CDU/CSU. However, the FDP offered to bourgeois voters a secular party that refused the religious schools and accused the opposition parties of clericalization. The FDP said they were known also as a consistent representative of the market economy, while the CDU was then dominated nominally from the Ahlen Programme, which allowed a Third Way between capitalism and socialism. Ludwig Erhard, the "father" of the social market economy, had his followers in the early years of the Federal Republic in the CDU/CSU rather than in the FDP.The FDP won Hesse's 1950 state election with 31.8 percent, the best result in its history, through appealing to East Germans displaced by the war by including them on their ticket.Up to the 1950s, several of the FDP's regional organizations were to the right of the CDU/CSU, which initially had ideas of some sort of Christian socialism, and even former office-holders of the Third Reich were courted with nationalist values. The FDP voted in parliament at the end of 1950 against the CDU- and SPD-introduced de-nazification process. At their party conference in Munich in 1951 they demanded the release of all "so-called war criminals" and welcomed the establishment of the "Association of German soldiers" of former Wehrmacht and SS members to advance the integration of the nationalist forces in democracy. The 1953 Naumann-Affair, named after Werner Naumann, identified old Nazis trying to infiltrate the party, which had many right-wing and nationalist members in Hesse, North Rhine-Westphalia and Lower Saxony. After the British occupation authorities had arrested seven prominent members of the Naumann circle, the FDP federal board installed a commission of inquiry, chaired by Thomas Dehler, which particularly sharply criticized the situation in the North Rhine-Westphalian FDP. In the following years, the right wing lost power, and the extreme right increasingly sought areas of activity outside the FDP. In the 1953 federal election, the FDP received 9.5 percent of the party votes, 10.8 percent of the primary vote (with 14 direct mandates, particularly in Hamburg, Lower Saxony, Hesse, Württemberg and Bavaria) and 48 of 487 seats.In the second term of the Bundestag, the South German Liberal democrats gained influence in the party. Thomas Dehler, a representative of a more social-liberal course took over as party and parliamentary leader. The former Minister of Justice Dehler, who in 1933 suffered persecution by the Nazis, was known for his rhetorical focus. Generally the various regional associations were independent. After the FDP had left in early 1956, the coalition with the CDU in North Rhine-Westphalia and made with SPD and centre a new state government, were a total of 16 members of parliament, including the four federal ministers from the FDP and founded the short-lived Free People's Party, which then up was involved to the end of the legislature instead of FDP in the Federal Government. The FDP first took it to the opposition.Only one of the smaller post-war parties, the FDP survived despite many problems. In 1957 federal elections they still reached 7.7 percent of the vote to 1990 and their last direct mandate with which they had held 41 of 497 seats in the Bundestag. However, they still remained in opposition because the Union won an absolute majority. The FDP also called for a nuclear-free zone in Central Europe.Even before the election Dehler was assigned as party chairman. At the federal party in Berlin at the end January 1957 relieved him Reinhold Maier. Dehler's role as Group Chairman took over after the election of the national set very Erich Mende. Mende was also chairman of the party.In the 1961 federal election, the FDP achieved 12.8 percent nationwide, the best result until then, and the FDP entered a coalition with the CDU again. Although it was committed before the election to continuing to sit in any case in a government together with Adenauer, Chancellor Adenauer was again, however, to withdraw under the proviso, after two years. These events led to the FDP being nicknamed the "Umfallerpartei" ("pushover party").In the Spiegel Affair, the FDP withdrew their ministers from the federal government. Although the coalition was renewed again under Adenauer in 1962, the FDP withdrew again on the condition in October 1963. This occurred even under the new Chancellor, Ludwig Erhard. This was for Erich Mende turn the occasion to go into the cabinet: he took the rather unimportant Federal Ministry for All-German Affairs.In the 1965 federal elections the FDP gained 9.5 percent. The coalition with the CDU in 1966 broke on the subject of tax increases and it was followed by a grand coalition between the CDU and the SPD. The opposition also pioneered a course change to: The former foreign policy and the attitude to the eastern territories were discussed. The new chairman elected delegates in 1968 Walter Scheel, a European-oriented liberals, although it came from the national liberal camp, but with Willi Weyer and Hans-Dietrich Genscher led the new center of the party. This center strove to make the FDP coalition support both major parties. Here, the Liberals approached to by their reorientation in East Germany and politics especially of the SPD.On 21 October 1969 began the period after the election of a Social-Liberal coalition with the SPD and the German Chancellor Willy Brandt. Walter Scheel was he who initiated the foreign policy reversal. Despite a very small majority he and Willy Brandt sat by the controversial New Ostpolitik. This policy was within the FDP quite controversial, especially since after the entry into the Federal Government defeats in state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, Lower Saxony and Saarland on 14 June 1970 followed. In Hanover and Saarbrücken, the party left the parliament.After the federal party congress in Bonn, just a week later supported the policy of the party leadership and Scheel had confirmed in office, founded by Siegfried party rights Zoglmann 11 July 1970 a "non-partisan" organization called the National-Liberal action on the Hohensyburgstraße - to fall with the goal of ending the left-liberal course of the party and Scheel. However, this was not. Zoglmann supported in October 1970 a disapproval resolution of opposition to Treasury Secretary Alexander Möller, Erich Mende, Heinz Starke, and did the same. A little later all three declared their withdrawal from the FDP; Mende and Strong joined the CDU, Zoglmann later founded the German Union "(Deutsche Union)", which remained a splinter party.The foreign policy and the socio-political changes were made in 1971 by the Freiburg theses, which were as Rowohlt Paperback sold more than 100,000 times, on a theoretical basis, the FDP is committed to "social liberalism" and social reforms. Walter Scheel was first foreign minister and vice chancellor, 1974, he was then second-liberal President and paving the way for inner-party the previous interior minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher free.From 1969 to 1974 the FDP supported the SPD Chancellor Willy Brandt, who was succeeded by Helmut Schmidt. Already by the end of the 70s there did not seem to be enough similarities between the FDP and the SPD to form a new coalition, but the CDU/CSU chancellor candidate of Franz Josef Strauss in 1980 pushed the parties to run together again. The FDP's policies, however, began to drift apart from the SPD's, especially when it came to the economy. Within the SPD, there was strong grassroots opposition to Chancellor Helmut Schmidt's policies on the NATO Double-Track Decision. However, within the FDP, the conflicts and contrasts were always greater.In the fall of 1982, the FDP reneged on its coalition agreement with the SPD and instead threw its support behind the CDU/CSU. On 1 October, the FDP and CDU/CSU were able to oust Schmidt and replace him with CDU party chairman Helmut Kohl as the new Chancellor. The coalition change resulted in severe internal conflicts, and the FDP then lost about 20 percent of its 86,500 members, as reflected in the general election in 1983 by a drop from 10.6 percent to 7.0 percent. The members went mostly to the SPD, the Greens and newly formed splinter parties, such as the left-liberal party Liberal Democrats (LD). The exiting members included the former FDP General Secretary and later EU Commissioner Günter Verheugen. At the party convention in November 1982, the Schleswig-Holstein state chairman Uwe Ronneburger challenged Hans-Dietrich Genscher as party chairman. Ronneburger received 186 of the votes—about 40 percent—and was just narrowly defeated by Genscher.in 1980, FDP members who did not agree with the politics of the FDP youth organization Young Democrats founded the Young Liberals (JuLis). For a time JuLis and the Young Democrats operated side by side, until the JuLis became the sole official youth wing of the FDP in 1983. The Young Democrats split from the FDP and were left as a party-independent youth organization.At the time of reunification, the FDP's objective was a special economic zone in the former East Germany, but could not prevail against the CDU/CSU, as this would prevent any loss of votes in the five new federal states in the general election in 1990.In all federal election campaigns since the 1980s, the party sided with the CDU and CSU, the main conservative parties in Germany. Following German reunification in 1990, the FDP merged with the Association of Free Democrats, a grouping of liberals from East Germany and the Liberal Democratic Party of Germany.During the political upheavals of 1989/1990 in the GDR new liberal parties emerged, like the FDP East Germany or the German Forum Party. They formed the Liberal Democratic Party, who had previously acted as a bloc party on the side of the SED and with Manfred Gerlach also the last Council of State of the GDR presented, the Alliance of Free Democrats (BFD). Within the FDP came in the following years to considerable internal discussions about dealing with the former bloc party. Even before the reunification of Germany united on a joint congress in Hanover, the West German FDP united with the other parties to form the first all-German party. Both party factions brought the FDP a great, albeit short-lived, increase in membership. In the first all-German Bundestag elections, the CDU/CSU/FDP centre-right coalition was confirmed, the FDP received 11.0 percent of the valid votes (79 seats) and won (in Halle (Saale)) the first direct mandate since 1957.During the 1990s, the FDP won between 6.2 and 11 percent of the vote in Bundestag elections. It last participated in the federal government by representing the junior partner in the government of Chancellor Helmut Kohl of the CDU.In 1998, the CDU/CSU-FDP coalition lost the federal election, which ended the FDP's nearly three decade reign in government. In its 2002 campaign the FDP made an exception to its party policy of siding with the CDU/CSU when it adopted equidistance to the CDU and SPD. From 1998 until 2009 the FDP remained in the opposition until it became part of a new centre-right coalition government.In the 2005 general election the party won 9.8 percent of the vote and 61 federal deputies, an unpredicted improvement from prior opinion polls. It is believed that this was partly due to tactical voting by CDU and Christian Social Union of Bavaria (CSU) alliance supporters who hoped for stronger market-oriented economic reforms than the CDU/CSU alliance called for. However, because the CDU did worse than predicted, the FDP and the CDU/CSU alliance were unable to form a coalition government. At other times, for example after the 2002 federal election, a coalition between the FDP and CDU/CSU was impossible primarily because of the weak results of the FDP.The CDU/CSU parties had achieved the third-worst performance in German postwar history with only 35.2 percent of the votes. Therefore, the FDP was unable to form a coalition with its preferred partners, the CDU/CSU parties. As a result, the party was considered as a potential member of two other political coalitions, following the election. One possibility was a partnership between the FDP, the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) and the Alliance 90/The Greens, known as a "traffic light coalition", named after the colors of the three parties. This coalition was ruled out, because the FDP considered the Social Democrats and the Greens insufficiently committed to market-oriented economic reform. The other possibility was a CDU-FDP-Green coalition, known as a "Jamaica coalition" because of the colours of the three parties. This coalition wasn't concluded either, since the Greens ruled out participation in any coalition with the CDU/CSU. Instead, the CDU formed a Grand coalition with the SPD, and the FDP entered the opposition. FDP leader Guido Westerwelle became the unofficial leader of the opposition by virtue of the FDP's position as the largest opposition party in the Bundestag.In the 2009 European election, the FDP received 11% of the national vote (2,888,084 votes in total) and returned 12 MEPs.In the September 2009 federal elections, the FDP increased its share of the vote by 4.8 percentage points to 14.6%, an all-time record so far. This percentage was enough to offset a decline in the CDU/CSU's vote compared to 2005, to create a CDU-FDP centre-right governing coalition in the Bundestag with a 53% majority of seats. On election night, party leader Westerwelle said his party would work to ensure that civil liberties were respected and that Germany got an "equitable tax system and better education opportunities".The party also made gains in the two state elections held at the same time, acquiring sufficient seats for a CDU-FDP coalition in the northernmost state, Schleswig-Holstein, and gaining enough votes in left-leaning Brandenburg to clear the 5% hurdle to enter that state's parliament.However, after reaching its best ever election result in 2009, the FDP's support collapsed. The party’s policy pledges were put on hold by Merkel as the recession of 2009 unfolded and with the onset of the European debt crisis in 2010. By the end of 2010, the party's support had dropped to as low as 5%. The FDP retained their seats in the state elections in North Rhine-Westphalia, which was held six months after the federal election, but out of the seven state elections that have been held since 2009, the FDP have lost all their seats in five of them due to failing to cross the 5% threshold.Support for the party further eroded amid infighting and an internal rebellion over euro-area bailouts during the debt crisis.Westerwelle stepped down as party leader following the 2011 state elections, in which the party was wiped out in Saxony-Anhalt and Rhineland-Palatinate and lost half its seats in Baden-Württemberg. Westerwelle was replaced in May 2011 by Philipp Rösler. The change in leadership failed to revive the FDP's fortunes, however, and in the next series of state elections, the party lost all its seats in Bremen, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, and Berlin. In Berlin, the party lost nearly 75% of the support they had had in the previous election.In March 2012, the FDP lost all their state-level representation in the 2012 Saarland state election. However, this was averted in the Schleswig-Holstein state elections, when they achieved 8% of the vote, which was a severe loss of seats but still over the 5% threshold. In the snap elections in North Rhine-Westphalia a week later, the FDP not only crossed the electoral threshold, but also increased its share of the votes to 2 percentage points higher than in the previous state election. This was attributed to the local leadership of Christian Lindner.The FDP last won a directly elected seat in 1990, in Halle—the only time it has won a directly elected seat since 1957. The party's inability to win directly elected seats came back to haunt it at the 2013 election, in which it came up just short of the 5% threshold. With no directly elected seats, the FDP was shut out of the Bundestag for the first time since 1949. After the previous chairman Philipp Rösler then resigned, Christian Lindner took over the leadership of the party.In the 2014 European parliament elections, the FDP received 3.36% of the national vote (986,253 votes in total) and returned 3 MEPs. In the 2014 Brandenburg state election the party experienced a 5.8% down-swing and lost all their representatives in the Brandenburg state parliament. In the 2014 Saxony state election, the party experienced a 5.2% down-swing, again losing all of its seats. In the 2014 Thuringian state election a similar phenomenon was repeated with the party falling below the 5% threshold following a 5.1% drop in popular vote.The party managed to enter parliament in the 2015 Bremen state election with the party receiving 6.5% of the vote and gaining 6 seats. However, it failed to get into government as a coalition between the Social Democrats and the Greens was created. In the 2016 Mecklenburg-Vorpommern state election the party failed to get into parliament despite increasing its vote share by 0.3%. The party did manage to get into parliament in Baden-Württemberg, gaining 3% of the vote and a total of 12 seats. This represents a five-seat improvement over their previous results. In the 2016 Berlin state election the party gained 4.9% of the vote and 12 seats but still failed to get into government. A red-red-green coalition was instead formed relegating the FDP to the opposition. In the 2016 Rhineland-Palatinate state election, the party managed to enter parliament receiving 6.2% of the vote and 7 seats. It also managed to enter government under a traffic light coalition. In 2016 Saxony-Anhalt state election the party narrowly missed the 5% threshold, receiving 4.9% of the vote and therefore receiving zero seats despite a 1% swing in their favour.The 2017 North Rhine-Westphalia state election was widely considered a test of the party's future as their chairman Christian Lindner was also leading the party in that state. The party experienced a 4% swing in its favour gaining 6 seats and entering into a coalition with the CDU with a bare majority. In the 2017 Saarland state election the party again failed to gain any seats despite a 1% swing in their favour. The party gained 3 seats and increased its vote share by 3.2% in the 2017 Schleswig-Holstein state election. This success was often credited to their state chairman Wolfgang Kubicki. They also managed to re-enter the government under a Jamaica coalition.In the 2017 federal election the party scored 10.7% of votes and re-entered the Bundestag, winning 80 seats.The FDP won 5.4% and 5 seats in the 2019 European election. In the October 2019 Thuringian state election, the FDP won seats in the Landtag of Thuringia for the first time since 2009. It exceeded the 5% threshold by just 5 votes. In February 2020, the FDP's Thomas Kemmerich was elected Minister-President of Thuringia by the Landtag with the likely support of the CDU and AfD, becoming the second member of the FDP to serve as head of government in a German state. This was also the first time a head of government had been elected with the support of AfD. Under intense pressure from state and federal politicians, Kemmerich resigned the following day, stating he would seek new elections. The next month, he was replaced by Bodo Ramelow of The Left; the FDP did not run a candidate in the second vote for Minister-President.The FDP is described as liberal, classical-liberal, conservative-liberal, and liberal-conservative.The FDP is a predominantly classical-liberal party, both in the sense of supporting "laissez-faire" and free market economic policies and in the sense of policies emphasizing the minimization of government interference in individual affairs. Scholars of political science have historically identified the FDP as closer to the CDU/CSU bloc than to the Social Democratic Party (SPD) on economic issues but closer to the SPD and the Greens on issues such as civil liberties, education, defense, and foreign policy. During the 2017 federal election, the party called for Germany to adopt an immigration channel using a Canada-style points-based immigration system; spend up to 3% of GDP on defense and international security; phase out the solidarity surcharge tax (which was first levied in 1991 to pay for the costs of absorbing East Germany after German reunification); cut taxes by 30 billion euro (twice the amount of the tax cut proposed by the CDU); and improve road infrastructure by spending 2 billion euro annually for each of the next two decades, to be funded by selling government stakes in Deutsche Bahn, Deutsche Telekom, and Deutsche Post. The FDP also called for the improvement of Germany's digital infrastructure, the establishment of a Ministry of Digital Affairs, and greater investment in education. The party also supports allowing dual citizenship (in contrast to the CDU/CSU, which opposes it) but also supports requiring third-generation immigrants to select a single nationality.The FDP supports the legalization of cannabis in Germany and opposes proposals to heighten Internet surveillance.The FDP has mixed views on European integration. In its 2009 campaign manifesto, the FDP pledged support for ratification of the Lisbon Treaty as well as EU reforms aimed at enhancing transparency and democratic responsiveness, reducing bureaucracy, establishing stringent curbs on the EU budget, and fully liberalizing the Single Market. At its January 2019 congress ahead of the 2019 European Parliament election, FDP's manifesto called for further EU reforms, including reducing the number of European Commissioners to 18 from the current 28, abolishing the European Economic and Social Committee, and ending the European Parliament's "traveling circus" between Brussels and Strasbourg. Vice chairwoman and Deputy Leader Nicola Beer stated “We want both more and less Europe."In the European Parliament the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe group with five MEPs.In the European Committee of the Regions, the Free Democratic Party sits in the Renew Europe CoR group, with one full and one alternate member for the 2020–2025 mandate.The party tends to draw its support from professionals and self-employed Germans. It lacks consistent support from a voting bloc, such as the trade union membership that supports the SPD or the church membership that supports the CDU/CSU, and thus has historically only garnered a small group of "Stammwähler" (staunch supporters) who consistently vote for the party.The party's membership has historically been largely male; in 1995, less than one-third of the party's members were women, and in the 1980s women made up less than one-tenth of the party's national executive committee. By the 1990s, the percentage of women on the FDP's national executive committee rose to 20%.Below are charts of the results that the FDP has secured in each election to the federal Bundestag. Timelines showing the number of seats and percentage of party list votes won are on the right.	[ "Thomas Dehler", "Reinhold Maier", "Franz Blücher", "Theodor Heuss", "Erich Mende", "Wolfgang Gerhardt", "Guido Westerwelle", "Hans-Dietrich Genscher", "Philipp Rösler", "Christian Lindner", "Martin Bangemann", "Klaus Kinkel", "Otto Graf Lambsdorff" ]
Who was the head of Horgești in Mar, 2013?	March 22, 2013	{ "text": [ "Ionel Turcan" ] }	L2_Q1040267_P6_0	Gheorghe Cioroabă is the head of the government of Horgești from Jan, 2016 to Oct, 2020. Ionel Turcan is the head of the government of Horgești from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2016. Luminița-Adriana Temea is the head of the government of Horgești from Oct, 2020 to Dec, 2022.	HorgeștiHorgești is a commune in Bacău County, Western Moldavia, Romania. It is composed of eight villages: Bazga, Galeri, Horgești, Mărăscu, Răcătău-Răzeși, Răcătău de Jos, Recea and Sohodor.	[ "Luminița-Adriana Temea", "Gheorghe Cioroabă" ]
Who was the head of Horgești in 2013-03-22?	March 22, 2013	{ "text": [ "Ionel Turcan" ] }	L2_Q1040267_P6_0	Gheorghe Cioroabă is the head of the government of Horgești from Jan, 2016 to Oct, 2020. Ionel Turcan is the head of the government of Horgești from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2016. Luminița-Adriana Temea is the head of the government of Horgești from Oct, 2020 to Dec, 2022.	HorgeștiHorgești is a commune in Bacău County, Western Moldavia, Romania. It is composed of eight villages: Bazga, Galeri, Horgești, Mărăscu, Răcătău-Răzeși, Răcătău de Jos, Recea and Sohodor.	[ "Luminița-Adriana Temea", "Gheorghe Cioroabă" ]
Who was the head of Horgești in 22/03/2013?	March 22, 2013	{ "text": [ "Ionel Turcan" ] }	L2_Q1040267_P6_0	Gheorghe Cioroabă is the head of the government of Horgești from Jan, 2016 to Oct, 2020. Ionel Turcan is the head of the government of Horgești from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2016. Luminița-Adriana Temea is the head of the government of Horgești from Oct, 2020 to Dec, 2022.	HorgeștiHorgești is a commune in Bacău County, Western Moldavia, Romania. It is composed of eight villages: Bazga, Galeri, Horgești, Mărăscu, Răcătău-Răzeși, Răcătău de Jos, Recea and Sohodor.	[ "Luminița-Adriana Temea", "Gheorghe Cioroabă" ]
Who was the head of Horgești in Mar 22, 2013?	March 22, 2013	{ "text": [ "Ionel Turcan" ] }	L2_Q1040267_P6_0	Gheorghe Cioroabă is the head of the government of Horgești from Jan, 2016 to Oct, 2020. Ionel Turcan is the head of the government of Horgești from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2016. Luminița-Adriana Temea is the head of the government of Horgești from Oct, 2020 to Dec, 2022.	HorgeștiHorgești is a commune in Bacău County, Western Moldavia, Romania. It is composed of eight villages: Bazga, Galeri, Horgești, Mărăscu, Răcătău-Răzeși, Răcătău de Jos, Recea and Sohodor.	[ "Luminița-Adriana Temea", "Gheorghe Cioroabă" ]
Who was the head of Horgești in 03/22/2013?	March 22, 2013	{ "text": [ "Ionel Turcan" ] }	L2_Q1040267_P6_0	Gheorghe Cioroabă is the head of the government of Horgești from Jan, 2016 to Oct, 2020. Ionel Turcan is the head of the government of Horgești from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2016. Luminița-Adriana Temea is the head of the government of Horgești from Oct, 2020 to Dec, 2022.	HorgeștiHorgești is a commune in Bacău County, Western Moldavia, Romania. It is composed of eight villages: Bazga, Galeri, Horgești, Mărăscu, Răcătău-Răzeși, Răcătău de Jos, Recea and Sohodor.	[ "Luminița-Adriana Temea", "Gheorghe Cioroabă" ]
Who was the head of Horgești in 22-Mar-201322-March-2013?	March 22, 2013	{ "text": [ "Ionel Turcan" ] }	L2_Q1040267_P6_0	Gheorghe Cioroabă is the head of the government of Horgești from Jan, 2016 to Oct, 2020. Ionel Turcan is the head of the government of Horgești from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2016. Luminița-Adriana Temea is the head of the government of Horgești from Oct, 2020 to Dec, 2022.	HorgeștiHorgești is a commune in Bacău County, Western Moldavia, Romania. It is composed of eight villages: Bazga, Galeri, Horgești, Mărăscu, Răcătău-Răzeși, Răcătău de Jos, Recea and Sohodor.	[ "Luminița-Adriana Temea", "Gheorghe Cioroabă" ]
Which team did Alhassan Nuhu play for in Jul, 2009?	July 19, 2009	{ "text": [ "New Edubiase United" ] }	L2_Q4724467_P54_1	Alhassan Nuhu plays for Real Sportive from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2009. Alhassan Nuhu plays for New Edubiase United from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2011. Alhassan Nuhu plays for FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Jan, 2011 to Dec, 2022.	Alhassan NuhuNuhu began his career by AC Milan Colts Club in Tema, before in 2006 was transferred to Real Sportive, after the relegation of his club from the Ghana Premier League left Alhassan his club alongside his twin brother Fuseini and signed for New Edubiase United. In June 2011 he and Fuseini were transferred to Moldavian vice-champion FC Sheriff Tiraspol.Nuhu joined Ashanti Gold in 2015, scoring on his debut, against Medeama. He was released after a single season, having made 20 appearances for the club. He then returned to New Edubiase United for a brief spell.Nuhu played with his brother Fuseini by the team from Tema.	[ "FC Sheriff Tiraspol", "Real Sportive" ]
Which team did Alhassan Nuhu play for in 2009-07-19?	July 19, 2009	{ "text": [ "New Edubiase United" ] }	L2_Q4724467_P54_1	Alhassan Nuhu plays for Real Sportive from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2009. Alhassan Nuhu plays for New Edubiase United from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2011. Alhassan Nuhu plays for FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Jan, 2011 to Dec, 2022.	Alhassan NuhuNuhu began his career by AC Milan Colts Club in Tema, before in 2006 was transferred to Real Sportive, after the relegation of his club from the Ghana Premier League left Alhassan his club alongside his twin brother Fuseini and signed for New Edubiase United. In June 2011 he and Fuseini were transferred to Moldavian vice-champion FC Sheriff Tiraspol.Nuhu joined Ashanti Gold in 2015, scoring on his debut, against Medeama. He was released after a single season, having made 20 appearances for the club. He then returned to New Edubiase United for a brief spell.Nuhu played with his brother Fuseini by the team from Tema.	[ "FC Sheriff Tiraspol", "Real Sportive" ]
Which team did Alhassan Nuhu play for in 19/07/2009?	July 19, 2009	{ "text": [ "New Edubiase United" ] }	L2_Q4724467_P54_1	Alhassan Nuhu plays for Real Sportive from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2009. Alhassan Nuhu plays for New Edubiase United from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2011. Alhassan Nuhu plays for FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Jan, 2011 to Dec, 2022.	Alhassan NuhuNuhu began his career by AC Milan Colts Club in Tema, before in 2006 was transferred to Real Sportive, after the relegation of his club from the Ghana Premier League left Alhassan his club alongside his twin brother Fuseini and signed for New Edubiase United. In June 2011 he and Fuseini were transferred to Moldavian vice-champion FC Sheriff Tiraspol.Nuhu joined Ashanti Gold in 2015, scoring on his debut, against Medeama. He was released after a single season, having made 20 appearances for the club. He then returned to New Edubiase United for a brief spell.Nuhu played with his brother Fuseini by the team from Tema.	[ "FC Sheriff Tiraspol", "Real Sportive" ]
Which team did Alhassan Nuhu play for in Jul 19, 2009?	July 19, 2009	{ "text": [ "New Edubiase United" ] }	L2_Q4724467_P54_1	Alhassan Nuhu plays for Real Sportive from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2009. Alhassan Nuhu plays for New Edubiase United from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2011. Alhassan Nuhu plays for FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Jan, 2011 to Dec, 2022.	Alhassan NuhuNuhu began his career by AC Milan Colts Club in Tema, before in 2006 was transferred to Real Sportive, after the relegation of his club from the Ghana Premier League left Alhassan his club alongside his twin brother Fuseini and signed for New Edubiase United. In June 2011 he and Fuseini were transferred to Moldavian vice-champion FC Sheriff Tiraspol.Nuhu joined Ashanti Gold in 2015, scoring on his debut, against Medeama. He was released after a single season, having made 20 appearances for the club. He then returned to New Edubiase United for a brief spell.Nuhu played with his brother Fuseini by the team from Tema.	[ "FC Sheriff Tiraspol", "Real Sportive" ]
Which team did Alhassan Nuhu play for in 07/19/2009?	July 19, 2009	{ "text": [ "New Edubiase United" ] }	L2_Q4724467_P54_1	Alhassan Nuhu plays for Real Sportive from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2009. Alhassan Nuhu plays for New Edubiase United from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2011. Alhassan Nuhu plays for FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Jan, 2011 to Dec, 2022.	Alhassan NuhuNuhu began his career by AC Milan Colts Club in Tema, before in 2006 was transferred to Real Sportive, after the relegation of his club from the Ghana Premier League left Alhassan his club alongside his twin brother Fuseini and signed for New Edubiase United. In June 2011 he and Fuseini were transferred to Moldavian vice-champion FC Sheriff Tiraspol.Nuhu joined Ashanti Gold in 2015, scoring on his debut, against Medeama. He was released after a single season, having made 20 appearances for the club. He then returned to New Edubiase United for a brief spell.Nuhu played with his brother Fuseini by the team from Tema.	[ "FC Sheriff Tiraspol", "Real Sportive" ]
Which team did Alhassan Nuhu play for in 19-Jul-200919-July-2009?	July 19, 2009	{ "text": [ "New Edubiase United" ] }	L2_Q4724467_P54_1	Alhassan Nuhu plays for Real Sportive from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2009. Alhassan Nuhu plays for New Edubiase United from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2011. Alhassan Nuhu plays for FC Sheriff Tiraspol from Jan, 2011 to Dec, 2022.	Alhassan NuhuNuhu began his career by AC Milan Colts Club in Tema, before in 2006 was transferred to Real Sportive, after the relegation of his club from the Ghana Premier League left Alhassan his club alongside his twin brother Fuseini and signed for New Edubiase United. In June 2011 he and Fuseini were transferred to Moldavian vice-champion FC Sheriff Tiraspol.Nuhu joined Ashanti Gold in 2015, scoring on his debut, against Medeama. He was released after a single season, having made 20 appearances for the club. He then returned to New Edubiase United for a brief spell.Nuhu played with his brother Fuseini by the team from Tema.	[ "FC Sheriff Tiraspol", "Real Sportive" ]
Who was the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany in Mar, 2009?	March 12, 2009	{ "text": [ "Andrea Fischer" ] }	L2_Q491566_P488_10	Antje Huber is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1976 to Apr, 1982. Horst Seehofer is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from May, 1992 to Oct, 1998. Käte Strobel is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1966 to Dec, 1972. Hermann Gröhe is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 2013 to Mar, 2018. Ursula Lehr is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1988 to Jan, 1991. Elisabeth Schwarzhaupt is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Nov, 1961 to Nov, 1966. Karl Lauterbach is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Katharina Focke is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1972 to Dec, 1976. Gerda Hasselfeldt is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Jan, 1991 to May, 1992. Daniel Bahr is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from May, 2011 to Dec, 2013. Heiner Geißler is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Oct, 1982 to Sep, 1985. Jens Spahn is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Mar, 2018 to Dec, 2021. Anke Fuchs is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Apr, 1982 to Oct, 1982. Andrea Fischer is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Oct, 1998 to Oct, 2009. Philipp Rösler is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Oct, 2009 to May, 2011. Rita Süssmuth is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Sep, 1985 to Dec, 1988.	Federal Ministry of Health (Germany)The Federal Ministry of Health (), abbreviated BMG, is a cabinet-level ministry of the Federal Republic of Germany. Its headquarters are located in Bonn with a second major office in Berlin. It is the highest German federal government department responsible for health. The ministry is officially located in Bonn and with a second office, which houses the ministry's management, location in Berlin.The Federal Ministry of Health was founded in 1961; in 1969 it was merged with the Federal Ministry for Family and Youth to create the new Federal Ministry for Youth, Family and Health.In 1991, the Federal Ministry of Health was restored. In 2002, it was expanded to include social affairs and renamed "Federal Ministry of Health and Social Security" ('). It was headed by the Federal Minister for Health and Social Security. Its portfolio included one part of the former Federal Ministry of Labour and the Social Order. The other part of the latter was added to the portfolio of the newly created Federal Ministry for Economics and Labour. Under the grand coalition headed by Angela Merkel in 2005, the portfolio reshuffle was reversed and responsibility for social affairs was moved back to the Federal Ministry of Labour and Social affairs (').Political Party:The Federal Ministry of Health is responsible for:The Federal Ministry of Health is responsible for the comprehensive (disciplinary) supervision of the following governmental institutions:The Federal Ministry of Health is also responsible for the non-disciplinary supervision ofand the legal supervision of the umbrella organizations of the statutory health insurance schemes.	[ "Philipp Rösler", "Rita Süssmuth", "Antje Huber", "Elisabeth Schwarzhaupt", "Jens Spahn", "Gerda Hasselfeldt", "Ursula Lehr", "Hermann Gröhe", "Karl Lauterbach", "Horst Seehofer", "Daniel Bahr", "Heiner Geißler", "Anke Fuchs", "Käte Strobel", "Katharina Focke" ]
Who was the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany in 2009-03-12?	March 12, 2009	{ "text": [ "Andrea Fischer" ] }	L2_Q491566_P488_10	Antje Huber is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1976 to Apr, 1982. Horst Seehofer is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from May, 1992 to Oct, 1998. Käte Strobel is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1966 to Dec, 1972. Hermann Gröhe is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 2013 to Mar, 2018. Ursula Lehr is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1988 to Jan, 1991. Elisabeth Schwarzhaupt is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Nov, 1961 to Nov, 1966. Karl Lauterbach is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Katharina Focke is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1972 to Dec, 1976. Gerda Hasselfeldt is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Jan, 1991 to May, 1992. Daniel Bahr is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from May, 2011 to Dec, 2013. Heiner Geißler is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Oct, 1982 to Sep, 1985. Jens Spahn is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Mar, 2018 to Dec, 2021. Anke Fuchs is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Apr, 1982 to Oct, 1982. Andrea Fischer is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Oct, 1998 to Oct, 2009. Philipp Rösler is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Oct, 2009 to May, 2011. Rita Süssmuth is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Sep, 1985 to Dec, 1988.	Federal Ministry of Health (Germany)The Federal Ministry of Health (), abbreviated BMG, is a cabinet-level ministry of the Federal Republic of Germany. Its headquarters are located in Bonn with a second major office in Berlin. It is the highest German federal government department responsible for health. The ministry is officially located in Bonn and with a second office, which houses the ministry's management, location in Berlin.The Federal Ministry of Health was founded in 1961; in 1969 it was merged with the Federal Ministry for Family and Youth to create the new Federal Ministry for Youth, Family and Health.In 1991, the Federal Ministry of Health was restored. In 2002, it was expanded to include social affairs and renamed "Federal Ministry of Health and Social Security" ('). It was headed by the Federal Minister for Health and Social Security. Its portfolio included one part of the former Federal Ministry of Labour and the Social Order. The other part of the latter was added to the portfolio of the newly created Federal Ministry for Economics and Labour. Under the grand coalition headed by Angela Merkel in 2005, the portfolio reshuffle was reversed and responsibility for social affairs was moved back to the Federal Ministry of Labour and Social affairs (').Political Party:The Federal Ministry of Health is responsible for:The Federal Ministry of Health is responsible for the comprehensive (disciplinary) supervision of the following governmental institutions:The Federal Ministry of Health is also responsible for the non-disciplinary supervision ofand the legal supervision of the umbrella organizations of the statutory health insurance schemes.	[ "Philipp Rösler", "Rita Süssmuth", "Antje Huber", "Elisabeth Schwarzhaupt", "Jens Spahn", "Gerda Hasselfeldt", "Ursula Lehr", "Hermann Gröhe", "Karl Lauterbach", "Horst Seehofer", "Daniel Bahr", "Heiner Geißler", "Anke Fuchs", "Käte Strobel", "Katharina Focke" ]
Who was the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany in 12/03/2009?	March 12, 2009	{ "text": [ "Andrea Fischer" ] }	L2_Q491566_P488_10	Antje Huber is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1976 to Apr, 1982. Horst Seehofer is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from May, 1992 to Oct, 1998. Käte Strobel is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1966 to Dec, 1972. Hermann Gröhe is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 2013 to Mar, 2018. Ursula Lehr is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1988 to Jan, 1991. Elisabeth Schwarzhaupt is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Nov, 1961 to Nov, 1966. Karl Lauterbach is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Katharina Focke is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1972 to Dec, 1976. Gerda Hasselfeldt is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Jan, 1991 to May, 1992. Daniel Bahr is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from May, 2011 to Dec, 2013. Heiner Geißler is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Oct, 1982 to Sep, 1985. Jens Spahn is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Mar, 2018 to Dec, 2021. Anke Fuchs is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Apr, 1982 to Oct, 1982. Andrea Fischer is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Oct, 1998 to Oct, 2009. Philipp Rösler is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Oct, 2009 to May, 2011. Rita Süssmuth is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Sep, 1985 to Dec, 1988.	Federal Ministry of Health (Germany)The Federal Ministry of Health (), abbreviated BMG, is a cabinet-level ministry of the Federal Republic of Germany. Its headquarters are located in Bonn with a second major office in Berlin. It is the highest German federal government department responsible for health. The ministry is officially located in Bonn and with a second office, which houses the ministry's management, location in Berlin.The Federal Ministry of Health was founded in 1961; in 1969 it was merged with the Federal Ministry for Family and Youth to create the new Federal Ministry for Youth, Family and Health.In 1991, the Federal Ministry of Health was restored. In 2002, it was expanded to include social affairs and renamed "Federal Ministry of Health and Social Security" ('). It was headed by the Federal Minister for Health and Social Security. Its portfolio included one part of the former Federal Ministry of Labour and the Social Order. The other part of the latter was added to the portfolio of the newly created Federal Ministry for Economics and Labour. Under the grand coalition headed by Angela Merkel in 2005, the portfolio reshuffle was reversed and responsibility for social affairs was moved back to the Federal Ministry of Labour and Social affairs (').Political Party:The Federal Ministry of Health is responsible for:The Federal Ministry of Health is responsible for the comprehensive (disciplinary) supervision of the following governmental institutions:The Federal Ministry of Health is also responsible for the non-disciplinary supervision ofand the legal supervision of the umbrella organizations of the statutory health insurance schemes.	[ "Philipp Rösler", "Rita Süssmuth", "Antje Huber", "Elisabeth Schwarzhaupt", "Jens Spahn", "Gerda Hasselfeldt", "Ursula Lehr", "Hermann Gröhe", "Karl Lauterbach", "Horst Seehofer", "Daniel Bahr", "Heiner Geißler", "Anke Fuchs", "Käte Strobel", "Katharina Focke" ]
Who was the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany in Mar 12, 2009?	March 12, 2009	{ "text": [ "Andrea Fischer" ] }	L2_Q491566_P488_10	Antje Huber is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1976 to Apr, 1982. Horst Seehofer is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from May, 1992 to Oct, 1998. Käte Strobel is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1966 to Dec, 1972. Hermann Gröhe is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 2013 to Mar, 2018. Ursula Lehr is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1988 to Jan, 1991. Elisabeth Schwarzhaupt is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Nov, 1961 to Nov, 1966. Karl Lauterbach is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Katharina Focke is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1972 to Dec, 1976. Gerda Hasselfeldt is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Jan, 1991 to May, 1992. Daniel Bahr is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from May, 2011 to Dec, 2013. Heiner Geißler is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Oct, 1982 to Sep, 1985. Jens Spahn is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Mar, 2018 to Dec, 2021. Anke Fuchs is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Apr, 1982 to Oct, 1982. Andrea Fischer is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Oct, 1998 to Oct, 2009. Philipp Rösler is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Oct, 2009 to May, 2011. Rita Süssmuth is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Sep, 1985 to Dec, 1988.	Federal Ministry of Health (Germany)The Federal Ministry of Health (), abbreviated BMG, is a cabinet-level ministry of the Federal Republic of Germany. Its headquarters are located in Bonn with a second major office in Berlin. It is the highest German federal government department responsible for health. The ministry is officially located in Bonn and with a second office, which houses the ministry's management, location in Berlin.The Federal Ministry of Health was founded in 1961; in 1969 it was merged with the Federal Ministry for Family and Youth to create the new Federal Ministry for Youth, Family and Health.In 1991, the Federal Ministry of Health was restored. In 2002, it was expanded to include social affairs and renamed "Federal Ministry of Health and Social Security" ('). It was headed by the Federal Minister for Health and Social Security. Its portfolio included one part of the former Federal Ministry of Labour and the Social Order. The other part of the latter was added to the portfolio of the newly created Federal Ministry for Economics and Labour. Under the grand coalition headed by Angela Merkel in 2005, the portfolio reshuffle was reversed and responsibility for social affairs was moved back to the Federal Ministry of Labour and Social affairs (').Political Party:The Federal Ministry of Health is responsible for:The Federal Ministry of Health is responsible for the comprehensive (disciplinary) supervision of the following governmental institutions:The Federal Ministry of Health is also responsible for the non-disciplinary supervision ofand the legal supervision of the umbrella organizations of the statutory health insurance schemes.	[ "Philipp Rösler", "Rita Süssmuth", "Antje Huber", "Elisabeth Schwarzhaupt", "Jens Spahn", "Gerda Hasselfeldt", "Ursula Lehr", "Hermann Gröhe", "Karl Lauterbach", "Horst Seehofer", "Daniel Bahr", "Heiner Geißler", "Anke Fuchs", "Käte Strobel", "Katharina Focke" ]
Who was the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany in 03/12/2009?	March 12, 2009	{ "text": [ "Andrea Fischer" ] }	L2_Q491566_P488_10	Antje Huber is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1976 to Apr, 1982. Horst Seehofer is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from May, 1992 to Oct, 1998. Käte Strobel is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1966 to Dec, 1972. Hermann Gröhe is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 2013 to Mar, 2018. Ursula Lehr is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1988 to Jan, 1991. Elisabeth Schwarzhaupt is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Nov, 1961 to Nov, 1966. Karl Lauterbach is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Katharina Focke is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1972 to Dec, 1976. Gerda Hasselfeldt is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Jan, 1991 to May, 1992. Daniel Bahr is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from May, 2011 to Dec, 2013. Heiner Geißler is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Oct, 1982 to Sep, 1985. Jens Spahn is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Mar, 2018 to Dec, 2021. Anke Fuchs is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Apr, 1982 to Oct, 1982. Andrea Fischer is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Oct, 1998 to Oct, 2009. Philipp Rösler is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Oct, 2009 to May, 2011. Rita Süssmuth is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Sep, 1985 to Dec, 1988.	Federal Ministry of Health (Germany)The Federal Ministry of Health (), abbreviated BMG, is a cabinet-level ministry of the Federal Republic of Germany. Its headquarters are located in Bonn with a second major office in Berlin. It is the highest German federal government department responsible for health. The ministry is officially located in Bonn and with a second office, which houses the ministry's management, location in Berlin.The Federal Ministry of Health was founded in 1961; in 1969 it was merged with the Federal Ministry for Family and Youth to create the new Federal Ministry for Youth, Family and Health.In 1991, the Federal Ministry of Health was restored. In 2002, it was expanded to include social affairs and renamed "Federal Ministry of Health and Social Security" ('). It was headed by the Federal Minister for Health and Social Security. Its portfolio included one part of the former Federal Ministry of Labour and the Social Order. The other part of the latter was added to the portfolio of the newly created Federal Ministry for Economics and Labour. Under the grand coalition headed by Angela Merkel in 2005, the portfolio reshuffle was reversed and responsibility for social affairs was moved back to the Federal Ministry of Labour and Social affairs (').Political Party:The Federal Ministry of Health is responsible for:The Federal Ministry of Health is responsible for the comprehensive (disciplinary) supervision of the following governmental institutions:The Federal Ministry of Health is also responsible for the non-disciplinary supervision ofand the legal supervision of the umbrella organizations of the statutory health insurance schemes.	[ "Philipp Rösler", "Rita Süssmuth", "Antje Huber", "Elisabeth Schwarzhaupt", "Jens Spahn", "Gerda Hasselfeldt", "Ursula Lehr", "Hermann Gröhe", "Karl Lauterbach", "Horst Seehofer", "Daniel Bahr", "Heiner Geißler", "Anke Fuchs", "Käte Strobel", "Katharina Focke" ]
Who was the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany in 12-Mar-200912-March-2009?	March 12, 2009	{ "text": [ "Andrea Fischer" ] }	L2_Q491566_P488_10	Antje Huber is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1976 to Apr, 1982. Horst Seehofer is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from May, 1992 to Oct, 1998. Käte Strobel is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1966 to Dec, 1972. Hermann Gröhe is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 2013 to Mar, 2018. Ursula Lehr is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1988 to Jan, 1991. Elisabeth Schwarzhaupt is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Nov, 1961 to Nov, 1966. Karl Lauterbach is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Katharina Focke is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Dec, 1972 to Dec, 1976. Gerda Hasselfeldt is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Jan, 1991 to May, 1992. Daniel Bahr is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from May, 2011 to Dec, 2013. Heiner Geißler is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Oct, 1982 to Sep, 1985. Jens Spahn is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Mar, 2018 to Dec, 2021. Anke Fuchs is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Apr, 1982 to Oct, 1982. Andrea Fischer is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Oct, 1998 to Oct, 2009. Philipp Rösler is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Oct, 2009 to May, 2011. Rita Süssmuth is the chair of Ministry of Health of Germany from Sep, 1985 to Dec, 1988.	Federal Ministry of Health (Germany)The Federal Ministry of Health (), abbreviated BMG, is a cabinet-level ministry of the Federal Republic of Germany. Its headquarters are located in Bonn with a second major office in Berlin. It is the highest German federal government department responsible for health. The ministry is officially located in Bonn and with a second office, which houses the ministry's management, location in Berlin.The Federal Ministry of Health was founded in 1961; in 1969 it was merged with the Federal Ministry for Family and Youth to create the new Federal Ministry for Youth, Family and Health.In 1991, the Federal Ministry of Health was restored. In 2002, it was expanded to include social affairs and renamed "Federal Ministry of Health and Social Security" ('). It was headed by the Federal Minister for Health and Social Security. Its portfolio included one part of the former Federal Ministry of Labour and the Social Order. The other part of the latter was added to the portfolio of the newly created Federal Ministry for Economics and Labour. Under the grand coalition headed by Angela Merkel in 2005, the portfolio reshuffle was reversed and responsibility for social affairs was moved back to the Federal Ministry of Labour and Social affairs (').Political Party:The Federal Ministry of Health is responsible for:The Federal Ministry of Health is responsible for the comprehensive (disciplinary) supervision of the following governmental institutions:The Federal Ministry of Health is also responsible for the non-disciplinary supervision ofand the legal supervision of the umbrella organizations of the statutory health insurance schemes.	[ "Philipp Rösler", "Rita Süssmuth", "Antje Huber", "Elisabeth Schwarzhaupt", "Jens Spahn", "Gerda Hasselfeldt", "Ursula Lehr", "Hermann Gröhe", "Karl Lauterbach", "Horst Seehofer", "Daniel Bahr", "Heiner Geißler", "Anke Fuchs", "Käte Strobel", "Katharina Focke" ]
Which position did Charles Baring Wall hold in Dec, 1835?	December 08, 1835	{ "text": [ "Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q21165490_P39_6	Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1819 to Feb, 1820. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Aug, 1831 to Dec, 1832. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Oct, 1853. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1835 to Jul, 1837.	Charles Baring WallCharles Baring Wall (1795 – 14 October 1853) was at various stages throughout the 19th century the Member of Parliament for Guildford, Wareham, Weymouth and Salisbury. Wall was initially a Conservative but shifted to the Whigs as an MP for Guildford. He then belonged to the Peelite faction and died while MP for Salisbury.He was the son of Charles Wall and Harriet Baring. His maternal grandfather was Sir Francis Baring, 1st Baronet. He was educated at Eton College and Christ Church, Oxford.He did not marry. His property included the Norman Court estate, straddling the Hampshire/Wiltshire border.	[ "Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Charles Baring Wall hold in 1835-12-08?	December 08, 1835	{ "text": [ "Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q21165490_P39_6	Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1819 to Feb, 1820. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Aug, 1831 to Dec, 1832. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Oct, 1853. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1835 to Jul, 1837.	Charles Baring WallCharles Baring Wall (1795 – 14 October 1853) was at various stages throughout the 19th century the Member of Parliament for Guildford, Wareham, Weymouth and Salisbury. Wall was initially a Conservative but shifted to the Whigs as an MP for Guildford. He then belonged to the Peelite faction and died while MP for Salisbury.He was the son of Charles Wall and Harriet Baring. His maternal grandfather was Sir Francis Baring, 1st Baronet. He was educated at Eton College and Christ Church, Oxford.He did not marry. His property included the Norman Court estate, straddling the Hampshire/Wiltshire border.	[ "Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Charles Baring Wall hold in 08/12/1835?	December 08, 1835	{ "text": [ "Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q21165490_P39_6	Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1819 to Feb, 1820. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Aug, 1831 to Dec, 1832. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Oct, 1853. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1835 to Jul, 1837.	Charles Baring WallCharles Baring Wall (1795 – 14 October 1853) was at various stages throughout the 19th century the Member of Parliament for Guildford, Wareham, Weymouth and Salisbury. Wall was initially a Conservative but shifted to the Whigs as an MP for Guildford. He then belonged to the Peelite faction and died while MP for Salisbury.He was the son of Charles Wall and Harriet Baring. His maternal grandfather was Sir Francis Baring, 1st Baronet. He was educated at Eton College and Christ Church, Oxford.He did not marry. His property included the Norman Court estate, straddling the Hampshire/Wiltshire border.	[ "Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Charles Baring Wall hold in Dec 08, 1835?	December 08, 1835	{ "text": [ "Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q21165490_P39_6	Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1819 to Feb, 1820. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Aug, 1831 to Dec, 1832. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Oct, 1853. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1835 to Jul, 1837.	Charles Baring WallCharles Baring Wall (1795 – 14 October 1853) was at various stages throughout the 19th century the Member of Parliament for Guildford, Wareham, Weymouth and Salisbury. Wall was initially a Conservative but shifted to the Whigs as an MP for Guildford. He then belonged to the Peelite faction and died while MP for Salisbury.He was the son of Charles Wall and Harriet Baring. His maternal grandfather was Sir Francis Baring, 1st Baronet. He was educated at Eton College and Christ Church, Oxford.He did not marry. His property included the Norman Court estate, straddling the Hampshire/Wiltshire border.	[ "Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Charles Baring Wall hold in 12/08/1835?	December 08, 1835	{ "text": [ "Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q21165490_P39_6	Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1819 to Feb, 1820. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Aug, 1831 to Dec, 1832. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Oct, 1853. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1835 to Jul, 1837.	Charles Baring WallCharles Baring Wall (1795 – 14 October 1853) was at various stages throughout the 19th century the Member of Parliament for Guildford, Wareham, Weymouth and Salisbury. Wall was initially a Conservative but shifted to the Whigs as an MP for Guildford. He then belonged to the Peelite faction and died while MP for Salisbury.He was the son of Charles Wall and Harriet Baring. His maternal grandfather was Sir Francis Baring, 1st Baronet. He was educated at Eton College and Christ Church, Oxford.He did not marry. His property included the Norman Court estate, straddling the Hampshire/Wiltshire border.	[ "Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Charles Baring Wall hold in 08-Dec-183508-December-1835?	December 08, 1835	{ "text": [ "Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q21165490_P39_6	Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1819 to Feb, 1820. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Aug, 1831 to Dec, 1832. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Oct, 1853. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834. Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1835 to Jul, 1837.	Charles Baring WallCharles Baring Wall (1795 – 14 October 1853) was at various stages throughout the 19th century the Member of Parliament for Guildford, Wareham, Weymouth and Salisbury. Wall was initially a Conservative but shifted to the Whigs as an MP for Guildford. He then belonged to the Peelite faction and died while MP for Salisbury.He was the son of Charles Wall and Harriet Baring. His maternal grandfather was Sir Francis Baring, 1st Baronet. He was educated at Eton College and Christ Church, Oxford.He did not marry. His property included the Norman Court estate, straddling the Hampshire/Wiltshire border.	[ "Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Thomas Francis Kennedy hold in Feb, 1831?	February 22, 1831	{ "text": [ "Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q7789773_P39_3	Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Feb, 1834. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1818 to Feb, 1820. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1831 to Dec, 1832.	Thomas Francis KennedyThomas Francis Kennedy (11 November 17881 April 1879), Scottish politician, was born near Ayr in 1788. He studied for the bar and became advocate in 1811. Having been elected Member of Parliament for the Ayr Burghs in 1818, he devoted the greater part of his life to the promotion of liberal reforms.In 1820 he married the only daughter of Sir Samuel Romilly. He was greatly assisted by Lord Cockburn, then Mr. Henry Cockburn, and a volume of correspondence published by Kennedy in 1874 forms a curious and interesting record of the consultations of the two friends on measures which they regarded as requisite for the political regeneration of their native country. One of the first measures to which he directed his attention was the withdrawal of the power of nominating juries from the judges, and the imparting of a right of peremptory challenge to prisoners. Among other subjects were the improvement of the parish schools, of pauper administration, and of several of the corrupt forms of legal procedure which then prevailed.Kennedy took a prominent part in the construction of the Scottish Reform Act 1832; indeed he and Lord Cockburn may almost be regarded as its authors. After the accession of the Whigs to office in 1832 he held office in the ministry as Clerk of the Ordnance in 1832 and as a Junior Lord of the Treasury from 1832 to 1834, and most of the measures of reform for Scotland, such as burgh reform, the improvements in the law of entail, and the reform of the sheriff courts, owed much to his sagacity and energy. In 1837 he went to Ireland as pay master of civil services, and set himself to the promotion of various measures of reform. Kennedy retired from office in 1854, but continued to take keen interest in political affairs and up to his death in 1879 took a great part in both county and parish business. He had a stern love of justice, and a determined hatred of everything savouring of corruption or dishonesty.	[ "Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Thomas Francis Kennedy hold in 1831-02-22?	February 22, 1831	{ "text": [ "Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q7789773_P39_3	Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Feb, 1834. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1818 to Feb, 1820. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1831 to Dec, 1832.	Thomas Francis KennedyThomas Francis Kennedy (11 November 17881 April 1879), Scottish politician, was born near Ayr in 1788. He studied for the bar and became advocate in 1811. Having been elected Member of Parliament for the Ayr Burghs in 1818, he devoted the greater part of his life to the promotion of liberal reforms.In 1820 he married the only daughter of Sir Samuel Romilly. He was greatly assisted by Lord Cockburn, then Mr. Henry Cockburn, and a volume of correspondence published by Kennedy in 1874 forms a curious and interesting record of the consultations of the two friends on measures which they regarded as requisite for the political regeneration of their native country. One of the first measures to which he directed his attention was the withdrawal of the power of nominating juries from the judges, and the imparting of a right of peremptory challenge to prisoners. Among other subjects were the improvement of the parish schools, of pauper administration, and of several of the corrupt forms of legal procedure which then prevailed.Kennedy took a prominent part in the construction of the Scottish Reform Act 1832; indeed he and Lord Cockburn may almost be regarded as its authors. After the accession of the Whigs to office in 1832 he held office in the ministry as Clerk of the Ordnance in 1832 and as a Junior Lord of the Treasury from 1832 to 1834, and most of the measures of reform for Scotland, such as burgh reform, the improvements in the law of entail, and the reform of the sheriff courts, owed much to his sagacity and energy. In 1837 he went to Ireland as pay master of civil services, and set himself to the promotion of various measures of reform. Kennedy retired from office in 1854, but continued to take keen interest in political affairs and up to his death in 1879 took a great part in both county and parish business. He had a stern love of justice, and a determined hatred of everything savouring of corruption or dishonesty.	[ "Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Thomas Francis Kennedy hold in 22/02/1831?	February 22, 1831	{ "text": [ "Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q7789773_P39_3	Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Feb, 1834. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1818 to Feb, 1820. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1831 to Dec, 1832.	Thomas Francis KennedyThomas Francis Kennedy (11 November 17881 April 1879), Scottish politician, was born near Ayr in 1788. He studied for the bar and became advocate in 1811. Having been elected Member of Parliament for the Ayr Burghs in 1818, he devoted the greater part of his life to the promotion of liberal reforms.In 1820 he married the only daughter of Sir Samuel Romilly. He was greatly assisted by Lord Cockburn, then Mr. Henry Cockburn, and a volume of correspondence published by Kennedy in 1874 forms a curious and interesting record of the consultations of the two friends on measures which they regarded as requisite for the political regeneration of their native country. One of the first measures to which he directed his attention was the withdrawal of the power of nominating juries from the judges, and the imparting of a right of peremptory challenge to prisoners. Among other subjects were the improvement of the parish schools, of pauper administration, and of several of the corrupt forms of legal procedure which then prevailed.Kennedy took a prominent part in the construction of the Scottish Reform Act 1832; indeed he and Lord Cockburn may almost be regarded as its authors. After the accession of the Whigs to office in 1832 he held office in the ministry as Clerk of the Ordnance in 1832 and as a Junior Lord of the Treasury from 1832 to 1834, and most of the measures of reform for Scotland, such as burgh reform, the improvements in the law of entail, and the reform of the sheriff courts, owed much to his sagacity and energy. In 1837 he went to Ireland as pay master of civil services, and set himself to the promotion of various measures of reform. Kennedy retired from office in 1854, but continued to take keen interest in political affairs and up to his death in 1879 took a great part in both county and parish business. He had a stern love of justice, and a determined hatred of everything savouring of corruption or dishonesty.	[ "Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Thomas Francis Kennedy hold in Feb 22, 1831?	February 22, 1831	{ "text": [ "Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q7789773_P39_3	Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Feb, 1834. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1818 to Feb, 1820. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1831 to Dec, 1832.	Thomas Francis KennedyThomas Francis Kennedy (11 November 17881 April 1879), Scottish politician, was born near Ayr in 1788. He studied for the bar and became advocate in 1811. Having been elected Member of Parliament for the Ayr Burghs in 1818, he devoted the greater part of his life to the promotion of liberal reforms.In 1820 he married the only daughter of Sir Samuel Romilly. He was greatly assisted by Lord Cockburn, then Mr. Henry Cockburn, and a volume of correspondence published by Kennedy in 1874 forms a curious and interesting record of the consultations of the two friends on measures which they regarded as requisite for the political regeneration of their native country. One of the first measures to which he directed his attention was the withdrawal of the power of nominating juries from the judges, and the imparting of a right of peremptory challenge to prisoners. Among other subjects were the improvement of the parish schools, of pauper administration, and of several of the corrupt forms of legal procedure which then prevailed.Kennedy took a prominent part in the construction of the Scottish Reform Act 1832; indeed he and Lord Cockburn may almost be regarded as its authors. After the accession of the Whigs to office in 1832 he held office in the ministry as Clerk of the Ordnance in 1832 and as a Junior Lord of the Treasury from 1832 to 1834, and most of the measures of reform for Scotland, such as burgh reform, the improvements in the law of entail, and the reform of the sheriff courts, owed much to his sagacity and energy. In 1837 he went to Ireland as pay master of civil services, and set himself to the promotion of various measures of reform. Kennedy retired from office in 1854, but continued to take keen interest in political affairs and up to his death in 1879 took a great part in both county and parish business. He had a stern love of justice, and a determined hatred of everything savouring of corruption or dishonesty.	[ "Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Thomas Francis Kennedy hold in 02/22/1831?	February 22, 1831	{ "text": [ "Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q7789773_P39_3	Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Feb, 1834. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1818 to Feb, 1820. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1831 to Dec, 1832.	Thomas Francis KennedyThomas Francis Kennedy (11 November 17881 April 1879), Scottish politician, was born near Ayr in 1788. He studied for the bar and became advocate in 1811. Having been elected Member of Parliament for the Ayr Burghs in 1818, he devoted the greater part of his life to the promotion of liberal reforms.In 1820 he married the only daughter of Sir Samuel Romilly. He was greatly assisted by Lord Cockburn, then Mr. Henry Cockburn, and a volume of correspondence published by Kennedy in 1874 forms a curious and interesting record of the consultations of the two friends on measures which they regarded as requisite for the political regeneration of their native country. One of the first measures to which he directed his attention was the withdrawal of the power of nominating juries from the judges, and the imparting of a right of peremptory challenge to prisoners. Among other subjects were the improvement of the parish schools, of pauper administration, and of several of the corrupt forms of legal procedure which then prevailed.Kennedy took a prominent part in the construction of the Scottish Reform Act 1832; indeed he and Lord Cockburn may almost be regarded as its authors. After the accession of the Whigs to office in 1832 he held office in the ministry as Clerk of the Ordnance in 1832 and as a Junior Lord of the Treasury from 1832 to 1834, and most of the measures of reform for Scotland, such as burgh reform, the improvements in the law of entail, and the reform of the sheriff courts, owed much to his sagacity and energy. In 1837 he went to Ireland as pay master of civil services, and set himself to the promotion of various measures of reform. Kennedy retired from office in 1854, but continued to take keen interest in political affairs and up to his death in 1879 took a great part in both county and parish business. He had a stern love of justice, and a determined hatred of everything savouring of corruption or dishonesty.	[ "Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Thomas Francis Kennedy hold in 22-Feb-183122-February-1831?	February 22, 1831	{ "text": [ "Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q7789773_P39_3	Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Feb, 1834. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1818 to Feb, 1820. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831. Thomas Francis Kennedy holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1831 to Dec, 1832.	Thomas Francis KennedyThomas Francis Kennedy (11 November 17881 April 1879), Scottish politician, was born near Ayr in 1788. He studied for the bar and became advocate in 1811. Having been elected Member of Parliament for the Ayr Burghs in 1818, he devoted the greater part of his life to the promotion of liberal reforms.In 1820 he married the only daughter of Sir Samuel Romilly. He was greatly assisted by Lord Cockburn, then Mr. Henry Cockburn, and a volume of correspondence published by Kennedy in 1874 forms a curious and interesting record of the consultations of the two friends on measures which they regarded as requisite for the political regeneration of their native country. One of the first measures to which he directed his attention was the withdrawal of the power of nominating juries from the judges, and the imparting of a right of peremptory challenge to prisoners. Among other subjects were the improvement of the parish schools, of pauper administration, and of several of the corrupt forms of legal procedure which then prevailed.Kennedy took a prominent part in the construction of the Scottish Reform Act 1832; indeed he and Lord Cockburn may almost be regarded as its authors. After the accession of the Whigs to office in 1832 he held office in the ministry as Clerk of the Ordnance in 1832 and as a Junior Lord of the Treasury from 1832 to 1834, and most of the measures of reform for Scotland, such as burgh reform, the improvements in the law of entail, and the reform of the sheriff courts, owed much to his sagacity and energy. In 1837 he went to Ireland as pay master of civil services, and set himself to the promotion of various measures of reform. Kennedy retired from office in 1854, but continued to take keen interest in political affairs and up to his death in 1879 took a great part in both county and parish business. He had a stern love of justice, and a determined hatred of everything savouring of corruption or dishonesty.	[ "Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which team did Jedaias Capucho Neves play for in Jan, 2002?	January 01, 2002	{ "text": [ "Robur Siena", "Vicenza Calcio" ] }	L2_Q2447035_P54_2	Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Nuorese Calcio from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for União São João E.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2000. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Cagliari Calcio from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2010. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Novara Calcio from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for U.S. Pergolettese 1932 from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for A.C. Rimini 1912 from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Robur Siena from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2002. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for S.S.D. Casarano Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Potenza Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Acqui U.S. 1911 from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Piacenza Calcio from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for F.C. Crotone from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Calcio Catania from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2005. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Vicenza Calcio from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2003. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Unione Sportiva Lecce from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2013. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Palermo FC from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2004.	Jeda (footballer)Jedaias Capucho Neves (born 15 April 1979), better known as Jeda, is a Brazilian former footballer who played as a striker, and currently head coach of Italian amateur club Vimercatese Oreno.Born in Santarém, Pará, Jeda started his career at União São João. He then signed by Vicenza. He made his Serie A debut against Reggina on 23 December 2000. He then found using a fake passport in order to register as an EU player, he was banned for the first half of 2001–02 season.He followed the club relegated in summer 2001. He made 3 appearances before moved to A.C. Siena on loan. he then played regularly for Vicenza, but transferred to Palermo in January 2004. He won the Serie B Champions in summer 2004, but transferred to Piacenza of Serie B after became surplus of Palermo Serie A campaign. In January 2005, he moved, this time on loan to league rival Catania.In summer 2005, he joined F.C. Crotone, where he scored 15 goals. In summer 2006, he was signed by Rimini, where he scored 13 goals in 19 games in 2007–08 season.In January 2008, he joined Serie A club Cagliari, who was then struggling to keep from relegation. He eventually helped Cagliari recover and maintain their stay at Serie A.Signing on deadline day in the summer of 2010 from Cagliari, he moved to newly promoted Serie A team Lecce. He scored two goals in the decisive match against Bari on 15 May 2011 which allowed his team to avoid relegation with a game to spare.After a number of experiences in the minor leagues of Italian football, he retired in 2018 following a season with Eccellenza amateurs Vimercatese Oreno.After his retirement, he accepted an offer from Vimercatese Oreno to stay at the club on head coaching duty.	[ "A.C. Rimini 1912", "Palermo FC", "Calcio Catania", "Potenza Calcio", "S.S.D. Casarano Calcio", "Unione Sportiva Lecce", "Cagliari Calcio", "Nuorese Calcio", "F.C. Crotone", "União São João E.C.", "Novara Calcio", "Piacenza Calcio", "U.S. Pergolettese 1932", "Acqui U.S. 1911" ]
Which team did Jedaias Capucho Neves play for in 2002-01-01?	January 01, 2002	{ "text": [ "Robur Siena", "Vicenza Calcio" ] }	L2_Q2447035_P54_2	Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Nuorese Calcio from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for União São João E.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2000. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Cagliari Calcio from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2010. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Novara Calcio from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for U.S. Pergolettese 1932 from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for A.C. Rimini 1912 from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Robur Siena from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2002. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for S.S.D. Casarano Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Potenza Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Acqui U.S. 1911 from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Piacenza Calcio from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for F.C. Crotone from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Calcio Catania from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2005. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Vicenza Calcio from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2003. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Unione Sportiva Lecce from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2013. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Palermo FC from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2004.	Jeda (footballer)Jedaias Capucho Neves (born 15 April 1979), better known as Jeda, is a Brazilian former footballer who played as a striker, and currently head coach of Italian amateur club Vimercatese Oreno.Born in Santarém, Pará, Jeda started his career at União São João. He then signed by Vicenza. He made his Serie A debut against Reggina on 23 December 2000. He then found using a fake passport in order to register as an EU player, he was banned for the first half of 2001–02 season.He followed the club relegated in summer 2001. He made 3 appearances before moved to A.C. Siena on loan. he then played regularly for Vicenza, but transferred to Palermo in January 2004. He won the Serie B Champions in summer 2004, but transferred to Piacenza of Serie B after became surplus of Palermo Serie A campaign. In January 2005, he moved, this time on loan to league rival Catania.In summer 2005, he joined F.C. Crotone, where he scored 15 goals. In summer 2006, he was signed by Rimini, where he scored 13 goals in 19 games in 2007–08 season.In January 2008, he joined Serie A club Cagliari, who was then struggling to keep from relegation. He eventually helped Cagliari recover and maintain their stay at Serie A.Signing on deadline day in the summer of 2010 from Cagliari, he moved to newly promoted Serie A team Lecce. He scored two goals in the decisive match against Bari on 15 May 2011 which allowed his team to avoid relegation with a game to spare.After a number of experiences in the minor leagues of Italian football, he retired in 2018 following a season with Eccellenza amateurs Vimercatese Oreno.After his retirement, he accepted an offer from Vimercatese Oreno to stay at the club on head coaching duty.	[ "A.C. Rimini 1912", "Palermo FC", "Calcio Catania", "Potenza Calcio", "S.S.D. Casarano Calcio", "Unione Sportiva Lecce", "Cagliari Calcio", "Nuorese Calcio", "F.C. Crotone", "União São João E.C.", "Novara Calcio", "Piacenza Calcio", "U.S. Pergolettese 1932", "Acqui U.S. 1911" ]
Which team did Jedaias Capucho Neves play for in 01/01/2002?	January 01, 2002	{ "text": [ "Robur Siena", "Vicenza Calcio" ] }	L2_Q2447035_P54_2	Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Nuorese Calcio from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for União São João E.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2000. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Cagliari Calcio from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2010. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Novara Calcio from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for U.S. Pergolettese 1932 from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for A.C. Rimini 1912 from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Robur Siena from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2002. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for S.S.D. Casarano Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Potenza Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Acqui U.S. 1911 from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Piacenza Calcio from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for F.C. Crotone from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Calcio Catania from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2005. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Vicenza Calcio from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2003. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Unione Sportiva Lecce from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2013. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Palermo FC from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2004.	Jeda (footballer)Jedaias Capucho Neves (born 15 April 1979), better known as Jeda, is a Brazilian former footballer who played as a striker, and currently head coach of Italian amateur club Vimercatese Oreno.Born in Santarém, Pará, Jeda started his career at União São João. He then signed by Vicenza. He made his Serie A debut against Reggina on 23 December 2000. He then found using a fake passport in order to register as an EU player, he was banned for the first half of 2001–02 season.He followed the club relegated in summer 2001. He made 3 appearances before moved to A.C. Siena on loan. he then played regularly for Vicenza, but transferred to Palermo in January 2004. He won the Serie B Champions in summer 2004, but transferred to Piacenza of Serie B after became surplus of Palermo Serie A campaign. In January 2005, he moved, this time on loan to league rival Catania.In summer 2005, he joined F.C. Crotone, where he scored 15 goals. In summer 2006, he was signed by Rimini, where he scored 13 goals in 19 games in 2007–08 season.In January 2008, he joined Serie A club Cagliari, who was then struggling to keep from relegation. He eventually helped Cagliari recover and maintain their stay at Serie A.Signing on deadline day in the summer of 2010 from Cagliari, he moved to newly promoted Serie A team Lecce. He scored two goals in the decisive match against Bari on 15 May 2011 which allowed his team to avoid relegation with a game to spare.After a number of experiences in the minor leagues of Italian football, he retired in 2018 following a season with Eccellenza amateurs Vimercatese Oreno.After his retirement, he accepted an offer from Vimercatese Oreno to stay at the club on head coaching duty.	[ "A.C. Rimini 1912", "Palermo FC", "Calcio Catania", "Potenza Calcio", "S.S.D. Casarano Calcio", "Unione Sportiva Lecce", "Cagliari Calcio", "Nuorese Calcio", "F.C. Crotone", "União São João E.C.", "Novara Calcio", "Piacenza Calcio", "U.S. Pergolettese 1932", "Acqui U.S. 1911" ]
Which team did Jedaias Capucho Neves play for in Jan 01, 2002?	January 01, 2002	{ "text": [ "Robur Siena", "Vicenza Calcio" ] }	L2_Q2447035_P54_2	Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Nuorese Calcio from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for União São João E.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2000. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Cagliari Calcio from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2010. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Novara Calcio from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for U.S. Pergolettese 1932 from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for A.C. Rimini 1912 from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Robur Siena from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2002. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for S.S.D. Casarano Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Potenza Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Acqui U.S. 1911 from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Piacenza Calcio from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for F.C. Crotone from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Calcio Catania from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2005. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Vicenza Calcio from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2003. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Unione Sportiva Lecce from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2013. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Palermo FC from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2004.	Jeda (footballer)Jedaias Capucho Neves (born 15 April 1979), better known as Jeda, is a Brazilian former footballer who played as a striker, and currently head coach of Italian amateur club Vimercatese Oreno.Born in Santarém, Pará, Jeda started his career at União São João. He then signed by Vicenza. He made his Serie A debut against Reggina on 23 December 2000. He then found using a fake passport in order to register as an EU player, he was banned for the first half of 2001–02 season.He followed the club relegated in summer 2001. He made 3 appearances before moved to A.C. Siena on loan. he then played regularly for Vicenza, but transferred to Palermo in January 2004. He won the Serie B Champions in summer 2004, but transferred to Piacenza of Serie B after became surplus of Palermo Serie A campaign. In January 2005, he moved, this time on loan to league rival Catania.In summer 2005, he joined F.C. Crotone, where he scored 15 goals. In summer 2006, he was signed by Rimini, where he scored 13 goals in 19 games in 2007–08 season.In January 2008, he joined Serie A club Cagliari, who was then struggling to keep from relegation. He eventually helped Cagliari recover and maintain their stay at Serie A.Signing on deadline day in the summer of 2010 from Cagliari, he moved to newly promoted Serie A team Lecce. He scored two goals in the decisive match against Bari on 15 May 2011 which allowed his team to avoid relegation with a game to spare.After a number of experiences in the minor leagues of Italian football, he retired in 2018 following a season with Eccellenza amateurs Vimercatese Oreno.After his retirement, he accepted an offer from Vimercatese Oreno to stay at the club on head coaching duty.	[ "A.C. Rimini 1912", "Palermo FC", "Calcio Catania", "Potenza Calcio", "S.S.D. Casarano Calcio", "Unione Sportiva Lecce", "Cagliari Calcio", "Nuorese Calcio", "F.C. Crotone", "União São João E.C.", "Novara Calcio", "Piacenza Calcio", "U.S. Pergolettese 1932", "Acqui U.S. 1911" ]
Which team did Jedaias Capucho Neves play for in 01/01/2002?	January 01, 2002	{ "text": [ "Robur Siena", "Vicenza Calcio" ] }	L2_Q2447035_P54_2	Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Nuorese Calcio from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for União São João E.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2000. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Cagliari Calcio from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2010. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Novara Calcio from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for U.S. Pergolettese 1932 from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for A.C. Rimini 1912 from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Robur Siena from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2002. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for S.S.D. Casarano Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Potenza Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Acqui U.S. 1911 from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Piacenza Calcio from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for F.C. Crotone from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Calcio Catania from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2005. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Vicenza Calcio from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2003. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Unione Sportiva Lecce from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2013. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Palermo FC from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2004.	Jeda (footballer)Jedaias Capucho Neves (born 15 April 1979), better known as Jeda, is a Brazilian former footballer who played as a striker, and currently head coach of Italian amateur club Vimercatese Oreno.Born in Santarém, Pará, Jeda started his career at União São João. He then signed by Vicenza. He made his Serie A debut against Reggina on 23 December 2000. He then found using a fake passport in order to register as an EU player, he was banned for the first half of 2001–02 season.He followed the club relegated in summer 2001. He made 3 appearances before moved to A.C. Siena on loan. he then played regularly for Vicenza, but transferred to Palermo in January 2004. He won the Serie B Champions in summer 2004, but transferred to Piacenza of Serie B after became surplus of Palermo Serie A campaign. In January 2005, he moved, this time on loan to league rival Catania.In summer 2005, he joined F.C. Crotone, where he scored 15 goals. In summer 2006, he was signed by Rimini, where he scored 13 goals in 19 games in 2007–08 season.In January 2008, he joined Serie A club Cagliari, who was then struggling to keep from relegation. He eventually helped Cagliari recover and maintain their stay at Serie A.Signing on deadline day in the summer of 2010 from Cagliari, he moved to newly promoted Serie A team Lecce. He scored two goals in the decisive match against Bari on 15 May 2011 which allowed his team to avoid relegation with a game to spare.After a number of experiences in the minor leagues of Italian football, he retired in 2018 following a season with Eccellenza amateurs Vimercatese Oreno.After his retirement, he accepted an offer from Vimercatese Oreno to stay at the club on head coaching duty.	[ "A.C. Rimini 1912", "Palermo FC", "Calcio Catania", "Potenza Calcio", "S.S.D. Casarano Calcio", "Unione Sportiva Lecce", "Cagliari Calcio", "Nuorese Calcio", "F.C. Crotone", "União São João E.C.", "Novara Calcio", "Piacenza Calcio", "U.S. Pergolettese 1932", "Acqui U.S. 1911" ]
Which team did Jedaias Capucho Neves play for in 01-Jan-200201-January-2002?	January 01, 2002	{ "text": [ "Robur Siena", "Vicenza Calcio" ] }	L2_Q2447035_P54_2	Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Nuorese Calcio from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for União São João E.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2000. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Cagliari Calcio from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2010. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Novara Calcio from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for U.S. Pergolettese 1932 from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for A.C. Rimini 1912 from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Robur Siena from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2002. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for S.S.D. Casarano Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Potenza Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Acqui U.S. 1911 from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Piacenza Calcio from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for F.C. Crotone from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Calcio Catania from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2005. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Vicenza Calcio from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2003. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Unione Sportiva Lecce from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2013. Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Palermo FC from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2004.	Jeda (footballer)Jedaias Capucho Neves (born 15 April 1979), better known as Jeda, is a Brazilian former footballer who played as a striker, and currently head coach of Italian amateur club Vimercatese Oreno.Born in Santarém, Pará, Jeda started his career at União São João. He then signed by Vicenza. He made his Serie A debut against Reggina on 23 December 2000. He then found using a fake passport in order to register as an EU player, he was banned for the first half of 2001–02 season.He followed the club relegated in summer 2001. He made 3 appearances before moved to A.C. Siena on loan. he then played regularly for Vicenza, but transferred to Palermo in January 2004. He won the Serie B Champions in summer 2004, but transferred to Piacenza of Serie B after became surplus of Palermo Serie A campaign. In January 2005, he moved, this time on loan to league rival Catania.In summer 2005, he joined F.C. Crotone, where he scored 15 goals. In summer 2006, he was signed by Rimini, where he scored 13 goals in 19 games in 2007–08 season.In January 2008, he joined Serie A club Cagliari, who was then struggling to keep from relegation. He eventually helped Cagliari recover and maintain their stay at Serie A.Signing on deadline day in the summer of 2010 from Cagliari, he moved to newly promoted Serie A team Lecce. He scored two goals in the decisive match against Bari on 15 May 2011 which allowed his team to avoid relegation with a game to spare.After a number of experiences in the minor leagues of Italian football, he retired in 2018 following a season with Eccellenza amateurs Vimercatese Oreno.After his retirement, he accepted an offer from Vimercatese Oreno to stay at the club on head coaching duty.	[ "A.C. Rimini 1912", "Palermo FC", "Calcio Catania", "Potenza Calcio", "S.S.D. Casarano Calcio", "Unione Sportiva Lecce", "Cagliari Calcio", "Nuorese Calcio", "F.C. Crotone", "União São João E.C.", "Novara Calcio", "Piacenza Calcio", "U.S. Pergolettese 1932", "Acqui U.S. 1911" ]
Who was the head of arrondissement of Alès in Aug, 1965?	August 11, 1965	{ "text": [ "Marcel Cot" ] }	L2_Q700396_P6_36	Joseph-Eugène Amelin is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1858 to Jan, 1860. Charles Colomb is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1883 to Jan, 1888. Gérard Sénégas is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1999. José Delfau is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1927. Charles de Thézillat is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1865 to Jan, 1870. Jean-Baptiste Boffinton is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1854 to Jan, 1856. Martin Sollier is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1829 to Jan, 1830. Dominique Bossu is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1877 to Jan, 1879. Albert Le Go is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1904 to Jan, 1911. Stéphane Guyon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2008. Jacques Palazy is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1977 to Jan, 1979. Saint-Cyr-Montlaur is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1856 to Jan, 1858. François Lamelot is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2004. François Ambroggiani is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Pierre Goirand de Labaume is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1873 to Jan, 1877. Denis Chassaigne is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1943. Marcel Cot is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1966. Gilles-Henry Garault is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005. Philippe de Narbonne-Lara is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1815 to Jan, 1817. Louis Bezombes is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1888 to Jan, 1895. Gilbert Cournon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1837 to Jan, 1841. Thomas Louis Mercier is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1831 to Jan, 1833. Franck Rouvière is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1927 to Jan, 1940. Martial Baile is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1871 to Jan, 1873. Georges Bérard is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1985. Francis de Civrieux is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1863 to Jan, 1865. Hippolyte Morlé is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1914. Ernest Lolliot is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1879 to Jan, 1880. Auguste Boivin is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1912. Émile Nau de Beauregard is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1852 to Jan, 1854. Sainte-Colombe is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1817 to Jan, 1818. P. Mercier is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1858 to Jan, 1858. Auguste Ménard is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1833 to Jan, 1837. Eugène Ducamp is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1870 to Jan, 1871. Marcel Henri is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1958. Michel Thénault is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1988. Clodomir de Chapelain is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1841 to Jan, 1852. Olivier Delcayrou is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2018. Émile Marchais is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1940. Pierre Cantegrel is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1966 to Jan, 1971. Louis de Larcy is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1818 to Jan, 1827. Gonthier Friederici is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1990. Albert Carré is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1974. Jean-Jacques Joseph Serres is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1800 to Jan, 1815. Laurent Spadale is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1946. Philippe Portal is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2011. Charles Bardon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1880 to Jan, 1883. Jean Lem is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1958 to Jan, 1964. Auguste Murjas is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1871 to Jan, 1871. Jacques Millon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995. Jean-Marie Duval is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1993. Christophe Marx is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2014. Alfred Fabre is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1895 to Jan, 1897.	Arrondissement of AlèsThe arrondissement of Alès is an arrondissement of France in the Gard department in the Occitanie region. It has 97 communes. Its population is 148,139 (2016), and its area is .The communes of the arrondissement of Alès, and their INSEE codes, are:The arrondissement of Alès was created in 1800. At the January 2017 reorganisation of the arrondissements of Gard, it gained four communes from the arrondissement of Le Vigan, and it lost two communes to the arrondissement of Nîmes and six communes to the arrondissement of Le Vigan.As a result of the reorganisation of the cantons of France which came into effect in 2015, the borders of the cantons are no longer related to the borders of the arrondissements. The cantons of the arrondissement of Alès were, as of January 2015:	[ "Alfred Fabre", "Laurent Spadale", "Denis Chassaigne", "François Ambroggiani", "Philippe Portal", "Jean-Jacques Joseph Serres", "Martial Baile", "Thomas Louis Mercier", "Charles Bardon", "Dominique Bossu", "Gilbert Cournon", "Gilles-Henry Garault", "Jacques Millon", "Gérard Sénégas", "Clodomir de Chapelain", "Auguste Murjas", "Georges Bérard", "Michel Thénault", "Christophe Marx", "Albert Carré", "Charles Colomb", "Auguste Boivin", "Philippe de Narbonne-Lara", "Pierre Cantegrel", "Joseph-Eugène Amelin", "François Lamelot", "Stéphane Guyon", "Charles de Thézillat", "Gonthier Friederici", "José Delfau", "Émile Marchais", "Louis Bezombes", "Ernest Lolliot", "Jacques Palazy", "Franck Rouvière", "Jean Lem", "Saint-Cyr-Montlaur", "Eugène Ducamp", "Francis de Civrieux", "Hippolyte Morlé", "Martin Sollier", "Olivier Delcayrou", "P. Mercier", "Sainte-Colombe", "Pierre Goirand de Labaume", "Albert Le Go", "Auguste Ménard", "Jean-Baptiste Boffinton", "Jean-Marie Duval", "Émile Nau de Beauregard", "Louis de Larcy", "Marcel Henri" ]
Who was the head of arrondissement of Alès in 1965-08-11?	August 11, 1965	{ "text": [ "Marcel Cot" ] }	L2_Q700396_P6_36	Joseph-Eugène Amelin is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1858 to Jan, 1860. Charles Colomb is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1883 to Jan, 1888. Gérard Sénégas is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1999. José Delfau is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1927. Charles de Thézillat is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1865 to Jan, 1870. Jean-Baptiste Boffinton is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1854 to Jan, 1856. Martin Sollier is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1829 to Jan, 1830. Dominique Bossu is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1877 to Jan, 1879. Albert Le Go is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1904 to Jan, 1911. Stéphane Guyon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2008. Jacques Palazy is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1977 to Jan, 1979. Saint-Cyr-Montlaur is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1856 to Jan, 1858. François Lamelot is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2004. François Ambroggiani is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Pierre Goirand de Labaume is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1873 to Jan, 1877. Denis Chassaigne is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1943. Marcel Cot is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1966. Gilles-Henry Garault is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005. Philippe de Narbonne-Lara is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1815 to Jan, 1817. Louis Bezombes is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1888 to Jan, 1895. Gilbert Cournon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1837 to Jan, 1841. Thomas Louis Mercier is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1831 to Jan, 1833. Franck Rouvière is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1927 to Jan, 1940. Martial Baile is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1871 to Jan, 1873. Georges Bérard is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1985. Francis de Civrieux is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1863 to Jan, 1865. Hippolyte Morlé is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1914. Ernest Lolliot is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1879 to Jan, 1880. Auguste Boivin is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1912. Émile Nau de Beauregard is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1852 to Jan, 1854. Sainte-Colombe is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1817 to Jan, 1818. P. Mercier is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1858 to Jan, 1858. Auguste Ménard is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1833 to Jan, 1837. Eugène Ducamp is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1870 to Jan, 1871. Marcel Henri is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1958. Michel Thénault is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1988. Clodomir de Chapelain is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1841 to Jan, 1852. Olivier Delcayrou is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2018. Émile Marchais is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1940. Pierre Cantegrel is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1966 to Jan, 1971. Louis de Larcy is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1818 to Jan, 1827. Gonthier Friederici is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1990. Albert Carré is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1974. Jean-Jacques Joseph Serres is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1800 to Jan, 1815. Laurent Spadale is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1946. Philippe Portal is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2011. Charles Bardon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1880 to Jan, 1883. Jean Lem is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1958 to Jan, 1964. Auguste Murjas is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1871 to Jan, 1871. Jacques Millon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995. Jean-Marie Duval is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1993. Christophe Marx is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2014. Alfred Fabre is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1895 to Jan, 1897.	Arrondissement of AlèsThe arrondissement of Alès is an arrondissement of France in the Gard department in the Occitanie region. It has 97 communes. Its population is 148,139 (2016), and its area is .The communes of the arrondissement of Alès, and their INSEE codes, are:The arrondissement of Alès was created in 1800. At the January 2017 reorganisation of the arrondissements of Gard, it gained four communes from the arrondissement of Le Vigan, and it lost two communes to the arrondissement of Nîmes and six communes to the arrondissement of Le Vigan.As a result of the reorganisation of the cantons of France which came into effect in 2015, the borders of the cantons are no longer related to the borders of the arrondissements. The cantons of the arrondissement of Alès were, as of January 2015:	[ "Alfred Fabre", "Laurent Spadale", "Denis Chassaigne", "François Ambroggiani", "Philippe Portal", "Jean-Jacques Joseph Serres", "Martial Baile", "Thomas Louis Mercier", "Charles Bardon", "Dominique Bossu", "Gilbert Cournon", "Gilles-Henry Garault", "Jacques Millon", "Gérard Sénégas", "Clodomir de Chapelain", "Auguste Murjas", "Georges Bérard", "Michel Thénault", "Christophe Marx", "Albert Carré", "Charles Colomb", "Auguste Boivin", "Philippe de Narbonne-Lara", "Pierre Cantegrel", "Joseph-Eugène Amelin", "François Lamelot", "Stéphane Guyon", "Charles de Thézillat", "Gonthier Friederici", "José Delfau", "Émile Marchais", "Louis Bezombes", "Ernest Lolliot", "Jacques Palazy", "Franck Rouvière", "Jean Lem", "Saint-Cyr-Montlaur", "Eugène Ducamp", "Francis de Civrieux", "Hippolyte Morlé", "Martin Sollier", "Olivier Delcayrou", "P. Mercier", "Sainte-Colombe", "Pierre Goirand de Labaume", "Albert Le Go", "Auguste Ménard", "Jean-Baptiste Boffinton", "Jean-Marie Duval", "Émile Nau de Beauregard", "Louis de Larcy", "Marcel Henri" ]
Who was the head of arrondissement of Alès in 11/08/1965?	August 11, 1965	{ "text": [ "Marcel Cot" ] }	L2_Q700396_P6_36	Joseph-Eugène Amelin is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1858 to Jan, 1860. Charles Colomb is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1883 to Jan, 1888. Gérard Sénégas is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1999. José Delfau is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1927. Charles de Thézillat is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1865 to Jan, 1870. Jean-Baptiste Boffinton is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1854 to Jan, 1856. Martin Sollier is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1829 to Jan, 1830. Dominique Bossu is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1877 to Jan, 1879. Albert Le Go is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1904 to Jan, 1911. Stéphane Guyon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2008. Jacques Palazy is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1977 to Jan, 1979. Saint-Cyr-Montlaur is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1856 to Jan, 1858. François Lamelot is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2004. François Ambroggiani is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Pierre Goirand de Labaume is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1873 to Jan, 1877. Denis Chassaigne is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1943. Marcel Cot is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1966. Gilles-Henry Garault is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005. Philippe de Narbonne-Lara is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1815 to Jan, 1817. Louis Bezombes is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1888 to Jan, 1895. Gilbert Cournon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1837 to Jan, 1841. Thomas Louis Mercier is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1831 to Jan, 1833. Franck Rouvière is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1927 to Jan, 1940. Martial Baile is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1871 to Jan, 1873. Georges Bérard is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1985. Francis de Civrieux is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1863 to Jan, 1865. Hippolyte Morlé is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1914. Ernest Lolliot is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1879 to Jan, 1880. Auguste Boivin is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1912. Émile Nau de Beauregard is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1852 to Jan, 1854. Sainte-Colombe is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1817 to Jan, 1818. P. Mercier is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1858 to Jan, 1858. Auguste Ménard is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1833 to Jan, 1837. Eugène Ducamp is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1870 to Jan, 1871. Marcel Henri is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1958. Michel Thénault is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1988. Clodomir de Chapelain is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1841 to Jan, 1852. Olivier Delcayrou is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2018. Émile Marchais is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1940. Pierre Cantegrel is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1966 to Jan, 1971. Louis de Larcy is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1818 to Jan, 1827. Gonthier Friederici is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1990. Albert Carré is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1974. Jean-Jacques Joseph Serres is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1800 to Jan, 1815. Laurent Spadale is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1946. Philippe Portal is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2011. Charles Bardon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1880 to Jan, 1883. Jean Lem is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1958 to Jan, 1964. Auguste Murjas is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1871 to Jan, 1871. Jacques Millon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995. Jean-Marie Duval is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1993. Christophe Marx is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2014. Alfred Fabre is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1895 to Jan, 1897.	Arrondissement of AlèsThe arrondissement of Alès is an arrondissement of France in the Gard department in the Occitanie region. It has 97 communes. Its population is 148,139 (2016), and its area is .The communes of the arrondissement of Alès, and their INSEE codes, are:The arrondissement of Alès was created in 1800. At the January 2017 reorganisation of the arrondissements of Gard, it gained four communes from the arrondissement of Le Vigan, and it lost two communes to the arrondissement of Nîmes and six communes to the arrondissement of Le Vigan.As a result of the reorganisation of the cantons of France which came into effect in 2015, the borders of the cantons are no longer related to the borders of the arrondissements. The cantons of the arrondissement of Alès were, as of January 2015:	[ "Alfred Fabre", "Laurent Spadale", "Denis Chassaigne", "François Ambroggiani", "Philippe Portal", "Jean-Jacques Joseph Serres", "Martial Baile", "Thomas Louis Mercier", "Charles Bardon", "Dominique Bossu", "Gilbert Cournon", "Gilles-Henry Garault", "Jacques Millon", "Gérard Sénégas", "Clodomir de Chapelain", "Auguste Murjas", "Georges Bérard", "Michel Thénault", "Christophe Marx", "Albert Carré", "Charles Colomb", "Auguste Boivin", "Philippe de Narbonne-Lara", "Pierre Cantegrel", "Joseph-Eugène Amelin", "François Lamelot", "Stéphane Guyon", "Charles de Thézillat", "Gonthier Friederici", "José Delfau", "Émile Marchais", "Louis Bezombes", "Ernest Lolliot", "Jacques Palazy", "Franck Rouvière", "Jean Lem", "Saint-Cyr-Montlaur", "Eugène Ducamp", "Francis de Civrieux", "Hippolyte Morlé", "Martin Sollier", "Olivier Delcayrou", "P. Mercier", "Sainte-Colombe", "Pierre Goirand de Labaume", "Albert Le Go", "Auguste Ménard", "Jean-Baptiste Boffinton", "Jean-Marie Duval", "Émile Nau de Beauregard", "Louis de Larcy", "Marcel Henri" ]
Who was the head of arrondissement of Alès in Aug 11, 1965?	August 11, 1965	{ "text": [ "Marcel Cot" ] }	L2_Q700396_P6_36	Joseph-Eugène Amelin is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1858 to Jan, 1860. Charles Colomb is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1883 to Jan, 1888. Gérard Sénégas is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1999. José Delfau is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1927. Charles de Thézillat is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1865 to Jan, 1870. Jean-Baptiste Boffinton is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1854 to Jan, 1856. Martin Sollier is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1829 to Jan, 1830. Dominique Bossu is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1877 to Jan, 1879. Albert Le Go is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1904 to Jan, 1911. Stéphane Guyon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2008. Jacques Palazy is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1977 to Jan, 1979. Saint-Cyr-Montlaur is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1856 to Jan, 1858. François Lamelot is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2004. François Ambroggiani is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Pierre Goirand de Labaume is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1873 to Jan, 1877. Denis Chassaigne is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1943. Marcel Cot is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1966. Gilles-Henry Garault is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005. Philippe de Narbonne-Lara is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1815 to Jan, 1817. Louis Bezombes is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1888 to Jan, 1895. Gilbert Cournon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1837 to Jan, 1841. Thomas Louis Mercier is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1831 to Jan, 1833. Franck Rouvière is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1927 to Jan, 1940. Martial Baile is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1871 to Jan, 1873. Georges Bérard is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1985. Francis de Civrieux is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1863 to Jan, 1865. Hippolyte Morlé is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1914. Ernest Lolliot is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1879 to Jan, 1880. Auguste Boivin is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1912. Émile Nau de Beauregard is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1852 to Jan, 1854. Sainte-Colombe is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1817 to Jan, 1818. P. Mercier is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1858 to Jan, 1858. Auguste Ménard is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1833 to Jan, 1837. Eugène Ducamp is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1870 to Jan, 1871. Marcel Henri is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1958. Michel Thénault is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1988. Clodomir de Chapelain is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1841 to Jan, 1852. Olivier Delcayrou is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2018. Émile Marchais is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1940. Pierre Cantegrel is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1966 to Jan, 1971. Louis de Larcy is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1818 to Jan, 1827. Gonthier Friederici is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1990. Albert Carré is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1974. Jean-Jacques Joseph Serres is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1800 to Jan, 1815. Laurent Spadale is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1946. Philippe Portal is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2011. Charles Bardon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1880 to Jan, 1883. Jean Lem is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1958 to Jan, 1964. Auguste Murjas is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1871 to Jan, 1871. Jacques Millon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995. Jean-Marie Duval is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1993. Christophe Marx is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2014. Alfred Fabre is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1895 to Jan, 1897.	Arrondissement of AlèsThe arrondissement of Alès is an arrondissement of France in the Gard department in the Occitanie region. It has 97 communes. Its population is 148,139 (2016), and its area is .The communes of the arrondissement of Alès, and their INSEE codes, are:The arrondissement of Alès was created in 1800. At the January 2017 reorganisation of the arrondissements of Gard, it gained four communes from the arrondissement of Le Vigan, and it lost two communes to the arrondissement of Nîmes and six communes to the arrondissement of Le Vigan.As a result of the reorganisation of the cantons of France which came into effect in 2015, the borders of the cantons are no longer related to the borders of the arrondissements. The cantons of the arrondissement of Alès were, as of January 2015:	[ "Alfred Fabre", "Laurent Spadale", "Denis Chassaigne", "François Ambroggiani", "Philippe Portal", "Jean-Jacques Joseph Serres", "Martial Baile", "Thomas Louis Mercier", "Charles Bardon", "Dominique Bossu", "Gilbert Cournon", "Gilles-Henry Garault", "Jacques Millon", "Gérard Sénégas", "Clodomir de Chapelain", "Auguste Murjas", "Georges Bérard", "Michel Thénault", "Christophe Marx", "Albert Carré", "Charles Colomb", "Auguste Boivin", "Philippe de Narbonne-Lara", "Pierre Cantegrel", "Joseph-Eugène Amelin", "François Lamelot", "Stéphane Guyon", "Charles de Thézillat", "Gonthier Friederici", "José Delfau", "Émile Marchais", "Louis Bezombes", "Ernest Lolliot", "Jacques Palazy", "Franck Rouvière", "Jean Lem", "Saint-Cyr-Montlaur", "Eugène Ducamp", "Francis de Civrieux", "Hippolyte Morlé", "Martin Sollier", "Olivier Delcayrou", "P. Mercier", "Sainte-Colombe", "Pierre Goirand de Labaume", "Albert Le Go", "Auguste Ménard", "Jean-Baptiste Boffinton", "Jean-Marie Duval", "Émile Nau de Beauregard", "Louis de Larcy", "Marcel Henri" ]
Who was the head of arrondissement of Alès in 08/11/1965?	August 11, 1965	{ "text": [ "Marcel Cot" ] }	L2_Q700396_P6_36	Joseph-Eugène Amelin is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1858 to Jan, 1860. Charles Colomb is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1883 to Jan, 1888. Gérard Sénégas is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1999. José Delfau is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1927. Charles de Thézillat is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1865 to Jan, 1870. Jean-Baptiste Boffinton is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1854 to Jan, 1856. Martin Sollier is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1829 to Jan, 1830. Dominique Bossu is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1877 to Jan, 1879. Albert Le Go is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1904 to Jan, 1911. Stéphane Guyon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2008. Jacques Palazy is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1977 to Jan, 1979. Saint-Cyr-Montlaur is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1856 to Jan, 1858. François Lamelot is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2004. François Ambroggiani is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Pierre Goirand de Labaume is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1873 to Jan, 1877. Denis Chassaigne is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1943. Marcel Cot is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1966. Gilles-Henry Garault is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005. Philippe de Narbonne-Lara is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1815 to Jan, 1817. Louis Bezombes is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1888 to Jan, 1895. Gilbert Cournon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1837 to Jan, 1841. Thomas Louis Mercier is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1831 to Jan, 1833. Franck Rouvière is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1927 to Jan, 1940. Martial Baile is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1871 to Jan, 1873. Georges Bérard is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1985. Francis de Civrieux is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1863 to Jan, 1865. Hippolyte Morlé is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1914. Ernest Lolliot is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1879 to Jan, 1880. Auguste Boivin is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1912. Émile Nau de Beauregard is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1852 to Jan, 1854. Sainte-Colombe is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1817 to Jan, 1818. P. Mercier is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1858 to Jan, 1858. Auguste Ménard is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1833 to Jan, 1837. Eugène Ducamp is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1870 to Jan, 1871. Marcel Henri is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1958. Michel Thénault is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1988. Clodomir de Chapelain is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1841 to Jan, 1852. Olivier Delcayrou is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2018. Émile Marchais is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1940. Pierre Cantegrel is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1966 to Jan, 1971. Louis de Larcy is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1818 to Jan, 1827. Gonthier Friederici is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1990. Albert Carré is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1974. Jean-Jacques Joseph Serres is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1800 to Jan, 1815. Laurent Spadale is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1946. Philippe Portal is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2011. Charles Bardon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1880 to Jan, 1883. Jean Lem is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1958 to Jan, 1964. Auguste Murjas is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1871 to Jan, 1871. Jacques Millon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995. Jean-Marie Duval is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1993. Christophe Marx is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2014. Alfred Fabre is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1895 to Jan, 1897.	Arrondissement of AlèsThe arrondissement of Alès is an arrondissement of France in the Gard department in the Occitanie region. It has 97 communes. Its population is 148,139 (2016), and its area is .The communes of the arrondissement of Alès, and their INSEE codes, are:The arrondissement of Alès was created in 1800. At the January 2017 reorganisation of the arrondissements of Gard, it gained four communes from the arrondissement of Le Vigan, and it lost two communes to the arrondissement of Nîmes and six communes to the arrondissement of Le Vigan.As a result of the reorganisation of the cantons of France which came into effect in 2015, the borders of the cantons are no longer related to the borders of the arrondissements. The cantons of the arrondissement of Alès were, as of January 2015:	[ "Alfred Fabre", "Laurent Spadale", "Denis Chassaigne", "François Ambroggiani", "Philippe Portal", "Jean-Jacques Joseph Serres", "Martial Baile", "Thomas Louis Mercier", "Charles Bardon", "Dominique Bossu", "Gilbert Cournon", "Gilles-Henry Garault", "Jacques Millon", "Gérard Sénégas", "Clodomir de Chapelain", "Auguste Murjas", "Georges Bérard", "Michel Thénault", "Christophe Marx", "Albert Carré", "Charles Colomb", "Auguste Boivin", "Philippe de Narbonne-Lara", "Pierre Cantegrel", "Joseph-Eugène Amelin", "François Lamelot", "Stéphane Guyon", "Charles de Thézillat", "Gonthier Friederici", "José Delfau", "Émile Marchais", "Louis Bezombes", "Ernest Lolliot", "Jacques Palazy", "Franck Rouvière", "Jean Lem", "Saint-Cyr-Montlaur", "Eugène Ducamp", "Francis de Civrieux", "Hippolyte Morlé", "Martin Sollier", "Olivier Delcayrou", "P. Mercier", "Sainte-Colombe", "Pierre Goirand de Labaume", "Albert Le Go", "Auguste Ménard", "Jean-Baptiste Boffinton", "Jean-Marie Duval", "Émile Nau de Beauregard", "Louis de Larcy", "Marcel Henri" ]
Who was the head of arrondissement of Alès in 11-Aug-196511-August-1965?	August 11, 1965	{ "text": [ "Marcel Cot" ] }	L2_Q700396_P6_36	Joseph-Eugène Amelin is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1858 to Jan, 1860. Charles Colomb is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1883 to Jan, 1888. Gérard Sénégas is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1999. José Delfau is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1927. Charles de Thézillat is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1865 to Jan, 1870. Jean-Baptiste Boffinton is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1854 to Jan, 1856. Martin Sollier is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1829 to Jan, 1830. Dominique Bossu is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1877 to Jan, 1879. Albert Le Go is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1904 to Jan, 1911. Stéphane Guyon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2008. Jacques Palazy is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1977 to Jan, 1979. Saint-Cyr-Montlaur is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1856 to Jan, 1858. François Lamelot is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2004. François Ambroggiani is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015. Pierre Goirand de Labaume is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1873 to Jan, 1877. Denis Chassaigne is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1943. Marcel Cot is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1966. Gilles-Henry Garault is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005. Philippe de Narbonne-Lara is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1815 to Jan, 1817. Louis Bezombes is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1888 to Jan, 1895. Gilbert Cournon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1837 to Jan, 1841. Thomas Louis Mercier is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1831 to Jan, 1833. Franck Rouvière is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1927 to Jan, 1940. Martial Baile is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1871 to Jan, 1873. Georges Bérard is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1985. Francis de Civrieux is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1863 to Jan, 1865. Hippolyte Morlé is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1914. Ernest Lolliot is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1879 to Jan, 1880. Auguste Boivin is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1912. Émile Nau de Beauregard is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1852 to Jan, 1854. Sainte-Colombe is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1817 to Jan, 1818. P. Mercier is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1858 to Jan, 1858. Auguste Ménard is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1833 to Jan, 1837. Eugène Ducamp is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1870 to Jan, 1871. Marcel Henri is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1958. Michel Thénault is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1988. Clodomir de Chapelain is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1841 to Jan, 1852. Olivier Delcayrou is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2018. Émile Marchais is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1940. Pierre Cantegrel is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1966 to Jan, 1971. Louis de Larcy is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1818 to Jan, 1827. Gonthier Friederici is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 1990. Albert Carré is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1974. Jean-Jacques Joseph Serres is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1800 to Jan, 1815. Laurent Spadale is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1946. Philippe Portal is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2011. Charles Bardon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1880 to Jan, 1883. Jean Lem is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1958 to Jan, 1964. Auguste Murjas is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1871 to Jan, 1871. Jacques Millon is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995. Jean-Marie Duval is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1993. Christophe Marx is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2014. Alfred Fabre is the head of the government of arrondissement of Alès from Jan, 1895 to Jan, 1897.	Arrondissement of AlèsThe arrondissement of Alès is an arrondissement of France in the Gard department in the Occitanie region. It has 97 communes. Its population is 148,139 (2016), and its area is .The communes of the arrondissement of Alès, and their INSEE codes, are:The arrondissement of Alès was created in 1800. At the January 2017 reorganisation of the arrondissements of Gard, it gained four communes from the arrondissement of Le Vigan, and it lost two communes to the arrondissement of Nîmes and six communes to the arrondissement of Le Vigan.As a result of the reorganisation of the cantons of France which came into effect in 2015, the borders of the cantons are no longer related to the borders of the arrondissements. The cantons of the arrondissement of Alès were, as of January 2015:	[ "Alfred Fabre", "Laurent Spadale", "Denis Chassaigne", "François Ambroggiani", "Philippe Portal", "Jean-Jacques Joseph Serres", "Martial Baile", "Thomas Louis Mercier", "Charles Bardon", "Dominique Bossu", "Gilbert Cournon", "Gilles-Henry Garault", "Jacques Millon", "Gérard Sénégas", "Clodomir de Chapelain", "Auguste Murjas", "Georges Bérard", "Michel Thénault", "Christophe Marx", "Albert Carré", "Charles Colomb", "Auguste Boivin", "Philippe de Narbonne-Lara", "Pierre Cantegrel", "Joseph-Eugène Amelin", "François Lamelot", "Stéphane Guyon", "Charles de Thézillat", "Gonthier Friederici", "José Delfau", "Émile Marchais", "Louis Bezombes", "Ernest Lolliot", "Jacques Palazy", "Franck Rouvière", "Jean Lem", "Saint-Cyr-Montlaur", "Eugène Ducamp", "Francis de Civrieux", "Hippolyte Morlé", "Martin Sollier", "Olivier Delcayrou", "P. Mercier", "Sainte-Colombe", "Pierre Goirand de Labaume", "Albert Le Go", "Auguste Ménard", "Jean-Baptiste Boffinton", "Jean-Marie Duval", "Émile Nau de Beauregard", "Louis de Larcy", "Marcel Henri" ]
Which position did Bertie Ahern hold in Jan, 1993?	January 11, 1993	{ "text": [ "Minister for Finance", "Minister for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation" ] }	L2_Q154550_P39_3	Bertie Ahern holds the position of Taoiseach from Jun, 1997 to May, 2008. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Minister for Labour from Mar, 1987 to Nov, 1991. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Minister for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1993. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Teachta Dála from Jul, 1977 to May, 1981. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Tánaiste from Nov, 1994 to Dec, 1994. Bertie Ahern holds the position of President of the European Council from Jan, 2004 to Jun, 2004. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Leader of Fianna Fáil from Nov, 1994 to May, 2008. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Minister for Finance from Nov, 1991 to Dec, 1994.	Bertie AhernBartholomew Patrick "Bertie" Ahern (born 12 September 1951) is an Irish former Fianna Fáil politician who served as Taoiseach from 1997 to 2008, Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1994 to 2008, Leader of the Opposition from 1994 to 1997, Tánaiste and Minister for Arts, Culture and the Gaeltacht from November 1994 to December 1994, Deputy Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1992 to 1994, Minister for Industry and Commerce in January 1993, Minister for Finance from 1991 to 1994, Minister for Labour from 1987 to 1991, Government Chief Whip and Minister of State at the Department of Defence from March 1982 to December 1982 and Lord Mayor of Dublin from 1986 to 1987. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1977 to 2011.In 1994, Ahern was elected the sixth Leader of Fianna Fáil. Under Ahern's leadership, Fianna Fáil led three coalition governments. Ahern is the second-longest serving Taoiseach, after Éamon de Valera. Ahern resigned as Taoiseach on 6 May 2008, in the wake of revelations made in Mahon Tribunal, and was succeeded by Minister for Finance Brian Cowen. The Mahon Tribunal in 2012, found that Ahern, while not judged corrupt, had received money from developers and the Tribunal disbelieved his explanations of those payments. Fianna Fáil proposed to expel politicians censured by the tribunal, but Ahern resigned from the party prior to the expulsion motion being moved.In November 2016, it was announced that a decision had been made by Fianna Fáil to give Ahern the option of rejoining the party.Ahern was born in Drumcondra, Dublin, the youngest of five children of Con and Julia (née Hourihane) Ahern, both natives of County Cork, who married in October 1937. They settled at Church Avenue, Drumcondra, where they resided for the rest of their lives. The other four children are Maurice, Kathleen, Noel and Eileen. In Dublin, Ahern's father worked as a farm manager at All Hallows College, Drumcondra. Ahern's brother Noel is also involved in politics and represented Dublin North-West in Dáil Éireann.Ahern's father Con was born into a farming family near Ballyfeard, which is located near Kinsale, County Cork, in 1904. His mother also came from a farming background and was from near Castledonovan, west County Cork. Ahern's father, Con, initially left County Cork and went to Dublin in the early 1930s to train for the priesthood, but did not complete his studies with the Vincentian order. He had fought in the Irish Civil War. He was a supporter of Éamon de Valera and the Anti-Treaty IRA. He was a member of the 3rd Cork Brigade of the IRA. He remained a militant Irish Republican for decades after the War of Independence. Con Ahern died in 1990. Ahern's mother, Julia, died in 1998, aged 87 years.Ahern was educated at St. Patrick's National School, Drumcondra and at St. Aidan's Christian Brothers, Whitehall. He received his third level education at the College of Commerce, Rathmines, part of the Dublin Institute of Technology. Ahern has claimed or it has been claimed by others in circulated biographies that he was educated at University College Dublin and the London School of Economics, but neither university has any records that show Ahern was ever one of their students. He subsequently worked in the Accounts Department of the Mater Hospital, Dublin.Ahern is an enthusiastic and vocal fan of sport. He is a supporter of Dublin GAA and attends Dublin matches in Croke Park. He also supports Manchester United F.C. and attends matches at Old Trafford and rugby matches at Lansdowne Road. He appeared as a pundit on RTÉ Two's "The Premiership" programme in 2001.Ahern first became involved in a Fianna Fáil by-election campaign in 1965, climbing lamp posts to hang election posters in Drumcondra. During the campaign, Ahern met his political mentor and future Taoiseach, Charles Haughey. Ahern became a member of Fianna Fáil at the age of 17, and in the 1969 general election he assisted with the election campaign in his constituency.Ahern's first ran for office during the landslide 1977 general election when Fianna Fáil formed the last single-party majority government with a 20-seat Dáil majority, the largest ever. Ahern received 4,000 first preference votes in the newly created Dublin Finglas constituency and was elected with transfers from other candidates. He was elected to Dublin Corporation at the 1979 local elections for the Cabra East-Finglas West Local electoral area (LEA). He later switched to the North Inner City LEA before standing down before the 1991 local elections. In subsequent elections Ahern became one of the highest vote-getters in the country. In his Dublin Central constituency Ahern was described as:In 1980, due to the illness of the actual Chief Whip, Seán Moore, he was effectively running the office. Ahern increased his personal vote in all three general elections of 1981 and 1982, even out-polling his running mate, George Colley, previously a candidate for Taoiseach. In the short-lived Fianna Fáil government of 1982, Ahern served as Government Chief Whip. Fianna Fáil were then consigned to the opposition benches for five years. During this period Ahern became Fianna Fáil Spokesperson on Labour. In 1986, he became Lord Mayor of Dublin. During his tenure, he organised the Dublin Millennium festival.In 1987, Fianna Fáil returned to power as a minority government. Ahern became Minister for Labour, which was not considered an important portfolio. In the following years, the department was important in stimulating Ireland's ailing economy. On behalf of the government Bertie Ahern negotiated the first national wage agreement between unions and employers The Programme for National Recovery. This and the subsequent national wage agreement came to be known as the 'Irish model' and have been adopted by a number of European countriesIn 1989, Haughey called an early general election. Fianna Fáil lost seats and was forced into a coalition government with the Progressive Democrats. Ahern retained his position as Minister for Labour in the government of the 26th Dáil. In 1990, Ahern negotiated the Programme for Economic and Social Progress.In 1990, Ahern was campaign manager for the presidential bid of his cabinet colleague, Brian Lenihan. It proved to be Ahern's least successful campaign as the apparently unbeatable Lenihan lost to Labour Party candidate Mary Robinson. Ahern was damaged in the short term by being seen as the first Fianna Fáil presidential election campaign manager to lose a presidential election.In 1991, the Fianna Fáil–Progressive Democrats programme for government was reviewed. Ahern was a key player in these talks yet again. His involvement prompted Haughey to remark of Ahern: In November 1991, Reynolds, then Minister for Finance, launched a leadership challenge to Haughey. Ahern publicly backed Haughey. The challenge failed and Reynolds and his supporters were dismissed from the cabinet. In the reshuffle that followed, Ahern became Minister for Finance. According to statements given by Ahern while serving as Minister for Finance, he did not hold a personal bank account.In early 1992, Charles Haughey resigned as Taoiseach. Ahern was encouraged by Haughey and others to bid for the position. He was apprehensive, and remained out of the contest, allowing Reynolds to become party leader and Taoiseach. It is believed that Reynolds and Ahern struck a deal in which Ahern would withdraw and thus remain in the cabinet, to succeed subsequently. Ahern and Michael Woods were the only two senior members to remain in the new Reynolds cabinet, with Ahern retaining his Finance portfolio.Following the 1992 general election, Fianna Fáil formed a coalition government with the Labour Party. This lasted until 1994, when the Labour Party withdrew from government, due to unhappiness with Reynolds's proposed candidate for President of the High Court. Ahern briefly succeeded Labour leader Dick Spring as Tánaiste. However, the government fell after a motion of no confidence, proposed by Fine Gael and Leader of the Opposition John Bruton, seconded by Fianna Fáil's former coalition partners the Labour Party. Reynolds resigned as Taoiseach and Fianna Fáil leader.During 1993, while he was Finance Minister, Ahern accepted payments of IR £39,000 from various businessmen: see below for details. These payments did not become public knowledge until 2006.In 1993, Ahern said in an interview, that tax cheaters would be jailed.He is also under scrutiny from the Mahon Tribunal for this cash payment and subsequent revelations in May 2007, of cash received from businessman Micheál Wall.Ahern succeeded Reynolds as the leader; the first unopposed candidate since Seán Lemass in 1959. Ahern was elected as the sixth leader of Fianna Fáil on 19 November 1994.Negotiations for a resumption of government with the Labour Party began immediately. It was expected that the coalition would continue and that Ahern would become Taoiseach. However, due to new revelations, Labour withdrew from the coalition, opting instead to go into coalition with Fine Gael. Ahern found himself as Leader of the Opposition.In the 1997 general election Fianna Fáil's campaign centred on Ahern's personal popularity. At the election, while Fianna Fáil picked up seats, its preferred coalition partner, the Progressive Democrats, lost more than half their seats. However, Labour suffered even heavier losses, leaving Fine Gael short of the support it needed to stay in office. Ahern quickly formed a coalition government with the Progressive Democrats, with the support of four Independent TDs. On 26 June 1997, aged 45, Ahern became the youngest ever Taoiseach.Ahern's first government saw some teething problems during its first six months. Firstly, Ahern tried to nominate David Andrews as Minister for Defence and as a Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs. This was unconstitutional as one Minister cannot be subordinate to another.Secondly, in July, Charles Haughey gave evidence to the McCracken Tribunal on corruption confirming that he had received IR£1.3 million (€1.7 million) in gifts from businessman Ben Dunne, which he had previously denied. This damaged Haughey's reputation more than the Government's.Thirdly, earlier allegations resurfaced about Ahern's Foreign Minister, Ray Burke. Burke eventually admitted to receiving IR£30,000 (€38,000) in a corrupt payment and chose to resign. Arising from those two matters, the government established the Moriarty Tribunal and the Flood Tribunal.One of the high points of the first six months was the renewal of the Provisional IRA ceasefire, which paved the way for resumed negotiations in Northern Ireland.A significant achievement of Ahern's first term was his part in the negotiation of the Belfast Agreement, commonly called the Good Friday Agreement, in which the British and Irish Governments and most Northern Irish political parties established an "exclusively peaceful and democratic" framework for power-sharing in Northern Ireland. The agreement was signed on 10 April 1998. It was seen as something special, because not only was it endorsed by the political parties, it was endorsed also by the British and Irish governments and the people of Ireland and Northern Ireland.The agreement, the ceasefires and political structures it created have encouraged peace. The negotiations also led to his friendship with the former British Prime Minister Tony Blair. On 26 November 1998, Blair became the first Prime Minister of the United Kingdom to address the Oireachtas. On 24 September 2003, Ahern and Blair were jointly awarded the Thomas J. Dodd Prize in International Justice and Human Rights for their work on the Good Friday Agreement to promote peace between Britain and Northern Ireland. On 22 May 2008, Ahern and Blair were both awarded honorary doctorates by Queen's University Belfast in recognition of their roles in the peace process. University Chancellor George Mitchell praised Mr Ahern as "a man of peace and a builder of bridges".Speaking at the 1916 Easter Rising commemoration at Arbour Hill in Dublin, in 1998, Ahern saidAhern's first term in office had been a period of high economic growth in Ireland, known as the Celtic Tiger. This was followed by a property boom which led to the economic crisis of 2008–2010 and culminated in the state requiring an IMF and EU bailout in 2010. In the first term increased prosperity and a better standard of living were the main results of the Celtic Tiger economy. There were significant deficits in the provision of infrastructure in the health and transport sectors. The good economic conditions allowed Finance Minister Charlie McCreevy, to deliver several generous budgets. The 1998 and 1999 Finance Acts included special tax incentives targeted at the area covered by the pilot Rural Renewal Scheme for the Upper Shannon Area. This scheme was later subject to criticism by the Heritage Council for being introduced without a ‘Baseline Audit’ to inform the level and scale of development to be supported through the scheme, not identifying priority areas suitable for development, not providing any strategic protection for designated areas including the corridor of the River Shannon, nor promoting the use of sustainable design and building materials in any new build or refurbishment project supported by the scheme. This growth changed in 2008, with a difficult budget for 2008, brought forward by 2 months, as Ireland entered recession, with unemployment expected to rise 5.6% in 2008 and the construction industry in decline. Economic growth in 2008, had also slowed to its lowest levels in over a decade. In 2009, Ahern said his decision in 2001, to create the Financial Regulator was one of the main reasons for the collapse of the Irish banking sector and "if I had a chance again I wouldn't do it".The 28th Dáil served its full term, becoming the second-longest Dáil to complete a full term. The coalition of Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrats was re-elected with an increased majority in the 2002 general election on 17 May of that year. Fianna Fáil had hoped for a majority, but ultimately came up three seats short of the 84 required. Fine Gael was decimated, losing much of its front bench. The coalition Government returned to power, comprising Fianna Fáil and the eight Progressive Democrats TDs. It was the first time a Government had been re-elected since Jack Lynch's in 1969.Controversy arose when it was announced shortly afterwards that financial cutbacks were needed due to the drop in the international and Irish economies. This contradicted Fianna Fáil's promise during the election campaign when Finance Minister McCreevy was quoted several times saying that ""no cutbacks, secret or otherwise, were planned"". The government was accused of lying to the public, particularly concerning the war in Iraq (see below). The Government's rating fell badly in opinion polls and Ahern's popularity dropped to its minimum.Another issue in the government's agenda for 2002, was the upcoming 2002 Referendum nicknamed "Nice 2", this was a second attempt to pass the Treaty of Nice.During 2003, the government was subject to more controversy when it became public that US military aircraft, carrying large numbers of troops, were refuelling at Shannon Airport, despite widespread opposition to the 2003 Invasion of Iraq. Ireland's policy since the foundation of the State has been to be a neutral party in any conflict. The Government had maintained that troops had not used Shannon but when this was disproved, it then claimed that such permission had been available for 50 years.The drop in opinion poll ratings for Ahern and his government after the 2002 election, was followed in 2004, by Fianna Fáil's worst local election results in 80 years. Despite speculation, no leadership challenge occurred and Ahern recovered in the polls. His reputation for inaction in changing cabinet Ministers ended with his long-heralded 2004 Cabinet reshuffle in which he failed to sack Séamus Brennan from the cabinet. The reshuffle was not as extensive as some had hoped as only three new members entered government.The unpopular phase seemed short-lived as the government rearranged its priorities and the economy grew. A notable law enacted by this government was the ban on smoking in workplaces and enclosed areas in March 2004. Improvements had been made in the transport infrastructure with the launch of the Luas light rail system in Dublin, many new motorways being built and the break-up of Aer Rianta, the state-owned Airport Management company.In November 2004, Ahern celebrated ten years as leader of Fianna Fáil. In April 2006, he became the second longest serving Taoiseach, after Éamon de Valera.One of Ahern's achievements in 2004, was his Presidency of the European Council, during which EU leaders agreed a European Constitution, there was recovery in EU-US relations, the EU formally admitted 10 new members, and selected José Manuel Barroso as President of the European Commission. Briefly, it appeared as if Ahern himself might become President of the European Commission, however, he declined in favour of domestic politics. The treaty was subsequently defeated in referendums in the Netherlands and France.Ahern's government spent €52 million on the Nedap Electronic Voting system. This was challenged as being insecure and could have been tampered with to change results.His coalition partners in government, the Progressive Democrats, said that he had questions to answer as details of an £8,000 (€11,800) payment for speaking engagements, in Manchester in 1994, emerged. The continued appearance of details of his appearances in Manchester and the names of those who were present at functions threatened to destabilise his coalition government, especially so when it transpired that one of the businessmen Micheál Wall subsequently sold a house to Ahern. The strains in the coalition eased after Ahern apologised for the second time in the Dáil and agreed to tighten up on ethics legislation.The Moriarty Tribunal reporting in December 2006, criticised Ahern for having signed blank cheques for the then party leader Charles Haughey, who misappropriated taxpayers' funds for personal use. The disbursement of funds to Fianna Fáil and their investigation by the tribunal have raised questions of the involvement of Ahern in the administration of these funds.In May 2007, he became the first Irish leader to address a joint session of the UK Parliament.Ahern hoped to win a third general election in 2007. While opinion polls, in April 2007, suggested that this was improbable.Polls in April 2007, showed his coalition of Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats at 35% and 3% respectively against the Fine Gael–Labour Party alternative government figure of 38%. A further poll published 27 April 2007, shows Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrats at 34% and 3% respectively compared to Fine Gael and Labour at 31% and 10%. A promise by the Labour Party, at their February 2007 party conference of a cut in the basic rate of income tax, paid by 80% of workers, from 20% to 18% created some excitement in political and media circles. Income tax cuts by the Fianna Fáil–Progressive Democrats government had concentrated on the top rate of tax and Labour were able to portray their proposal as progressive to the discomfiture of Fianna Fáil.Ahern received staunch support during the campaign from Eoghan Harris, writing in the "Sunday Independent". Harris declared that the anti-Ahern campaign was the most sinister manipulation of the Irish media that he had seen in his lifetime and that Sinn Féin would be the main beneficiaries of a fall in support for Ahern and Fianna Fáil. Harris was nominated to Seanad Éireann as a Senator on 3 August 2007 by Ahern.Ahern dissolved the Dáil in April 2007 and called an election for 24 May 2007. Unusually, Ahern dissolved the Dáil on a Sunday morning, claiming that President McAleese's foreign trip that week made it necessary despite the trip having been long-planned. There was speculation that the timing was instead motivated by the commencement of the Mahon Tribunal's Quarryvale module scheduled for that week, particularly Tom Gilmartin's evidence - the hearing thus had to be postponed until after the election was over. Ahern's party received 78 seats a loss of three seats from the 2002 election result. This was regarded as a Fianna Fáil 'victory', as questions about Ahern's finances overshadowed the early part of the election campaign, which threatened to cause huge losses for Ahern's party. His partners in the government, the Progressive Democrats suffered a reduction in representation from 8 to 2 seats including the loss of their leader.Following the general election of 2007 Ahern was elected to a third term as Taoiseach, leading a rainbow coalition of Fianna Fáil, the Green Party and the Progressive Democrats, and also supported by several Independent TDs. This was the first Rainbow coalition comprising Fianna Fáil, with all their previous coalitions comprising just one partner.Requiring 83 seats to return the government, Ahern's options were to attempt to govern with the Progressive Democrats plus two "gene-pool" Independents (Jackie Healy-Rae and Beverley Flynn; both former Fianna Fáil members) and one or more of the other three Independents, Michael Lowry, Finian McGrath or Tony Gregory (both left-wing Independents). The other options were an alliance with the Green Party or the Labour Party. In the event, Fianna Fáil negotiated a programme for government with the Green Party and formed a new rainbow coalition with the Green Party and the Progressive Democrats, supported by Healy-Rae, Flynn, Lowry and McGrath.Ahern's reputation was damaged by the accusation of cash gifts received that have transmuted to loans from businessmen. His reputation as the Teflon Taoiseach (no allegation of unethical behaviour had stuck to him until September 2006) was damaged. He was criticised in the foreign press as well as in the Irish media.To the surprise of many observers, polls taken during and after the payments' crisis indicated a sharp rise in support for the Ahern government and a corresponding fall in support for the Opposition parties. While 55–64% of the public believed that he was wrong to accept the payments, support for his party rose to 39–42%, while support for the main Opposition parties Fine Gael and the Labour Party fell to 20–26% and 10–11%. Two-thirds believed he should not have resigned. The polls provoked complaints from the media. The "Irish Times" commented they were a "poor reflection of ourselves".Ahern stated in an interview in the "Village" on 22 May 2007, that he intended to retire from politics when he turned 60 years of age. He stated this would mean standing down as Taoiseach before the end of the Dáil term, which would have ended in 2012 at the latest.On 4 July 2007, Ahern stated at a conference in Donegal, that he did not understand why people sitting on the sidelines, ""cribbing and moaning"" about the economy, did not commit suicide. These comments came at a time when Ireland's economy was beginning to falter, and with property prices falling by up to 10% as part of the Irish property bubble. Ahern later accepted responsibility for the overheating of the property sector but took no responsibility for the failings of the Central Bank of Ireland.In an opinion poll taken in September 2007, subsequent to Ahern's initial two-day appearance at the Mahon Tribunal, fewer than one-third of voters believed Ahern's accounts of his finances.Opposition parties had previously been muted in their reaction but in September 2007, Labour Party leader Eamon Gilmore, called for Ahern to resign in light of his appearance at the Mahon Tribunal and on 23 September 2007, Leader of the Opposition Enda Kenny was heavily critical of the "rambling, incoherent" answers offered by Ahern to the Mahon tribunal in September 2007. Kenny said there was now a situation whereby a witness before a tribunal, testifying under oath, "is continually changing his story". It "create[s] a credibility problem and that's the issue the Taoiseach has got to deal with".On resumption of the Dáil on 26 September a motion of no confidence in Ahern's government was moved by Fine Gael leader Enda Kenny and seconded by the Labour Party, based on Ahern's statements to the Mahon Tribunal. The Green Party, PDs and Independent TDs who supported the government voted for Ahern in the motion of no confidence. In a stormy three-hour Dáil debate, Ahern was accused of telling ""lies"" and was called upon to resign.The no-confidence motion was defeated by 81 votes to 76, with all six Green Party TDs, two PDs and four Independents, Finian McGrath, Beverley Flynn, Michael Lowry and Jackie Healy-Rae voting with the Government.In an opinion poll published in November 2007, some three-quarters of voters indicated that they did not believe that Ahern had given a full disclosure about his personal finances to the Mahon Tribunal. The opinion poll also showed more than half of the electorate believing that the whole episode was by then a serious political issue for Ahern.A later opinion poll taken on 22 January 2008, on the issue of Mr Ahern's personal finances and tax liabilities, found that "78% of people do not believe he has given the full picture (up 6%) while just 14% believe he has given the full picture (down 3%)."The Minister for the Environment and leader of the Green Party, John Gormley said on 22 February 2008, that revelations concerning the Taoiseach at the Mahon Tribunal were distracting from the work of government.Opposition parties on 22 February 2008, branded the Taoiseach's financial affairs as a "national embarrassment", which should prompt his immediate resignation.Grainne Carruth's acceptance as a matter of civil probability that she had lodged sterling sums to Ahern's account at the Drumcondra branch of the Irish Permanent Building Society in the 1990s had reportedly sent shock waves through the ranks of Fianna Fáil. On 27 March 2008, the unease at Ahern's declarations at the Mahon Tribunal, as contradicted by his former secretary at the tribunal, were highlighted when Progressive Democrat coalition partner leader Mary Harney, traditionally a stern supporter of her former colleague, called on Ahern to make a statement.The disquiet within the coalition was further emphasised when Green Party leader John Gormley, said that Ahern should clarify the contradiction between his evidence and that of his former secretary Grainne Carruth.An opinion poll published on 25 November 2007, showed that support for Fianna Fáil had dropped by seven percent, "following the announcement of large pay increases for the government and senior public servants against a backdrop of continuing economic uncertainty and high-profile failures in the health service."On 2 April 2008, Ahern announced his intention to resign as Taoiseach and as leader of Fianna Fáil on 6 May 2008.On 30 April 2008, in Washington D.C., Ahern became the sixth Irish leader to address the United States Congress. He is also the sixth person who has addressed both the UK Parliament and the United States Congress.On 6 May 2008, he performed his last official duty as Taoiseach in opening the Battle of the Boyne visitors centre with then First Minister of Northern Ireland Ian Paisley.In a November 2009, interview with VIP magazine, Ahern spoke of how critics who blame the government for the economic crisis should "dig the garden or grow bluebells or do something useful". He continued, saying that the Irish property bubble was not the fault of his government and that "cynics and knockers, people who always see the glass as half empty. I can't understand people who are always bitching, saying 'It's the Government's fault, it's the doctor's fault, it's the cat's fault.' It's everybody's fault except their own."He said in 2009, that since he resigned as Taoiseach the previous year, "life is not as controlled as it was. I'm busy doing different things, some quite important, but it's just not the same. If I want to go to a match, I go to a match; if I want to see some friends tomorrow night, I can do that, so it's a big change."Commenting on the economic difficulties facing his successor, he said: "Brian has had it rough because of the huge international slowdown. The big trick for him is how we can get out of it quickly."In January 2010, Ahern has said he would have no difficulties giving evidence to the investigation into banking, nor having his testimony heard in public. Saying he would appear if asked, Ahern defended his record while in government, attributing the crisis in banking to international factors and the banks' over-exposure to borrowing on international markets. "By and large we all know what happened. The banks borrowed money on the open market in the short-term. And as soon as things went, they had to pay that money up but they hadn't got it to pay," he said. "That's what happened. I don't think it will take too long [for an inquiry] to write up what the position is." He continued, saying, "The greater issue was the protection and the regulation of the bank rather than consumers' interests." Mr Ahern also said that people were "jumping over developers" but also "needed to remember" they employed 200,000 people. He said that one of the first things that Brian Cowen had done when he became Minister for Finance was to abolish many of the property tax incentives. He also presided over many of the incentives that benefited property developers. "When they were brought in, the place was in a disastrous way. Look at the quays in Dublin. There were reports around for 40 years that said the quays needed something done about them and nothing happened until we brought in the urban renewal status and gave the tax incentives."In May 2010, Ahern said of the property-based tax incentives which aggravated the Irish economic collapse that "We probably should have closed those down a good bit earlier but there were always fierce pressures, there was endless pressures to keep them. There was endless pressures to extend them." He stated that the pressure to retain such incentives had come from developers, owners of sites, areas that did not have the developments, community councils, politicians and civic society.Ahern said that his decision in 2001, to create a new financial regulator was one of the main reasons for the collapse of the Irish banking sector, saying that "if I had a chance again I wouldn't do it." "The banks were irresponsible," he admitted. "But the Central Bank and the Financial Regulator seemed happy. They were never into us saying – ever – 'Listen, we must put legislation and control on the banks.' That never happened."Ahern was investigated by the Mahon Tribunal, following an allegation by Tom Gilmartin, that Ahern had been paid money by Owen O'Callaghan in return for favours. The Tribunal found that Ahern's explanations for lodgements to his various accounts could not be true, and thus Gilmartin's allegation could not be disproved. One lodgement of IR£30,000, in 1994, took place in the weeks following the circumstances Gilmartin described, with contemporaneous AIB notes confirming Gilmartin's account of Ahern assuring Owen O'Callaghan that a rival development at Blanchardstown would not get tax designation, and on the same day as a meeting with Owen O'Callaghan's bag-man, Frank Dunlop. The Tribunal were, however, unable to conclusively prove that the lodgement was not merely coincidental. The Tribunal also discovered that Ahern, when Taoiseach, had visited Dunlop in the weeks immediately subsequent to Dunlop's admission of corrupt payments on behalf of Owen O'Callaghan, prior to Dunlop resuming the witness stand to elaborate further on his activities.Ahern was criticised by the Moriarty Tribunal for signing blank cheques for the then Taoiseach Charles Haughey, without asking what those cheques were for. Ahern told the tribunal that a policy of signing blank cheques was used on the Fianna Fáil party leader's account for reasons of "administrative convenience". In September 2006 "The Irish Times" printed claims allegedly leaked from The Mahon Tribunal that Ahern had received money from a millionaire businessman while Minister for Finance in 1993.The editor of "The Irish Times" defended the publication as being in the public interest at a hearing of the tribunal, saying that it was not a party to the Supreme Court case which restrained the "Sunday Business Post" from publishing leaked documents. This order was directed against the "Sunday Business Post" but its interim order purported to restrain all media outlets from publishing confidential material from the inquiry.Ahern has admitted that he did receive money but said on being interviewed that:What I got personally in my life, to be frank with you is none of your business. If I got something from somebody as a present or something like that I can use it.What Ahern said in 1996, while in opposition:The public are entitled to have an absolute guarantee of the financial probity and integrity of their elected representatives, their officials and above all of Ministers. They need to know that they are under financial obligations to nobody. (Dáil Éireann transcript, December 1996)This contradiction has been criticised in editorials in both the "Irish Independent" and "The Irish Times"Six days after the payments were publicised, Ahern admitted in a television interview that he had received two payments totalling IR£39,000 (€50,000) in 1993 and 1994.Ahern regarded the money as a loan, but he conceded that no repayments had at that time (September 2006) been made and no interest has been paid. He said that he had attempted to repay it, but that his friends would not accept repayment. He claimed that he had "broken no codes – ethical, tax, legal or otherwise".On 28 November 2007, former NCB managing director Padraic O'Connor at the Mahon Tribunal, "directly contradicted Mr Ahern's claims that long-standing friends gave him a loan just after Christmas 1993."In the same interview, he also claimed that he received a payment of £8,000 from a group of 25 businessmen in Manchester on one occasion. He stated that this money was again unsolicited, that it was a gift and therefore not subject to tax as it had been received when abroad, and that it was paid to him after he gave an after-dinner speech at an "ad hoc" function. He claimed that the money was given to him as a private citizen, not to him in his then role as Minister for Finance, and that no other payments were received by him after speaking at other similar functions. The Irish Times reported on 30 September 2006, that part of this payment was actually a cheque drawn on NCB Stockbrokers, a large Irish company. In its final report, the Mahon tribunal found that, contrary to his sworn evidence, no 'dig-outs' in 1993 and 1994 were arranged to give money to Mr Ahern and that large dollar and sterling cash lodgements were made to his bank accounts in the mid-1990s. A number of his benefactors have received appointments as directors of State boards. Insisting that no favours had been offered or received, Ahern said:I might have appointed somebody but I appointed them because they were friends, not because of anything they had given me.Under the Standards in Public Office Commission's rules,State appointments should be made on the basis of merit, taking into account the skills, qualifications and experience of the person to be appointed.Members of Dáil Éireann must conduct themselvesin accordance with the provisions and spirit of the Code of Conduct and ensure that their conduct does not bring the integrity of their office or the Dáil into serious disrepute.In the face of negative publicity, Ahern has repaid the monies advanced to him, with 5% interest, totalling €90,000.On 3 October 2006, Ahern made a 15-minute statement in Dáil Éireann defending his actions in taking loans totalling IR£39,000 (€50,000) from friends in Ireland and £8,000 (€11,800) as a gift from businessmen in Manchester in 1993 and 1994. In his statement he apologised for the distress his actions had brought saying:The bewilderment caused to the public about recent revelations has been deeply upsetting for me and others near and dear to me. To them, to the Irish people and to this house, I offer my apologies.On 20 March 2008, at the Mahon Tribunal the disclosure,Previously in her evidence, Carruth, on 19 March 2008 had said, that she had not lodged sterling for Ahern, while she accepted (as a matter of probability), a day later, that she must have lodged sterling on Ahern's behalf based on the paperwork available although her recollection is that she never had sighting of sterling at any time.Ahern had told the tribunal during his evidence in February 2008, that the lodgements to his and his daughters' accounts had come from his salary as a politician.Further questions were raised about IR£50,000 (€63,300) which he had lodged to his bank account in 1994. He claimed this was money he had saved over a substantial period of time (1987–1994) when he had had no active bank account. During this period he was Minister for Labour and subsequently Minister for Finance. He was asked by Labour leader Pat Rabbitte whether, in the absence of a bank account, he had kept the money in a "sock in the hot-press" and Socialist Party leader Joe Higgins asked if he had kept the money "in a shoe-box". Ahern replied that he had kept the money "in his own possession".On 5 October 2006, further information emerged in the Dáil that Ahern had bought his house in Dublin, from Manchester-based Irish businessman, Micheál Wall, who was at an event in Manchester in 1994, where the Taoiseach received a payment of GBP£8,000 (€11,800). This caused further tensions within the government coalition parties.On 10 October 2006, the Taoiseach again told the Dáil that it was an "error of judgement" for him to have accepted loans and gifts for personal purposes in the early 1990s.Ahern expanded on his apology to the Dáil of the previous week, which he described as unqualified. Ahern said there would now be a change in the ethics law requiring office holders offered a gift from friends to consult the Standards in Public Office Commission and to accept their ruling.Allegations had been made that he had taken IR£50,000 (€63,300) from a property developer, Owen O'Callaghan, in return for favours at this time. Ahern won a libel action against a Cork businessman, Denis "Starry" O'Brien, defending himself against this allegation.However, broadcaster Eamon Dunphy, has testified in the Mahon Tribunal that he was told by developer Owen O'Callaghan, that Ahern was "taken care of" to support a shopping centre development in the 1990s. This followed the initial allegations, denied by Ahern and O'Callaghan, by retired developer Tom Gilmartin, that O'Callaghan told him that he had given Ahern a payment of £50,000 in 1989, and a payment of £30,000 in 1993, in connection with a development of lands at Quarryvale, west Dublin. Gilmartin further alleged being told that O'Callaghan had paid Ahern in excess of £20,000 in relation to tax designation of a site in which O'Callaghan had an interest in Athlone, the designation having been Ahern's last act as Finance Minister, before the Fianna Fáil-led Government fell in December 1994.Ahern was responsible for placing disgraced former Dublin West TD Liam Lawlor, as head of the Dáil Ethics Committee, despite having been told by Tom Gilmartin many years beforehand that Lawlor had corruptly demanded money and had thwarted Gilmartin's plans when Gilmartin refused to comply.In March 2007, one of Ahern's Manchester benefactors, Paddy "The Plasterer" Reilly, was appointed as the Fianna Fáil director of elections, for Ahern's Dublin Central constituency.In April 2007, it was alleged in a statement by his former official driver, that Ahern in 1994, while Minister for Finance, took a briefcase full of cash to Manchester. This has been denied by Ahern.While the payment details initially seemed to damage Ahern's standing, the result of the 2007 general election, indicated that the damage was minor. In April 2007, an opinion poll found that nearly half of voters believed Ahern still had questions to answer over the payments controversy.On 2 February 2008, it emerged at the Mahon Tribunal that a house was bought by Ahern's former partner Celia Larkin in 1993, with money donated to Ahern's constituency organisation in Drumcondra. There was no documentation to back up this loan to Larkin or to prove around IR£30,000 in other expenditure from this account.Dublin businessman Tim Collins, has denied that Ahern was joint holder of the so-called BT account from which Larkin was loaned IR£30,000 without documentation to describe the loan agreement. Tim Collins denied that the BT account referred to Bertie and Tim, even though he operated a joint account with Des Richardson known as the DT account.On 13 September 2007, Ahern commenced four days of testimony under oath at the Mahon Tribunal. On 13 September, Ahern admitted that he had not cooperated with the Mahon planning tribunal. On 14 September 2007, inconsistencies in Ahern's statements to the Tribunal emerged, after he changed his story on the infamous IR£25,000 dig-outs.On 21 September 2007, Ahern again changed his story and said he could not remember key events at the centre of the controversy.Tribunal Chair, Judge Alan Mahon, said there were "significant gaps" in the money trail provided by Mr Ahern which "would have made it impossible for the tribunal to follow the trail".Judge Gerald Keyes accused Ahern of having no recollection of buying £30,000 of luxury items in the early 1990s.Judge Mary Faherty, accused Ahern of giving "polar opposite" accounts of why he withdrew IR£50,000 from AIB in January 1995.On 24 September 2007, there were further discrepancies, memory lapses andcontradictions to his testimony under oath with Ahern agreeing with the assertions of the tribunal that there are inconsistencies and contradictions in his statements compared to bank records and the testimony of Larkin.Journalist Vincent Browne, has asserted that "Ahern's numbers game just doesn't add up".Again on 20 and 21 December 2007, Ahern spent two further days under questioning by the Mahon tribunal about his finances in the 1990s. In January 2008, it was revealed that Ahern was in discussion with the Revenue Commissioners about his liability for tax on the sums received in Manchester and on his tax clearance status as declared in 2002, before details of the Manchester payments were revealed. The then opposition leader Enda Kenny said it was not acceptable to have a Taoiseach who could not declare compliance with the tax codes.On 12 February 2008, it emerged that the Mahon tribunal did not have all of the information provided to it, contrary to Ahern's assertion in the Dáil that he had provided all information to the tribunal. Ahern has taken a High Court action to prevent the tribunal from questioning him on the information that he released in the Dáil in 2006.The total value of lodgements and other transactions involving Ahern was said to exceed £452,800. The lodgements and transactions occurred between 1988 and 1997, although the vast bulk of the money was lodged in the period to 1995.On 4 June 2008, Ahern admitted that he knew about sterling deposits before his secretary's testimony, but said to laughter at his Tribunal appearance on that day that those deposits were winnings from horse racing.The Standards in Public Office Commission was asked to investigate the Ahern's declaration of tax compliance after the 2002 general election. In mid-January 2008, it emerged in the press, reportedly as leaks from parties to the Mahon tribunal, that Ahern would not be in a position to present a Tax Clearance Certificate to the Dáil, as required under ethics legislation. This certificate is issued by the Revenue Commissioners to persons who have shown themselves to be tax compliant. To meet legal requirements, this certificate should have been presented to a Dáil committee by 31 January 2008, by all those elected to the Dáil. A caveat allowed that in the absence of this, a certificate stating that the Dáil member was in negotiation with the Revenue Commissioners would suffice. An inability to declare tax compliance by a prominent individual such as Ahern would prove highly embarrassing, and could potentially have had more serious repercussions. The Standards in Public Office Act (2001) determines the tax clearance requirements for persons elected to the Oireachtas, and others. The making of a false declaration would also be an offence.Ahern's inability to furnish a tax clearance certificate led to further calls for his resignation. He was, at the time, the only member of the Oireachtas not to have a tax clearance certificate On 14 January 2008, while on a visit to South Africa, Ahern accused Enda Kenny, Leader of the Opposition of tellinga "bare-faced lie" about Ahern's tax situation. Ahern and Fianna Fáil's response has not addressed the issue, but has attacked the leaking of Ahern's tax affairs so as to attempt to enable the non-compliance issue to be ignored.Ahern admitted to the Mahon Tribunal on 21 February 2008, for the first time, that he did not pay tax on substantial payments that he received when Minister for Finance in the 1990s.The Mahon Tribunal report was made public on 22 March 2012. It found that "much of the explanations provided by Ahern, as to the source of the substantial funds available to him, were deemed by the Tribunal to be 'untrue'". While the report did not accuse Ahern of corruption, it stated that it totally rejected his evidence and that of related witnesses about the sources of monies in his own and related bank accounts, and that Ahern failed to truthfully account for a total of IR£165,214.25 passing through accounts connected with him.In 1993, the then Taoiseach Albert Reynolds and Ahern, who was then Minister for Finance, wrote to developer Owen O'Callaghan seeking a substantial donation. At the time O'Callaghan was heavily involved in lobbying for state support for a stadium project at Neilstown, County Dublin. According to the report, O'Callaghan felt compelled to donate a sum of IR£80,000 to Fianna Fáil to get funding for the stadium. The Mahon Tribunal said it did not find the payment to be corrupt. However, the report said pressurising a businessman to donate money when he was seeking support for a commercial project was "entirely inappropriate, and was an abuse of political power and government authority".On 25 October 2007, Ahern was criticised after the government accepted a recommendation from the Review Body on Higher Remuneration that senior civil servants and ministers receive pay increases. The pay-rise for his position (up €38,000 to €310,000 per annum), would have made it higher paying than that of the US President and made him the highest paid Head of government in the European Union.Criticism from opposition parties concentrated on the timing of the announcement (following highly publicised budgetary concerns at the Health Service Executive) and the fact that Ahern's increase alone would amount to about four times the basic social welfare payment. On 12 December 2007, it was announced that the first part of the pay-rises would be deferred by a year, with the remainder paid in 2009 and 2010.Independent TD Maureen O'Sullivan, accused Ahern of attempting in his autobiography to take credit for the Gregory deal by claiming he was present in negotiations between Charles Haughey and Tony Gregory and that he had provided Haughey with estimates from Dublin City Council. The Gregory deal was an agreement negotiated between the Independent Socialist TD Tony Gregory and Fianna Fáil leader Charles Haughey in the aftermath of the February 1982 general election, which resulted in a hung Dáil. In return for supporting Haughey, Gregory was promised a deal worth 100 million pounds at the time, which was to be used to redevelop North Inner City Dublin and to provide a greater number of houses and employment in an area which was considered Ireland's poorest and most disadvantaged. Ahern had gone with Haughey to the negotiations with Gregory; he was immediately asked to leave by Gregory and was forced to wait publicly in his car outside for three and a half hours. Although both had been elected to the same constituency, they were fierce rivals and the relationship between them was often sour. O'Sullivan was Tony Gregory's director of elections and successor as a TD.Ahern's presentational style has been described as Bertiespeak."It is not correct, and if I said so, I was not correct – I cannot recall if I said it, but I did not say, or if I did, I did not mean to say it – that these issues could not be dealt with until the end of the Mahon Tribunal."In October 2010, he and some other "News of the World" columnists appeared in a TV advertisement for the newspaper where they were seen sitting inside kitchen fittings. In his section of the advertisement he was seen sitting inside a kitchen cupboard, with tea and gingernut biscuits. Opposition parties described the skit as "terrible" for the country. Miriam Lord of "The Irish Times" described him in this incarnation as "looking and sounding like Drumcondra's answer to Rodney Dangerfield", while Lise Hand of the "Irish Independent" commented that he was "surrounded by vegetables, ginger nuts and the disintegrated remnants of the dignity of his former office". When asked for an explanation by the "Sunday World", Ahern replied that it was "just a bit of craic" and that "you [journalists] get paid more [than columnists]".In September 2011, Ahern said he believed that he would have "done all right" in the presidential election but for the decline in the popularity of Fianna Fáil. Ahern confirmed he considered running in the election. "I still would have done all right. I mean they have done some figures and I would probably sit in around 30 per cent, which you haven’t a hope with as the party is on 20 per cent." He added that "the party popularity is the thing that snookers it, because if your party isn't winnable..." Ahern said: "If there was no downturn and if it wasn't all the hassle of the tribunals and everything else, then you could have had a good run at it." He predicted that "nobody is going to win it outright – like Mary McAleese had it won on the first count". Asked about a possible future candidacy in the following presidential election, he said: "Normally what happens in this country, if a president does a good job they stay on, so that's 14 years, so that ends any chance that I'll have." He also rejected suggestions that the Mahon tribunal would reject the evidence he gave on his personal finances. "The only thing that is important to me is the central allegations. And what the tribunal says about the other trash is irrelevant."Micheál Martin said the former taoiseach was "out of touch with reality" if he believed he could have won the presidency for Fianna Fáil. Martin also said expenses paid to Ahern in his capacity as a former Taoiseach were too high and should be reduced. He was commenting on reports that Ahern had claimed €265,000 for "secretarial services" and €7,500 on mobile phone bills since he stepped down in May 2008. Under the current expenses regime, a former Taoiseach may employ two secretarial assistants for up to five years after leaving office and one indefinitely after that.In September 2011, Ahern was criticised by his party, Fianna Fáil, with a senior party figure saying "Every public utterance he makes digs it deeper every time. From the day he left the Dail, it's been one thing after another. The party members are very pissed off. It's coming up right across the country."A biography of Ahern was published in 2011, "Bertie: Power & Money", by Colm Keena,On 30 December 2010, in a speech to his party cumann in the Dublin Central constituency, he announced that he would not be contesting the 2011 general election.Ahern said he had made it clear as far back as 2002, that it was always his plan to step down as a TD before he was 60.Asked if he had any regrets, he said: "If I had seen the banking crisis coming. Nobody advised me, no economist, all those people now writing books saying 'I told you so' – none of them."On Anglo Irish Bank, he said: "I can honestly say that not once did anyone or any delegation that came in to see me ever say, 'Watch out for Anglo' ... I wish they had have."Referring to the "great economic storm" currently under way in Ireland, he warned against excessive pessimism: "Some gains have been lost, but in truth many remain. I dearly wish there was no crisis. I realise that it would have been better if some things had been done differently, but I will not denigrate the good that has been done."However an independent review of the operation of the Department of Finance during Ahern's tenure in government and its performance over the course of a decade, by Canadian expert Rob Wright, revealed how repeated warnings to the government of the dangers of the budgetary policies pursued during the boom years were repeatedly ignored. Ahern declined to comment on the report.Shortly after announcing his retirement from politics, Ahern attacked his successor Brian Cowen, over Cowen's failure to communicate with the public and criticised the government's handling of the EU/IMF bailout. This attack broke the convention that former Taoisigh should not publicly criticise their successors.Ahern said in January 2011, there was no hope of Fianna Fáil retaining two seats in his Dublin Central constituency. None of his party candidates were subsequently elected in his former constituency.He receives annual pension payments of €152,331.Ahern said in April 2018 that he is considering running for President in 2025 as an independent candidate.In April 2018, he walked out of an interview with DW News after being questioned on the findings of the Mahon Tribunal.In October 2018, Ahern was appointed to chair the Bougainville Referendum Commission, which is responsible for preparing an independence referendum in Bougainville, Papua New Guinea, which took place in December 2019.Historian John A. Murphy said: "Did Ahern, in his 11 years of power, make the most of this unprecedented prosperity for the public benefit? The answer can hardly be positive, given the present state of health, education and infrastructure, generally."Historian Diarmaid Ferriter said: "There'll be broad consensus around what Bertie did in Northern Ireland, the social partnership and the unity he brought to his own party. Also, he made Fianna Fáil the permanent party of government. They used to have all of the power most of the time, but now they have most of the power all of the time. All of that takes skill. But I wonder will people talk about 'Ahernism'? Is there any such thing? What does he actually stand for? In some ways Bertie's lack of vision was a positive, it made him flexible and willing to compromise, and he was certainly outstanding in that regard. But I dissent from the universal plaudits going around at the moment. He had no social or economic vision for the state he led. There was no fire in his belly. He didn't really want to change society for the better. He was the ward boss writ large. But at the moment it seems it's unfashionable to say anything adverse about Bertie."Stephen Collins noted that: "None of his colleagues is really sure whether he is possessed of all the deviousness and cunning attributed to him by Haughey or whether he simply suffers from chronic indecision disguised as political shrewdness".Ryanair chief executive Michael O'Leary noted in a radio interview that "Bertie squandered the wealth of a generation and I think in time it will be proven he was a useless wastrel."In November 2009, Ahern was again criticised by O'Leary, being described as a "feckless ditherer"."A documentary series – "Bertie" – on RTÉ television in November 2008 examined the life and career of Ahern.Colm Keena in a biography of Ahern described how "his desire for power and an almost complete absence of political conviction, left him open to the influence of those with strong opinions, whose interests precipitated his mismanagement of the Irish economy."Ahern is also the subject of a Rubberbandits single released in August 2020.While still a TD but having resigned as Taoiseach, Ahern was appointed to an international advisory group on conflict resolution on 14 July 2008. In addition Ahern serves as a board member of the peace and reconciliation charity Co-operation Ireland.Ahern was appointed to an advisory board of an Irish company Parker Green International. He was appointed Chairman of the International Forestry Fund on 1 January 2010.He wrote a sports column in the now-closed Rupert Murdoch-owned Sunday newspaper "News of the World".In 2009, he earned around €467,200, from his speaking arrangements alone. He is registered with the Washington Speakers Bureau which charged $40,000 (€29,200) per speech—and he gave 16 speeches in 2009. He also enjoyed in that period, a €92,672 TD's salary and expenses.Between his resignation in 2008 and May 2010, he ran up a €5,682 bill for VIP airport facilities and a mobile phone bill of €8,331. This amount claimed by Ahern, was the largest of any former Taoiseach.In February 2012, he reversed his decision to give part of his pension back to the State.Since resigning as Taoiseach in 2008, Ahern has been a regular visitor to China. In November 2014, he gave a lecture on cyberspace security at the three-day World Internet Conference in Wuzhen. His handshake with Chinese Prime Minister Li Keqiang while there got pictured on the front page of the "South China Morning Post" above a story about "internet big hitters".In February 2015, Ahern received an honorary doctor of laws degree from Washington College in Chestertown, Maryland.In a December 2015 interview with BBC Radio 4's "Today" programme Ahern said low pay workers had brought country to its knees because they got "cocky" and insisted on "second, third and even fourth homes". The former Taoiseach said that the availability of cheap credit through Ireland's involvement in the eurozone created "a huge problem". "Anyone could walk into any institution and seem to get any amount of money and this is where the cocky bit came in. “Unfortunately… Joe Soap and Mary Soap, who never had a lot, got the loans for the second house and leveraged the third house off the second house and the fourth on the third, and you know, what are you having yourself." This drew criticism on radio and on social media for being exaggerated and for blaming the financial crisis on low-income families.In December 2019 Ahern acted as Chairman of the referendum commission for the Autonomous Region of Bougainville in a non-binding vote with regards to independence from Papua New Guinea.By 1972, Ahern had met his future wife, Miriam Kelly, a bank official who lived near the Aherns family home. They married in St. Columba's Church, Iona Road in 1975. Ahern has two daughters from his marriage: Georgina and Cecelia. Georgina is the wife of Westlife member Nicky Byrne. Cecelia is a best-selling author.Ahern and his wife separated in 1992. Until 2003, Ahern maintained a relationship with Celia Larkin. Ahern was the first, and is the only, Taoiseach to have a legal separation from his wife.Larkin was appointed to the board of the National Consumer Agency in July 2005, on the recommendation of the Department of the Taoiseach.Ahern is an enthusiastic and vocal fan of sport. He is a supporter of Dublin GAA and attends inter-county matches in Croke Park. He also supports English soccer outfit Manchester United Football Club and attends matches at Old Trafford, as well as Scottish soccer outfit Celtic Football Club and rugby matches at the Aviva Stadium. He appeared as a pundit on RTÉ Two's "The Premiership" programme in 2001.Ahern is a practising Roman Catholic. He attends Mass every Saturday evening in St Mary's Pro-Cathedral in Dublin. However, he was publicly criticised by Cardinal Desmond Connell, then Archbishop of Dublin, for his public relationship with Larkin.Ahern has said that he lives by the Ten Commandments, the Beatitudes and his own conscience, and hopes to get to heaven when he dies. Speaking to Gay Byrne in RTÉ's "The Meaning of Life" series, Ahern described himself as a regular Mass-goer, but said he had not been to Confession for 40 years. In a lengthy interview, Ahern said that he and the former DUP leader Ian Paisley, bonded over their shared faith when they had their first formal meeting together. The meeting took place in January 2004, at the Irish Embassy in London. He recalled how Paisley began a prayer in the Irish Embassy and he joined in with him. He said the prayer was "like our Confiteor" and officials had wondered why they had spent so much time alone. The pair started discussing their values and the rules by which they lived. His government came under severe criticism for the deal they made with the religious orders, capping their contribution to the redress board at €128 million while taxpayers will have to pay out €1 billion.As a Catholic, Ahern said he wanted the church "to do well" but that it could not retreat behind canon law. "There was one time when the church tried to put up the defence of canon law and my colleagues just looked up to the sky and thought they were joking. Unfortunately, they weren't joking, they made bad decisions." Ahern said he was convinced that life "did not end at the graveyard" and he often prayed to dead relatives for guidance. He used Mass as an opportunity to pray for people in trouble and stayed off alcohol in November and at Lent. He rationalised inexplicable events, such as the death of a young person, by stating that God "cannot influence every single thing". He said he received a "fair amount of hate mail" about "living in sin", but it upset other people more than it did him and he admitted that he had not lived up to his parents' "stereotype" of married life.The following governments were led by Ahern:	[ "President of the European Council", "Minister for Labour", "Leader of Fianna Fáil", "Tánaiste", "Teachta Dála", "Taoiseach" ]
Which position did Bertie Ahern hold in 1993-01-11?	January 11, 1993	{ "text": [ "Minister for Finance", "Minister for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation" ] }	L2_Q154550_P39_3	Bertie Ahern holds the position of Taoiseach from Jun, 1997 to May, 2008. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Minister for Labour from Mar, 1987 to Nov, 1991. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Minister for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1993. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Teachta Dála from Jul, 1977 to May, 1981. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Tánaiste from Nov, 1994 to Dec, 1994. Bertie Ahern holds the position of President of the European Council from Jan, 2004 to Jun, 2004. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Leader of Fianna Fáil from Nov, 1994 to May, 2008. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Minister for Finance from Nov, 1991 to Dec, 1994.	Bertie AhernBartholomew Patrick "Bertie" Ahern (born 12 September 1951) is an Irish former Fianna Fáil politician who served as Taoiseach from 1997 to 2008, Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1994 to 2008, Leader of the Opposition from 1994 to 1997, Tánaiste and Minister for Arts, Culture and the Gaeltacht from November 1994 to December 1994, Deputy Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1992 to 1994, Minister for Industry and Commerce in January 1993, Minister for Finance from 1991 to 1994, Minister for Labour from 1987 to 1991, Government Chief Whip and Minister of State at the Department of Defence from March 1982 to December 1982 and Lord Mayor of Dublin from 1986 to 1987. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1977 to 2011.In 1994, Ahern was elected the sixth Leader of Fianna Fáil. Under Ahern's leadership, Fianna Fáil led three coalition governments. Ahern is the second-longest serving Taoiseach, after Éamon de Valera. Ahern resigned as Taoiseach on 6 May 2008, in the wake of revelations made in Mahon Tribunal, and was succeeded by Minister for Finance Brian Cowen. The Mahon Tribunal in 2012, found that Ahern, while not judged corrupt, had received money from developers and the Tribunal disbelieved his explanations of those payments. Fianna Fáil proposed to expel politicians censured by the tribunal, but Ahern resigned from the party prior to the expulsion motion being moved.In November 2016, it was announced that a decision had been made by Fianna Fáil to give Ahern the option of rejoining the party.Ahern was born in Drumcondra, Dublin, the youngest of five children of Con and Julia (née Hourihane) Ahern, both natives of County Cork, who married in October 1937. They settled at Church Avenue, Drumcondra, where they resided for the rest of their lives. The other four children are Maurice, Kathleen, Noel and Eileen. In Dublin, Ahern's father worked as a farm manager at All Hallows College, Drumcondra. Ahern's brother Noel is also involved in politics and represented Dublin North-West in Dáil Éireann.Ahern's father Con was born into a farming family near Ballyfeard, which is located near Kinsale, County Cork, in 1904. His mother also came from a farming background and was from near Castledonovan, west County Cork. Ahern's father, Con, initially left County Cork and went to Dublin in the early 1930s to train for the priesthood, but did not complete his studies with the Vincentian order. He had fought in the Irish Civil War. He was a supporter of Éamon de Valera and the Anti-Treaty IRA. He was a member of the 3rd Cork Brigade of the IRA. He remained a militant Irish Republican for decades after the War of Independence. Con Ahern died in 1990. Ahern's mother, Julia, died in 1998, aged 87 years.Ahern was educated at St. Patrick's National School, Drumcondra and at St. Aidan's Christian Brothers, Whitehall. He received his third level education at the College of Commerce, Rathmines, part of the Dublin Institute of Technology. Ahern has claimed or it has been claimed by others in circulated biographies that he was educated at University College Dublin and the London School of Economics, but neither university has any records that show Ahern was ever one of their students. He subsequently worked in the Accounts Department of the Mater Hospital, Dublin.Ahern is an enthusiastic and vocal fan of sport. He is a supporter of Dublin GAA and attends Dublin matches in Croke Park. He also supports Manchester United F.C. and attends matches at Old Trafford and rugby matches at Lansdowne Road. He appeared as a pundit on RTÉ Two's "The Premiership" programme in 2001.Ahern first became involved in a Fianna Fáil by-election campaign in 1965, climbing lamp posts to hang election posters in Drumcondra. During the campaign, Ahern met his political mentor and future Taoiseach, Charles Haughey. Ahern became a member of Fianna Fáil at the age of 17, and in the 1969 general election he assisted with the election campaign in his constituency.Ahern's first ran for office during the landslide 1977 general election when Fianna Fáil formed the last single-party majority government with a 20-seat Dáil majority, the largest ever. Ahern received 4,000 first preference votes in the newly created Dublin Finglas constituency and was elected with transfers from other candidates. He was elected to Dublin Corporation at the 1979 local elections for the Cabra East-Finglas West Local electoral area (LEA). He later switched to the North Inner City LEA before standing down before the 1991 local elections. In subsequent elections Ahern became one of the highest vote-getters in the country. In his Dublin Central constituency Ahern was described as:In 1980, due to the illness of the actual Chief Whip, Seán Moore, he was effectively running the office. Ahern increased his personal vote in all three general elections of 1981 and 1982, even out-polling his running mate, George Colley, previously a candidate for Taoiseach. In the short-lived Fianna Fáil government of 1982, Ahern served as Government Chief Whip. Fianna Fáil were then consigned to the opposition benches for five years. During this period Ahern became Fianna Fáil Spokesperson on Labour. In 1986, he became Lord Mayor of Dublin. During his tenure, he organised the Dublin Millennium festival.In 1987, Fianna Fáil returned to power as a minority government. Ahern became Minister for Labour, which was not considered an important portfolio. In the following years, the department was important in stimulating Ireland's ailing economy. On behalf of the government Bertie Ahern negotiated the first national wage agreement between unions and employers The Programme for National Recovery. This and the subsequent national wage agreement came to be known as the 'Irish model' and have been adopted by a number of European countriesIn 1989, Haughey called an early general election. Fianna Fáil lost seats and was forced into a coalition government with the Progressive Democrats. Ahern retained his position as Minister for Labour in the government of the 26th Dáil. In 1990, Ahern negotiated the Programme for Economic and Social Progress.In 1990, Ahern was campaign manager for the presidential bid of his cabinet colleague, Brian Lenihan. It proved to be Ahern's least successful campaign as the apparently unbeatable Lenihan lost to Labour Party candidate Mary Robinson. Ahern was damaged in the short term by being seen as the first Fianna Fáil presidential election campaign manager to lose a presidential election.In 1991, the Fianna Fáil–Progressive Democrats programme for government was reviewed. Ahern was a key player in these talks yet again. His involvement prompted Haughey to remark of Ahern: In November 1991, Reynolds, then Minister for Finance, launched a leadership challenge to Haughey. Ahern publicly backed Haughey. The challenge failed and Reynolds and his supporters were dismissed from the cabinet. In the reshuffle that followed, Ahern became Minister for Finance. According to statements given by Ahern while serving as Minister for Finance, he did not hold a personal bank account.In early 1992, Charles Haughey resigned as Taoiseach. Ahern was encouraged by Haughey and others to bid for the position. He was apprehensive, and remained out of the contest, allowing Reynolds to become party leader and Taoiseach. It is believed that Reynolds and Ahern struck a deal in which Ahern would withdraw and thus remain in the cabinet, to succeed subsequently. Ahern and Michael Woods were the only two senior members to remain in the new Reynolds cabinet, with Ahern retaining his Finance portfolio.Following the 1992 general election, Fianna Fáil formed a coalition government with the Labour Party. This lasted until 1994, when the Labour Party withdrew from government, due to unhappiness with Reynolds's proposed candidate for President of the High Court. Ahern briefly succeeded Labour leader Dick Spring as Tánaiste. However, the government fell after a motion of no confidence, proposed by Fine Gael and Leader of the Opposition John Bruton, seconded by Fianna Fáil's former coalition partners the Labour Party. Reynolds resigned as Taoiseach and Fianna Fáil leader.During 1993, while he was Finance Minister, Ahern accepted payments of IR £39,000 from various businessmen: see below for details. These payments did not become public knowledge until 2006.In 1993, Ahern said in an interview, that tax cheaters would be jailed.He is also under scrutiny from the Mahon Tribunal for this cash payment and subsequent revelations in May 2007, of cash received from businessman Micheál Wall.Ahern succeeded Reynolds as the leader; the first unopposed candidate since Seán Lemass in 1959. Ahern was elected as the sixth leader of Fianna Fáil on 19 November 1994.Negotiations for a resumption of government with the Labour Party began immediately. It was expected that the coalition would continue and that Ahern would become Taoiseach. However, due to new revelations, Labour withdrew from the coalition, opting instead to go into coalition with Fine Gael. Ahern found himself as Leader of the Opposition.In the 1997 general election Fianna Fáil's campaign centred on Ahern's personal popularity. At the election, while Fianna Fáil picked up seats, its preferred coalition partner, the Progressive Democrats, lost more than half their seats. However, Labour suffered even heavier losses, leaving Fine Gael short of the support it needed to stay in office. Ahern quickly formed a coalition government with the Progressive Democrats, with the support of four Independent TDs. On 26 June 1997, aged 45, Ahern became the youngest ever Taoiseach.Ahern's first government saw some teething problems during its first six months. Firstly, Ahern tried to nominate David Andrews as Minister for Defence and as a Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs. This was unconstitutional as one Minister cannot be subordinate to another.Secondly, in July, Charles Haughey gave evidence to the McCracken Tribunal on corruption confirming that he had received IR£1.3 million (€1.7 million) in gifts from businessman Ben Dunne, which he had previously denied. This damaged Haughey's reputation more than the Government's.Thirdly, earlier allegations resurfaced about Ahern's Foreign Minister, Ray Burke. Burke eventually admitted to receiving IR£30,000 (€38,000) in a corrupt payment and chose to resign. Arising from those two matters, the government established the Moriarty Tribunal and the Flood Tribunal.One of the high points of the first six months was the renewal of the Provisional IRA ceasefire, which paved the way for resumed negotiations in Northern Ireland.A significant achievement of Ahern's first term was his part in the negotiation of the Belfast Agreement, commonly called the Good Friday Agreement, in which the British and Irish Governments and most Northern Irish political parties established an "exclusively peaceful and democratic" framework for power-sharing in Northern Ireland. The agreement was signed on 10 April 1998. It was seen as something special, because not only was it endorsed by the political parties, it was endorsed also by the British and Irish governments and the people of Ireland and Northern Ireland.The agreement, the ceasefires and political structures it created have encouraged peace. The negotiations also led to his friendship with the former British Prime Minister Tony Blair. On 26 November 1998, Blair became the first Prime Minister of the United Kingdom to address the Oireachtas. On 24 September 2003, Ahern and Blair were jointly awarded the Thomas J. Dodd Prize in International Justice and Human Rights for their work on the Good Friday Agreement to promote peace between Britain and Northern Ireland. On 22 May 2008, Ahern and Blair were both awarded honorary doctorates by Queen's University Belfast in recognition of their roles in the peace process. University Chancellor George Mitchell praised Mr Ahern as "a man of peace and a builder of bridges".Speaking at the 1916 Easter Rising commemoration at Arbour Hill in Dublin, in 1998, Ahern saidAhern's first term in office had been a period of high economic growth in Ireland, known as the Celtic Tiger. This was followed by a property boom which led to the economic crisis of 2008–2010 and culminated in the state requiring an IMF and EU bailout in 2010. In the first term increased prosperity and a better standard of living were the main results of the Celtic Tiger economy. There were significant deficits in the provision of infrastructure in the health and transport sectors. The good economic conditions allowed Finance Minister Charlie McCreevy, to deliver several generous budgets. The 1998 and 1999 Finance Acts included special tax incentives targeted at the area covered by the pilot Rural Renewal Scheme for the Upper Shannon Area. This scheme was later subject to criticism by the Heritage Council for being introduced without a ‘Baseline Audit’ to inform the level and scale of development to be supported through the scheme, not identifying priority areas suitable for development, not providing any strategic protection for designated areas including the corridor of the River Shannon, nor promoting the use of sustainable design and building materials in any new build or refurbishment project supported by the scheme. This growth changed in 2008, with a difficult budget for 2008, brought forward by 2 months, as Ireland entered recession, with unemployment expected to rise 5.6% in 2008 and the construction industry in decline. Economic growth in 2008, had also slowed to its lowest levels in over a decade. In 2009, Ahern said his decision in 2001, to create the Financial Regulator was one of the main reasons for the collapse of the Irish banking sector and "if I had a chance again I wouldn't do it".The 28th Dáil served its full term, becoming the second-longest Dáil to complete a full term. The coalition of Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrats was re-elected with an increased majority in the 2002 general election on 17 May of that year. Fianna Fáil had hoped for a majority, but ultimately came up three seats short of the 84 required. Fine Gael was decimated, losing much of its front bench. The coalition Government returned to power, comprising Fianna Fáil and the eight Progressive Democrats TDs. It was the first time a Government had been re-elected since Jack Lynch's in 1969.Controversy arose when it was announced shortly afterwards that financial cutbacks were needed due to the drop in the international and Irish economies. This contradicted Fianna Fáil's promise during the election campaign when Finance Minister McCreevy was quoted several times saying that ""no cutbacks, secret or otherwise, were planned"". The government was accused of lying to the public, particularly concerning the war in Iraq (see below). The Government's rating fell badly in opinion polls and Ahern's popularity dropped to its minimum.Another issue in the government's agenda for 2002, was the upcoming 2002 Referendum nicknamed "Nice 2", this was a second attempt to pass the Treaty of Nice.During 2003, the government was subject to more controversy when it became public that US military aircraft, carrying large numbers of troops, were refuelling at Shannon Airport, despite widespread opposition to the 2003 Invasion of Iraq. Ireland's policy since the foundation of the State has been to be a neutral party in any conflict. The Government had maintained that troops had not used Shannon but when this was disproved, it then claimed that such permission had been available for 50 years.The drop in opinion poll ratings for Ahern and his government after the 2002 election, was followed in 2004, by Fianna Fáil's worst local election results in 80 years. Despite speculation, no leadership challenge occurred and Ahern recovered in the polls. His reputation for inaction in changing cabinet Ministers ended with his long-heralded 2004 Cabinet reshuffle in which he failed to sack Séamus Brennan from the cabinet. The reshuffle was not as extensive as some had hoped as only three new members entered government.The unpopular phase seemed short-lived as the government rearranged its priorities and the economy grew. A notable law enacted by this government was the ban on smoking in workplaces and enclosed areas in March 2004. Improvements had been made in the transport infrastructure with the launch of the Luas light rail system in Dublin, many new motorways being built and the break-up of Aer Rianta, the state-owned Airport Management company.In November 2004, Ahern celebrated ten years as leader of Fianna Fáil. In April 2006, he became the second longest serving Taoiseach, after Éamon de Valera.One of Ahern's achievements in 2004, was his Presidency of the European Council, during which EU leaders agreed a European Constitution, there was recovery in EU-US relations, the EU formally admitted 10 new members, and selected José Manuel Barroso as President of the European Commission. Briefly, it appeared as if Ahern himself might become President of the European Commission, however, he declined in favour of domestic politics. The treaty was subsequently defeated in referendums in the Netherlands and France.Ahern's government spent €52 million on the Nedap Electronic Voting system. This was challenged as being insecure and could have been tampered with to change results.His coalition partners in government, the Progressive Democrats, said that he had questions to answer as details of an £8,000 (€11,800) payment for speaking engagements, in Manchester in 1994, emerged. The continued appearance of details of his appearances in Manchester and the names of those who were present at functions threatened to destabilise his coalition government, especially so when it transpired that one of the businessmen Micheál Wall subsequently sold a house to Ahern. The strains in the coalition eased after Ahern apologised for the second time in the Dáil and agreed to tighten up on ethics legislation.The Moriarty Tribunal reporting in December 2006, criticised Ahern for having signed blank cheques for the then party leader Charles Haughey, who misappropriated taxpayers' funds for personal use. The disbursement of funds to Fianna Fáil and their investigation by the tribunal have raised questions of the involvement of Ahern in the administration of these funds.In May 2007, he became the first Irish leader to address a joint session of the UK Parliament.Ahern hoped to win a third general election in 2007. While opinion polls, in April 2007, suggested that this was improbable.Polls in April 2007, showed his coalition of Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats at 35% and 3% respectively against the Fine Gael–Labour Party alternative government figure of 38%. A further poll published 27 April 2007, shows Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrats at 34% and 3% respectively compared to Fine Gael and Labour at 31% and 10%. A promise by the Labour Party, at their February 2007 party conference of a cut in the basic rate of income tax, paid by 80% of workers, from 20% to 18% created some excitement in political and media circles. Income tax cuts by the Fianna Fáil–Progressive Democrats government had concentrated on the top rate of tax and Labour were able to portray their proposal as progressive to the discomfiture of Fianna Fáil.Ahern received staunch support during the campaign from Eoghan Harris, writing in the "Sunday Independent". Harris declared that the anti-Ahern campaign was the most sinister manipulation of the Irish media that he had seen in his lifetime and that Sinn Féin would be the main beneficiaries of a fall in support for Ahern and Fianna Fáil. Harris was nominated to Seanad Éireann as a Senator on 3 August 2007 by Ahern.Ahern dissolved the Dáil in April 2007 and called an election for 24 May 2007. Unusually, Ahern dissolved the Dáil on a Sunday morning, claiming that President McAleese's foreign trip that week made it necessary despite the trip having been long-planned. There was speculation that the timing was instead motivated by the commencement of the Mahon Tribunal's Quarryvale module scheduled for that week, particularly Tom Gilmartin's evidence - the hearing thus had to be postponed until after the election was over. Ahern's party received 78 seats a loss of three seats from the 2002 election result. This was regarded as a Fianna Fáil 'victory', as questions about Ahern's finances overshadowed the early part of the election campaign, which threatened to cause huge losses for Ahern's party. His partners in the government, the Progressive Democrats suffered a reduction in representation from 8 to 2 seats including the loss of their leader.Following the general election of 2007 Ahern was elected to a third term as Taoiseach, leading a rainbow coalition of Fianna Fáil, the Green Party and the Progressive Democrats, and also supported by several Independent TDs. This was the first Rainbow coalition comprising Fianna Fáil, with all their previous coalitions comprising just one partner.Requiring 83 seats to return the government, Ahern's options were to attempt to govern with the Progressive Democrats plus two "gene-pool" Independents (Jackie Healy-Rae and Beverley Flynn; both former Fianna Fáil members) and one or more of the other three Independents, Michael Lowry, Finian McGrath or Tony Gregory (both left-wing Independents). The other options were an alliance with the Green Party or the Labour Party. In the event, Fianna Fáil negotiated a programme for government with the Green Party and formed a new rainbow coalition with the Green Party and the Progressive Democrats, supported by Healy-Rae, Flynn, Lowry and McGrath.Ahern's reputation was damaged by the accusation of cash gifts received that have transmuted to loans from businessmen. His reputation as the Teflon Taoiseach (no allegation of unethical behaviour had stuck to him until September 2006) was damaged. He was criticised in the foreign press as well as in the Irish media.To the surprise of many observers, polls taken during and after the payments' crisis indicated a sharp rise in support for the Ahern government and a corresponding fall in support for the Opposition parties. While 55–64% of the public believed that he was wrong to accept the payments, support for his party rose to 39–42%, while support for the main Opposition parties Fine Gael and the Labour Party fell to 20–26% and 10–11%. Two-thirds believed he should not have resigned. The polls provoked complaints from the media. The "Irish Times" commented they were a "poor reflection of ourselves".Ahern stated in an interview in the "Village" on 22 May 2007, that he intended to retire from politics when he turned 60 years of age. He stated this would mean standing down as Taoiseach before the end of the Dáil term, which would have ended in 2012 at the latest.On 4 July 2007, Ahern stated at a conference in Donegal, that he did not understand why people sitting on the sidelines, ""cribbing and moaning"" about the economy, did not commit suicide. These comments came at a time when Ireland's economy was beginning to falter, and with property prices falling by up to 10% as part of the Irish property bubble. Ahern later accepted responsibility for the overheating of the property sector but took no responsibility for the failings of the Central Bank of Ireland.In an opinion poll taken in September 2007, subsequent to Ahern's initial two-day appearance at the Mahon Tribunal, fewer than one-third of voters believed Ahern's accounts of his finances.Opposition parties had previously been muted in their reaction but in September 2007, Labour Party leader Eamon Gilmore, called for Ahern to resign in light of his appearance at the Mahon Tribunal and on 23 September 2007, Leader of the Opposition Enda Kenny was heavily critical of the "rambling, incoherent" answers offered by Ahern to the Mahon tribunal in September 2007. Kenny said there was now a situation whereby a witness before a tribunal, testifying under oath, "is continually changing his story". It "create[s] a credibility problem and that's the issue the Taoiseach has got to deal with".On resumption of the Dáil on 26 September a motion of no confidence in Ahern's government was moved by Fine Gael leader Enda Kenny and seconded by the Labour Party, based on Ahern's statements to the Mahon Tribunal. The Green Party, PDs and Independent TDs who supported the government voted for Ahern in the motion of no confidence. In a stormy three-hour Dáil debate, Ahern was accused of telling ""lies"" and was called upon to resign.The no-confidence motion was defeated by 81 votes to 76, with all six Green Party TDs, two PDs and four Independents, Finian McGrath, Beverley Flynn, Michael Lowry and Jackie Healy-Rae voting with the Government.In an opinion poll published in November 2007, some three-quarters of voters indicated that they did not believe that Ahern had given a full disclosure about his personal finances to the Mahon Tribunal. The opinion poll also showed more than half of the electorate believing that the whole episode was by then a serious political issue for Ahern.A later opinion poll taken on 22 January 2008, on the issue of Mr Ahern's personal finances and tax liabilities, found that "78% of people do not believe he has given the full picture (up 6%) while just 14% believe he has given the full picture (down 3%)."The Minister for the Environment and leader of the Green Party, John Gormley said on 22 February 2008, that revelations concerning the Taoiseach at the Mahon Tribunal were distracting from the work of government.Opposition parties on 22 February 2008, branded the Taoiseach's financial affairs as a "national embarrassment", which should prompt his immediate resignation.Grainne Carruth's acceptance as a matter of civil probability that she had lodged sterling sums to Ahern's account at the Drumcondra branch of the Irish Permanent Building Society in the 1990s had reportedly sent shock waves through the ranks of Fianna Fáil. On 27 March 2008, the unease at Ahern's declarations at the Mahon Tribunal, as contradicted by his former secretary at the tribunal, were highlighted when Progressive Democrat coalition partner leader Mary Harney, traditionally a stern supporter of her former colleague, called on Ahern to make a statement.The disquiet within the coalition was further emphasised when Green Party leader John Gormley, said that Ahern should clarify the contradiction between his evidence and that of his former secretary Grainne Carruth.An opinion poll published on 25 November 2007, showed that support for Fianna Fáil had dropped by seven percent, "following the announcement of large pay increases for the government and senior public servants against a backdrop of continuing economic uncertainty and high-profile failures in the health service."On 2 April 2008, Ahern announced his intention to resign as Taoiseach and as leader of Fianna Fáil on 6 May 2008.On 30 April 2008, in Washington D.C., Ahern became the sixth Irish leader to address the United States Congress. He is also the sixth person who has addressed both the UK Parliament and the United States Congress.On 6 May 2008, he performed his last official duty as Taoiseach in opening the Battle of the Boyne visitors centre with then First Minister of Northern Ireland Ian Paisley.In a November 2009, interview with VIP magazine, Ahern spoke of how critics who blame the government for the economic crisis should "dig the garden or grow bluebells or do something useful". He continued, saying that the Irish property bubble was not the fault of his government and that "cynics and knockers, people who always see the glass as half empty. I can't understand people who are always bitching, saying 'It's the Government's fault, it's the doctor's fault, it's the cat's fault.' It's everybody's fault except their own."He said in 2009, that since he resigned as Taoiseach the previous year, "life is not as controlled as it was. I'm busy doing different things, some quite important, but it's just not the same. If I want to go to a match, I go to a match; if I want to see some friends tomorrow night, I can do that, so it's a big change."Commenting on the economic difficulties facing his successor, he said: "Brian has had it rough because of the huge international slowdown. The big trick for him is how we can get out of it quickly."In January 2010, Ahern has said he would have no difficulties giving evidence to the investigation into banking, nor having his testimony heard in public. Saying he would appear if asked, Ahern defended his record while in government, attributing the crisis in banking to international factors and the banks' over-exposure to borrowing on international markets. "By and large we all know what happened. The banks borrowed money on the open market in the short-term. And as soon as things went, they had to pay that money up but they hadn't got it to pay," he said. "That's what happened. I don't think it will take too long [for an inquiry] to write up what the position is." He continued, saying, "The greater issue was the protection and the regulation of the bank rather than consumers' interests." Mr Ahern also said that people were "jumping over developers" but also "needed to remember" they employed 200,000 people. He said that one of the first things that Brian Cowen had done when he became Minister for Finance was to abolish many of the property tax incentives. He also presided over many of the incentives that benefited property developers. "When they were brought in, the place was in a disastrous way. Look at the quays in Dublin. There were reports around for 40 years that said the quays needed something done about them and nothing happened until we brought in the urban renewal status and gave the tax incentives."In May 2010, Ahern said of the property-based tax incentives which aggravated the Irish economic collapse that "We probably should have closed those down a good bit earlier but there were always fierce pressures, there was endless pressures to keep them. There was endless pressures to extend them." He stated that the pressure to retain such incentives had come from developers, owners of sites, areas that did not have the developments, community councils, politicians and civic society.Ahern said that his decision in 2001, to create a new financial regulator was one of the main reasons for the collapse of the Irish banking sector, saying that "if I had a chance again I wouldn't do it." "The banks were irresponsible," he admitted. "But the Central Bank and the Financial Regulator seemed happy. They were never into us saying – ever – 'Listen, we must put legislation and control on the banks.' That never happened."Ahern was investigated by the Mahon Tribunal, following an allegation by Tom Gilmartin, that Ahern had been paid money by Owen O'Callaghan in return for favours. The Tribunal found that Ahern's explanations for lodgements to his various accounts could not be true, and thus Gilmartin's allegation could not be disproved. One lodgement of IR£30,000, in 1994, took place in the weeks following the circumstances Gilmartin described, with contemporaneous AIB notes confirming Gilmartin's account of Ahern assuring Owen O'Callaghan that a rival development at Blanchardstown would not get tax designation, and on the same day as a meeting with Owen O'Callaghan's bag-man, Frank Dunlop. The Tribunal were, however, unable to conclusively prove that the lodgement was not merely coincidental. The Tribunal also discovered that Ahern, when Taoiseach, had visited Dunlop in the weeks immediately subsequent to Dunlop's admission of corrupt payments on behalf of Owen O'Callaghan, prior to Dunlop resuming the witness stand to elaborate further on his activities.Ahern was criticised by the Moriarty Tribunal for signing blank cheques for the then Taoiseach Charles Haughey, without asking what those cheques were for. Ahern told the tribunal that a policy of signing blank cheques was used on the Fianna Fáil party leader's account for reasons of "administrative convenience". In September 2006 "The Irish Times" printed claims allegedly leaked from The Mahon Tribunal that Ahern had received money from a millionaire businessman while Minister for Finance in 1993.The editor of "The Irish Times" defended the publication as being in the public interest at a hearing of the tribunal, saying that it was not a party to the Supreme Court case which restrained the "Sunday Business Post" from publishing leaked documents. This order was directed against the "Sunday Business Post" but its interim order purported to restrain all media outlets from publishing confidential material from the inquiry.Ahern has admitted that he did receive money but said on being interviewed that:What I got personally in my life, to be frank with you is none of your business. If I got something from somebody as a present or something like that I can use it.What Ahern said in 1996, while in opposition:The public are entitled to have an absolute guarantee of the financial probity and integrity of their elected representatives, their officials and above all of Ministers. They need to know that they are under financial obligations to nobody. (Dáil Éireann transcript, December 1996)This contradiction has been criticised in editorials in both the "Irish Independent" and "The Irish Times"Six days after the payments were publicised, Ahern admitted in a television interview that he had received two payments totalling IR£39,000 (€50,000) in 1993 and 1994.Ahern regarded the money as a loan, but he conceded that no repayments had at that time (September 2006) been made and no interest has been paid. He said that he had attempted to repay it, but that his friends would not accept repayment. He claimed that he had "broken no codes – ethical, tax, legal or otherwise".On 28 November 2007, former NCB managing director Padraic O'Connor at the Mahon Tribunal, "directly contradicted Mr Ahern's claims that long-standing friends gave him a loan just after Christmas 1993."In the same interview, he also claimed that he received a payment of £8,000 from a group of 25 businessmen in Manchester on one occasion. He stated that this money was again unsolicited, that it was a gift and therefore not subject to tax as it had been received when abroad, and that it was paid to him after he gave an after-dinner speech at an "ad hoc" function. He claimed that the money was given to him as a private citizen, not to him in his then role as Minister for Finance, and that no other payments were received by him after speaking at other similar functions. The Irish Times reported on 30 September 2006, that part of this payment was actually a cheque drawn on NCB Stockbrokers, a large Irish company. In its final report, the Mahon tribunal found that, contrary to his sworn evidence, no 'dig-outs' in 1993 and 1994 were arranged to give money to Mr Ahern and that large dollar and sterling cash lodgements were made to his bank accounts in the mid-1990s. A number of his benefactors have received appointments as directors of State boards. Insisting that no favours had been offered or received, Ahern said:I might have appointed somebody but I appointed them because they were friends, not because of anything they had given me.Under the Standards in Public Office Commission's rules,State appointments should be made on the basis of merit, taking into account the skills, qualifications and experience of the person to be appointed.Members of Dáil Éireann must conduct themselvesin accordance with the provisions and spirit of the Code of Conduct and ensure that their conduct does not bring the integrity of their office or the Dáil into serious disrepute.In the face of negative publicity, Ahern has repaid the monies advanced to him, with 5% interest, totalling €90,000.On 3 October 2006, Ahern made a 15-minute statement in Dáil Éireann defending his actions in taking loans totalling IR£39,000 (€50,000) from friends in Ireland and £8,000 (€11,800) as a gift from businessmen in Manchester in 1993 and 1994. In his statement he apologised for the distress his actions had brought saying:The bewilderment caused to the public about recent revelations has been deeply upsetting for me and others near and dear to me. To them, to the Irish people and to this house, I offer my apologies.On 20 March 2008, at the Mahon Tribunal the disclosure,Previously in her evidence, Carruth, on 19 March 2008 had said, that she had not lodged sterling for Ahern, while she accepted (as a matter of probability), a day later, that she must have lodged sterling on Ahern's behalf based on the paperwork available although her recollection is that she never had sighting of sterling at any time.Ahern had told the tribunal during his evidence in February 2008, that the lodgements to his and his daughters' accounts had come from his salary as a politician.Further questions were raised about IR£50,000 (€63,300) which he had lodged to his bank account in 1994. He claimed this was money he had saved over a substantial period of time (1987–1994) when he had had no active bank account. During this period he was Minister for Labour and subsequently Minister for Finance. He was asked by Labour leader Pat Rabbitte whether, in the absence of a bank account, he had kept the money in a "sock in the hot-press" and Socialist Party leader Joe Higgins asked if he had kept the money "in a shoe-box". Ahern replied that he had kept the money "in his own possession".On 5 October 2006, further information emerged in the Dáil that Ahern had bought his house in Dublin, from Manchester-based Irish businessman, Micheál Wall, who was at an event in Manchester in 1994, where the Taoiseach received a payment of GBP£8,000 (€11,800). This caused further tensions within the government coalition parties.On 10 October 2006, the Taoiseach again told the Dáil that it was an "error of judgement" for him to have accepted loans and gifts for personal purposes in the early 1990s.Ahern expanded on his apology to the Dáil of the previous week, which he described as unqualified. Ahern said there would now be a change in the ethics law requiring office holders offered a gift from friends to consult the Standards in Public Office Commission and to accept their ruling.Allegations had been made that he had taken IR£50,000 (€63,300) from a property developer, Owen O'Callaghan, in return for favours at this time. Ahern won a libel action against a Cork businessman, Denis "Starry" O'Brien, defending himself against this allegation.However, broadcaster Eamon Dunphy, has testified in the Mahon Tribunal that he was told by developer Owen O'Callaghan, that Ahern was "taken care of" to support a shopping centre development in the 1990s. This followed the initial allegations, denied by Ahern and O'Callaghan, by retired developer Tom Gilmartin, that O'Callaghan told him that he had given Ahern a payment of £50,000 in 1989, and a payment of £30,000 in 1993, in connection with a development of lands at Quarryvale, west Dublin. Gilmartin further alleged being told that O'Callaghan had paid Ahern in excess of £20,000 in relation to tax designation of a site in which O'Callaghan had an interest in Athlone, the designation having been Ahern's last act as Finance Minister, before the Fianna Fáil-led Government fell in December 1994.Ahern was responsible for placing disgraced former Dublin West TD Liam Lawlor, as head of the Dáil Ethics Committee, despite having been told by Tom Gilmartin many years beforehand that Lawlor had corruptly demanded money and had thwarted Gilmartin's plans when Gilmartin refused to comply.In March 2007, one of Ahern's Manchester benefactors, Paddy "The Plasterer" Reilly, was appointed as the Fianna Fáil director of elections, for Ahern's Dublin Central constituency.In April 2007, it was alleged in a statement by his former official driver, that Ahern in 1994, while Minister for Finance, took a briefcase full of cash to Manchester. This has been denied by Ahern.While the payment details initially seemed to damage Ahern's standing, the result of the 2007 general election, indicated that the damage was minor. In April 2007, an opinion poll found that nearly half of voters believed Ahern still had questions to answer over the payments controversy.On 2 February 2008, it emerged at the Mahon Tribunal that a house was bought by Ahern's former partner Celia Larkin in 1993, with money donated to Ahern's constituency organisation in Drumcondra. There was no documentation to back up this loan to Larkin or to prove around IR£30,000 in other expenditure from this account.Dublin businessman Tim Collins, has denied that Ahern was joint holder of the so-called BT account from which Larkin was loaned IR£30,000 without documentation to describe the loan agreement. Tim Collins denied that the BT account referred to Bertie and Tim, even though he operated a joint account with Des Richardson known as the DT account.On 13 September 2007, Ahern commenced four days of testimony under oath at the Mahon Tribunal. On 13 September, Ahern admitted that he had not cooperated with the Mahon planning tribunal. On 14 September 2007, inconsistencies in Ahern's statements to the Tribunal emerged, after he changed his story on the infamous IR£25,000 dig-outs.On 21 September 2007, Ahern again changed his story and said he could not remember key events at the centre of the controversy.Tribunal Chair, Judge Alan Mahon, said there were "significant gaps" in the money trail provided by Mr Ahern which "would have made it impossible for the tribunal to follow the trail".Judge Gerald Keyes accused Ahern of having no recollection of buying £30,000 of luxury items in the early 1990s.Judge Mary Faherty, accused Ahern of giving "polar opposite" accounts of why he withdrew IR£50,000 from AIB in January 1995.On 24 September 2007, there were further discrepancies, memory lapses andcontradictions to his testimony under oath with Ahern agreeing with the assertions of the tribunal that there are inconsistencies and contradictions in his statements compared to bank records and the testimony of Larkin.Journalist Vincent Browne, has asserted that "Ahern's numbers game just doesn't add up".Again on 20 and 21 December 2007, Ahern spent two further days under questioning by the Mahon tribunal about his finances in the 1990s. In January 2008, it was revealed that Ahern was in discussion with the Revenue Commissioners about his liability for tax on the sums received in Manchester and on his tax clearance status as declared in 2002, before details of the Manchester payments were revealed. The then opposition leader Enda Kenny said it was not acceptable to have a Taoiseach who could not declare compliance with the tax codes.On 12 February 2008, it emerged that the Mahon tribunal did not have all of the information provided to it, contrary to Ahern's assertion in the Dáil that he had provided all information to the tribunal. Ahern has taken a High Court action to prevent the tribunal from questioning him on the information that he released in the Dáil in 2006.The total value of lodgements and other transactions involving Ahern was said to exceed £452,800. The lodgements and transactions occurred between 1988 and 1997, although the vast bulk of the money was lodged in the period to 1995.On 4 June 2008, Ahern admitted that he knew about sterling deposits before his secretary's testimony, but said to laughter at his Tribunal appearance on that day that those deposits were winnings from horse racing.The Standards in Public Office Commission was asked to investigate the Ahern's declaration of tax compliance after the 2002 general election. In mid-January 2008, it emerged in the press, reportedly as leaks from parties to the Mahon tribunal, that Ahern would not be in a position to present a Tax Clearance Certificate to the Dáil, as required under ethics legislation. This certificate is issued by the Revenue Commissioners to persons who have shown themselves to be tax compliant. To meet legal requirements, this certificate should have been presented to a Dáil committee by 31 January 2008, by all those elected to the Dáil. A caveat allowed that in the absence of this, a certificate stating that the Dáil member was in negotiation with the Revenue Commissioners would suffice. An inability to declare tax compliance by a prominent individual such as Ahern would prove highly embarrassing, and could potentially have had more serious repercussions. The Standards in Public Office Act (2001) determines the tax clearance requirements for persons elected to the Oireachtas, and others. The making of a false declaration would also be an offence.Ahern's inability to furnish a tax clearance certificate led to further calls for his resignation. He was, at the time, the only member of the Oireachtas not to have a tax clearance certificate On 14 January 2008, while on a visit to South Africa, Ahern accused Enda Kenny, Leader of the Opposition of tellinga "bare-faced lie" about Ahern's tax situation. Ahern and Fianna Fáil's response has not addressed the issue, but has attacked the leaking of Ahern's tax affairs so as to attempt to enable the non-compliance issue to be ignored.Ahern admitted to the Mahon Tribunal on 21 February 2008, for the first time, that he did not pay tax on substantial payments that he received when Minister for Finance in the 1990s.The Mahon Tribunal report was made public on 22 March 2012. It found that "much of the explanations provided by Ahern, as to the source of the substantial funds available to him, were deemed by the Tribunal to be 'untrue'". While the report did not accuse Ahern of corruption, it stated that it totally rejected his evidence and that of related witnesses about the sources of monies in his own and related bank accounts, and that Ahern failed to truthfully account for a total of IR£165,214.25 passing through accounts connected with him.In 1993, the then Taoiseach Albert Reynolds and Ahern, who was then Minister for Finance, wrote to developer Owen O'Callaghan seeking a substantial donation. At the time O'Callaghan was heavily involved in lobbying for state support for a stadium project at Neilstown, County Dublin. According to the report, O'Callaghan felt compelled to donate a sum of IR£80,000 to Fianna Fáil to get funding for the stadium. The Mahon Tribunal said it did not find the payment to be corrupt. However, the report said pressurising a businessman to donate money when he was seeking support for a commercial project was "entirely inappropriate, and was an abuse of political power and government authority".On 25 October 2007, Ahern was criticised after the government accepted a recommendation from the Review Body on Higher Remuneration that senior civil servants and ministers receive pay increases. The pay-rise for his position (up €38,000 to €310,000 per annum), would have made it higher paying than that of the US President and made him the highest paid Head of government in the European Union.Criticism from opposition parties concentrated on the timing of the announcement (following highly publicised budgetary concerns at the Health Service Executive) and the fact that Ahern's increase alone would amount to about four times the basic social welfare payment. On 12 December 2007, it was announced that the first part of the pay-rises would be deferred by a year, with the remainder paid in 2009 and 2010.Independent TD Maureen O'Sullivan, accused Ahern of attempting in his autobiography to take credit for the Gregory deal by claiming he was present in negotiations between Charles Haughey and Tony Gregory and that he had provided Haughey with estimates from Dublin City Council. The Gregory deal was an agreement negotiated between the Independent Socialist TD Tony Gregory and Fianna Fáil leader Charles Haughey in the aftermath of the February 1982 general election, which resulted in a hung Dáil. In return for supporting Haughey, Gregory was promised a deal worth 100 million pounds at the time, which was to be used to redevelop North Inner City Dublin and to provide a greater number of houses and employment in an area which was considered Ireland's poorest and most disadvantaged. Ahern had gone with Haughey to the negotiations with Gregory; he was immediately asked to leave by Gregory and was forced to wait publicly in his car outside for three and a half hours. Although both had been elected to the same constituency, they were fierce rivals and the relationship between them was often sour. O'Sullivan was Tony Gregory's director of elections and successor as a TD.Ahern's presentational style has been described as Bertiespeak."It is not correct, and if I said so, I was not correct – I cannot recall if I said it, but I did not say, or if I did, I did not mean to say it – that these issues could not be dealt with until the end of the Mahon Tribunal."In October 2010, he and some other "News of the World" columnists appeared in a TV advertisement for the newspaper where they were seen sitting inside kitchen fittings. In his section of the advertisement he was seen sitting inside a kitchen cupboard, with tea and gingernut biscuits. Opposition parties described the skit as "terrible" for the country. Miriam Lord of "The Irish Times" described him in this incarnation as "looking and sounding like Drumcondra's answer to Rodney Dangerfield", while Lise Hand of the "Irish Independent" commented that he was "surrounded by vegetables, ginger nuts and the disintegrated remnants of the dignity of his former office". When asked for an explanation by the "Sunday World", Ahern replied that it was "just a bit of craic" and that "you [journalists] get paid more [than columnists]".In September 2011, Ahern said he believed that he would have "done all right" in the presidential election but for the decline in the popularity of Fianna Fáil. Ahern confirmed he considered running in the election. "I still would have done all right. I mean they have done some figures and I would probably sit in around 30 per cent, which you haven’t a hope with as the party is on 20 per cent." He added that "the party popularity is the thing that snookers it, because if your party isn't winnable..." Ahern said: "If there was no downturn and if it wasn't all the hassle of the tribunals and everything else, then you could have had a good run at it." He predicted that "nobody is going to win it outright – like Mary McAleese had it won on the first count". Asked about a possible future candidacy in the following presidential election, he said: "Normally what happens in this country, if a president does a good job they stay on, so that's 14 years, so that ends any chance that I'll have." He also rejected suggestions that the Mahon tribunal would reject the evidence he gave on his personal finances. "The only thing that is important to me is the central allegations. And what the tribunal says about the other trash is irrelevant."Micheál Martin said the former taoiseach was "out of touch with reality" if he believed he could have won the presidency for Fianna Fáil. Martin also said expenses paid to Ahern in his capacity as a former Taoiseach were too high and should be reduced. He was commenting on reports that Ahern had claimed €265,000 for "secretarial services" and €7,500 on mobile phone bills since he stepped down in May 2008. Under the current expenses regime, a former Taoiseach may employ two secretarial assistants for up to five years after leaving office and one indefinitely after that.In September 2011, Ahern was criticised by his party, Fianna Fáil, with a senior party figure saying "Every public utterance he makes digs it deeper every time. From the day he left the Dail, it's been one thing after another. The party members are very pissed off. It's coming up right across the country."A biography of Ahern was published in 2011, "Bertie: Power & Money", by Colm Keena,On 30 December 2010, in a speech to his party cumann in the Dublin Central constituency, he announced that he would not be contesting the 2011 general election.Ahern said he had made it clear as far back as 2002, that it was always his plan to step down as a TD before he was 60.Asked if he had any regrets, he said: "If I had seen the banking crisis coming. Nobody advised me, no economist, all those people now writing books saying 'I told you so' – none of them."On Anglo Irish Bank, he said: "I can honestly say that not once did anyone or any delegation that came in to see me ever say, 'Watch out for Anglo' ... I wish they had have."Referring to the "great economic storm" currently under way in Ireland, he warned against excessive pessimism: "Some gains have been lost, but in truth many remain. I dearly wish there was no crisis. I realise that it would have been better if some things had been done differently, but I will not denigrate the good that has been done."However an independent review of the operation of the Department of Finance during Ahern's tenure in government and its performance over the course of a decade, by Canadian expert Rob Wright, revealed how repeated warnings to the government of the dangers of the budgetary policies pursued during the boom years were repeatedly ignored. Ahern declined to comment on the report.Shortly after announcing his retirement from politics, Ahern attacked his successor Brian Cowen, over Cowen's failure to communicate with the public and criticised the government's handling of the EU/IMF bailout. This attack broke the convention that former Taoisigh should not publicly criticise their successors.Ahern said in January 2011, there was no hope of Fianna Fáil retaining two seats in his Dublin Central constituency. None of his party candidates were subsequently elected in his former constituency.He receives annual pension payments of €152,331.Ahern said in April 2018 that he is considering running for President in 2025 as an independent candidate.In April 2018, he walked out of an interview with DW News after being questioned on the findings of the Mahon Tribunal.In October 2018, Ahern was appointed to chair the Bougainville Referendum Commission, which is responsible for preparing an independence referendum in Bougainville, Papua New Guinea, which took place in December 2019.Historian John A. Murphy said: "Did Ahern, in his 11 years of power, make the most of this unprecedented prosperity for the public benefit? The answer can hardly be positive, given the present state of health, education and infrastructure, generally."Historian Diarmaid Ferriter said: "There'll be broad consensus around what Bertie did in Northern Ireland, the social partnership and the unity he brought to his own party. Also, he made Fianna Fáil the permanent party of government. They used to have all of the power most of the time, but now they have most of the power all of the time. All of that takes skill. But I wonder will people talk about 'Ahernism'? Is there any such thing? What does he actually stand for? In some ways Bertie's lack of vision was a positive, it made him flexible and willing to compromise, and he was certainly outstanding in that regard. But I dissent from the universal plaudits going around at the moment. He had no social or economic vision for the state he led. There was no fire in his belly. He didn't really want to change society for the better. He was the ward boss writ large. But at the moment it seems it's unfashionable to say anything adverse about Bertie."Stephen Collins noted that: "None of his colleagues is really sure whether he is possessed of all the deviousness and cunning attributed to him by Haughey or whether he simply suffers from chronic indecision disguised as political shrewdness".Ryanair chief executive Michael O'Leary noted in a radio interview that "Bertie squandered the wealth of a generation and I think in time it will be proven he was a useless wastrel."In November 2009, Ahern was again criticised by O'Leary, being described as a "feckless ditherer"."A documentary series – "Bertie" – on RTÉ television in November 2008 examined the life and career of Ahern.Colm Keena in a biography of Ahern described how "his desire for power and an almost complete absence of political conviction, left him open to the influence of those with strong opinions, whose interests precipitated his mismanagement of the Irish economy."Ahern is also the subject of a Rubberbandits single released in August 2020.While still a TD but having resigned as Taoiseach, Ahern was appointed to an international advisory group on conflict resolution on 14 July 2008. In addition Ahern serves as a board member of the peace and reconciliation charity Co-operation Ireland.Ahern was appointed to an advisory board of an Irish company Parker Green International. He was appointed Chairman of the International Forestry Fund on 1 January 2010.He wrote a sports column in the now-closed Rupert Murdoch-owned Sunday newspaper "News of the World".In 2009, he earned around €467,200, from his speaking arrangements alone. He is registered with the Washington Speakers Bureau which charged $40,000 (€29,200) per speech—and he gave 16 speeches in 2009. He also enjoyed in that period, a €92,672 TD's salary and expenses.Between his resignation in 2008 and May 2010, he ran up a €5,682 bill for VIP airport facilities and a mobile phone bill of €8,331. This amount claimed by Ahern, was the largest of any former Taoiseach.In February 2012, he reversed his decision to give part of his pension back to the State.Since resigning as Taoiseach in 2008, Ahern has been a regular visitor to China. In November 2014, he gave a lecture on cyberspace security at the three-day World Internet Conference in Wuzhen. His handshake with Chinese Prime Minister Li Keqiang while there got pictured on the front page of the "South China Morning Post" above a story about "internet big hitters".In February 2015, Ahern received an honorary doctor of laws degree from Washington College in Chestertown, Maryland.In a December 2015 interview with BBC Radio 4's "Today" programme Ahern said low pay workers had brought country to its knees because they got "cocky" and insisted on "second, third and even fourth homes". The former Taoiseach said that the availability of cheap credit through Ireland's involvement in the eurozone created "a huge problem". "Anyone could walk into any institution and seem to get any amount of money and this is where the cocky bit came in. “Unfortunately… Joe Soap and Mary Soap, who never had a lot, got the loans for the second house and leveraged the third house off the second house and the fourth on the third, and you know, what are you having yourself." This drew criticism on radio and on social media for being exaggerated and for blaming the financial crisis on low-income families.In December 2019 Ahern acted as Chairman of the referendum commission for the Autonomous Region of Bougainville in a non-binding vote with regards to independence from Papua New Guinea.By 1972, Ahern had met his future wife, Miriam Kelly, a bank official who lived near the Aherns family home. They married in St. Columba's Church, Iona Road in 1975. Ahern has two daughters from his marriage: Georgina and Cecelia. Georgina is the wife of Westlife member Nicky Byrne. Cecelia is a best-selling author.Ahern and his wife separated in 1992. Until 2003, Ahern maintained a relationship with Celia Larkin. Ahern was the first, and is the only, Taoiseach to have a legal separation from his wife.Larkin was appointed to the board of the National Consumer Agency in July 2005, on the recommendation of the Department of the Taoiseach.Ahern is an enthusiastic and vocal fan of sport. He is a supporter of Dublin GAA and attends inter-county matches in Croke Park. He also supports English soccer outfit Manchester United Football Club and attends matches at Old Trafford, as well as Scottish soccer outfit Celtic Football Club and rugby matches at the Aviva Stadium. He appeared as a pundit on RTÉ Two's "The Premiership" programme in 2001.Ahern is a practising Roman Catholic. He attends Mass every Saturday evening in St Mary's Pro-Cathedral in Dublin. However, he was publicly criticised by Cardinal Desmond Connell, then Archbishop of Dublin, for his public relationship with Larkin.Ahern has said that he lives by the Ten Commandments, the Beatitudes and his own conscience, and hopes to get to heaven when he dies. Speaking to Gay Byrne in RTÉ's "The Meaning of Life" series, Ahern described himself as a regular Mass-goer, but said he had not been to Confession for 40 years. In a lengthy interview, Ahern said that he and the former DUP leader Ian Paisley, bonded over their shared faith when they had their first formal meeting together. The meeting took place in January 2004, at the Irish Embassy in London. He recalled how Paisley began a prayer in the Irish Embassy and he joined in with him. He said the prayer was "like our Confiteor" and officials had wondered why they had spent so much time alone. The pair started discussing their values and the rules by which they lived. His government came under severe criticism for the deal they made with the religious orders, capping their contribution to the redress board at €128 million while taxpayers will have to pay out €1 billion.As a Catholic, Ahern said he wanted the church "to do well" but that it could not retreat behind canon law. "There was one time when the church tried to put up the defence of canon law and my colleagues just looked up to the sky and thought they were joking. Unfortunately, they weren't joking, they made bad decisions." Ahern said he was convinced that life "did not end at the graveyard" and he often prayed to dead relatives for guidance. He used Mass as an opportunity to pray for people in trouble and stayed off alcohol in November and at Lent. He rationalised inexplicable events, such as the death of a young person, by stating that God "cannot influence every single thing". He said he received a "fair amount of hate mail" about "living in sin", but it upset other people more than it did him and he admitted that he had not lived up to his parents' "stereotype" of married life.The following governments were led by Ahern:	[ "President of the European Council", "Minister for Labour", "Leader of Fianna Fáil", "Tánaiste", "Teachta Dála", "Taoiseach" ]
Which position did Bertie Ahern hold in 11/01/1993?	January 11, 1993	{ "text": [ "Minister for Finance", "Minister for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation" ] }	L2_Q154550_P39_3	Bertie Ahern holds the position of Taoiseach from Jun, 1997 to May, 2008. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Minister for Labour from Mar, 1987 to Nov, 1991. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Minister for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1993. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Teachta Dála from Jul, 1977 to May, 1981. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Tánaiste from Nov, 1994 to Dec, 1994. Bertie Ahern holds the position of President of the European Council from Jan, 2004 to Jun, 2004. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Leader of Fianna Fáil from Nov, 1994 to May, 2008. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Minister for Finance from Nov, 1991 to Dec, 1994.	Bertie AhernBartholomew Patrick "Bertie" Ahern (born 12 September 1951) is an Irish former Fianna Fáil politician who served as Taoiseach from 1997 to 2008, Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1994 to 2008, Leader of the Opposition from 1994 to 1997, Tánaiste and Minister for Arts, Culture and the Gaeltacht from November 1994 to December 1994, Deputy Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1992 to 1994, Minister for Industry and Commerce in January 1993, Minister for Finance from 1991 to 1994, Minister for Labour from 1987 to 1991, Government Chief Whip and Minister of State at the Department of Defence from March 1982 to December 1982 and Lord Mayor of Dublin from 1986 to 1987. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1977 to 2011.In 1994, Ahern was elected the sixth Leader of Fianna Fáil. Under Ahern's leadership, Fianna Fáil led three coalition governments. Ahern is the second-longest serving Taoiseach, after Éamon de Valera. Ahern resigned as Taoiseach on 6 May 2008, in the wake of revelations made in Mahon Tribunal, and was succeeded by Minister for Finance Brian Cowen. The Mahon Tribunal in 2012, found that Ahern, while not judged corrupt, had received money from developers and the Tribunal disbelieved his explanations of those payments. Fianna Fáil proposed to expel politicians censured by the tribunal, but Ahern resigned from the party prior to the expulsion motion being moved.In November 2016, it was announced that a decision had been made by Fianna Fáil to give Ahern the option of rejoining the party.Ahern was born in Drumcondra, Dublin, the youngest of five children of Con and Julia (née Hourihane) Ahern, both natives of County Cork, who married in October 1937. They settled at Church Avenue, Drumcondra, where they resided for the rest of their lives. The other four children are Maurice, Kathleen, Noel and Eileen. In Dublin, Ahern's father worked as a farm manager at All Hallows College, Drumcondra. Ahern's brother Noel is also involved in politics and represented Dublin North-West in Dáil Éireann.Ahern's father Con was born into a farming family near Ballyfeard, which is located near Kinsale, County Cork, in 1904. His mother also came from a farming background and was from near Castledonovan, west County Cork. Ahern's father, Con, initially left County Cork and went to Dublin in the early 1930s to train for the priesthood, but did not complete his studies with the Vincentian order. He had fought in the Irish Civil War. He was a supporter of Éamon de Valera and the Anti-Treaty IRA. He was a member of the 3rd Cork Brigade of the IRA. He remained a militant Irish Republican for decades after the War of Independence. Con Ahern died in 1990. Ahern's mother, Julia, died in 1998, aged 87 years.Ahern was educated at St. Patrick's National School, Drumcondra and at St. Aidan's Christian Brothers, Whitehall. He received his third level education at the College of Commerce, Rathmines, part of the Dublin Institute of Technology. Ahern has claimed or it has been claimed by others in circulated biographies that he was educated at University College Dublin and the London School of Economics, but neither university has any records that show Ahern was ever one of their students. He subsequently worked in the Accounts Department of the Mater Hospital, Dublin.Ahern is an enthusiastic and vocal fan of sport. He is a supporter of Dublin GAA and attends Dublin matches in Croke Park. He also supports Manchester United F.C. and attends matches at Old Trafford and rugby matches at Lansdowne Road. He appeared as a pundit on RTÉ Two's "The Premiership" programme in 2001.Ahern first became involved in a Fianna Fáil by-election campaign in 1965, climbing lamp posts to hang election posters in Drumcondra. During the campaign, Ahern met his political mentor and future Taoiseach, Charles Haughey. Ahern became a member of Fianna Fáil at the age of 17, and in the 1969 general election he assisted with the election campaign in his constituency.Ahern's first ran for office during the landslide 1977 general election when Fianna Fáil formed the last single-party majority government with a 20-seat Dáil majority, the largest ever. Ahern received 4,000 first preference votes in the newly created Dublin Finglas constituency and was elected with transfers from other candidates. He was elected to Dublin Corporation at the 1979 local elections for the Cabra East-Finglas West Local electoral area (LEA). He later switched to the North Inner City LEA before standing down before the 1991 local elections. In subsequent elections Ahern became one of the highest vote-getters in the country. In his Dublin Central constituency Ahern was described as:In 1980, due to the illness of the actual Chief Whip, Seán Moore, he was effectively running the office. Ahern increased his personal vote in all three general elections of 1981 and 1982, even out-polling his running mate, George Colley, previously a candidate for Taoiseach. In the short-lived Fianna Fáil government of 1982, Ahern served as Government Chief Whip. Fianna Fáil were then consigned to the opposition benches for five years. During this period Ahern became Fianna Fáil Spokesperson on Labour. In 1986, he became Lord Mayor of Dublin. During his tenure, he organised the Dublin Millennium festival.In 1987, Fianna Fáil returned to power as a minority government. Ahern became Minister for Labour, which was not considered an important portfolio. In the following years, the department was important in stimulating Ireland's ailing economy. On behalf of the government Bertie Ahern negotiated the first national wage agreement between unions and employers The Programme for National Recovery. This and the subsequent national wage agreement came to be known as the 'Irish model' and have been adopted by a number of European countriesIn 1989, Haughey called an early general election. Fianna Fáil lost seats and was forced into a coalition government with the Progressive Democrats. Ahern retained his position as Minister for Labour in the government of the 26th Dáil. In 1990, Ahern negotiated the Programme for Economic and Social Progress.In 1990, Ahern was campaign manager for the presidential bid of his cabinet colleague, Brian Lenihan. It proved to be Ahern's least successful campaign as the apparently unbeatable Lenihan lost to Labour Party candidate Mary Robinson. Ahern was damaged in the short term by being seen as the first Fianna Fáil presidential election campaign manager to lose a presidential election.In 1991, the Fianna Fáil–Progressive Democrats programme for government was reviewed. Ahern was a key player in these talks yet again. His involvement prompted Haughey to remark of Ahern: In November 1991, Reynolds, then Minister for Finance, launched a leadership challenge to Haughey. Ahern publicly backed Haughey. The challenge failed and Reynolds and his supporters were dismissed from the cabinet. In the reshuffle that followed, Ahern became Minister for Finance. According to statements given by Ahern while serving as Minister for Finance, he did not hold a personal bank account.In early 1992, Charles Haughey resigned as Taoiseach. Ahern was encouraged by Haughey and others to bid for the position. He was apprehensive, and remained out of the contest, allowing Reynolds to become party leader and Taoiseach. It is believed that Reynolds and Ahern struck a deal in which Ahern would withdraw and thus remain in the cabinet, to succeed subsequently. Ahern and Michael Woods were the only two senior members to remain in the new Reynolds cabinet, with Ahern retaining his Finance portfolio.Following the 1992 general election, Fianna Fáil formed a coalition government with the Labour Party. This lasted until 1994, when the Labour Party withdrew from government, due to unhappiness with Reynolds's proposed candidate for President of the High Court. Ahern briefly succeeded Labour leader Dick Spring as Tánaiste. However, the government fell after a motion of no confidence, proposed by Fine Gael and Leader of the Opposition John Bruton, seconded by Fianna Fáil's former coalition partners the Labour Party. Reynolds resigned as Taoiseach and Fianna Fáil leader.During 1993, while he was Finance Minister, Ahern accepted payments of IR £39,000 from various businessmen: see below for details. These payments did not become public knowledge until 2006.In 1993, Ahern said in an interview, that tax cheaters would be jailed.He is also under scrutiny from the Mahon Tribunal for this cash payment and subsequent revelations in May 2007, of cash received from businessman Micheál Wall.Ahern succeeded Reynolds as the leader; the first unopposed candidate since Seán Lemass in 1959. Ahern was elected as the sixth leader of Fianna Fáil on 19 November 1994.Negotiations for a resumption of government with the Labour Party began immediately. It was expected that the coalition would continue and that Ahern would become Taoiseach. However, due to new revelations, Labour withdrew from the coalition, opting instead to go into coalition with Fine Gael. Ahern found himself as Leader of the Opposition.In the 1997 general election Fianna Fáil's campaign centred on Ahern's personal popularity. At the election, while Fianna Fáil picked up seats, its preferred coalition partner, the Progressive Democrats, lost more than half their seats. However, Labour suffered even heavier losses, leaving Fine Gael short of the support it needed to stay in office. Ahern quickly formed a coalition government with the Progressive Democrats, with the support of four Independent TDs. On 26 June 1997, aged 45, Ahern became the youngest ever Taoiseach.Ahern's first government saw some teething problems during its first six months. Firstly, Ahern tried to nominate David Andrews as Minister for Defence and as a Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs. This was unconstitutional as one Minister cannot be subordinate to another.Secondly, in July, Charles Haughey gave evidence to the McCracken Tribunal on corruption confirming that he had received IR£1.3 million (€1.7 million) in gifts from businessman Ben Dunne, which he had previously denied. This damaged Haughey's reputation more than the Government's.Thirdly, earlier allegations resurfaced about Ahern's Foreign Minister, Ray Burke. Burke eventually admitted to receiving IR£30,000 (€38,000) in a corrupt payment and chose to resign. Arising from those two matters, the government established the Moriarty Tribunal and the Flood Tribunal.One of the high points of the first six months was the renewal of the Provisional IRA ceasefire, which paved the way for resumed negotiations in Northern Ireland.A significant achievement of Ahern's first term was his part in the negotiation of the Belfast Agreement, commonly called the Good Friday Agreement, in which the British and Irish Governments and most Northern Irish political parties established an "exclusively peaceful and democratic" framework for power-sharing in Northern Ireland. The agreement was signed on 10 April 1998. It was seen as something special, because not only was it endorsed by the political parties, it was endorsed also by the British and Irish governments and the people of Ireland and Northern Ireland.The agreement, the ceasefires and political structures it created have encouraged peace. The negotiations also led to his friendship with the former British Prime Minister Tony Blair. On 26 November 1998, Blair became the first Prime Minister of the United Kingdom to address the Oireachtas. On 24 September 2003, Ahern and Blair were jointly awarded the Thomas J. Dodd Prize in International Justice and Human Rights for their work on the Good Friday Agreement to promote peace between Britain and Northern Ireland. On 22 May 2008, Ahern and Blair were both awarded honorary doctorates by Queen's University Belfast in recognition of their roles in the peace process. University Chancellor George Mitchell praised Mr Ahern as "a man of peace and a builder of bridges".Speaking at the 1916 Easter Rising commemoration at Arbour Hill in Dublin, in 1998, Ahern saidAhern's first term in office had been a period of high economic growth in Ireland, known as the Celtic Tiger. This was followed by a property boom which led to the economic crisis of 2008–2010 and culminated in the state requiring an IMF and EU bailout in 2010. In the first term increased prosperity and a better standard of living were the main results of the Celtic Tiger economy. There were significant deficits in the provision of infrastructure in the health and transport sectors. The good economic conditions allowed Finance Minister Charlie McCreevy, to deliver several generous budgets. The 1998 and 1999 Finance Acts included special tax incentives targeted at the area covered by the pilot Rural Renewal Scheme for the Upper Shannon Area. This scheme was later subject to criticism by the Heritage Council for being introduced without a ‘Baseline Audit’ to inform the level and scale of development to be supported through the scheme, not identifying priority areas suitable for development, not providing any strategic protection for designated areas including the corridor of the River Shannon, nor promoting the use of sustainable design and building materials in any new build or refurbishment project supported by the scheme. This growth changed in 2008, with a difficult budget for 2008, brought forward by 2 months, as Ireland entered recession, with unemployment expected to rise 5.6% in 2008 and the construction industry in decline. Economic growth in 2008, had also slowed to its lowest levels in over a decade. In 2009, Ahern said his decision in 2001, to create the Financial Regulator was one of the main reasons for the collapse of the Irish banking sector and "if I had a chance again I wouldn't do it".The 28th Dáil served its full term, becoming the second-longest Dáil to complete a full term. The coalition of Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrats was re-elected with an increased majority in the 2002 general election on 17 May of that year. Fianna Fáil had hoped for a majority, but ultimately came up three seats short of the 84 required. Fine Gael was decimated, losing much of its front bench. The coalition Government returned to power, comprising Fianna Fáil and the eight Progressive Democrats TDs. It was the first time a Government had been re-elected since Jack Lynch's in 1969.Controversy arose when it was announced shortly afterwards that financial cutbacks were needed due to the drop in the international and Irish economies. This contradicted Fianna Fáil's promise during the election campaign when Finance Minister McCreevy was quoted several times saying that ""no cutbacks, secret or otherwise, were planned"". The government was accused of lying to the public, particularly concerning the war in Iraq (see below). The Government's rating fell badly in opinion polls and Ahern's popularity dropped to its minimum.Another issue in the government's agenda for 2002, was the upcoming 2002 Referendum nicknamed "Nice 2", this was a second attempt to pass the Treaty of Nice.During 2003, the government was subject to more controversy when it became public that US military aircraft, carrying large numbers of troops, were refuelling at Shannon Airport, despite widespread opposition to the 2003 Invasion of Iraq. Ireland's policy since the foundation of the State has been to be a neutral party in any conflict. The Government had maintained that troops had not used Shannon but when this was disproved, it then claimed that such permission had been available for 50 years.The drop in opinion poll ratings for Ahern and his government after the 2002 election, was followed in 2004, by Fianna Fáil's worst local election results in 80 years. Despite speculation, no leadership challenge occurred and Ahern recovered in the polls. His reputation for inaction in changing cabinet Ministers ended with his long-heralded 2004 Cabinet reshuffle in which he failed to sack Séamus Brennan from the cabinet. The reshuffle was not as extensive as some had hoped as only three new members entered government.The unpopular phase seemed short-lived as the government rearranged its priorities and the economy grew. A notable law enacted by this government was the ban on smoking in workplaces and enclosed areas in March 2004. Improvements had been made in the transport infrastructure with the launch of the Luas light rail system in Dublin, many new motorways being built and the break-up of Aer Rianta, the state-owned Airport Management company.In November 2004, Ahern celebrated ten years as leader of Fianna Fáil. In April 2006, he became the second longest serving Taoiseach, after Éamon de Valera.One of Ahern's achievements in 2004, was his Presidency of the European Council, during which EU leaders agreed a European Constitution, there was recovery in EU-US relations, the EU formally admitted 10 new members, and selected José Manuel Barroso as President of the European Commission. Briefly, it appeared as if Ahern himself might become President of the European Commission, however, he declined in favour of domestic politics. The treaty was subsequently defeated in referendums in the Netherlands and France.Ahern's government spent €52 million on the Nedap Electronic Voting system. This was challenged as being insecure and could have been tampered with to change results.His coalition partners in government, the Progressive Democrats, said that he had questions to answer as details of an £8,000 (€11,800) payment for speaking engagements, in Manchester in 1994, emerged. The continued appearance of details of his appearances in Manchester and the names of those who were present at functions threatened to destabilise his coalition government, especially so when it transpired that one of the businessmen Micheál Wall subsequently sold a house to Ahern. The strains in the coalition eased after Ahern apologised for the second time in the Dáil and agreed to tighten up on ethics legislation.The Moriarty Tribunal reporting in December 2006, criticised Ahern for having signed blank cheques for the then party leader Charles Haughey, who misappropriated taxpayers' funds for personal use. The disbursement of funds to Fianna Fáil and their investigation by the tribunal have raised questions of the involvement of Ahern in the administration of these funds.In May 2007, he became the first Irish leader to address a joint session of the UK Parliament.Ahern hoped to win a third general election in 2007. While opinion polls, in April 2007, suggested that this was improbable.Polls in April 2007, showed his coalition of Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats at 35% and 3% respectively against the Fine Gael–Labour Party alternative government figure of 38%. A further poll published 27 April 2007, shows Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrats at 34% and 3% respectively compared to Fine Gael and Labour at 31% and 10%. A promise by the Labour Party, at their February 2007 party conference of a cut in the basic rate of income tax, paid by 80% of workers, from 20% to 18% created some excitement in political and media circles. Income tax cuts by the Fianna Fáil–Progressive Democrats government had concentrated on the top rate of tax and Labour were able to portray their proposal as progressive to the discomfiture of Fianna Fáil.Ahern received staunch support during the campaign from Eoghan Harris, writing in the "Sunday Independent". Harris declared that the anti-Ahern campaign was the most sinister manipulation of the Irish media that he had seen in his lifetime and that Sinn Féin would be the main beneficiaries of a fall in support for Ahern and Fianna Fáil. Harris was nominated to Seanad Éireann as a Senator on 3 August 2007 by Ahern.Ahern dissolved the Dáil in April 2007 and called an election for 24 May 2007. Unusually, Ahern dissolved the Dáil on a Sunday morning, claiming that President McAleese's foreign trip that week made it necessary despite the trip having been long-planned. There was speculation that the timing was instead motivated by the commencement of the Mahon Tribunal's Quarryvale module scheduled for that week, particularly Tom Gilmartin's evidence - the hearing thus had to be postponed until after the election was over. Ahern's party received 78 seats a loss of three seats from the 2002 election result. This was regarded as a Fianna Fáil 'victory', as questions about Ahern's finances overshadowed the early part of the election campaign, which threatened to cause huge losses for Ahern's party. His partners in the government, the Progressive Democrats suffered a reduction in representation from 8 to 2 seats including the loss of their leader.Following the general election of 2007 Ahern was elected to a third term as Taoiseach, leading a rainbow coalition of Fianna Fáil, the Green Party and the Progressive Democrats, and also supported by several Independent TDs. This was the first Rainbow coalition comprising Fianna Fáil, with all their previous coalitions comprising just one partner.Requiring 83 seats to return the government, Ahern's options were to attempt to govern with the Progressive Democrats plus two "gene-pool" Independents (Jackie Healy-Rae and Beverley Flynn; both former Fianna Fáil members) and one or more of the other three Independents, Michael Lowry, Finian McGrath or Tony Gregory (both left-wing Independents). The other options were an alliance with the Green Party or the Labour Party. In the event, Fianna Fáil negotiated a programme for government with the Green Party and formed a new rainbow coalition with the Green Party and the Progressive Democrats, supported by Healy-Rae, Flynn, Lowry and McGrath.Ahern's reputation was damaged by the accusation of cash gifts received that have transmuted to loans from businessmen. His reputation as the Teflon Taoiseach (no allegation of unethical behaviour had stuck to him until September 2006) was damaged. He was criticised in the foreign press as well as in the Irish media.To the surprise of many observers, polls taken during and after the payments' crisis indicated a sharp rise in support for the Ahern government and a corresponding fall in support for the Opposition parties. While 55–64% of the public believed that he was wrong to accept the payments, support for his party rose to 39–42%, while support for the main Opposition parties Fine Gael and the Labour Party fell to 20–26% and 10–11%. Two-thirds believed he should not have resigned. The polls provoked complaints from the media. The "Irish Times" commented they were a "poor reflection of ourselves".Ahern stated in an interview in the "Village" on 22 May 2007, that he intended to retire from politics when he turned 60 years of age. He stated this would mean standing down as Taoiseach before the end of the Dáil term, which would have ended in 2012 at the latest.On 4 July 2007, Ahern stated at a conference in Donegal, that he did not understand why people sitting on the sidelines, ""cribbing and moaning"" about the economy, did not commit suicide. These comments came at a time when Ireland's economy was beginning to falter, and with property prices falling by up to 10% as part of the Irish property bubble. Ahern later accepted responsibility for the overheating of the property sector but took no responsibility for the failings of the Central Bank of Ireland.In an opinion poll taken in September 2007, subsequent to Ahern's initial two-day appearance at the Mahon Tribunal, fewer than one-third of voters believed Ahern's accounts of his finances.Opposition parties had previously been muted in their reaction but in September 2007, Labour Party leader Eamon Gilmore, called for Ahern to resign in light of his appearance at the Mahon Tribunal and on 23 September 2007, Leader of the Opposition Enda Kenny was heavily critical of the "rambling, incoherent" answers offered by Ahern to the Mahon tribunal in September 2007. Kenny said there was now a situation whereby a witness before a tribunal, testifying under oath, "is continually changing his story". It "create[s] a credibility problem and that's the issue the Taoiseach has got to deal with".On resumption of the Dáil on 26 September a motion of no confidence in Ahern's government was moved by Fine Gael leader Enda Kenny and seconded by the Labour Party, based on Ahern's statements to the Mahon Tribunal. The Green Party, PDs and Independent TDs who supported the government voted for Ahern in the motion of no confidence. In a stormy three-hour Dáil debate, Ahern was accused of telling ""lies"" and was called upon to resign.The no-confidence motion was defeated by 81 votes to 76, with all six Green Party TDs, two PDs and four Independents, Finian McGrath, Beverley Flynn, Michael Lowry and Jackie Healy-Rae voting with the Government.In an opinion poll published in November 2007, some three-quarters of voters indicated that they did not believe that Ahern had given a full disclosure about his personal finances to the Mahon Tribunal. The opinion poll also showed more than half of the electorate believing that the whole episode was by then a serious political issue for Ahern.A later opinion poll taken on 22 January 2008, on the issue of Mr Ahern's personal finances and tax liabilities, found that "78% of people do not believe he has given the full picture (up 6%) while just 14% believe he has given the full picture (down 3%)."The Minister for the Environment and leader of the Green Party, John Gormley said on 22 February 2008, that revelations concerning the Taoiseach at the Mahon Tribunal were distracting from the work of government.Opposition parties on 22 February 2008, branded the Taoiseach's financial affairs as a "national embarrassment", which should prompt his immediate resignation.Grainne Carruth's acceptance as a matter of civil probability that she had lodged sterling sums to Ahern's account at the Drumcondra branch of the Irish Permanent Building Society in the 1990s had reportedly sent shock waves through the ranks of Fianna Fáil. On 27 March 2008, the unease at Ahern's declarations at the Mahon Tribunal, as contradicted by his former secretary at the tribunal, were highlighted when Progressive Democrat coalition partner leader Mary Harney, traditionally a stern supporter of her former colleague, called on Ahern to make a statement.The disquiet within the coalition was further emphasised when Green Party leader John Gormley, said that Ahern should clarify the contradiction between his evidence and that of his former secretary Grainne Carruth.An opinion poll published on 25 November 2007, showed that support for Fianna Fáil had dropped by seven percent, "following the announcement of large pay increases for the government and senior public servants against a backdrop of continuing economic uncertainty and high-profile failures in the health service."On 2 April 2008, Ahern announced his intention to resign as Taoiseach and as leader of Fianna Fáil on 6 May 2008.On 30 April 2008, in Washington D.C., Ahern became the sixth Irish leader to address the United States Congress. He is also the sixth person who has addressed both the UK Parliament and the United States Congress.On 6 May 2008, he performed his last official duty as Taoiseach in opening the Battle of the Boyne visitors centre with then First Minister of Northern Ireland Ian Paisley.In a November 2009, interview with VIP magazine, Ahern spoke of how critics who blame the government for the economic crisis should "dig the garden or grow bluebells or do something useful". He continued, saying that the Irish property bubble was not the fault of his government and that "cynics and knockers, people who always see the glass as half empty. I can't understand people who are always bitching, saying 'It's the Government's fault, it's the doctor's fault, it's the cat's fault.' It's everybody's fault except their own."He said in 2009, that since he resigned as Taoiseach the previous year, "life is not as controlled as it was. I'm busy doing different things, some quite important, but it's just not the same. If I want to go to a match, I go to a match; if I want to see some friends tomorrow night, I can do that, so it's a big change."Commenting on the economic difficulties facing his successor, he said: "Brian has had it rough because of the huge international slowdown. The big trick for him is how we can get out of it quickly."In January 2010, Ahern has said he would have no difficulties giving evidence to the investigation into banking, nor having his testimony heard in public. Saying he would appear if asked, Ahern defended his record while in government, attributing the crisis in banking to international factors and the banks' over-exposure to borrowing on international markets. "By and large we all know what happened. The banks borrowed money on the open market in the short-term. And as soon as things went, they had to pay that money up but they hadn't got it to pay," he said. "That's what happened. I don't think it will take too long [for an inquiry] to write up what the position is." He continued, saying, "The greater issue was the protection and the regulation of the bank rather than consumers' interests." Mr Ahern also said that people were "jumping over developers" but also "needed to remember" they employed 200,000 people. He said that one of the first things that Brian Cowen had done when he became Minister for Finance was to abolish many of the property tax incentives. He also presided over many of the incentives that benefited property developers. "When they were brought in, the place was in a disastrous way. Look at the quays in Dublin. There were reports around for 40 years that said the quays needed something done about them and nothing happened until we brought in the urban renewal status and gave the tax incentives."In May 2010, Ahern said of the property-based tax incentives which aggravated the Irish economic collapse that "We probably should have closed those down a good bit earlier but there were always fierce pressures, there was endless pressures to keep them. There was endless pressures to extend them." He stated that the pressure to retain such incentives had come from developers, owners of sites, areas that did not have the developments, community councils, politicians and civic society.Ahern said that his decision in 2001, to create a new financial regulator was one of the main reasons for the collapse of the Irish banking sector, saying that "if I had a chance again I wouldn't do it." "The banks were irresponsible," he admitted. "But the Central Bank and the Financial Regulator seemed happy. They were never into us saying – ever – 'Listen, we must put legislation and control on the banks.' That never happened."Ahern was investigated by the Mahon Tribunal, following an allegation by Tom Gilmartin, that Ahern had been paid money by Owen O'Callaghan in return for favours. The Tribunal found that Ahern's explanations for lodgements to his various accounts could not be true, and thus Gilmartin's allegation could not be disproved. One lodgement of IR£30,000, in 1994, took place in the weeks following the circumstances Gilmartin described, with contemporaneous AIB notes confirming Gilmartin's account of Ahern assuring Owen O'Callaghan that a rival development at Blanchardstown would not get tax designation, and on the same day as a meeting with Owen O'Callaghan's bag-man, Frank Dunlop. The Tribunal were, however, unable to conclusively prove that the lodgement was not merely coincidental. The Tribunal also discovered that Ahern, when Taoiseach, had visited Dunlop in the weeks immediately subsequent to Dunlop's admission of corrupt payments on behalf of Owen O'Callaghan, prior to Dunlop resuming the witness stand to elaborate further on his activities.Ahern was criticised by the Moriarty Tribunal for signing blank cheques for the then Taoiseach Charles Haughey, without asking what those cheques were for. Ahern told the tribunal that a policy of signing blank cheques was used on the Fianna Fáil party leader's account for reasons of "administrative convenience". In September 2006 "The Irish Times" printed claims allegedly leaked from The Mahon Tribunal that Ahern had received money from a millionaire businessman while Minister for Finance in 1993.The editor of "The Irish Times" defended the publication as being in the public interest at a hearing of the tribunal, saying that it was not a party to the Supreme Court case which restrained the "Sunday Business Post" from publishing leaked documents. This order was directed against the "Sunday Business Post" but its interim order purported to restrain all media outlets from publishing confidential material from the inquiry.Ahern has admitted that he did receive money but said on being interviewed that:What I got personally in my life, to be frank with you is none of your business. If I got something from somebody as a present or something like that I can use it.What Ahern said in 1996, while in opposition:The public are entitled to have an absolute guarantee of the financial probity and integrity of their elected representatives, their officials and above all of Ministers. They need to know that they are under financial obligations to nobody. (Dáil Éireann transcript, December 1996)This contradiction has been criticised in editorials in both the "Irish Independent" and "The Irish Times"Six days after the payments were publicised, Ahern admitted in a television interview that he had received two payments totalling IR£39,000 (€50,000) in 1993 and 1994.Ahern regarded the money as a loan, but he conceded that no repayments had at that time (September 2006) been made and no interest has been paid. He said that he had attempted to repay it, but that his friends would not accept repayment. He claimed that he had "broken no codes – ethical, tax, legal or otherwise".On 28 November 2007, former NCB managing director Padraic O'Connor at the Mahon Tribunal, "directly contradicted Mr Ahern's claims that long-standing friends gave him a loan just after Christmas 1993."In the same interview, he also claimed that he received a payment of £8,000 from a group of 25 businessmen in Manchester on one occasion. He stated that this money was again unsolicited, that it was a gift and therefore not subject to tax as it had been received when abroad, and that it was paid to him after he gave an after-dinner speech at an "ad hoc" function. He claimed that the money was given to him as a private citizen, not to him in his then role as Minister for Finance, and that no other payments were received by him after speaking at other similar functions. The Irish Times reported on 30 September 2006, that part of this payment was actually a cheque drawn on NCB Stockbrokers, a large Irish company. In its final report, the Mahon tribunal found that, contrary to his sworn evidence, no 'dig-outs' in 1993 and 1994 were arranged to give money to Mr Ahern and that large dollar and sterling cash lodgements were made to his bank accounts in the mid-1990s. A number of his benefactors have received appointments as directors of State boards. Insisting that no favours had been offered or received, Ahern said:I might have appointed somebody but I appointed them because they were friends, not because of anything they had given me.Under the Standards in Public Office Commission's rules,State appointments should be made on the basis of merit, taking into account the skills, qualifications and experience of the person to be appointed.Members of Dáil Éireann must conduct themselvesin accordance with the provisions and spirit of the Code of Conduct and ensure that their conduct does not bring the integrity of their office or the Dáil into serious disrepute.In the face of negative publicity, Ahern has repaid the monies advanced to him, with 5% interest, totalling €90,000.On 3 October 2006, Ahern made a 15-minute statement in Dáil Éireann defending his actions in taking loans totalling IR£39,000 (€50,000) from friends in Ireland and £8,000 (€11,800) as a gift from businessmen in Manchester in 1993 and 1994. In his statement he apologised for the distress his actions had brought saying:The bewilderment caused to the public about recent revelations has been deeply upsetting for me and others near and dear to me. To them, to the Irish people and to this house, I offer my apologies.On 20 March 2008, at the Mahon Tribunal the disclosure,Previously in her evidence, Carruth, on 19 March 2008 had said, that she had not lodged sterling for Ahern, while she accepted (as a matter of probability), a day later, that she must have lodged sterling on Ahern's behalf based on the paperwork available although her recollection is that she never had sighting of sterling at any time.Ahern had told the tribunal during his evidence in February 2008, that the lodgements to his and his daughters' accounts had come from his salary as a politician.Further questions were raised about IR£50,000 (€63,300) which he had lodged to his bank account in 1994. He claimed this was money he had saved over a substantial period of time (1987–1994) when he had had no active bank account. During this period he was Minister for Labour and subsequently Minister for Finance. He was asked by Labour leader Pat Rabbitte whether, in the absence of a bank account, he had kept the money in a "sock in the hot-press" and Socialist Party leader Joe Higgins asked if he had kept the money "in a shoe-box". Ahern replied that he had kept the money "in his own possession".On 5 October 2006, further information emerged in the Dáil that Ahern had bought his house in Dublin, from Manchester-based Irish businessman, Micheál Wall, who was at an event in Manchester in 1994, where the Taoiseach received a payment of GBP£8,000 (€11,800). This caused further tensions within the government coalition parties.On 10 October 2006, the Taoiseach again told the Dáil that it was an "error of judgement" for him to have accepted loans and gifts for personal purposes in the early 1990s.Ahern expanded on his apology to the Dáil of the previous week, which he described as unqualified. Ahern said there would now be a change in the ethics law requiring office holders offered a gift from friends to consult the Standards in Public Office Commission and to accept their ruling.Allegations had been made that he had taken IR£50,000 (€63,300) from a property developer, Owen O'Callaghan, in return for favours at this time. Ahern won a libel action against a Cork businessman, Denis "Starry" O'Brien, defending himself against this allegation.However, broadcaster Eamon Dunphy, has testified in the Mahon Tribunal that he was told by developer Owen O'Callaghan, that Ahern was "taken care of" to support a shopping centre development in the 1990s. This followed the initial allegations, denied by Ahern and O'Callaghan, by retired developer Tom Gilmartin, that O'Callaghan told him that he had given Ahern a payment of £50,000 in 1989, and a payment of £30,000 in 1993, in connection with a development of lands at Quarryvale, west Dublin. Gilmartin further alleged being told that O'Callaghan had paid Ahern in excess of £20,000 in relation to tax designation of a site in which O'Callaghan had an interest in Athlone, the designation having been Ahern's last act as Finance Minister, before the Fianna Fáil-led Government fell in December 1994.Ahern was responsible for placing disgraced former Dublin West TD Liam Lawlor, as head of the Dáil Ethics Committee, despite having been told by Tom Gilmartin many years beforehand that Lawlor had corruptly demanded money and had thwarted Gilmartin's plans when Gilmartin refused to comply.In March 2007, one of Ahern's Manchester benefactors, Paddy "The Plasterer" Reilly, was appointed as the Fianna Fáil director of elections, for Ahern's Dublin Central constituency.In April 2007, it was alleged in a statement by his former official driver, that Ahern in 1994, while Minister for Finance, took a briefcase full of cash to Manchester. This has been denied by Ahern.While the payment details initially seemed to damage Ahern's standing, the result of the 2007 general election, indicated that the damage was minor. In April 2007, an opinion poll found that nearly half of voters believed Ahern still had questions to answer over the payments controversy.On 2 February 2008, it emerged at the Mahon Tribunal that a house was bought by Ahern's former partner Celia Larkin in 1993, with money donated to Ahern's constituency organisation in Drumcondra. There was no documentation to back up this loan to Larkin or to prove around IR£30,000 in other expenditure from this account.Dublin businessman Tim Collins, has denied that Ahern was joint holder of the so-called BT account from which Larkin was loaned IR£30,000 without documentation to describe the loan agreement. Tim Collins denied that the BT account referred to Bertie and Tim, even though he operated a joint account with Des Richardson known as the DT account.On 13 September 2007, Ahern commenced four days of testimony under oath at the Mahon Tribunal. On 13 September, Ahern admitted that he had not cooperated with the Mahon planning tribunal. On 14 September 2007, inconsistencies in Ahern's statements to the Tribunal emerged, after he changed his story on the infamous IR£25,000 dig-outs.On 21 September 2007, Ahern again changed his story and said he could not remember key events at the centre of the controversy.Tribunal Chair, Judge Alan Mahon, said there were "significant gaps" in the money trail provided by Mr Ahern which "would have made it impossible for the tribunal to follow the trail".Judge Gerald Keyes accused Ahern of having no recollection of buying £30,000 of luxury items in the early 1990s.Judge Mary Faherty, accused Ahern of giving "polar opposite" accounts of why he withdrew IR£50,000 from AIB in January 1995.On 24 September 2007, there were further discrepancies, memory lapses andcontradictions to his testimony under oath with Ahern agreeing with the assertions of the tribunal that there are inconsistencies and contradictions in his statements compared to bank records and the testimony of Larkin.Journalist Vincent Browne, has asserted that "Ahern's numbers game just doesn't add up".Again on 20 and 21 December 2007, Ahern spent two further days under questioning by the Mahon tribunal about his finances in the 1990s. In January 2008, it was revealed that Ahern was in discussion with the Revenue Commissioners about his liability for tax on the sums received in Manchester and on his tax clearance status as declared in 2002, before details of the Manchester payments were revealed. The then opposition leader Enda Kenny said it was not acceptable to have a Taoiseach who could not declare compliance with the tax codes.On 12 February 2008, it emerged that the Mahon tribunal did not have all of the information provided to it, contrary to Ahern's assertion in the Dáil that he had provided all information to the tribunal. Ahern has taken a High Court action to prevent the tribunal from questioning him on the information that he released in the Dáil in 2006.The total value of lodgements and other transactions involving Ahern was said to exceed £452,800. The lodgements and transactions occurred between 1988 and 1997, although the vast bulk of the money was lodged in the period to 1995.On 4 June 2008, Ahern admitted that he knew about sterling deposits before his secretary's testimony, but said to laughter at his Tribunal appearance on that day that those deposits were winnings from horse racing.The Standards in Public Office Commission was asked to investigate the Ahern's declaration of tax compliance after the 2002 general election. In mid-January 2008, it emerged in the press, reportedly as leaks from parties to the Mahon tribunal, that Ahern would not be in a position to present a Tax Clearance Certificate to the Dáil, as required under ethics legislation. This certificate is issued by the Revenue Commissioners to persons who have shown themselves to be tax compliant. To meet legal requirements, this certificate should have been presented to a Dáil committee by 31 January 2008, by all those elected to the Dáil. A caveat allowed that in the absence of this, a certificate stating that the Dáil member was in negotiation with the Revenue Commissioners would suffice. An inability to declare tax compliance by a prominent individual such as Ahern would prove highly embarrassing, and could potentially have had more serious repercussions. The Standards in Public Office Act (2001) determines the tax clearance requirements for persons elected to the Oireachtas, and others. The making of a false declaration would also be an offence.Ahern's inability to furnish a tax clearance certificate led to further calls for his resignation. He was, at the time, the only member of the Oireachtas not to have a tax clearance certificate On 14 January 2008, while on a visit to South Africa, Ahern accused Enda Kenny, Leader of the Opposition of tellinga "bare-faced lie" about Ahern's tax situation. Ahern and Fianna Fáil's response has not addressed the issue, but has attacked the leaking of Ahern's tax affairs so as to attempt to enable the non-compliance issue to be ignored.Ahern admitted to the Mahon Tribunal on 21 February 2008, for the first time, that he did not pay tax on substantial payments that he received when Minister for Finance in the 1990s.The Mahon Tribunal report was made public on 22 March 2012. It found that "much of the explanations provided by Ahern, as to the source of the substantial funds available to him, were deemed by the Tribunal to be 'untrue'". While the report did not accuse Ahern of corruption, it stated that it totally rejected his evidence and that of related witnesses about the sources of monies in his own and related bank accounts, and that Ahern failed to truthfully account for a total of IR£165,214.25 passing through accounts connected with him.In 1993, the then Taoiseach Albert Reynolds and Ahern, who was then Minister for Finance, wrote to developer Owen O'Callaghan seeking a substantial donation. At the time O'Callaghan was heavily involved in lobbying for state support for a stadium project at Neilstown, County Dublin. According to the report, O'Callaghan felt compelled to donate a sum of IR£80,000 to Fianna Fáil to get funding for the stadium. The Mahon Tribunal said it did not find the payment to be corrupt. However, the report said pressurising a businessman to donate money when he was seeking support for a commercial project was "entirely inappropriate, and was an abuse of political power and government authority".On 25 October 2007, Ahern was criticised after the government accepted a recommendation from the Review Body on Higher Remuneration that senior civil servants and ministers receive pay increases. The pay-rise for his position (up €38,000 to €310,000 per annum), would have made it higher paying than that of the US President and made him the highest paid Head of government in the European Union.Criticism from opposition parties concentrated on the timing of the announcement (following highly publicised budgetary concerns at the Health Service Executive) and the fact that Ahern's increase alone would amount to about four times the basic social welfare payment. On 12 December 2007, it was announced that the first part of the pay-rises would be deferred by a year, with the remainder paid in 2009 and 2010.Independent TD Maureen O'Sullivan, accused Ahern of attempting in his autobiography to take credit for the Gregory deal by claiming he was present in negotiations between Charles Haughey and Tony Gregory and that he had provided Haughey with estimates from Dublin City Council. The Gregory deal was an agreement negotiated between the Independent Socialist TD Tony Gregory and Fianna Fáil leader Charles Haughey in the aftermath of the February 1982 general election, which resulted in a hung Dáil. In return for supporting Haughey, Gregory was promised a deal worth 100 million pounds at the time, which was to be used to redevelop North Inner City Dublin and to provide a greater number of houses and employment in an area which was considered Ireland's poorest and most disadvantaged. Ahern had gone with Haughey to the negotiations with Gregory; he was immediately asked to leave by Gregory and was forced to wait publicly in his car outside for three and a half hours. Although both had been elected to the same constituency, they were fierce rivals and the relationship between them was often sour. O'Sullivan was Tony Gregory's director of elections and successor as a TD.Ahern's presentational style has been described as Bertiespeak."It is not correct, and if I said so, I was not correct – I cannot recall if I said it, but I did not say, or if I did, I did not mean to say it – that these issues could not be dealt with until the end of the Mahon Tribunal."In October 2010, he and some other "News of the World" columnists appeared in a TV advertisement for the newspaper where they were seen sitting inside kitchen fittings. In his section of the advertisement he was seen sitting inside a kitchen cupboard, with tea and gingernut biscuits. Opposition parties described the skit as "terrible" for the country. Miriam Lord of "The Irish Times" described him in this incarnation as "looking and sounding like Drumcondra's answer to Rodney Dangerfield", while Lise Hand of the "Irish Independent" commented that he was "surrounded by vegetables, ginger nuts and the disintegrated remnants of the dignity of his former office". When asked for an explanation by the "Sunday World", Ahern replied that it was "just a bit of craic" and that "you [journalists] get paid more [than columnists]".In September 2011, Ahern said he believed that he would have "done all right" in the presidential election but for the decline in the popularity of Fianna Fáil. Ahern confirmed he considered running in the election. "I still would have done all right. I mean they have done some figures and I would probably sit in around 30 per cent, which you haven’t a hope with as the party is on 20 per cent." He added that "the party popularity is the thing that snookers it, because if your party isn't winnable..." Ahern said: "If there was no downturn and if it wasn't all the hassle of the tribunals and everything else, then you could have had a good run at it." He predicted that "nobody is going to win it outright – like Mary McAleese had it won on the first count". Asked about a possible future candidacy in the following presidential election, he said: "Normally what happens in this country, if a president does a good job they stay on, so that's 14 years, so that ends any chance that I'll have." He also rejected suggestions that the Mahon tribunal would reject the evidence he gave on his personal finances. "The only thing that is important to me is the central allegations. And what the tribunal says about the other trash is irrelevant."Micheál Martin said the former taoiseach was "out of touch with reality" if he believed he could have won the presidency for Fianna Fáil. Martin also said expenses paid to Ahern in his capacity as a former Taoiseach were too high and should be reduced. He was commenting on reports that Ahern had claimed €265,000 for "secretarial services" and €7,500 on mobile phone bills since he stepped down in May 2008. Under the current expenses regime, a former Taoiseach may employ two secretarial assistants for up to five years after leaving office and one indefinitely after that.In September 2011, Ahern was criticised by his party, Fianna Fáil, with a senior party figure saying "Every public utterance he makes digs it deeper every time. From the day he left the Dail, it's been one thing after another. The party members are very pissed off. It's coming up right across the country."A biography of Ahern was published in 2011, "Bertie: Power & Money", by Colm Keena,On 30 December 2010, in a speech to his party cumann in the Dublin Central constituency, he announced that he would not be contesting the 2011 general election.Ahern said he had made it clear as far back as 2002, that it was always his plan to step down as a TD before he was 60.Asked if he had any regrets, he said: "If I had seen the banking crisis coming. Nobody advised me, no economist, all those people now writing books saying 'I told you so' – none of them."On Anglo Irish Bank, he said: "I can honestly say that not once did anyone or any delegation that came in to see me ever say, 'Watch out for Anglo' ... I wish they had have."Referring to the "great economic storm" currently under way in Ireland, he warned against excessive pessimism: "Some gains have been lost, but in truth many remain. I dearly wish there was no crisis. I realise that it would have been better if some things had been done differently, but I will not denigrate the good that has been done."However an independent review of the operation of the Department of Finance during Ahern's tenure in government and its performance over the course of a decade, by Canadian expert Rob Wright, revealed how repeated warnings to the government of the dangers of the budgetary policies pursued during the boom years were repeatedly ignored. Ahern declined to comment on the report.Shortly after announcing his retirement from politics, Ahern attacked his successor Brian Cowen, over Cowen's failure to communicate with the public and criticised the government's handling of the EU/IMF bailout. This attack broke the convention that former Taoisigh should not publicly criticise their successors.Ahern said in January 2011, there was no hope of Fianna Fáil retaining two seats in his Dublin Central constituency. None of his party candidates were subsequently elected in his former constituency.He receives annual pension payments of €152,331.Ahern said in April 2018 that he is considering running for President in 2025 as an independent candidate.In April 2018, he walked out of an interview with DW News after being questioned on the findings of the Mahon Tribunal.In October 2018, Ahern was appointed to chair the Bougainville Referendum Commission, which is responsible for preparing an independence referendum in Bougainville, Papua New Guinea, which took place in December 2019.Historian John A. Murphy said: "Did Ahern, in his 11 years of power, make the most of this unprecedented prosperity for the public benefit? The answer can hardly be positive, given the present state of health, education and infrastructure, generally."Historian Diarmaid Ferriter said: "There'll be broad consensus around what Bertie did in Northern Ireland, the social partnership and the unity he brought to his own party. Also, he made Fianna Fáil the permanent party of government. They used to have all of the power most of the time, but now they have most of the power all of the time. All of that takes skill. But I wonder will people talk about 'Ahernism'? Is there any such thing? What does he actually stand for? In some ways Bertie's lack of vision was a positive, it made him flexible and willing to compromise, and he was certainly outstanding in that regard. But I dissent from the universal plaudits going around at the moment. He had no social or economic vision for the state he led. There was no fire in his belly. He didn't really want to change society for the better. He was the ward boss writ large. But at the moment it seems it's unfashionable to say anything adverse about Bertie."Stephen Collins noted that: "None of his colleagues is really sure whether he is possessed of all the deviousness and cunning attributed to him by Haughey or whether he simply suffers from chronic indecision disguised as political shrewdness".Ryanair chief executive Michael O'Leary noted in a radio interview that "Bertie squandered the wealth of a generation and I think in time it will be proven he was a useless wastrel."In November 2009, Ahern was again criticised by O'Leary, being described as a "feckless ditherer"."A documentary series – "Bertie" – on RTÉ television in November 2008 examined the life and career of Ahern.Colm Keena in a biography of Ahern described how "his desire for power and an almost complete absence of political conviction, left him open to the influence of those with strong opinions, whose interests precipitated his mismanagement of the Irish economy."Ahern is also the subject of a Rubberbandits single released in August 2020.While still a TD but having resigned as Taoiseach, Ahern was appointed to an international advisory group on conflict resolution on 14 July 2008. In addition Ahern serves as a board member of the peace and reconciliation charity Co-operation Ireland.Ahern was appointed to an advisory board of an Irish company Parker Green International. He was appointed Chairman of the International Forestry Fund on 1 January 2010.He wrote a sports column in the now-closed Rupert Murdoch-owned Sunday newspaper "News of the World".In 2009, he earned around €467,200, from his speaking arrangements alone. He is registered with the Washington Speakers Bureau which charged $40,000 (€29,200) per speech—and he gave 16 speeches in 2009. He also enjoyed in that period, a €92,672 TD's salary and expenses.Between his resignation in 2008 and May 2010, he ran up a €5,682 bill for VIP airport facilities and a mobile phone bill of €8,331. This amount claimed by Ahern, was the largest of any former Taoiseach.In February 2012, he reversed his decision to give part of his pension back to the State.Since resigning as Taoiseach in 2008, Ahern has been a regular visitor to China. In November 2014, he gave a lecture on cyberspace security at the three-day World Internet Conference in Wuzhen. His handshake with Chinese Prime Minister Li Keqiang while there got pictured on the front page of the "South China Morning Post" above a story about "internet big hitters".In February 2015, Ahern received an honorary doctor of laws degree from Washington College in Chestertown, Maryland.In a December 2015 interview with BBC Radio 4's "Today" programme Ahern said low pay workers had brought country to its knees because they got "cocky" and insisted on "second, third and even fourth homes". The former Taoiseach said that the availability of cheap credit through Ireland's involvement in the eurozone created "a huge problem". "Anyone could walk into any institution and seem to get any amount of money and this is where the cocky bit came in. “Unfortunately… Joe Soap and Mary Soap, who never had a lot, got the loans for the second house and leveraged the third house off the second house and the fourth on the third, and you know, what are you having yourself." This drew criticism on radio and on social media for being exaggerated and for blaming the financial crisis on low-income families.In December 2019 Ahern acted as Chairman of the referendum commission for the Autonomous Region of Bougainville in a non-binding vote with regards to independence from Papua New Guinea.By 1972, Ahern had met his future wife, Miriam Kelly, a bank official who lived near the Aherns family home. They married in St. Columba's Church, Iona Road in 1975. Ahern has two daughters from his marriage: Georgina and Cecelia. Georgina is the wife of Westlife member Nicky Byrne. Cecelia is a best-selling author.Ahern and his wife separated in 1992. Until 2003, Ahern maintained a relationship with Celia Larkin. Ahern was the first, and is the only, Taoiseach to have a legal separation from his wife.Larkin was appointed to the board of the National Consumer Agency in July 2005, on the recommendation of the Department of the Taoiseach.Ahern is an enthusiastic and vocal fan of sport. He is a supporter of Dublin GAA and attends inter-county matches in Croke Park. He also supports English soccer outfit Manchester United Football Club and attends matches at Old Trafford, as well as Scottish soccer outfit Celtic Football Club and rugby matches at the Aviva Stadium. He appeared as a pundit on RTÉ Two's "The Premiership" programme in 2001.Ahern is a practising Roman Catholic. He attends Mass every Saturday evening in St Mary's Pro-Cathedral in Dublin. However, he was publicly criticised by Cardinal Desmond Connell, then Archbishop of Dublin, for his public relationship with Larkin.Ahern has said that he lives by the Ten Commandments, the Beatitudes and his own conscience, and hopes to get to heaven when he dies. Speaking to Gay Byrne in RTÉ's "The Meaning of Life" series, Ahern described himself as a regular Mass-goer, but said he had not been to Confession for 40 years. In a lengthy interview, Ahern said that he and the former DUP leader Ian Paisley, bonded over their shared faith when they had their first formal meeting together. The meeting took place in January 2004, at the Irish Embassy in London. He recalled how Paisley began a prayer in the Irish Embassy and he joined in with him. He said the prayer was "like our Confiteor" and officials had wondered why they had spent so much time alone. The pair started discussing their values and the rules by which they lived. His government came under severe criticism for the deal they made with the religious orders, capping their contribution to the redress board at €128 million while taxpayers will have to pay out €1 billion.As a Catholic, Ahern said he wanted the church "to do well" but that it could not retreat behind canon law. "There was one time when the church tried to put up the defence of canon law and my colleagues just looked up to the sky and thought they were joking. Unfortunately, they weren't joking, they made bad decisions." Ahern said he was convinced that life "did not end at the graveyard" and he often prayed to dead relatives for guidance. He used Mass as an opportunity to pray for people in trouble and stayed off alcohol in November and at Lent. He rationalised inexplicable events, such as the death of a young person, by stating that God "cannot influence every single thing". He said he received a "fair amount of hate mail" about "living in sin", but it upset other people more than it did him and he admitted that he had not lived up to his parents' "stereotype" of married life.The following governments were led by Ahern:	[ "President of the European Council", "Minister for Labour", "Leader of Fianna Fáil", "Tánaiste", "Teachta Dála", "Taoiseach" ]
Which position did Bertie Ahern hold in Jan 11, 1993?	January 11, 1993	{ "text": [ "Minister for Finance", "Minister for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation" ] }	L2_Q154550_P39_3	Bertie Ahern holds the position of Taoiseach from Jun, 1997 to May, 2008. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Minister for Labour from Mar, 1987 to Nov, 1991. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Minister for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1993. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Teachta Dála from Jul, 1977 to May, 1981. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Tánaiste from Nov, 1994 to Dec, 1994. Bertie Ahern holds the position of President of the European Council from Jan, 2004 to Jun, 2004. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Leader of Fianna Fáil from Nov, 1994 to May, 2008. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Minister for Finance from Nov, 1991 to Dec, 1994.	Bertie AhernBartholomew Patrick "Bertie" Ahern (born 12 September 1951) is an Irish former Fianna Fáil politician who served as Taoiseach from 1997 to 2008, Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1994 to 2008, Leader of the Opposition from 1994 to 1997, Tánaiste and Minister for Arts, Culture and the Gaeltacht from November 1994 to December 1994, Deputy Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1992 to 1994, Minister for Industry and Commerce in January 1993, Minister for Finance from 1991 to 1994, Minister for Labour from 1987 to 1991, Government Chief Whip and Minister of State at the Department of Defence from March 1982 to December 1982 and Lord Mayor of Dublin from 1986 to 1987. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1977 to 2011.In 1994, Ahern was elected the sixth Leader of Fianna Fáil. Under Ahern's leadership, Fianna Fáil led three coalition governments. Ahern is the second-longest serving Taoiseach, after Éamon de Valera. Ahern resigned as Taoiseach on 6 May 2008, in the wake of revelations made in Mahon Tribunal, and was succeeded by Minister for Finance Brian Cowen. The Mahon Tribunal in 2012, found that Ahern, while not judged corrupt, had received money from developers and the Tribunal disbelieved his explanations of those payments. Fianna Fáil proposed to expel politicians censured by the tribunal, but Ahern resigned from the party prior to the expulsion motion being moved.In November 2016, it was announced that a decision had been made by Fianna Fáil to give Ahern the option of rejoining the party.Ahern was born in Drumcondra, Dublin, the youngest of five children of Con and Julia (née Hourihane) Ahern, both natives of County Cork, who married in October 1937. They settled at Church Avenue, Drumcondra, where they resided for the rest of their lives. The other four children are Maurice, Kathleen, Noel and Eileen. In Dublin, Ahern's father worked as a farm manager at All Hallows College, Drumcondra. Ahern's brother Noel is also involved in politics and represented Dublin North-West in Dáil Éireann.Ahern's father Con was born into a farming family near Ballyfeard, which is located near Kinsale, County Cork, in 1904. His mother also came from a farming background and was from near Castledonovan, west County Cork. Ahern's father, Con, initially left County Cork and went to Dublin in the early 1930s to train for the priesthood, but did not complete his studies with the Vincentian order. He had fought in the Irish Civil War. He was a supporter of Éamon de Valera and the Anti-Treaty IRA. He was a member of the 3rd Cork Brigade of the IRA. He remained a militant Irish Republican for decades after the War of Independence. Con Ahern died in 1990. Ahern's mother, Julia, died in 1998, aged 87 years.Ahern was educated at St. Patrick's National School, Drumcondra and at St. Aidan's Christian Brothers, Whitehall. He received his third level education at the College of Commerce, Rathmines, part of the Dublin Institute of Technology. Ahern has claimed or it has been claimed by others in circulated biographies that he was educated at University College Dublin and the London School of Economics, but neither university has any records that show Ahern was ever one of their students. He subsequently worked in the Accounts Department of the Mater Hospital, Dublin.Ahern is an enthusiastic and vocal fan of sport. He is a supporter of Dublin GAA and attends Dublin matches in Croke Park. He also supports Manchester United F.C. and attends matches at Old Trafford and rugby matches at Lansdowne Road. He appeared as a pundit on RTÉ Two's "The Premiership" programme in 2001.Ahern first became involved in a Fianna Fáil by-election campaign in 1965, climbing lamp posts to hang election posters in Drumcondra. During the campaign, Ahern met his political mentor and future Taoiseach, Charles Haughey. Ahern became a member of Fianna Fáil at the age of 17, and in the 1969 general election he assisted with the election campaign in his constituency.Ahern's first ran for office during the landslide 1977 general election when Fianna Fáil formed the last single-party majority government with a 20-seat Dáil majority, the largest ever. Ahern received 4,000 first preference votes in the newly created Dublin Finglas constituency and was elected with transfers from other candidates. He was elected to Dublin Corporation at the 1979 local elections for the Cabra East-Finglas West Local electoral area (LEA). He later switched to the North Inner City LEA before standing down before the 1991 local elections. In subsequent elections Ahern became one of the highest vote-getters in the country. In his Dublin Central constituency Ahern was described as:In 1980, due to the illness of the actual Chief Whip, Seán Moore, he was effectively running the office. Ahern increased his personal vote in all three general elections of 1981 and 1982, even out-polling his running mate, George Colley, previously a candidate for Taoiseach. In the short-lived Fianna Fáil government of 1982, Ahern served as Government Chief Whip. Fianna Fáil were then consigned to the opposition benches for five years. During this period Ahern became Fianna Fáil Spokesperson on Labour. In 1986, he became Lord Mayor of Dublin. During his tenure, he organised the Dublin Millennium festival.In 1987, Fianna Fáil returned to power as a minority government. Ahern became Minister for Labour, which was not considered an important portfolio. In the following years, the department was important in stimulating Ireland's ailing economy. On behalf of the government Bertie Ahern negotiated the first national wage agreement between unions and employers The Programme for National Recovery. This and the subsequent national wage agreement came to be known as the 'Irish model' and have been adopted by a number of European countriesIn 1989, Haughey called an early general election. Fianna Fáil lost seats and was forced into a coalition government with the Progressive Democrats. Ahern retained his position as Minister for Labour in the government of the 26th Dáil. In 1990, Ahern negotiated the Programme for Economic and Social Progress.In 1990, Ahern was campaign manager for the presidential bid of his cabinet colleague, Brian Lenihan. It proved to be Ahern's least successful campaign as the apparently unbeatable Lenihan lost to Labour Party candidate Mary Robinson. Ahern was damaged in the short term by being seen as the first Fianna Fáil presidential election campaign manager to lose a presidential election.In 1991, the Fianna Fáil–Progressive Democrats programme for government was reviewed. Ahern was a key player in these talks yet again. His involvement prompted Haughey to remark of Ahern: In November 1991, Reynolds, then Minister for Finance, launched a leadership challenge to Haughey. Ahern publicly backed Haughey. The challenge failed and Reynolds and his supporters were dismissed from the cabinet. In the reshuffle that followed, Ahern became Minister for Finance. According to statements given by Ahern while serving as Minister for Finance, he did not hold a personal bank account.In early 1992, Charles Haughey resigned as Taoiseach. Ahern was encouraged by Haughey and others to bid for the position. He was apprehensive, and remained out of the contest, allowing Reynolds to become party leader and Taoiseach. It is believed that Reynolds and Ahern struck a deal in which Ahern would withdraw and thus remain in the cabinet, to succeed subsequently. Ahern and Michael Woods were the only two senior members to remain in the new Reynolds cabinet, with Ahern retaining his Finance portfolio.Following the 1992 general election, Fianna Fáil formed a coalition government with the Labour Party. This lasted until 1994, when the Labour Party withdrew from government, due to unhappiness with Reynolds's proposed candidate for President of the High Court. Ahern briefly succeeded Labour leader Dick Spring as Tánaiste. However, the government fell after a motion of no confidence, proposed by Fine Gael and Leader of the Opposition John Bruton, seconded by Fianna Fáil's former coalition partners the Labour Party. Reynolds resigned as Taoiseach and Fianna Fáil leader.During 1993, while he was Finance Minister, Ahern accepted payments of IR £39,000 from various businessmen: see below for details. These payments did not become public knowledge until 2006.In 1993, Ahern said in an interview, that tax cheaters would be jailed.He is also under scrutiny from the Mahon Tribunal for this cash payment and subsequent revelations in May 2007, of cash received from businessman Micheál Wall.Ahern succeeded Reynolds as the leader; the first unopposed candidate since Seán Lemass in 1959. Ahern was elected as the sixth leader of Fianna Fáil on 19 November 1994.Negotiations for a resumption of government with the Labour Party began immediately. It was expected that the coalition would continue and that Ahern would become Taoiseach. However, due to new revelations, Labour withdrew from the coalition, opting instead to go into coalition with Fine Gael. Ahern found himself as Leader of the Opposition.In the 1997 general election Fianna Fáil's campaign centred on Ahern's personal popularity. At the election, while Fianna Fáil picked up seats, its preferred coalition partner, the Progressive Democrats, lost more than half their seats. However, Labour suffered even heavier losses, leaving Fine Gael short of the support it needed to stay in office. Ahern quickly formed a coalition government with the Progressive Democrats, with the support of four Independent TDs. On 26 June 1997, aged 45, Ahern became the youngest ever Taoiseach.Ahern's first government saw some teething problems during its first six months. Firstly, Ahern tried to nominate David Andrews as Minister for Defence and as a Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs. This was unconstitutional as one Minister cannot be subordinate to another.Secondly, in July, Charles Haughey gave evidence to the McCracken Tribunal on corruption confirming that he had received IR£1.3 million (€1.7 million) in gifts from businessman Ben Dunne, which he had previously denied. This damaged Haughey's reputation more than the Government's.Thirdly, earlier allegations resurfaced about Ahern's Foreign Minister, Ray Burke. Burke eventually admitted to receiving IR£30,000 (€38,000) in a corrupt payment and chose to resign. Arising from those two matters, the government established the Moriarty Tribunal and the Flood Tribunal.One of the high points of the first six months was the renewal of the Provisional IRA ceasefire, which paved the way for resumed negotiations in Northern Ireland.A significant achievement of Ahern's first term was his part in the negotiation of the Belfast Agreement, commonly called the Good Friday Agreement, in which the British and Irish Governments and most Northern Irish political parties established an "exclusively peaceful and democratic" framework for power-sharing in Northern Ireland. The agreement was signed on 10 April 1998. It was seen as something special, because not only was it endorsed by the political parties, it was endorsed also by the British and Irish governments and the people of Ireland and Northern Ireland.The agreement, the ceasefires and political structures it created have encouraged peace. The negotiations also led to his friendship with the former British Prime Minister Tony Blair. On 26 November 1998, Blair became the first Prime Minister of the United Kingdom to address the Oireachtas. On 24 September 2003, Ahern and Blair were jointly awarded the Thomas J. Dodd Prize in International Justice and Human Rights for their work on the Good Friday Agreement to promote peace between Britain and Northern Ireland. On 22 May 2008, Ahern and Blair were both awarded honorary doctorates by Queen's University Belfast in recognition of their roles in the peace process. University Chancellor George Mitchell praised Mr Ahern as "a man of peace and a builder of bridges".Speaking at the 1916 Easter Rising commemoration at Arbour Hill in Dublin, in 1998, Ahern saidAhern's first term in office had been a period of high economic growth in Ireland, known as the Celtic Tiger. This was followed by a property boom which led to the economic crisis of 2008–2010 and culminated in the state requiring an IMF and EU bailout in 2010. In the first term increased prosperity and a better standard of living were the main results of the Celtic Tiger economy. There were significant deficits in the provision of infrastructure in the health and transport sectors. The good economic conditions allowed Finance Minister Charlie McCreevy, to deliver several generous budgets. The 1998 and 1999 Finance Acts included special tax incentives targeted at the area covered by the pilot Rural Renewal Scheme for the Upper Shannon Area. This scheme was later subject to criticism by the Heritage Council for being introduced without a ‘Baseline Audit’ to inform the level and scale of development to be supported through the scheme, not identifying priority areas suitable for development, not providing any strategic protection for designated areas including the corridor of the River Shannon, nor promoting the use of sustainable design and building materials in any new build or refurbishment project supported by the scheme. This growth changed in 2008, with a difficult budget for 2008, brought forward by 2 months, as Ireland entered recession, with unemployment expected to rise 5.6% in 2008 and the construction industry in decline. Economic growth in 2008, had also slowed to its lowest levels in over a decade. In 2009, Ahern said his decision in 2001, to create the Financial Regulator was one of the main reasons for the collapse of the Irish banking sector and "if I had a chance again I wouldn't do it".The 28th Dáil served its full term, becoming the second-longest Dáil to complete a full term. The coalition of Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrats was re-elected with an increased majority in the 2002 general election on 17 May of that year. Fianna Fáil had hoped for a majority, but ultimately came up three seats short of the 84 required. Fine Gael was decimated, losing much of its front bench. The coalition Government returned to power, comprising Fianna Fáil and the eight Progressive Democrats TDs. It was the first time a Government had been re-elected since Jack Lynch's in 1969.Controversy arose when it was announced shortly afterwards that financial cutbacks were needed due to the drop in the international and Irish economies. This contradicted Fianna Fáil's promise during the election campaign when Finance Minister McCreevy was quoted several times saying that ""no cutbacks, secret or otherwise, were planned"". The government was accused of lying to the public, particularly concerning the war in Iraq (see below). The Government's rating fell badly in opinion polls and Ahern's popularity dropped to its minimum.Another issue in the government's agenda for 2002, was the upcoming 2002 Referendum nicknamed "Nice 2", this was a second attempt to pass the Treaty of Nice.During 2003, the government was subject to more controversy when it became public that US military aircraft, carrying large numbers of troops, were refuelling at Shannon Airport, despite widespread opposition to the 2003 Invasion of Iraq. Ireland's policy since the foundation of the State has been to be a neutral party in any conflict. The Government had maintained that troops had not used Shannon but when this was disproved, it then claimed that such permission had been available for 50 years.The drop in opinion poll ratings for Ahern and his government after the 2002 election, was followed in 2004, by Fianna Fáil's worst local election results in 80 years. Despite speculation, no leadership challenge occurred and Ahern recovered in the polls. His reputation for inaction in changing cabinet Ministers ended with his long-heralded 2004 Cabinet reshuffle in which he failed to sack Séamus Brennan from the cabinet. The reshuffle was not as extensive as some had hoped as only three new members entered government.The unpopular phase seemed short-lived as the government rearranged its priorities and the economy grew. A notable law enacted by this government was the ban on smoking in workplaces and enclosed areas in March 2004. Improvements had been made in the transport infrastructure with the launch of the Luas light rail system in Dublin, many new motorways being built and the break-up of Aer Rianta, the state-owned Airport Management company.In November 2004, Ahern celebrated ten years as leader of Fianna Fáil. In April 2006, he became the second longest serving Taoiseach, after Éamon de Valera.One of Ahern's achievements in 2004, was his Presidency of the European Council, during which EU leaders agreed a European Constitution, there was recovery in EU-US relations, the EU formally admitted 10 new members, and selected José Manuel Barroso as President of the European Commission. Briefly, it appeared as if Ahern himself might become President of the European Commission, however, he declined in favour of domestic politics. The treaty was subsequently defeated in referendums in the Netherlands and France.Ahern's government spent €52 million on the Nedap Electronic Voting system. This was challenged as being insecure and could have been tampered with to change results.His coalition partners in government, the Progressive Democrats, said that he had questions to answer as details of an £8,000 (€11,800) payment for speaking engagements, in Manchester in 1994, emerged. The continued appearance of details of his appearances in Manchester and the names of those who were present at functions threatened to destabilise his coalition government, especially so when it transpired that one of the businessmen Micheál Wall subsequently sold a house to Ahern. The strains in the coalition eased after Ahern apologised for the second time in the Dáil and agreed to tighten up on ethics legislation.The Moriarty Tribunal reporting in December 2006, criticised Ahern for having signed blank cheques for the then party leader Charles Haughey, who misappropriated taxpayers' funds for personal use. The disbursement of funds to Fianna Fáil and their investigation by the tribunal have raised questions of the involvement of Ahern in the administration of these funds.In May 2007, he became the first Irish leader to address a joint session of the UK Parliament.Ahern hoped to win a third general election in 2007. While opinion polls, in April 2007, suggested that this was improbable.Polls in April 2007, showed his coalition of Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats at 35% and 3% respectively against the Fine Gael–Labour Party alternative government figure of 38%. A further poll published 27 April 2007, shows Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrats at 34% and 3% respectively compared to Fine Gael and Labour at 31% and 10%. A promise by the Labour Party, at their February 2007 party conference of a cut in the basic rate of income tax, paid by 80% of workers, from 20% to 18% created some excitement in political and media circles. Income tax cuts by the Fianna Fáil–Progressive Democrats government had concentrated on the top rate of tax and Labour were able to portray their proposal as progressive to the discomfiture of Fianna Fáil.Ahern received staunch support during the campaign from Eoghan Harris, writing in the "Sunday Independent". Harris declared that the anti-Ahern campaign was the most sinister manipulation of the Irish media that he had seen in his lifetime and that Sinn Féin would be the main beneficiaries of a fall in support for Ahern and Fianna Fáil. Harris was nominated to Seanad Éireann as a Senator on 3 August 2007 by Ahern.Ahern dissolved the Dáil in April 2007 and called an election for 24 May 2007. Unusually, Ahern dissolved the Dáil on a Sunday morning, claiming that President McAleese's foreign trip that week made it necessary despite the trip having been long-planned. There was speculation that the timing was instead motivated by the commencement of the Mahon Tribunal's Quarryvale module scheduled for that week, particularly Tom Gilmartin's evidence - the hearing thus had to be postponed until after the election was over. Ahern's party received 78 seats a loss of three seats from the 2002 election result. This was regarded as a Fianna Fáil 'victory', as questions about Ahern's finances overshadowed the early part of the election campaign, which threatened to cause huge losses for Ahern's party. His partners in the government, the Progressive Democrats suffered a reduction in representation from 8 to 2 seats including the loss of their leader.Following the general election of 2007 Ahern was elected to a third term as Taoiseach, leading a rainbow coalition of Fianna Fáil, the Green Party and the Progressive Democrats, and also supported by several Independent TDs. This was the first Rainbow coalition comprising Fianna Fáil, with all their previous coalitions comprising just one partner.Requiring 83 seats to return the government, Ahern's options were to attempt to govern with the Progressive Democrats plus two "gene-pool" Independents (Jackie Healy-Rae and Beverley Flynn; both former Fianna Fáil members) and one or more of the other three Independents, Michael Lowry, Finian McGrath or Tony Gregory (both left-wing Independents). The other options were an alliance with the Green Party or the Labour Party. In the event, Fianna Fáil negotiated a programme for government with the Green Party and formed a new rainbow coalition with the Green Party and the Progressive Democrats, supported by Healy-Rae, Flynn, Lowry and McGrath.Ahern's reputation was damaged by the accusation of cash gifts received that have transmuted to loans from businessmen. His reputation as the Teflon Taoiseach (no allegation of unethical behaviour had stuck to him until September 2006) was damaged. He was criticised in the foreign press as well as in the Irish media.To the surprise of many observers, polls taken during and after the payments' crisis indicated a sharp rise in support for the Ahern government and a corresponding fall in support for the Opposition parties. While 55–64% of the public believed that he was wrong to accept the payments, support for his party rose to 39–42%, while support for the main Opposition parties Fine Gael and the Labour Party fell to 20–26% and 10–11%. Two-thirds believed he should not have resigned. The polls provoked complaints from the media. The "Irish Times" commented they were a "poor reflection of ourselves".Ahern stated in an interview in the "Village" on 22 May 2007, that he intended to retire from politics when he turned 60 years of age. He stated this would mean standing down as Taoiseach before the end of the Dáil term, which would have ended in 2012 at the latest.On 4 July 2007, Ahern stated at a conference in Donegal, that he did not understand why people sitting on the sidelines, ""cribbing and moaning"" about the economy, did not commit suicide. These comments came at a time when Ireland's economy was beginning to falter, and with property prices falling by up to 10% as part of the Irish property bubble. Ahern later accepted responsibility for the overheating of the property sector but took no responsibility for the failings of the Central Bank of Ireland.In an opinion poll taken in September 2007, subsequent to Ahern's initial two-day appearance at the Mahon Tribunal, fewer than one-third of voters believed Ahern's accounts of his finances.Opposition parties had previously been muted in their reaction but in September 2007, Labour Party leader Eamon Gilmore, called for Ahern to resign in light of his appearance at the Mahon Tribunal and on 23 September 2007, Leader of the Opposition Enda Kenny was heavily critical of the "rambling, incoherent" answers offered by Ahern to the Mahon tribunal in September 2007. Kenny said there was now a situation whereby a witness before a tribunal, testifying under oath, "is continually changing his story". It "create[s] a credibility problem and that's the issue the Taoiseach has got to deal with".On resumption of the Dáil on 26 September a motion of no confidence in Ahern's government was moved by Fine Gael leader Enda Kenny and seconded by the Labour Party, based on Ahern's statements to the Mahon Tribunal. The Green Party, PDs and Independent TDs who supported the government voted for Ahern in the motion of no confidence. In a stormy three-hour Dáil debate, Ahern was accused of telling ""lies"" and was called upon to resign.The no-confidence motion was defeated by 81 votes to 76, with all six Green Party TDs, two PDs and four Independents, Finian McGrath, Beverley Flynn, Michael Lowry and Jackie Healy-Rae voting with the Government.In an opinion poll published in November 2007, some three-quarters of voters indicated that they did not believe that Ahern had given a full disclosure about his personal finances to the Mahon Tribunal. The opinion poll also showed more than half of the electorate believing that the whole episode was by then a serious political issue for Ahern.A later opinion poll taken on 22 January 2008, on the issue of Mr Ahern's personal finances and tax liabilities, found that "78% of people do not believe he has given the full picture (up 6%) while just 14% believe he has given the full picture (down 3%)."The Minister for the Environment and leader of the Green Party, John Gormley said on 22 February 2008, that revelations concerning the Taoiseach at the Mahon Tribunal were distracting from the work of government.Opposition parties on 22 February 2008, branded the Taoiseach's financial affairs as a "national embarrassment", which should prompt his immediate resignation.Grainne Carruth's acceptance as a matter of civil probability that she had lodged sterling sums to Ahern's account at the Drumcondra branch of the Irish Permanent Building Society in the 1990s had reportedly sent shock waves through the ranks of Fianna Fáil. On 27 March 2008, the unease at Ahern's declarations at the Mahon Tribunal, as contradicted by his former secretary at the tribunal, were highlighted when Progressive Democrat coalition partner leader Mary Harney, traditionally a stern supporter of her former colleague, called on Ahern to make a statement.The disquiet within the coalition was further emphasised when Green Party leader John Gormley, said that Ahern should clarify the contradiction between his evidence and that of his former secretary Grainne Carruth.An opinion poll published on 25 November 2007, showed that support for Fianna Fáil had dropped by seven percent, "following the announcement of large pay increases for the government and senior public servants against a backdrop of continuing economic uncertainty and high-profile failures in the health service."On 2 April 2008, Ahern announced his intention to resign as Taoiseach and as leader of Fianna Fáil on 6 May 2008.On 30 April 2008, in Washington D.C., Ahern became the sixth Irish leader to address the United States Congress. He is also the sixth person who has addressed both the UK Parliament and the United States Congress.On 6 May 2008, he performed his last official duty as Taoiseach in opening the Battle of the Boyne visitors centre with then First Minister of Northern Ireland Ian Paisley.In a November 2009, interview with VIP magazine, Ahern spoke of how critics who blame the government for the economic crisis should "dig the garden or grow bluebells or do something useful". He continued, saying that the Irish property bubble was not the fault of his government and that "cynics and knockers, people who always see the glass as half empty. I can't understand people who are always bitching, saying 'It's the Government's fault, it's the doctor's fault, it's the cat's fault.' It's everybody's fault except their own."He said in 2009, that since he resigned as Taoiseach the previous year, "life is not as controlled as it was. I'm busy doing different things, some quite important, but it's just not the same. If I want to go to a match, I go to a match; if I want to see some friends tomorrow night, I can do that, so it's a big change."Commenting on the economic difficulties facing his successor, he said: "Brian has had it rough because of the huge international slowdown. The big trick for him is how we can get out of it quickly."In January 2010, Ahern has said he would have no difficulties giving evidence to the investigation into banking, nor having his testimony heard in public. Saying he would appear if asked, Ahern defended his record while in government, attributing the crisis in banking to international factors and the banks' over-exposure to borrowing on international markets. "By and large we all know what happened. The banks borrowed money on the open market in the short-term. And as soon as things went, they had to pay that money up but they hadn't got it to pay," he said. "That's what happened. I don't think it will take too long [for an inquiry] to write up what the position is." He continued, saying, "The greater issue was the protection and the regulation of the bank rather than consumers' interests." Mr Ahern also said that people were "jumping over developers" but also "needed to remember" they employed 200,000 people. He said that one of the first things that Brian Cowen had done when he became Minister for Finance was to abolish many of the property tax incentives. He also presided over many of the incentives that benefited property developers. "When they were brought in, the place was in a disastrous way. Look at the quays in Dublin. There were reports around for 40 years that said the quays needed something done about them and nothing happened until we brought in the urban renewal status and gave the tax incentives."In May 2010, Ahern said of the property-based tax incentives which aggravated the Irish economic collapse that "We probably should have closed those down a good bit earlier but there were always fierce pressures, there was endless pressures to keep them. There was endless pressures to extend them." He stated that the pressure to retain such incentives had come from developers, owners of sites, areas that did not have the developments, community councils, politicians and civic society.Ahern said that his decision in 2001, to create a new financial regulator was one of the main reasons for the collapse of the Irish banking sector, saying that "if I had a chance again I wouldn't do it." "The banks were irresponsible," he admitted. "But the Central Bank and the Financial Regulator seemed happy. They were never into us saying – ever – 'Listen, we must put legislation and control on the banks.' That never happened."Ahern was investigated by the Mahon Tribunal, following an allegation by Tom Gilmartin, that Ahern had been paid money by Owen O'Callaghan in return for favours. The Tribunal found that Ahern's explanations for lodgements to his various accounts could not be true, and thus Gilmartin's allegation could not be disproved. One lodgement of IR£30,000, in 1994, took place in the weeks following the circumstances Gilmartin described, with contemporaneous AIB notes confirming Gilmartin's account of Ahern assuring Owen O'Callaghan that a rival development at Blanchardstown would not get tax designation, and on the same day as a meeting with Owen O'Callaghan's bag-man, Frank Dunlop. The Tribunal were, however, unable to conclusively prove that the lodgement was not merely coincidental. The Tribunal also discovered that Ahern, when Taoiseach, had visited Dunlop in the weeks immediately subsequent to Dunlop's admission of corrupt payments on behalf of Owen O'Callaghan, prior to Dunlop resuming the witness stand to elaborate further on his activities.Ahern was criticised by the Moriarty Tribunal for signing blank cheques for the then Taoiseach Charles Haughey, without asking what those cheques were for. Ahern told the tribunal that a policy of signing blank cheques was used on the Fianna Fáil party leader's account for reasons of "administrative convenience". In September 2006 "The Irish Times" printed claims allegedly leaked from The Mahon Tribunal that Ahern had received money from a millionaire businessman while Minister for Finance in 1993.The editor of "The Irish Times" defended the publication as being in the public interest at a hearing of the tribunal, saying that it was not a party to the Supreme Court case which restrained the "Sunday Business Post" from publishing leaked documents. This order was directed against the "Sunday Business Post" but its interim order purported to restrain all media outlets from publishing confidential material from the inquiry.Ahern has admitted that he did receive money but said on being interviewed that:What I got personally in my life, to be frank with you is none of your business. If I got something from somebody as a present or something like that I can use it.What Ahern said in 1996, while in opposition:The public are entitled to have an absolute guarantee of the financial probity and integrity of their elected representatives, their officials and above all of Ministers. They need to know that they are under financial obligations to nobody. (Dáil Éireann transcript, December 1996)This contradiction has been criticised in editorials in both the "Irish Independent" and "The Irish Times"Six days after the payments were publicised, Ahern admitted in a television interview that he had received two payments totalling IR£39,000 (€50,000) in 1993 and 1994.Ahern regarded the money as a loan, but he conceded that no repayments had at that time (September 2006) been made and no interest has been paid. He said that he had attempted to repay it, but that his friends would not accept repayment. He claimed that he had "broken no codes – ethical, tax, legal or otherwise".On 28 November 2007, former NCB managing director Padraic O'Connor at the Mahon Tribunal, "directly contradicted Mr Ahern's claims that long-standing friends gave him a loan just after Christmas 1993."In the same interview, he also claimed that he received a payment of £8,000 from a group of 25 businessmen in Manchester on one occasion. He stated that this money was again unsolicited, that it was a gift and therefore not subject to tax as it had been received when abroad, and that it was paid to him after he gave an after-dinner speech at an "ad hoc" function. He claimed that the money was given to him as a private citizen, not to him in his then role as Minister for Finance, and that no other payments were received by him after speaking at other similar functions. The Irish Times reported on 30 September 2006, that part of this payment was actually a cheque drawn on NCB Stockbrokers, a large Irish company. In its final report, the Mahon tribunal found that, contrary to his sworn evidence, no 'dig-outs' in 1993 and 1994 were arranged to give money to Mr Ahern and that large dollar and sterling cash lodgements were made to his bank accounts in the mid-1990s. A number of his benefactors have received appointments as directors of State boards. Insisting that no favours had been offered or received, Ahern said:I might have appointed somebody but I appointed them because they were friends, not because of anything they had given me.Under the Standards in Public Office Commission's rules,State appointments should be made on the basis of merit, taking into account the skills, qualifications and experience of the person to be appointed.Members of Dáil Éireann must conduct themselvesin accordance with the provisions and spirit of the Code of Conduct and ensure that their conduct does not bring the integrity of their office or the Dáil into serious disrepute.In the face of negative publicity, Ahern has repaid the monies advanced to him, with 5% interest, totalling €90,000.On 3 October 2006, Ahern made a 15-minute statement in Dáil Éireann defending his actions in taking loans totalling IR£39,000 (€50,000) from friends in Ireland and £8,000 (€11,800) as a gift from businessmen in Manchester in 1993 and 1994. In his statement he apologised for the distress his actions had brought saying:The bewilderment caused to the public about recent revelations has been deeply upsetting for me and others near and dear to me. To them, to the Irish people and to this house, I offer my apologies.On 20 March 2008, at the Mahon Tribunal the disclosure,Previously in her evidence, Carruth, on 19 March 2008 had said, that she had not lodged sterling for Ahern, while she accepted (as a matter of probability), a day later, that she must have lodged sterling on Ahern's behalf based on the paperwork available although her recollection is that she never had sighting of sterling at any time.Ahern had told the tribunal during his evidence in February 2008, that the lodgements to his and his daughters' accounts had come from his salary as a politician.Further questions were raised about IR£50,000 (€63,300) which he had lodged to his bank account in 1994. He claimed this was money he had saved over a substantial period of time (1987–1994) when he had had no active bank account. During this period he was Minister for Labour and subsequently Minister for Finance. He was asked by Labour leader Pat Rabbitte whether, in the absence of a bank account, he had kept the money in a "sock in the hot-press" and Socialist Party leader Joe Higgins asked if he had kept the money "in a shoe-box". Ahern replied that he had kept the money "in his own possession".On 5 October 2006, further information emerged in the Dáil that Ahern had bought his house in Dublin, from Manchester-based Irish businessman, Micheál Wall, who was at an event in Manchester in 1994, where the Taoiseach received a payment of GBP£8,000 (€11,800). This caused further tensions within the government coalition parties.On 10 October 2006, the Taoiseach again told the Dáil that it was an "error of judgement" for him to have accepted loans and gifts for personal purposes in the early 1990s.Ahern expanded on his apology to the Dáil of the previous week, which he described as unqualified. Ahern said there would now be a change in the ethics law requiring office holders offered a gift from friends to consult the Standards in Public Office Commission and to accept their ruling.Allegations had been made that he had taken IR£50,000 (€63,300) from a property developer, Owen O'Callaghan, in return for favours at this time. Ahern won a libel action against a Cork businessman, Denis "Starry" O'Brien, defending himself against this allegation.However, broadcaster Eamon Dunphy, has testified in the Mahon Tribunal that he was told by developer Owen O'Callaghan, that Ahern was "taken care of" to support a shopping centre development in the 1990s. This followed the initial allegations, denied by Ahern and O'Callaghan, by retired developer Tom Gilmartin, that O'Callaghan told him that he had given Ahern a payment of £50,000 in 1989, and a payment of £30,000 in 1993, in connection with a development of lands at Quarryvale, west Dublin. Gilmartin further alleged being told that O'Callaghan had paid Ahern in excess of £20,000 in relation to tax designation of a site in which O'Callaghan had an interest in Athlone, the designation having been Ahern's last act as Finance Minister, before the Fianna Fáil-led Government fell in December 1994.Ahern was responsible for placing disgraced former Dublin West TD Liam Lawlor, as head of the Dáil Ethics Committee, despite having been told by Tom Gilmartin many years beforehand that Lawlor had corruptly demanded money and had thwarted Gilmartin's plans when Gilmartin refused to comply.In March 2007, one of Ahern's Manchester benefactors, Paddy "The Plasterer" Reilly, was appointed as the Fianna Fáil director of elections, for Ahern's Dublin Central constituency.In April 2007, it was alleged in a statement by his former official driver, that Ahern in 1994, while Minister for Finance, took a briefcase full of cash to Manchester. This has been denied by Ahern.While the payment details initially seemed to damage Ahern's standing, the result of the 2007 general election, indicated that the damage was minor. In April 2007, an opinion poll found that nearly half of voters believed Ahern still had questions to answer over the payments controversy.On 2 February 2008, it emerged at the Mahon Tribunal that a house was bought by Ahern's former partner Celia Larkin in 1993, with money donated to Ahern's constituency organisation in Drumcondra. There was no documentation to back up this loan to Larkin or to prove around IR£30,000 in other expenditure from this account.Dublin businessman Tim Collins, has denied that Ahern was joint holder of the so-called BT account from which Larkin was loaned IR£30,000 without documentation to describe the loan agreement. Tim Collins denied that the BT account referred to Bertie and Tim, even though he operated a joint account with Des Richardson known as the DT account.On 13 September 2007, Ahern commenced four days of testimony under oath at the Mahon Tribunal. On 13 September, Ahern admitted that he had not cooperated with the Mahon planning tribunal. On 14 September 2007, inconsistencies in Ahern's statements to the Tribunal emerged, after he changed his story on the infamous IR£25,000 dig-outs.On 21 September 2007, Ahern again changed his story and said he could not remember key events at the centre of the controversy.Tribunal Chair, Judge Alan Mahon, said there were "significant gaps" in the money trail provided by Mr Ahern which "would have made it impossible for the tribunal to follow the trail".Judge Gerald Keyes accused Ahern of having no recollection of buying £30,000 of luxury items in the early 1990s.Judge Mary Faherty, accused Ahern of giving "polar opposite" accounts of why he withdrew IR£50,000 from AIB in January 1995.On 24 September 2007, there were further discrepancies, memory lapses andcontradictions to his testimony under oath with Ahern agreeing with the assertions of the tribunal that there are inconsistencies and contradictions in his statements compared to bank records and the testimony of Larkin.Journalist Vincent Browne, has asserted that "Ahern's numbers game just doesn't add up".Again on 20 and 21 December 2007, Ahern spent two further days under questioning by the Mahon tribunal about his finances in the 1990s. In January 2008, it was revealed that Ahern was in discussion with the Revenue Commissioners about his liability for tax on the sums received in Manchester and on his tax clearance status as declared in 2002, before details of the Manchester payments were revealed. The then opposition leader Enda Kenny said it was not acceptable to have a Taoiseach who could not declare compliance with the tax codes.On 12 February 2008, it emerged that the Mahon tribunal did not have all of the information provided to it, contrary to Ahern's assertion in the Dáil that he had provided all information to the tribunal. Ahern has taken a High Court action to prevent the tribunal from questioning him on the information that he released in the Dáil in 2006.The total value of lodgements and other transactions involving Ahern was said to exceed £452,800. The lodgements and transactions occurred between 1988 and 1997, although the vast bulk of the money was lodged in the period to 1995.On 4 June 2008, Ahern admitted that he knew about sterling deposits before his secretary's testimony, but said to laughter at his Tribunal appearance on that day that those deposits were winnings from horse racing.The Standards in Public Office Commission was asked to investigate the Ahern's declaration of tax compliance after the 2002 general election. In mid-January 2008, it emerged in the press, reportedly as leaks from parties to the Mahon tribunal, that Ahern would not be in a position to present a Tax Clearance Certificate to the Dáil, as required under ethics legislation. This certificate is issued by the Revenue Commissioners to persons who have shown themselves to be tax compliant. To meet legal requirements, this certificate should have been presented to a Dáil committee by 31 January 2008, by all those elected to the Dáil. A caveat allowed that in the absence of this, a certificate stating that the Dáil member was in negotiation with the Revenue Commissioners would suffice. An inability to declare tax compliance by a prominent individual such as Ahern would prove highly embarrassing, and could potentially have had more serious repercussions. The Standards in Public Office Act (2001) determines the tax clearance requirements for persons elected to the Oireachtas, and others. The making of a false declaration would also be an offence.Ahern's inability to furnish a tax clearance certificate led to further calls for his resignation. He was, at the time, the only member of the Oireachtas not to have a tax clearance certificate On 14 January 2008, while on a visit to South Africa, Ahern accused Enda Kenny, Leader of the Opposition of tellinga "bare-faced lie" about Ahern's tax situation. Ahern and Fianna Fáil's response has not addressed the issue, but has attacked the leaking of Ahern's tax affairs so as to attempt to enable the non-compliance issue to be ignored.Ahern admitted to the Mahon Tribunal on 21 February 2008, for the first time, that he did not pay tax on substantial payments that he received when Minister for Finance in the 1990s.The Mahon Tribunal report was made public on 22 March 2012. It found that "much of the explanations provided by Ahern, as to the source of the substantial funds available to him, were deemed by the Tribunal to be 'untrue'". While the report did not accuse Ahern of corruption, it stated that it totally rejected his evidence and that of related witnesses about the sources of monies in his own and related bank accounts, and that Ahern failed to truthfully account for a total of IR£165,214.25 passing through accounts connected with him.In 1993, the then Taoiseach Albert Reynolds and Ahern, who was then Minister for Finance, wrote to developer Owen O'Callaghan seeking a substantial donation. At the time O'Callaghan was heavily involved in lobbying for state support for a stadium project at Neilstown, County Dublin. According to the report, O'Callaghan felt compelled to donate a sum of IR£80,000 to Fianna Fáil to get funding for the stadium. The Mahon Tribunal said it did not find the payment to be corrupt. However, the report said pressurising a businessman to donate money when he was seeking support for a commercial project was "entirely inappropriate, and was an abuse of political power and government authority".On 25 October 2007, Ahern was criticised after the government accepted a recommendation from the Review Body on Higher Remuneration that senior civil servants and ministers receive pay increases. The pay-rise for his position (up €38,000 to €310,000 per annum), would have made it higher paying than that of the US President and made him the highest paid Head of government in the European Union.Criticism from opposition parties concentrated on the timing of the announcement (following highly publicised budgetary concerns at the Health Service Executive) and the fact that Ahern's increase alone would amount to about four times the basic social welfare payment. On 12 December 2007, it was announced that the first part of the pay-rises would be deferred by a year, with the remainder paid in 2009 and 2010.Independent TD Maureen O'Sullivan, accused Ahern of attempting in his autobiography to take credit for the Gregory deal by claiming he was present in negotiations between Charles Haughey and Tony Gregory and that he had provided Haughey with estimates from Dublin City Council. The Gregory deal was an agreement negotiated between the Independent Socialist TD Tony Gregory and Fianna Fáil leader Charles Haughey in the aftermath of the February 1982 general election, which resulted in a hung Dáil. In return for supporting Haughey, Gregory was promised a deal worth 100 million pounds at the time, which was to be used to redevelop North Inner City Dublin and to provide a greater number of houses and employment in an area which was considered Ireland's poorest and most disadvantaged. Ahern had gone with Haughey to the negotiations with Gregory; he was immediately asked to leave by Gregory and was forced to wait publicly in his car outside for three and a half hours. Although both had been elected to the same constituency, they were fierce rivals and the relationship between them was often sour. O'Sullivan was Tony Gregory's director of elections and successor as a TD.Ahern's presentational style has been described as Bertiespeak."It is not correct, and if I said so, I was not correct – I cannot recall if I said it, but I did not say, or if I did, I did not mean to say it – that these issues could not be dealt with until the end of the Mahon Tribunal."In October 2010, he and some other "News of the World" columnists appeared in a TV advertisement for the newspaper where they were seen sitting inside kitchen fittings. In his section of the advertisement he was seen sitting inside a kitchen cupboard, with tea and gingernut biscuits. Opposition parties described the skit as "terrible" for the country. Miriam Lord of "The Irish Times" described him in this incarnation as "looking and sounding like Drumcondra's answer to Rodney Dangerfield", while Lise Hand of the "Irish Independent" commented that he was "surrounded by vegetables, ginger nuts and the disintegrated remnants of the dignity of his former office". When asked for an explanation by the "Sunday World", Ahern replied that it was "just a bit of craic" and that "you [journalists] get paid more [than columnists]".In September 2011, Ahern said he believed that he would have "done all right" in the presidential election but for the decline in the popularity of Fianna Fáil. Ahern confirmed he considered running in the election. "I still would have done all right. I mean they have done some figures and I would probably sit in around 30 per cent, which you haven’t a hope with as the party is on 20 per cent." He added that "the party popularity is the thing that snookers it, because if your party isn't winnable..." Ahern said: "If there was no downturn and if it wasn't all the hassle of the tribunals and everything else, then you could have had a good run at it." He predicted that "nobody is going to win it outright – like Mary McAleese had it won on the first count". Asked about a possible future candidacy in the following presidential election, he said: "Normally what happens in this country, if a president does a good job they stay on, so that's 14 years, so that ends any chance that I'll have." He also rejected suggestions that the Mahon tribunal would reject the evidence he gave on his personal finances. "The only thing that is important to me is the central allegations. And what the tribunal says about the other trash is irrelevant."Micheál Martin said the former taoiseach was "out of touch with reality" if he believed he could have won the presidency for Fianna Fáil. Martin also said expenses paid to Ahern in his capacity as a former Taoiseach were too high and should be reduced. He was commenting on reports that Ahern had claimed €265,000 for "secretarial services" and €7,500 on mobile phone bills since he stepped down in May 2008. Under the current expenses regime, a former Taoiseach may employ two secretarial assistants for up to five years after leaving office and one indefinitely after that.In September 2011, Ahern was criticised by his party, Fianna Fáil, with a senior party figure saying "Every public utterance he makes digs it deeper every time. From the day he left the Dail, it's been one thing after another. The party members are very pissed off. It's coming up right across the country."A biography of Ahern was published in 2011, "Bertie: Power & Money", by Colm Keena,On 30 December 2010, in a speech to his party cumann in the Dublin Central constituency, he announced that he would not be contesting the 2011 general election.Ahern said he had made it clear as far back as 2002, that it was always his plan to step down as a TD before he was 60.Asked if he had any regrets, he said: "If I had seen the banking crisis coming. Nobody advised me, no economist, all those people now writing books saying 'I told you so' – none of them."On Anglo Irish Bank, he said: "I can honestly say that not once did anyone or any delegation that came in to see me ever say, 'Watch out for Anglo' ... I wish they had have."Referring to the "great economic storm" currently under way in Ireland, he warned against excessive pessimism: "Some gains have been lost, but in truth many remain. I dearly wish there was no crisis. I realise that it would have been better if some things had been done differently, but I will not denigrate the good that has been done."However an independent review of the operation of the Department of Finance during Ahern's tenure in government and its performance over the course of a decade, by Canadian expert Rob Wright, revealed how repeated warnings to the government of the dangers of the budgetary policies pursued during the boom years were repeatedly ignored. Ahern declined to comment on the report.Shortly after announcing his retirement from politics, Ahern attacked his successor Brian Cowen, over Cowen's failure to communicate with the public and criticised the government's handling of the EU/IMF bailout. This attack broke the convention that former Taoisigh should not publicly criticise their successors.Ahern said in January 2011, there was no hope of Fianna Fáil retaining two seats in his Dublin Central constituency. None of his party candidates were subsequently elected in his former constituency.He receives annual pension payments of €152,331.Ahern said in April 2018 that he is considering running for President in 2025 as an independent candidate.In April 2018, he walked out of an interview with DW News after being questioned on the findings of the Mahon Tribunal.In October 2018, Ahern was appointed to chair the Bougainville Referendum Commission, which is responsible for preparing an independence referendum in Bougainville, Papua New Guinea, which took place in December 2019.Historian John A. Murphy said: "Did Ahern, in his 11 years of power, make the most of this unprecedented prosperity for the public benefit? The answer can hardly be positive, given the present state of health, education and infrastructure, generally."Historian Diarmaid Ferriter said: "There'll be broad consensus around what Bertie did in Northern Ireland, the social partnership and the unity he brought to his own party. Also, he made Fianna Fáil the permanent party of government. They used to have all of the power most of the time, but now they have most of the power all of the time. All of that takes skill. But I wonder will people talk about 'Ahernism'? Is there any such thing? What does he actually stand for? In some ways Bertie's lack of vision was a positive, it made him flexible and willing to compromise, and he was certainly outstanding in that regard. But I dissent from the universal plaudits going around at the moment. He had no social or economic vision for the state he led. There was no fire in his belly. He didn't really want to change society for the better. He was the ward boss writ large. But at the moment it seems it's unfashionable to say anything adverse about Bertie."Stephen Collins noted that: "None of his colleagues is really sure whether he is possessed of all the deviousness and cunning attributed to him by Haughey or whether he simply suffers from chronic indecision disguised as political shrewdness".Ryanair chief executive Michael O'Leary noted in a radio interview that "Bertie squandered the wealth of a generation and I think in time it will be proven he was a useless wastrel."In November 2009, Ahern was again criticised by O'Leary, being described as a "feckless ditherer"."A documentary series – "Bertie" – on RTÉ television in November 2008 examined the life and career of Ahern.Colm Keena in a biography of Ahern described how "his desire for power and an almost complete absence of political conviction, left him open to the influence of those with strong opinions, whose interests precipitated his mismanagement of the Irish economy."Ahern is also the subject of a Rubberbandits single released in August 2020.While still a TD but having resigned as Taoiseach, Ahern was appointed to an international advisory group on conflict resolution on 14 July 2008. In addition Ahern serves as a board member of the peace and reconciliation charity Co-operation Ireland.Ahern was appointed to an advisory board of an Irish company Parker Green International. He was appointed Chairman of the International Forestry Fund on 1 January 2010.He wrote a sports column in the now-closed Rupert Murdoch-owned Sunday newspaper "News of the World".In 2009, he earned around €467,200, from his speaking arrangements alone. He is registered with the Washington Speakers Bureau which charged $40,000 (€29,200) per speech—and he gave 16 speeches in 2009. He also enjoyed in that period, a €92,672 TD's salary and expenses.Between his resignation in 2008 and May 2010, he ran up a €5,682 bill for VIP airport facilities and a mobile phone bill of €8,331. This amount claimed by Ahern, was the largest of any former Taoiseach.In February 2012, he reversed his decision to give part of his pension back to the State.Since resigning as Taoiseach in 2008, Ahern has been a regular visitor to China. In November 2014, he gave a lecture on cyberspace security at the three-day World Internet Conference in Wuzhen. His handshake with Chinese Prime Minister Li Keqiang while there got pictured on the front page of the "South China Morning Post" above a story about "internet big hitters".In February 2015, Ahern received an honorary doctor of laws degree from Washington College in Chestertown, Maryland.In a December 2015 interview with BBC Radio 4's "Today" programme Ahern said low pay workers had brought country to its knees because they got "cocky" and insisted on "second, third and even fourth homes". The former Taoiseach said that the availability of cheap credit through Ireland's involvement in the eurozone created "a huge problem". "Anyone could walk into any institution and seem to get any amount of money and this is where the cocky bit came in. “Unfortunately… Joe Soap and Mary Soap, who never had a lot, got the loans for the second house and leveraged the third house off the second house and the fourth on the third, and you know, what are you having yourself." This drew criticism on radio and on social media for being exaggerated and for blaming the financial crisis on low-income families.In December 2019 Ahern acted as Chairman of the referendum commission for the Autonomous Region of Bougainville in a non-binding vote with regards to independence from Papua New Guinea.By 1972, Ahern had met his future wife, Miriam Kelly, a bank official who lived near the Aherns family home. They married in St. Columba's Church, Iona Road in 1975. Ahern has two daughters from his marriage: Georgina and Cecelia. Georgina is the wife of Westlife member Nicky Byrne. Cecelia is a best-selling author.Ahern and his wife separated in 1992. Until 2003, Ahern maintained a relationship with Celia Larkin. Ahern was the first, and is the only, Taoiseach to have a legal separation from his wife.Larkin was appointed to the board of the National Consumer Agency in July 2005, on the recommendation of the Department of the Taoiseach.Ahern is an enthusiastic and vocal fan of sport. He is a supporter of Dublin GAA and attends inter-county matches in Croke Park. He also supports English soccer outfit Manchester United Football Club and attends matches at Old Trafford, as well as Scottish soccer outfit Celtic Football Club and rugby matches at the Aviva Stadium. He appeared as a pundit on RTÉ Two's "The Premiership" programme in 2001.Ahern is a practising Roman Catholic. He attends Mass every Saturday evening in St Mary's Pro-Cathedral in Dublin. However, he was publicly criticised by Cardinal Desmond Connell, then Archbishop of Dublin, for his public relationship with Larkin.Ahern has said that he lives by the Ten Commandments, the Beatitudes and his own conscience, and hopes to get to heaven when he dies. Speaking to Gay Byrne in RTÉ's "The Meaning of Life" series, Ahern described himself as a regular Mass-goer, but said he had not been to Confession for 40 years. In a lengthy interview, Ahern said that he and the former DUP leader Ian Paisley, bonded over their shared faith when they had their first formal meeting together. The meeting took place in January 2004, at the Irish Embassy in London. He recalled how Paisley began a prayer in the Irish Embassy and he joined in with him. He said the prayer was "like our Confiteor" and officials had wondered why they had spent so much time alone. The pair started discussing their values and the rules by which they lived. His government came under severe criticism for the deal they made with the religious orders, capping their contribution to the redress board at €128 million while taxpayers will have to pay out €1 billion.As a Catholic, Ahern said he wanted the church "to do well" but that it could not retreat behind canon law. "There was one time when the church tried to put up the defence of canon law and my colleagues just looked up to the sky and thought they were joking. Unfortunately, they weren't joking, they made bad decisions." Ahern said he was convinced that life "did not end at the graveyard" and he often prayed to dead relatives for guidance. He used Mass as an opportunity to pray for people in trouble and stayed off alcohol in November and at Lent. He rationalised inexplicable events, such as the death of a young person, by stating that God "cannot influence every single thing". He said he received a "fair amount of hate mail" about "living in sin", but it upset other people more than it did him and he admitted that he had not lived up to his parents' "stereotype" of married life.The following governments were led by Ahern:	[ "President of the European Council", "Minister for Labour", "Leader of Fianna Fáil", "Tánaiste", "Teachta Dála", "Taoiseach" ]
Which position did Bertie Ahern hold in 01/11/1993?	January 11, 1993	{ "text": [ "Minister for Finance", "Minister for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation" ] }	L2_Q154550_P39_3	Bertie Ahern holds the position of Taoiseach from Jun, 1997 to May, 2008. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Minister for Labour from Mar, 1987 to Nov, 1991. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Minister for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1993. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Teachta Dála from Jul, 1977 to May, 1981. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Tánaiste from Nov, 1994 to Dec, 1994. Bertie Ahern holds the position of President of the European Council from Jan, 2004 to Jun, 2004. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Leader of Fianna Fáil from Nov, 1994 to May, 2008. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Minister for Finance from Nov, 1991 to Dec, 1994.	Bertie AhernBartholomew Patrick "Bertie" Ahern (born 12 September 1951) is an Irish former Fianna Fáil politician who served as Taoiseach from 1997 to 2008, Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1994 to 2008, Leader of the Opposition from 1994 to 1997, Tánaiste and Minister for Arts, Culture and the Gaeltacht from November 1994 to December 1994, Deputy Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1992 to 1994, Minister for Industry and Commerce in January 1993, Minister for Finance from 1991 to 1994, Minister for Labour from 1987 to 1991, Government Chief Whip and Minister of State at the Department of Defence from March 1982 to December 1982 and Lord Mayor of Dublin from 1986 to 1987. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1977 to 2011.In 1994, Ahern was elected the sixth Leader of Fianna Fáil. Under Ahern's leadership, Fianna Fáil led three coalition governments. Ahern is the second-longest serving Taoiseach, after Éamon de Valera. Ahern resigned as Taoiseach on 6 May 2008, in the wake of revelations made in Mahon Tribunal, and was succeeded by Minister for Finance Brian Cowen. The Mahon Tribunal in 2012, found that Ahern, while not judged corrupt, had received money from developers and the Tribunal disbelieved his explanations of those payments. Fianna Fáil proposed to expel politicians censured by the tribunal, but Ahern resigned from the party prior to the expulsion motion being moved.In November 2016, it was announced that a decision had been made by Fianna Fáil to give Ahern the option of rejoining the party.Ahern was born in Drumcondra, Dublin, the youngest of five children of Con and Julia (née Hourihane) Ahern, both natives of County Cork, who married in October 1937. They settled at Church Avenue, Drumcondra, where they resided for the rest of their lives. The other four children are Maurice, Kathleen, Noel and Eileen. In Dublin, Ahern's father worked as a farm manager at All Hallows College, Drumcondra. Ahern's brother Noel is also involved in politics and represented Dublin North-West in Dáil Éireann.Ahern's father Con was born into a farming family near Ballyfeard, which is located near Kinsale, County Cork, in 1904. His mother also came from a farming background and was from near Castledonovan, west County Cork. Ahern's father, Con, initially left County Cork and went to Dublin in the early 1930s to train for the priesthood, but did not complete his studies with the Vincentian order. He had fought in the Irish Civil War. He was a supporter of Éamon de Valera and the Anti-Treaty IRA. He was a member of the 3rd Cork Brigade of the IRA. He remained a militant Irish Republican for decades after the War of Independence. Con Ahern died in 1990. Ahern's mother, Julia, died in 1998, aged 87 years.Ahern was educated at St. Patrick's National School, Drumcondra and at St. Aidan's Christian Brothers, Whitehall. He received his third level education at the College of Commerce, Rathmines, part of the Dublin Institute of Technology. Ahern has claimed or it has been claimed by others in circulated biographies that he was educated at University College Dublin and the London School of Economics, but neither university has any records that show Ahern was ever one of their students. He subsequently worked in the Accounts Department of the Mater Hospital, Dublin.Ahern is an enthusiastic and vocal fan of sport. He is a supporter of Dublin GAA and attends Dublin matches in Croke Park. He also supports Manchester United F.C. and attends matches at Old Trafford and rugby matches at Lansdowne Road. He appeared as a pundit on RTÉ Two's "The Premiership" programme in 2001.Ahern first became involved in a Fianna Fáil by-election campaign in 1965, climbing lamp posts to hang election posters in Drumcondra. During the campaign, Ahern met his political mentor and future Taoiseach, Charles Haughey. Ahern became a member of Fianna Fáil at the age of 17, and in the 1969 general election he assisted with the election campaign in his constituency.Ahern's first ran for office during the landslide 1977 general election when Fianna Fáil formed the last single-party majority government with a 20-seat Dáil majority, the largest ever. Ahern received 4,000 first preference votes in the newly created Dublin Finglas constituency and was elected with transfers from other candidates. He was elected to Dublin Corporation at the 1979 local elections for the Cabra East-Finglas West Local electoral area (LEA). He later switched to the North Inner City LEA before standing down before the 1991 local elections. In subsequent elections Ahern became one of the highest vote-getters in the country. In his Dublin Central constituency Ahern was described as:In 1980, due to the illness of the actual Chief Whip, Seán Moore, he was effectively running the office. Ahern increased his personal vote in all three general elections of 1981 and 1982, even out-polling his running mate, George Colley, previously a candidate for Taoiseach. In the short-lived Fianna Fáil government of 1982, Ahern served as Government Chief Whip. Fianna Fáil were then consigned to the opposition benches for five years. During this period Ahern became Fianna Fáil Spokesperson on Labour. In 1986, he became Lord Mayor of Dublin. During his tenure, he organised the Dublin Millennium festival.In 1987, Fianna Fáil returned to power as a minority government. Ahern became Minister for Labour, which was not considered an important portfolio. In the following years, the department was important in stimulating Ireland's ailing economy. On behalf of the government Bertie Ahern negotiated the first national wage agreement between unions and employers The Programme for National Recovery. This and the subsequent national wage agreement came to be known as the 'Irish model' and have been adopted by a number of European countriesIn 1989, Haughey called an early general election. Fianna Fáil lost seats and was forced into a coalition government with the Progressive Democrats. Ahern retained his position as Minister for Labour in the government of the 26th Dáil. In 1990, Ahern negotiated the Programme for Economic and Social Progress.In 1990, Ahern was campaign manager for the presidential bid of his cabinet colleague, Brian Lenihan. It proved to be Ahern's least successful campaign as the apparently unbeatable Lenihan lost to Labour Party candidate Mary Robinson. Ahern was damaged in the short term by being seen as the first Fianna Fáil presidential election campaign manager to lose a presidential election.In 1991, the Fianna Fáil–Progressive Democrats programme for government was reviewed. Ahern was a key player in these talks yet again. His involvement prompted Haughey to remark of Ahern: In November 1991, Reynolds, then Minister for Finance, launched a leadership challenge to Haughey. Ahern publicly backed Haughey. The challenge failed and Reynolds and his supporters were dismissed from the cabinet. In the reshuffle that followed, Ahern became Minister for Finance. According to statements given by Ahern while serving as Minister for Finance, he did not hold a personal bank account.In early 1992, Charles Haughey resigned as Taoiseach. Ahern was encouraged by Haughey and others to bid for the position. He was apprehensive, and remained out of the contest, allowing Reynolds to become party leader and Taoiseach. It is believed that Reynolds and Ahern struck a deal in which Ahern would withdraw and thus remain in the cabinet, to succeed subsequently. Ahern and Michael Woods were the only two senior members to remain in the new Reynolds cabinet, with Ahern retaining his Finance portfolio.Following the 1992 general election, Fianna Fáil formed a coalition government with the Labour Party. This lasted until 1994, when the Labour Party withdrew from government, due to unhappiness with Reynolds's proposed candidate for President of the High Court. Ahern briefly succeeded Labour leader Dick Spring as Tánaiste. However, the government fell after a motion of no confidence, proposed by Fine Gael and Leader of the Opposition John Bruton, seconded by Fianna Fáil's former coalition partners the Labour Party. Reynolds resigned as Taoiseach and Fianna Fáil leader.During 1993, while he was Finance Minister, Ahern accepted payments of IR £39,000 from various businessmen: see below for details. These payments did not become public knowledge until 2006.In 1993, Ahern said in an interview, that tax cheaters would be jailed.He is also under scrutiny from the Mahon Tribunal for this cash payment and subsequent revelations in May 2007, of cash received from businessman Micheál Wall.Ahern succeeded Reynolds as the leader; the first unopposed candidate since Seán Lemass in 1959. Ahern was elected as the sixth leader of Fianna Fáil on 19 November 1994.Negotiations for a resumption of government with the Labour Party began immediately. It was expected that the coalition would continue and that Ahern would become Taoiseach. However, due to new revelations, Labour withdrew from the coalition, opting instead to go into coalition with Fine Gael. Ahern found himself as Leader of the Opposition.In the 1997 general election Fianna Fáil's campaign centred on Ahern's personal popularity. At the election, while Fianna Fáil picked up seats, its preferred coalition partner, the Progressive Democrats, lost more than half their seats. However, Labour suffered even heavier losses, leaving Fine Gael short of the support it needed to stay in office. Ahern quickly formed a coalition government with the Progressive Democrats, with the support of four Independent TDs. On 26 June 1997, aged 45, Ahern became the youngest ever Taoiseach.Ahern's first government saw some teething problems during its first six months. Firstly, Ahern tried to nominate David Andrews as Minister for Defence and as a Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs. This was unconstitutional as one Minister cannot be subordinate to another.Secondly, in July, Charles Haughey gave evidence to the McCracken Tribunal on corruption confirming that he had received IR£1.3 million (€1.7 million) in gifts from businessman Ben Dunne, which he had previously denied. This damaged Haughey's reputation more than the Government's.Thirdly, earlier allegations resurfaced about Ahern's Foreign Minister, Ray Burke. Burke eventually admitted to receiving IR£30,000 (€38,000) in a corrupt payment and chose to resign. Arising from those two matters, the government established the Moriarty Tribunal and the Flood Tribunal.One of the high points of the first six months was the renewal of the Provisional IRA ceasefire, which paved the way for resumed negotiations in Northern Ireland.A significant achievement of Ahern's first term was his part in the negotiation of the Belfast Agreement, commonly called the Good Friday Agreement, in which the British and Irish Governments and most Northern Irish political parties established an "exclusively peaceful and democratic" framework for power-sharing in Northern Ireland. The agreement was signed on 10 April 1998. It was seen as something special, because not only was it endorsed by the political parties, it was endorsed also by the British and Irish governments and the people of Ireland and Northern Ireland.The agreement, the ceasefires and political structures it created have encouraged peace. The negotiations also led to his friendship with the former British Prime Minister Tony Blair. On 26 November 1998, Blair became the first Prime Minister of the United Kingdom to address the Oireachtas. On 24 September 2003, Ahern and Blair were jointly awarded the Thomas J. Dodd Prize in International Justice and Human Rights for their work on the Good Friday Agreement to promote peace between Britain and Northern Ireland. On 22 May 2008, Ahern and Blair were both awarded honorary doctorates by Queen's University Belfast in recognition of their roles in the peace process. University Chancellor George Mitchell praised Mr Ahern as "a man of peace and a builder of bridges".Speaking at the 1916 Easter Rising commemoration at Arbour Hill in Dublin, in 1998, Ahern saidAhern's first term in office had been a period of high economic growth in Ireland, known as the Celtic Tiger. This was followed by a property boom which led to the economic crisis of 2008–2010 and culminated in the state requiring an IMF and EU bailout in 2010. In the first term increased prosperity and a better standard of living were the main results of the Celtic Tiger economy. There were significant deficits in the provision of infrastructure in the health and transport sectors. The good economic conditions allowed Finance Minister Charlie McCreevy, to deliver several generous budgets. The 1998 and 1999 Finance Acts included special tax incentives targeted at the area covered by the pilot Rural Renewal Scheme for the Upper Shannon Area. This scheme was later subject to criticism by the Heritage Council for being introduced without a ‘Baseline Audit’ to inform the level and scale of development to be supported through the scheme, not identifying priority areas suitable for development, not providing any strategic protection for designated areas including the corridor of the River Shannon, nor promoting the use of sustainable design and building materials in any new build or refurbishment project supported by the scheme. This growth changed in 2008, with a difficult budget for 2008, brought forward by 2 months, as Ireland entered recession, with unemployment expected to rise 5.6% in 2008 and the construction industry in decline. Economic growth in 2008, had also slowed to its lowest levels in over a decade. In 2009, Ahern said his decision in 2001, to create the Financial Regulator was one of the main reasons for the collapse of the Irish banking sector and "if I had a chance again I wouldn't do it".The 28th Dáil served its full term, becoming the second-longest Dáil to complete a full term. The coalition of Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrats was re-elected with an increased majority in the 2002 general election on 17 May of that year. Fianna Fáil had hoped for a majority, but ultimately came up three seats short of the 84 required. Fine Gael was decimated, losing much of its front bench. The coalition Government returned to power, comprising Fianna Fáil and the eight Progressive Democrats TDs. It was the first time a Government had been re-elected since Jack Lynch's in 1969.Controversy arose when it was announced shortly afterwards that financial cutbacks were needed due to the drop in the international and Irish economies. This contradicted Fianna Fáil's promise during the election campaign when Finance Minister McCreevy was quoted several times saying that ""no cutbacks, secret or otherwise, were planned"". The government was accused of lying to the public, particularly concerning the war in Iraq (see below). The Government's rating fell badly in opinion polls and Ahern's popularity dropped to its minimum.Another issue in the government's agenda for 2002, was the upcoming 2002 Referendum nicknamed "Nice 2", this was a second attempt to pass the Treaty of Nice.During 2003, the government was subject to more controversy when it became public that US military aircraft, carrying large numbers of troops, were refuelling at Shannon Airport, despite widespread opposition to the 2003 Invasion of Iraq. Ireland's policy since the foundation of the State has been to be a neutral party in any conflict. The Government had maintained that troops had not used Shannon but when this was disproved, it then claimed that such permission had been available for 50 years.The drop in opinion poll ratings for Ahern and his government after the 2002 election, was followed in 2004, by Fianna Fáil's worst local election results in 80 years. Despite speculation, no leadership challenge occurred and Ahern recovered in the polls. His reputation for inaction in changing cabinet Ministers ended with his long-heralded 2004 Cabinet reshuffle in which he failed to sack Séamus Brennan from the cabinet. The reshuffle was not as extensive as some had hoped as only three new members entered government.The unpopular phase seemed short-lived as the government rearranged its priorities and the economy grew. A notable law enacted by this government was the ban on smoking in workplaces and enclosed areas in March 2004. Improvements had been made in the transport infrastructure with the launch of the Luas light rail system in Dublin, many new motorways being built and the break-up of Aer Rianta, the state-owned Airport Management company.In November 2004, Ahern celebrated ten years as leader of Fianna Fáil. In April 2006, he became the second longest serving Taoiseach, after Éamon de Valera.One of Ahern's achievements in 2004, was his Presidency of the European Council, during which EU leaders agreed a European Constitution, there was recovery in EU-US relations, the EU formally admitted 10 new members, and selected José Manuel Barroso as President of the European Commission. Briefly, it appeared as if Ahern himself might become President of the European Commission, however, he declined in favour of domestic politics. The treaty was subsequently defeated in referendums in the Netherlands and France.Ahern's government spent €52 million on the Nedap Electronic Voting system. This was challenged as being insecure and could have been tampered with to change results.His coalition partners in government, the Progressive Democrats, said that he had questions to answer as details of an £8,000 (€11,800) payment for speaking engagements, in Manchester in 1994, emerged. The continued appearance of details of his appearances in Manchester and the names of those who were present at functions threatened to destabilise his coalition government, especially so when it transpired that one of the businessmen Micheál Wall subsequently sold a house to Ahern. The strains in the coalition eased after Ahern apologised for the second time in the Dáil and agreed to tighten up on ethics legislation.The Moriarty Tribunal reporting in December 2006, criticised Ahern for having signed blank cheques for the then party leader Charles Haughey, who misappropriated taxpayers' funds for personal use. The disbursement of funds to Fianna Fáil and their investigation by the tribunal have raised questions of the involvement of Ahern in the administration of these funds.In May 2007, he became the first Irish leader to address a joint session of the UK Parliament.Ahern hoped to win a third general election in 2007. While opinion polls, in April 2007, suggested that this was improbable.Polls in April 2007, showed his coalition of Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats at 35% and 3% respectively against the Fine Gael–Labour Party alternative government figure of 38%. A further poll published 27 April 2007, shows Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrats at 34% and 3% respectively compared to Fine Gael and Labour at 31% and 10%. A promise by the Labour Party, at their February 2007 party conference of a cut in the basic rate of income tax, paid by 80% of workers, from 20% to 18% created some excitement in political and media circles. Income tax cuts by the Fianna Fáil–Progressive Democrats government had concentrated on the top rate of tax and Labour were able to portray their proposal as progressive to the discomfiture of Fianna Fáil.Ahern received staunch support during the campaign from Eoghan Harris, writing in the "Sunday Independent". Harris declared that the anti-Ahern campaign was the most sinister manipulation of the Irish media that he had seen in his lifetime and that Sinn Féin would be the main beneficiaries of a fall in support for Ahern and Fianna Fáil. Harris was nominated to Seanad Éireann as a Senator on 3 August 2007 by Ahern.Ahern dissolved the Dáil in April 2007 and called an election for 24 May 2007. Unusually, Ahern dissolved the Dáil on a Sunday morning, claiming that President McAleese's foreign trip that week made it necessary despite the trip having been long-planned. There was speculation that the timing was instead motivated by the commencement of the Mahon Tribunal's Quarryvale module scheduled for that week, particularly Tom Gilmartin's evidence - the hearing thus had to be postponed until after the election was over. Ahern's party received 78 seats a loss of three seats from the 2002 election result. This was regarded as a Fianna Fáil 'victory', as questions about Ahern's finances overshadowed the early part of the election campaign, which threatened to cause huge losses for Ahern's party. His partners in the government, the Progressive Democrats suffered a reduction in representation from 8 to 2 seats including the loss of their leader.Following the general election of 2007 Ahern was elected to a third term as Taoiseach, leading a rainbow coalition of Fianna Fáil, the Green Party and the Progressive Democrats, and also supported by several Independent TDs. This was the first Rainbow coalition comprising Fianna Fáil, with all their previous coalitions comprising just one partner.Requiring 83 seats to return the government, Ahern's options were to attempt to govern with the Progressive Democrats plus two "gene-pool" Independents (Jackie Healy-Rae and Beverley Flynn; both former Fianna Fáil members) and one or more of the other three Independents, Michael Lowry, Finian McGrath or Tony Gregory (both left-wing Independents). The other options were an alliance with the Green Party or the Labour Party. In the event, Fianna Fáil negotiated a programme for government with the Green Party and formed a new rainbow coalition with the Green Party and the Progressive Democrats, supported by Healy-Rae, Flynn, Lowry and McGrath.Ahern's reputation was damaged by the accusation of cash gifts received that have transmuted to loans from businessmen. His reputation as the Teflon Taoiseach (no allegation of unethical behaviour had stuck to him until September 2006) was damaged. He was criticised in the foreign press as well as in the Irish media.To the surprise of many observers, polls taken during and after the payments' crisis indicated a sharp rise in support for the Ahern government and a corresponding fall in support for the Opposition parties. While 55–64% of the public believed that he was wrong to accept the payments, support for his party rose to 39–42%, while support for the main Opposition parties Fine Gael and the Labour Party fell to 20–26% and 10–11%. Two-thirds believed he should not have resigned. The polls provoked complaints from the media. The "Irish Times" commented they were a "poor reflection of ourselves".Ahern stated in an interview in the "Village" on 22 May 2007, that he intended to retire from politics when he turned 60 years of age. He stated this would mean standing down as Taoiseach before the end of the Dáil term, which would have ended in 2012 at the latest.On 4 July 2007, Ahern stated at a conference in Donegal, that he did not understand why people sitting on the sidelines, ""cribbing and moaning"" about the economy, did not commit suicide. These comments came at a time when Ireland's economy was beginning to falter, and with property prices falling by up to 10% as part of the Irish property bubble. Ahern later accepted responsibility for the overheating of the property sector but took no responsibility for the failings of the Central Bank of Ireland.In an opinion poll taken in September 2007, subsequent to Ahern's initial two-day appearance at the Mahon Tribunal, fewer than one-third of voters believed Ahern's accounts of his finances.Opposition parties had previously been muted in their reaction but in September 2007, Labour Party leader Eamon Gilmore, called for Ahern to resign in light of his appearance at the Mahon Tribunal and on 23 September 2007, Leader of the Opposition Enda Kenny was heavily critical of the "rambling, incoherent" answers offered by Ahern to the Mahon tribunal in September 2007. Kenny said there was now a situation whereby a witness before a tribunal, testifying under oath, "is continually changing his story". It "create[s] a credibility problem and that's the issue the Taoiseach has got to deal with".On resumption of the Dáil on 26 September a motion of no confidence in Ahern's government was moved by Fine Gael leader Enda Kenny and seconded by the Labour Party, based on Ahern's statements to the Mahon Tribunal. The Green Party, PDs and Independent TDs who supported the government voted for Ahern in the motion of no confidence. In a stormy three-hour Dáil debate, Ahern was accused of telling ""lies"" and was called upon to resign.The no-confidence motion was defeated by 81 votes to 76, with all six Green Party TDs, two PDs and four Independents, Finian McGrath, Beverley Flynn, Michael Lowry and Jackie Healy-Rae voting with the Government.In an opinion poll published in November 2007, some three-quarters of voters indicated that they did not believe that Ahern had given a full disclosure about his personal finances to the Mahon Tribunal. The opinion poll also showed more than half of the electorate believing that the whole episode was by then a serious political issue for Ahern.A later opinion poll taken on 22 January 2008, on the issue of Mr Ahern's personal finances and tax liabilities, found that "78% of people do not believe he has given the full picture (up 6%) while just 14% believe he has given the full picture (down 3%)."The Minister for the Environment and leader of the Green Party, John Gormley said on 22 February 2008, that revelations concerning the Taoiseach at the Mahon Tribunal were distracting from the work of government.Opposition parties on 22 February 2008, branded the Taoiseach's financial affairs as a "national embarrassment", which should prompt his immediate resignation.Grainne Carruth's acceptance as a matter of civil probability that she had lodged sterling sums to Ahern's account at the Drumcondra branch of the Irish Permanent Building Society in the 1990s had reportedly sent shock waves through the ranks of Fianna Fáil. On 27 March 2008, the unease at Ahern's declarations at the Mahon Tribunal, as contradicted by his former secretary at the tribunal, were highlighted when Progressive Democrat coalition partner leader Mary Harney, traditionally a stern supporter of her former colleague, called on Ahern to make a statement.The disquiet within the coalition was further emphasised when Green Party leader John Gormley, said that Ahern should clarify the contradiction between his evidence and that of his former secretary Grainne Carruth.An opinion poll published on 25 November 2007, showed that support for Fianna Fáil had dropped by seven percent, "following the announcement of large pay increases for the government and senior public servants against a backdrop of continuing economic uncertainty and high-profile failures in the health service."On 2 April 2008, Ahern announced his intention to resign as Taoiseach and as leader of Fianna Fáil on 6 May 2008.On 30 April 2008, in Washington D.C., Ahern became the sixth Irish leader to address the United States Congress. He is also the sixth person who has addressed both the UK Parliament and the United States Congress.On 6 May 2008, he performed his last official duty as Taoiseach in opening the Battle of the Boyne visitors centre with then First Minister of Northern Ireland Ian Paisley.In a November 2009, interview with VIP magazine, Ahern spoke of how critics who blame the government for the economic crisis should "dig the garden or grow bluebells or do something useful". He continued, saying that the Irish property bubble was not the fault of his government and that "cynics and knockers, people who always see the glass as half empty. I can't understand people who are always bitching, saying 'It's the Government's fault, it's the doctor's fault, it's the cat's fault.' It's everybody's fault except their own."He said in 2009, that since he resigned as Taoiseach the previous year, "life is not as controlled as it was. I'm busy doing different things, some quite important, but it's just not the same. If I want to go to a match, I go to a match; if I want to see some friends tomorrow night, I can do that, so it's a big change."Commenting on the economic difficulties facing his successor, he said: "Brian has had it rough because of the huge international slowdown. The big trick for him is how we can get out of it quickly."In January 2010, Ahern has said he would have no difficulties giving evidence to the investigation into banking, nor having his testimony heard in public. Saying he would appear if asked, Ahern defended his record while in government, attributing the crisis in banking to international factors and the banks' over-exposure to borrowing on international markets. "By and large we all know what happened. The banks borrowed money on the open market in the short-term. And as soon as things went, they had to pay that money up but they hadn't got it to pay," he said. "That's what happened. I don't think it will take too long [for an inquiry] to write up what the position is." He continued, saying, "The greater issue was the protection and the regulation of the bank rather than consumers' interests." Mr Ahern also said that people were "jumping over developers" but also "needed to remember" they employed 200,000 people. He said that one of the first things that Brian Cowen had done when he became Minister for Finance was to abolish many of the property tax incentives. He also presided over many of the incentives that benefited property developers. "When they were brought in, the place was in a disastrous way. Look at the quays in Dublin. There were reports around for 40 years that said the quays needed something done about them and nothing happened until we brought in the urban renewal status and gave the tax incentives."In May 2010, Ahern said of the property-based tax incentives which aggravated the Irish economic collapse that "We probably should have closed those down a good bit earlier but there were always fierce pressures, there was endless pressures to keep them. There was endless pressures to extend them." He stated that the pressure to retain such incentives had come from developers, owners of sites, areas that did not have the developments, community councils, politicians and civic society.Ahern said that his decision in 2001, to create a new financial regulator was one of the main reasons for the collapse of the Irish banking sector, saying that "if I had a chance again I wouldn't do it." "The banks were irresponsible," he admitted. "But the Central Bank and the Financial Regulator seemed happy. They were never into us saying – ever – 'Listen, we must put legislation and control on the banks.' That never happened."Ahern was investigated by the Mahon Tribunal, following an allegation by Tom Gilmartin, that Ahern had been paid money by Owen O'Callaghan in return for favours. The Tribunal found that Ahern's explanations for lodgements to his various accounts could not be true, and thus Gilmartin's allegation could not be disproved. One lodgement of IR£30,000, in 1994, took place in the weeks following the circumstances Gilmartin described, with contemporaneous AIB notes confirming Gilmartin's account of Ahern assuring Owen O'Callaghan that a rival development at Blanchardstown would not get tax designation, and on the same day as a meeting with Owen O'Callaghan's bag-man, Frank Dunlop. The Tribunal were, however, unable to conclusively prove that the lodgement was not merely coincidental. The Tribunal also discovered that Ahern, when Taoiseach, had visited Dunlop in the weeks immediately subsequent to Dunlop's admission of corrupt payments on behalf of Owen O'Callaghan, prior to Dunlop resuming the witness stand to elaborate further on his activities.Ahern was criticised by the Moriarty Tribunal for signing blank cheques for the then Taoiseach Charles Haughey, without asking what those cheques were for. Ahern told the tribunal that a policy of signing blank cheques was used on the Fianna Fáil party leader's account for reasons of "administrative convenience". In September 2006 "The Irish Times" printed claims allegedly leaked from The Mahon Tribunal that Ahern had received money from a millionaire businessman while Minister for Finance in 1993.The editor of "The Irish Times" defended the publication as being in the public interest at a hearing of the tribunal, saying that it was not a party to the Supreme Court case which restrained the "Sunday Business Post" from publishing leaked documents. This order was directed against the "Sunday Business Post" but its interim order purported to restrain all media outlets from publishing confidential material from the inquiry.Ahern has admitted that he did receive money but said on being interviewed that:What I got personally in my life, to be frank with you is none of your business. If I got something from somebody as a present or something like that I can use it.What Ahern said in 1996, while in opposition:The public are entitled to have an absolute guarantee of the financial probity and integrity of their elected representatives, their officials and above all of Ministers. They need to know that they are under financial obligations to nobody. (Dáil Éireann transcript, December 1996)This contradiction has been criticised in editorials in both the "Irish Independent" and "The Irish Times"Six days after the payments were publicised, Ahern admitted in a television interview that he had received two payments totalling IR£39,000 (€50,000) in 1993 and 1994.Ahern regarded the money as a loan, but he conceded that no repayments had at that time (September 2006) been made and no interest has been paid. He said that he had attempted to repay it, but that his friends would not accept repayment. He claimed that he had "broken no codes – ethical, tax, legal or otherwise".On 28 November 2007, former NCB managing director Padraic O'Connor at the Mahon Tribunal, "directly contradicted Mr Ahern's claims that long-standing friends gave him a loan just after Christmas 1993."In the same interview, he also claimed that he received a payment of £8,000 from a group of 25 businessmen in Manchester on one occasion. He stated that this money was again unsolicited, that it was a gift and therefore not subject to tax as it had been received when abroad, and that it was paid to him after he gave an after-dinner speech at an "ad hoc" function. He claimed that the money was given to him as a private citizen, not to him in his then role as Minister for Finance, and that no other payments were received by him after speaking at other similar functions. The Irish Times reported on 30 September 2006, that part of this payment was actually a cheque drawn on NCB Stockbrokers, a large Irish company. In its final report, the Mahon tribunal found that, contrary to his sworn evidence, no 'dig-outs' in 1993 and 1994 were arranged to give money to Mr Ahern and that large dollar and sterling cash lodgements were made to his bank accounts in the mid-1990s. A number of his benefactors have received appointments as directors of State boards. Insisting that no favours had been offered or received, Ahern said:I might have appointed somebody but I appointed them because they were friends, not because of anything they had given me.Under the Standards in Public Office Commission's rules,State appointments should be made on the basis of merit, taking into account the skills, qualifications and experience of the person to be appointed.Members of Dáil Éireann must conduct themselvesin accordance with the provisions and spirit of the Code of Conduct and ensure that their conduct does not bring the integrity of their office or the Dáil into serious disrepute.In the face of negative publicity, Ahern has repaid the monies advanced to him, with 5% interest, totalling €90,000.On 3 October 2006, Ahern made a 15-minute statement in Dáil Éireann defending his actions in taking loans totalling IR£39,000 (€50,000) from friends in Ireland and £8,000 (€11,800) as a gift from businessmen in Manchester in 1993 and 1994. In his statement he apologised for the distress his actions had brought saying:The bewilderment caused to the public about recent revelations has been deeply upsetting for me and others near and dear to me. To them, to the Irish people and to this house, I offer my apologies.On 20 March 2008, at the Mahon Tribunal the disclosure,Previously in her evidence, Carruth, on 19 March 2008 had said, that she had not lodged sterling for Ahern, while she accepted (as a matter of probability), a day later, that she must have lodged sterling on Ahern's behalf based on the paperwork available although her recollection is that she never had sighting of sterling at any time.Ahern had told the tribunal during his evidence in February 2008, that the lodgements to his and his daughters' accounts had come from his salary as a politician.Further questions were raised about IR£50,000 (€63,300) which he had lodged to his bank account in 1994. He claimed this was money he had saved over a substantial period of time (1987–1994) when he had had no active bank account. During this period he was Minister for Labour and subsequently Minister for Finance. He was asked by Labour leader Pat Rabbitte whether, in the absence of a bank account, he had kept the money in a "sock in the hot-press" and Socialist Party leader Joe Higgins asked if he had kept the money "in a shoe-box". Ahern replied that he had kept the money "in his own possession".On 5 October 2006, further information emerged in the Dáil that Ahern had bought his house in Dublin, from Manchester-based Irish businessman, Micheál Wall, who was at an event in Manchester in 1994, where the Taoiseach received a payment of GBP£8,000 (€11,800). This caused further tensions within the government coalition parties.On 10 October 2006, the Taoiseach again told the Dáil that it was an "error of judgement" for him to have accepted loans and gifts for personal purposes in the early 1990s.Ahern expanded on his apology to the Dáil of the previous week, which he described as unqualified. Ahern said there would now be a change in the ethics law requiring office holders offered a gift from friends to consult the Standards in Public Office Commission and to accept their ruling.Allegations had been made that he had taken IR£50,000 (€63,300) from a property developer, Owen O'Callaghan, in return for favours at this time. Ahern won a libel action against a Cork businessman, Denis "Starry" O'Brien, defending himself against this allegation.However, broadcaster Eamon Dunphy, has testified in the Mahon Tribunal that he was told by developer Owen O'Callaghan, that Ahern was "taken care of" to support a shopping centre development in the 1990s. This followed the initial allegations, denied by Ahern and O'Callaghan, by retired developer Tom Gilmartin, that O'Callaghan told him that he had given Ahern a payment of £50,000 in 1989, and a payment of £30,000 in 1993, in connection with a development of lands at Quarryvale, west Dublin. Gilmartin further alleged being told that O'Callaghan had paid Ahern in excess of £20,000 in relation to tax designation of a site in which O'Callaghan had an interest in Athlone, the designation having been Ahern's last act as Finance Minister, before the Fianna Fáil-led Government fell in December 1994.Ahern was responsible for placing disgraced former Dublin West TD Liam Lawlor, as head of the Dáil Ethics Committee, despite having been told by Tom Gilmartin many years beforehand that Lawlor had corruptly demanded money and had thwarted Gilmartin's plans when Gilmartin refused to comply.In March 2007, one of Ahern's Manchester benefactors, Paddy "The Plasterer" Reilly, was appointed as the Fianna Fáil director of elections, for Ahern's Dublin Central constituency.In April 2007, it was alleged in a statement by his former official driver, that Ahern in 1994, while Minister for Finance, took a briefcase full of cash to Manchester. This has been denied by Ahern.While the payment details initially seemed to damage Ahern's standing, the result of the 2007 general election, indicated that the damage was minor. In April 2007, an opinion poll found that nearly half of voters believed Ahern still had questions to answer over the payments controversy.On 2 February 2008, it emerged at the Mahon Tribunal that a house was bought by Ahern's former partner Celia Larkin in 1993, with money donated to Ahern's constituency organisation in Drumcondra. There was no documentation to back up this loan to Larkin or to prove around IR£30,000 in other expenditure from this account.Dublin businessman Tim Collins, has denied that Ahern was joint holder of the so-called BT account from which Larkin was loaned IR£30,000 without documentation to describe the loan agreement. Tim Collins denied that the BT account referred to Bertie and Tim, even though he operated a joint account with Des Richardson known as the DT account.On 13 September 2007, Ahern commenced four days of testimony under oath at the Mahon Tribunal. On 13 September, Ahern admitted that he had not cooperated with the Mahon planning tribunal. On 14 September 2007, inconsistencies in Ahern's statements to the Tribunal emerged, after he changed his story on the infamous IR£25,000 dig-outs.On 21 September 2007, Ahern again changed his story and said he could not remember key events at the centre of the controversy.Tribunal Chair, Judge Alan Mahon, said there were "significant gaps" in the money trail provided by Mr Ahern which "would have made it impossible for the tribunal to follow the trail".Judge Gerald Keyes accused Ahern of having no recollection of buying £30,000 of luxury items in the early 1990s.Judge Mary Faherty, accused Ahern of giving "polar opposite" accounts of why he withdrew IR£50,000 from AIB in January 1995.On 24 September 2007, there were further discrepancies, memory lapses andcontradictions to his testimony under oath with Ahern agreeing with the assertions of the tribunal that there are inconsistencies and contradictions in his statements compared to bank records and the testimony of Larkin.Journalist Vincent Browne, has asserted that "Ahern's numbers game just doesn't add up".Again on 20 and 21 December 2007, Ahern spent two further days under questioning by the Mahon tribunal about his finances in the 1990s. In January 2008, it was revealed that Ahern was in discussion with the Revenue Commissioners about his liability for tax on the sums received in Manchester and on his tax clearance status as declared in 2002, before details of the Manchester payments were revealed. The then opposition leader Enda Kenny said it was not acceptable to have a Taoiseach who could not declare compliance with the tax codes.On 12 February 2008, it emerged that the Mahon tribunal did not have all of the information provided to it, contrary to Ahern's assertion in the Dáil that he had provided all information to the tribunal. Ahern has taken a High Court action to prevent the tribunal from questioning him on the information that he released in the Dáil in 2006.The total value of lodgements and other transactions involving Ahern was said to exceed £452,800. The lodgements and transactions occurred between 1988 and 1997, although the vast bulk of the money was lodged in the period to 1995.On 4 June 2008, Ahern admitted that he knew about sterling deposits before his secretary's testimony, but said to laughter at his Tribunal appearance on that day that those deposits were winnings from horse racing.The Standards in Public Office Commission was asked to investigate the Ahern's declaration of tax compliance after the 2002 general election. In mid-January 2008, it emerged in the press, reportedly as leaks from parties to the Mahon tribunal, that Ahern would not be in a position to present a Tax Clearance Certificate to the Dáil, as required under ethics legislation. This certificate is issued by the Revenue Commissioners to persons who have shown themselves to be tax compliant. To meet legal requirements, this certificate should have been presented to a Dáil committee by 31 January 2008, by all those elected to the Dáil. A caveat allowed that in the absence of this, a certificate stating that the Dáil member was in negotiation with the Revenue Commissioners would suffice. An inability to declare tax compliance by a prominent individual such as Ahern would prove highly embarrassing, and could potentially have had more serious repercussions. The Standards in Public Office Act (2001) determines the tax clearance requirements for persons elected to the Oireachtas, and others. The making of a false declaration would also be an offence.Ahern's inability to furnish a tax clearance certificate led to further calls for his resignation. He was, at the time, the only member of the Oireachtas not to have a tax clearance certificate On 14 January 2008, while on a visit to South Africa, Ahern accused Enda Kenny, Leader of the Opposition of tellinga "bare-faced lie" about Ahern's tax situation. Ahern and Fianna Fáil's response has not addressed the issue, but has attacked the leaking of Ahern's tax affairs so as to attempt to enable the non-compliance issue to be ignored.Ahern admitted to the Mahon Tribunal on 21 February 2008, for the first time, that he did not pay tax on substantial payments that he received when Minister for Finance in the 1990s.The Mahon Tribunal report was made public on 22 March 2012. It found that "much of the explanations provided by Ahern, as to the source of the substantial funds available to him, were deemed by the Tribunal to be 'untrue'". While the report did not accuse Ahern of corruption, it stated that it totally rejected his evidence and that of related witnesses about the sources of monies in his own and related bank accounts, and that Ahern failed to truthfully account for a total of IR£165,214.25 passing through accounts connected with him.In 1993, the then Taoiseach Albert Reynolds and Ahern, who was then Minister for Finance, wrote to developer Owen O'Callaghan seeking a substantial donation. At the time O'Callaghan was heavily involved in lobbying for state support for a stadium project at Neilstown, County Dublin. According to the report, O'Callaghan felt compelled to donate a sum of IR£80,000 to Fianna Fáil to get funding for the stadium. The Mahon Tribunal said it did not find the payment to be corrupt. However, the report said pressurising a businessman to donate money when he was seeking support for a commercial project was "entirely inappropriate, and was an abuse of political power and government authority".On 25 October 2007, Ahern was criticised after the government accepted a recommendation from the Review Body on Higher Remuneration that senior civil servants and ministers receive pay increases. The pay-rise for his position (up €38,000 to €310,000 per annum), would have made it higher paying than that of the US President and made him the highest paid Head of government in the European Union.Criticism from opposition parties concentrated on the timing of the announcement (following highly publicised budgetary concerns at the Health Service Executive) and the fact that Ahern's increase alone would amount to about four times the basic social welfare payment. On 12 December 2007, it was announced that the first part of the pay-rises would be deferred by a year, with the remainder paid in 2009 and 2010.Independent TD Maureen O'Sullivan, accused Ahern of attempting in his autobiography to take credit for the Gregory deal by claiming he was present in negotiations between Charles Haughey and Tony Gregory and that he had provided Haughey with estimates from Dublin City Council. The Gregory deal was an agreement negotiated between the Independent Socialist TD Tony Gregory and Fianna Fáil leader Charles Haughey in the aftermath of the February 1982 general election, which resulted in a hung Dáil. In return for supporting Haughey, Gregory was promised a deal worth 100 million pounds at the time, which was to be used to redevelop North Inner City Dublin and to provide a greater number of houses and employment in an area which was considered Ireland's poorest and most disadvantaged. Ahern had gone with Haughey to the negotiations with Gregory; he was immediately asked to leave by Gregory and was forced to wait publicly in his car outside for three and a half hours. Although both had been elected to the same constituency, they were fierce rivals and the relationship between them was often sour. O'Sullivan was Tony Gregory's director of elections and successor as a TD.Ahern's presentational style has been described as Bertiespeak."It is not correct, and if I said so, I was not correct – I cannot recall if I said it, but I did not say, or if I did, I did not mean to say it – that these issues could not be dealt with until the end of the Mahon Tribunal."In October 2010, he and some other "News of the World" columnists appeared in a TV advertisement for the newspaper where they were seen sitting inside kitchen fittings. In his section of the advertisement he was seen sitting inside a kitchen cupboard, with tea and gingernut biscuits. Opposition parties described the skit as "terrible" for the country. Miriam Lord of "The Irish Times" described him in this incarnation as "looking and sounding like Drumcondra's answer to Rodney Dangerfield", while Lise Hand of the "Irish Independent" commented that he was "surrounded by vegetables, ginger nuts and the disintegrated remnants of the dignity of his former office". When asked for an explanation by the "Sunday World", Ahern replied that it was "just a bit of craic" and that "you [journalists] get paid more [than columnists]".In September 2011, Ahern said he believed that he would have "done all right" in the presidential election but for the decline in the popularity of Fianna Fáil. Ahern confirmed he considered running in the election. "I still would have done all right. I mean they have done some figures and I would probably sit in around 30 per cent, which you haven’t a hope with as the party is on 20 per cent." He added that "the party popularity is the thing that snookers it, because if your party isn't winnable..." Ahern said: "If there was no downturn and if it wasn't all the hassle of the tribunals and everything else, then you could have had a good run at it." He predicted that "nobody is going to win it outright – like Mary McAleese had it won on the first count". Asked about a possible future candidacy in the following presidential election, he said: "Normally what happens in this country, if a president does a good job they stay on, so that's 14 years, so that ends any chance that I'll have." He also rejected suggestions that the Mahon tribunal would reject the evidence he gave on his personal finances. "The only thing that is important to me is the central allegations. And what the tribunal says about the other trash is irrelevant."Micheál Martin said the former taoiseach was "out of touch with reality" if he believed he could have won the presidency for Fianna Fáil. Martin also said expenses paid to Ahern in his capacity as a former Taoiseach were too high and should be reduced. He was commenting on reports that Ahern had claimed €265,000 for "secretarial services" and €7,500 on mobile phone bills since he stepped down in May 2008. Under the current expenses regime, a former Taoiseach may employ two secretarial assistants for up to five years after leaving office and one indefinitely after that.In September 2011, Ahern was criticised by his party, Fianna Fáil, with a senior party figure saying "Every public utterance he makes digs it deeper every time. From the day he left the Dail, it's been one thing after another. The party members are very pissed off. It's coming up right across the country."A biography of Ahern was published in 2011, "Bertie: Power & Money", by Colm Keena,On 30 December 2010, in a speech to his party cumann in the Dublin Central constituency, he announced that he would not be contesting the 2011 general election.Ahern said he had made it clear as far back as 2002, that it was always his plan to step down as a TD before he was 60.Asked if he had any regrets, he said: "If I had seen the banking crisis coming. Nobody advised me, no economist, all those people now writing books saying 'I told you so' – none of them."On Anglo Irish Bank, he said: "I can honestly say that not once did anyone or any delegation that came in to see me ever say, 'Watch out for Anglo' ... I wish they had have."Referring to the "great economic storm" currently under way in Ireland, he warned against excessive pessimism: "Some gains have been lost, but in truth many remain. I dearly wish there was no crisis. I realise that it would have been better if some things had been done differently, but I will not denigrate the good that has been done."However an independent review of the operation of the Department of Finance during Ahern's tenure in government and its performance over the course of a decade, by Canadian expert Rob Wright, revealed how repeated warnings to the government of the dangers of the budgetary policies pursued during the boom years were repeatedly ignored. Ahern declined to comment on the report.Shortly after announcing his retirement from politics, Ahern attacked his successor Brian Cowen, over Cowen's failure to communicate with the public and criticised the government's handling of the EU/IMF bailout. This attack broke the convention that former Taoisigh should not publicly criticise their successors.Ahern said in January 2011, there was no hope of Fianna Fáil retaining two seats in his Dublin Central constituency. None of his party candidates were subsequently elected in his former constituency.He receives annual pension payments of €152,331.Ahern said in April 2018 that he is considering running for President in 2025 as an independent candidate.In April 2018, he walked out of an interview with DW News after being questioned on the findings of the Mahon Tribunal.In October 2018, Ahern was appointed to chair the Bougainville Referendum Commission, which is responsible for preparing an independence referendum in Bougainville, Papua New Guinea, which took place in December 2019.Historian John A. Murphy said: "Did Ahern, in his 11 years of power, make the most of this unprecedented prosperity for the public benefit? The answer can hardly be positive, given the present state of health, education and infrastructure, generally."Historian Diarmaid Ferriter said: "There'll be broad consensus around what Bertie did in Northern Ireland, the social partnership and the unity he brought to his own party. Also, he made Fianna Fáil the permanent party of government. They used to have all of the power most of the time, but now they have most of the power all of the time. All of that takes skill. But I wonder will people talk about 'Ahernism'? Is there any such thing? What does he actually stand for? In some ways Bertie's lack of vision was a positive, it made him flexible and willing to compromise, and he was certainly outstanding in that regard. But I dissent from the universal plaudits going around at the moment. He had no social or economic vision for the state he led. There was no fire in his belly. He didn't really want to change society for the better. He was the ward boss writ large. But at the moment it seems it's unfashionable to say anything adverse about Bertie."Stephen Collins noted that: "None of his colleagues is really sure whether he is possessed of all the deviousness and cunning attributed to him by Haughey or whether he simply suffers from chronic indecision disguised as political shrewdness".Ryanair chief executive Michael O'Leary noted in a radio interview that "Bertie squandered the wealth of a generation and I think in time it will be proven he was a useless wastrel."In November 2009, Ahern was again criticised by O'Leary, being described as a "feckless ditherer"."A documentary series – "Bertie" – on RTÉ television in November 2008 examined the life and career of Ahern.Colm Keena in a biography of Ahern described how "his desire for power and an almost complete absence of political conviction, left him open to the influence of those with strong opinions, whose interests precipitated his mismanagement of the Irish economy."Ahern is also the subject of a Rubberbandits single released in August 2020.While still a TD but having resigned as Taoiseach, Ahern was appointed to an international advisory group on conflict resolution on 14 July 2008. In addition Ahern serves as a board member of the peace and reconciliation charity Co-operation Ireland.Ahern was appointed to an advisory board of an Irish company Parker Green International. He was appointed Chairman of the International Forestry Fund on 1 January 2010.He wrote a sports column in the now-closed Rupert Murdoch-owned Sunday newspaper "News of the World".In 2009, he earned around €467,200, from his speaking arrangements alone. He is registered with the Washington Speakers Bureau which charged $40,000 (€29,200) per speech—and he gave 16 speeches in 2009. He also enjoyed in that period, a €92,672 TD's salary and expenses.Between his resignation in 2008 and May 2010, he ran up a €5,682 bill for VIP airport facilities and a mobile phone bill of €8,331. This amount claimed by Ahern, was the largest of any former Taoiseach.In February 2012, he reversed his decision to give part of his pension back to the State.Since resigning as Taoiseach in 2008, Ahern has been a regular visitor to China. In November 2014, he gave a lecture on cyberspace security at the three-day World Internet Conference in Wuzhen. His handshake with Chinese Prime Minister Li Keqiang while there got pictured on the front page of the "South China Morning Post" above a story about "internet big hitters".In February 2015, Ahern received an honorary doctor of laws degree from Washington College in Chestertown, Maryland.In a December 2015 interview with BBC Radio 4's "Today" programme Ahern said low pay workers had brought country to its knees because they got "cocky" and insisted on "second, third and even fourth homes". The former Taoiseach said that the availability of cheap credit through Ireland's involvement in the eurozone created "a huge problem". "Anyone could walk into any institution and seem to get any amount of money and this is where the cocky bit came in. “Unfortunately… Joe Soap and Mary Soap, who never had a lot, got the loans for the second house and leveraged the third house off the second house and the fourth on the third, and you know, what are you having yourself." This drew criticism on radio and on social media for being exaggerated and for blaming the financial crisis on low-income families.In December 2019 Ahern acted as Chairman of the referendum commission for the Autonomous Region of Bougainville in a non-binding vote with regards to independence from Papua New Guinea.By 1972, Ahern had met his future wife, Miriam Kelly, a bank official who lived near the Aherns family home. They married in St. Columba's Church, Iona Road in 1975. Ahern has two daughters from his marriage: Georgina and Cecelia. Georgina is the wife of Westlife member Nicky Byrne. Cecelia is a best-selling author.Ahern and his wife separated in 1992. Until 2003, Ahern maintained a relationship with Celia Larkin. Ahern was the first, and is the only, Taoiseach to have a legal separation from his wife.Larkin was appointed to the board of the National Consumer Agency in July 2005, on the recommendation of the Department of the Taoiseach.Ahern is an enthusiastic and vocal fan of sport. He is a supporter of Dublin GAA and attends inter-county matches in Croke Park. He also supports English soccer outfit Manchester United Football Club and attends matches at Old Trafford, as well as Scottish soccer outfit Celtic Football Club and rugby matches at the Aviva Stadium. He appeared as a pundit on RTÉ Two's "The Premiership" programme in 2001.Ahern is a practising Roman Catholic. He attends Mass every Saturday evening in St Mary's Pro-Cathedral in Dublin. However, he was publicly criticised by Cardinal Desmond Connell, then Archbishop of Dublin, for his public relationship with Larkin.Ahern has said that he lives by the Ten Commandments, the Beatitudes and his own conscience, and hopes to get to heaven when he dies. Speaking to Gay Byrne in RTÉ's "The Meaning of Life" series, Ahern described himself as a regular Mass-goer, but said he had not been to Confession for 40 years. In a lengthy interview, Ahern said that he and the former DUP leader Ian Paisley, bonded over their shared faith when they had their first formal meeting together. The meeting took place in January 2004, at the Irish Embassy in London. He recalled how Paisley began a prayer in the Irish Embassy and he joined in with him. He said the prayer was "like our Confiteor" and officials had wondered why they had spent so much time alone. The pair started discussing their values and the rules by which they lived. His government came under severe criticism for the deal they made with the religious orders, capping their contribution to the redress board at €128 million while taxpayers will have to pay out €1 billion.As a Catholic, Ahern said he wanted the church "to do well" but that it could not retreat behind canon law. "There was one time when the church tried to put up the defence of canon law and my colleagues just looked up to the sky and thought they were joking. Unfortunately, they weren't joking, they made bad decisions." Ahern said he was convinced that life "did not end at the graveyard" and he often prayed to dead relatives for guidance. He used Mass as an opportunity to pray for people in trouble and stayed off alcohol in November and at Lent. He rationalised inexplicable events, such as the death of a young person, by stating that God "cannot influence every single thing". He said he received a "fair amount of hate mail" about "living in sin", but it upset other people more than it did him and he admitted that he had not lived up to his parents' "stereotype" of married life.The following governments were led by Ahern:	[ "President of the European Council", "Minister for Labour", "Leader of Fianna Fáil", "Tánaiste", "Teachta Dála", "Taoiseach" ]
Which position did Bertie Ahern hold in 11-Jan-199311-January-1993?	January 11, 1993	{ "text": [ "Minister for Finance", "Minister for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation" ] }	L2_Q154550_P39_3	Bertie Ahern holds the position of Taoiseach from Jun, 1997 to May, 2008. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Minister for Labour from Mar, 1987 to Nov, 1991. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Minister for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1993. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Teachta Dála from Jul, 1977 to May, 1981. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Tánaiste from Nov, 1994 to Dec, 1994. Bertie Ahern holds the position of President of the European Council from Jan, 2004 to Jun, 2004. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Leader of Fianna Fáil from Nov, 1994 to May, 2008. Bertie Ahern holds the position of Minister for Finance from Nov, 1991 to Dec, 1994.	Bertie AhernBartholomew Patrick "Bertie" Ahern (born 12 September 1951) is an Irish former Fianna Fáil politician who served as Taoiseach from 1997 to 2008, Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1994 to 2008, Leader of the Opposition from 1994 to 1997, Tánaiste and Minister for Arts, Culture and the Gaeltacht from November 1994 to December 1994, Deputy Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1992 to 1994, Minister for Industry and Commerce in January 1993, Minister for Finance from 1991 to 1994, Minister for Labour from 1987 to 1991, Government Chief Whip and Minister of State at the Department of Defence from March 1982 to December 1982 and Lord Mayor of Dublin from 1986 to 1987. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1977 to 2011.In 1994, Ahern was elected the sixth Leader of Fianna Fáil. Under Ahern's leadership, Fianna Fáil led three coalition governments. Ahern is the second-longest serving Taoiseach, after Éamon de Valera. Ahern resigned as Taoiseach on 6 May 2008, in the wake of revelations made in Mahon Tribunal, and was succeeded by Minister for Finance Brian Cowen. The Mahon Tribunal in 2012, found that Ahern, while not judged corrupt, had received money from developers and the Tribunal disbelieved his explanations of those payments. Fianna Fáil proposed to expel politicians censured by the tribunal, but Ahern resigned from the party prior to the expulsion motion being moved.In November 2016, it was announced that a decision had been made by Fianna Fáil to give Ahern the option of rejoining the party.Ahern was born in Drumcondra, Dublin, the youngest of five children of Con and Julia (née Hourihane) Ahern, both natives of County Cork, who married in October 1937. They settled at Church Avenue, Drumcondra, where they resided for the rest of their lives. The other four children are Maurice, Kathleen, Noel and Eileen. In Dublin, Ahern's father worked as a farm manager at All Hallows College, Drumcondra. Ahern's brother Noel is also involved in politics and represented Dublin North-West in Dáil Éireann.Ahern's father Con was born into a farming family near Ballyfeard, which is located near Kinsale, County Cork, in 1904. His mother also came from a farming background and was from near Castledonovan, west County Cork. Ahern's father, Con, initially left County Cork and went to Dublin in the early 1930s to train for the priesthood, but did not complete his studies with the Vincentian order. He had fought in the Irish Civil War. He was a supporter of Éamon de Valera and the Anti-Treaty IRA. He was a member of the 3rd Cork Brigade of the IRA. He remained a militant Irish Republican for decades after the War of Independence. Con Ahern died in 1990. Ahern's mother, Julia, died in 1998, aged 87 years.Ahern was educated at St. Patrick's National School, Drumcondra and at St. Aidan's Christian Brothers, Whitehall. He received his third level education at the College of Commerce, Rathmines, part of the Dublin Institute of Technology. Ahern has claimed or it has been claimed by others in circulated biographies that he was educated at University College Dublin and the London School of Economics, but neither university has any records that show Ahern was ever one of their students. He subsequently worked in the Accounts Department of the Mater Hospital, Dublin.Ahern is an enthusiastic and vocal fan of sport. He is a supporter of Dublin GAA and attends Dublin matches in Croke Park. He also supports Manchester United F.C. and attends matches at Old Trafford and rugby matches at Lansdowne Road. He appeared as a pundit on RTÉ Two's "The Premiership" programme in 2001.Ahern first became involved in a Fianna Fáil by-election campaign in 1965, climbing lamp posts to hang election posters in Drumcondra. During the campaign, Ahern met his political mentor and future Taoiseach, Charles Haughey. Ahern became a member of Fianna Fáil at the age of 17, and in the 1969 general election he assisted with the election campaign in his constituency.Ahern's first ran for office during the landslide 1977 general election when Fianna Fáil formed the last single-party majority government with a 20-seat Dáil majority, the largest ever. Ahern received 4,000 first preference votes in the newly created Dublin Finglas constituency and was elected with transfers from other candidates. He was elected to Dublin Corporation at the 1979 local elections for the Cabra East-Finglas West Local electoral area (LEA). He later switched to the North Inner City LEA before standing down before the 1991 local elections. In subsequent elections Ahern became one of the highest vote-getters in the country. In his Dublin Central constituency Ahern was described as:In 1980, due to the illness of the actual Chief Whip, Seán Moore, he was effectively running the office. Ahern increased his personal vote in all three general elections of 1981 and 1982, even out-polling his running mate, George Colley, previously a candidate for Taoiseach. In the short-lived Fianna Fáil government of 1982, Ahern served as Government Chief Whip. Fianna Fáil were then consigned to the opposition benches for five years. During this period Ahern became Fianna Fáil Spokesperson on Labour. In 1986, he became Lord Mayor of Dublin. During his tenure, he organised the Dublin Millennium festival.In 1987, Fianna Fáil returned to power as a minority government. Ahern became Minister for Labour, which was not considered an important portfolio. In the following years, the department was important in stimulating Ireland's ailing economy. On behalf of the government Bertie Ahern negotiated the first national wage agreement between unions and employers The Programme for National Recovery. This and the subsequent national wage agreement came to be known as the 'Irish model' and have been adopted by a number of European countriesIn 1989, Haughey called an early general election. Fianna Fáil lost seats and was forced into a coalition government with the Progressive Democrats. Ahern retained his position as Minister for Labour in the government of the 26th Dáil. In 1990, Ahern negotiated the Programme for Economic and Social Progress.In 1990, Ahern was campaign manager for the presidential bid of his cabinet colleague, Brian Lenihan. It proved to be Ahern's least successful campaign as the apparently unbeatable Lenihan lost to Labour Party candidate Mary Robinson. Ahern was damaged in the short term by being seen as the first Fianna Fáil presidential election campaign manager to lose a presidential election.In 1991, the Fianna Fáil–Progressive Democrats programme for government was reviewed. Ahern was a key player in these talks yet again. His involvement prompted Haughey to remark of Ahern: In November 1991, Reynolds, then Minister for Finance, launched a leadership challenge to Haughey. Ahern publicly backed Haughey. The challenge failed and Reynolds and his supporters were dismissed from the cabinet. In the reshuffle that followed, Ahern became Minister for Finance. According to statements given by Ahern while serving as Minister for Finance, he did not hold a personal bank account.In early 1992, Charles Haughey resigned as Taoiseach. Ahern was encouraged by Haughey and others to bid for the position. He was apprehensive, and remained out of the contest, allowing Reynolds to become party leader and Taoiseach. It is believed that Reynolds and Ahern struck a deal in which Ahern would withdraw and thus remain in the cabinet, to succeed subsequently. Ahern and Michael Woods were the only two senior members to remain in the new Reynolds cabinet, with Ahern retaining his Finance portfolio.Following the 1992 general election, Fianna Fáil formed a coalition government with the Labour Party. This lasted until 1994, when the Labour Party withdrew from government, due to unhappiness with Reynolds's proposed candidate for President of the High Court. Ahern briefly succeeded Labour leader Dick Spring as Tánaiste. However, the government fell after a motion of no confidence, proposed by Fine Gael and Leader of the Opposition John Bruton, seconded by Fianna Fáil's former coalition partners the Labour Party. Reynolds resigned as Taoiseach and Fianna Fáil leader.During 1993, while he was Finance Minister, Ahern accepted payments of IR £39,000 from various businessmen: see below for details. These payments did not become public knowledge until 2006.In 1993, Ahern said in an interview, that tax cheaters would be jailed.He is also under scrutiny from the Mahon Tribunal for this cash payment and subsequent revelations in May 2007, of cash received from businessman Micheál Wall.Ahern succeeded Reynolds as the leader; the first unopposed candidate since Seán Lemass in 1959. Ahern was elected as the sixth leader of Fianna Fáil on 19 November 1994.Negotiations for a resumption of government with the Labour Party began immediately. It was expected that the coalition would continue and that Ahern would become Taoiseach. However, due to new revelations, Labour withdrew from the coalition, opting instead to go into coalition with Fine Gael. Ahern found himself as Leader of the Opposition.In the 1997 general election Fianna Fáil's campaign centred on Ahern's personal popularity. At the election, while Fianna Fáil picked up seats, its preferred coalition partner, the Progressive Democrats, lost more than half their seats. However, Labour suffered even heavier losses, leaving Fine Gael short of the support it needed to stay in office. Ahern quickly formed a coalition government with the Progressive Democrats, with the support of four Independent TDs. On 26 June 1997, aged 45, Ahern became the youngest ever Taoiseach.Ahern's first government saw some teething problems during its first six months. Firstly, Ahern tried to nominate David Andrews as Minister for Defence and as a Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs. This was unconstitutional as one Minister cannot be subordinate to another.Secondly, in July, Charles Haughey gave evidence to the McCracken Tribunal on corruption confirming that he had received IR£1.3 million (€1.7 million) in gifts from businessman Ben Dunne, which he had previously denied. This damaged Haughey's reputation more than the Government's.Thirdly, earlier allegations resurfaced about Ahern's Foreign Minister, Ray Burke. Burke eventually admitted to receiving IR£30,000 (€38,000) in a corrupt payment and chose to resign. Arising from those two matters, the government established the Moriarty Tribunal and the Flood Tribunal.One of the high points of the first six months was the renewal of the Provisional IRA ceasefire, which paved the way for resumed negotiations in Northern Ireland.A significant achievement of Ahern's first term was his part in the negotiation of the Belfast Agreement, commonly called the Good Friday Agreement, in which the British and Irish Governments and most Northern Irish political parties established an "exclusively peaceful and democratic" framework for power-sharing in Northern Ireland. The agreement was signed on 10 April 1998. It was seen as something special, because not only was it endorsed by the political parties, it was endorsed also by the British and Irish governments and the people of Ireland and Northern Ireland.The agreement, the ceasefires and political structures it created have encouraged peace. The negotiations also led to his friendship with the former British Prime Minister Tony Blair. On 26 November 1998, Blair became the first Prime Minister of the United Kingdom to address the Oireachtas. On 24 September 2003, Ahern and Blair were jointly awarded the Thomas J. Dodd Prize in International Justice and Human Rights for their work on the Good Friday Agreement to promote peace between Britain and Northern Ireland. On 22 May 2008, Ahern and Blair were both awarded honorary doctorates by Queen's University Belfast in recognition of their roles in the peace process. University Chancellor George Mitchell praised Mr Ahern as "a man of peace and a builder of bridges".Speaking at the 1916 Easter Rising commemoration at Arbour Hill in Dublin, in 1998, Ahern saidAhern's first term in office had been a period of high economic growth in Ireland, known as the Celtic Tiger. This was followed by a property boom which led to the economic crisis of 2008–2010 and culminated in the state requiring an IMF and EU bailout in 2010. In the first term increased prosperity and a better standard of living were the main results of the Celtic Tiger economy. There were significant deficits in the provision of infrastructure in the health and transport sectors. The good economic conditions allowed Finance Minister Charlie McCreevy, to deliver several generous budgets. The 1998 and 1999 Finance Acts included special tax incentives targeted at the area covered by the pilot Rural Renewal Scheme for the Upper Shannon Area. This scheme was later subject to criticism by the Heritage Council for being introduced without a ‘Baseline Audit’ to inform the level and scale of development to be supported through the scheme, not identifying priority areas suitable for development, not providing any strategic protection for designated areas including the corridor of the River Shannon, nor promoting the use of sustainable design and building materials in any new build or refurbishment project supported by the scheme. This growth changed in 2008, with a difficult budget for 2008, brought forward by 2 months, as Ireland entered recession, with unemployment expected to rise 5.6% in 2008 and the construction industry in decline. Economic growth in 2008, had also slowed to its lowest levels in over a decade. In 2009, Ahern said his decision in 2001, to create the Financial Regulator was one of the main reasons for the collapse of the Irish banking sector and "if I had a chance again I wouldn't do it".The 28th Dáil served its full term, becoming the second-longest Dáil to complete a full term. The coalition of Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrats was re-elected with an increased majority in the 2002 general election on 17 May of that year. Fianna Fáil had hoped for a majority, but ultimately came up three seats short of the 84 required. Fine Gael was decimated, losing much of its front bench. The coalition Government returned to power, comprising Fianna Fáil and the eight Progressive Democrats TDs. It was the first time a Government had been re-elected since Jack Lynch's in 1969.Controversy arose when it was announced shortly afterwards that financial cutbacks were needed due to the drop in the international and Irish economies. This contradicted Fianna Fáil's promise during the election campaign when Finance Minister McCreevy was quoted several times saying that ""no cutbacks, secret or otherwise, were planned"". The government was accused of lying to the public, particularly concerning the war in Iraq (see below). The Government's rating fell badly in opinion polls and Ahern's popularity dropped to its minimum.Another issue in the government's agenda for 2002, was the upcoming 2002 Referendum nicknamed "Nice 2", this was a second attempt to pass the Treaty of Nice.During 2003, the government was subject to more controversy when it became public that US military aircraft, carrying large numbers of troops, were refuelling at Shannon Airport, despite widespread opposition to the 2003 Invasion of Iraq. Ireland's policy since the foundation of the State has been to be a neutral party in any conflict. The Government had maintained that troops had not used Shannon but when this was disproved, it then claimed that such permission had been available for 50 years.The drop in opinion poll ratings for Ahern and his government after the 2002 election, was followed in 2004, by Fianna Fáil's worst local election results in 80 years. Despite speculation, no leadership challenge occurred and Ahern recovered in the polls. His reputation for inaction in changing cabinet Ministers ended with his long-heralded 2004 Cabinet reshuffle in which he failed to sack Séamus Brennan from the cabinet. The reshuffle was not as extensive as some had hoped as only three new members entered government.The unpopular phase seemed short-lived as the government rearranged its priorities and the economy grew. A notable law enacted by this government was the ban on smoking in workplaces and enclosed areas in March 2004. Improvements had been made in the transport infrastructure with the launch of the Luas light rail system in Dublin, many new motorways being built and the break-up of Aer Rianta, the state-owned Airport Management company.In November 2004, Ahern celebrated ten years as leader of Fianna Fáil. In April 2006, he became the second longest serving Taoiseach, after Éamon de Valera.One of Ahern's achievements in 2004, was his Presidency of the European Council, during which EU leaders agreed a European Constitution, there was recovery in EU-US relations, the EU formally admitted 10 new members, and selected José Manuel Barroso as President of the European Commission. Briefly, it appeared as if Ahern himself might become President of the European Commission, however, he declined in favour of domestic politics. The treaty was subsequently defeated in referendums in the Netherlands and France.Ahern's government spent €52 million on the Nedap Electronic Voting system. This was challenged as being insecure and could have been tampered with to change results.His coalition partners in government, the Progressive Democrats, said that he had questions to answer as details of an £8,000 (€11,800) payment for speaking engagements, in Manchester in 1994, emerged. The continued appearance of details of his appearances in Manchester and the names of those who were present at functions threatened to destabilise his coalition government, especially so when it transpired that one of the businessmen Micheál Wall subsequently sold a house to Ahern. The strains in the coalition eased after Ahern apologised for the second time in the Dáil and agreed to tighten up on ethics legislation.The Moriarty Tribunal reporting in December 2006, criticised Ahern for having signed blank cheques for the then party leader Charles Haughey, who misappropriated taxpayers' funds for personal use. The disbursement of funds to Fianna Fáil and their investigation by the tribunal have raised questions of the involvement of Ahern in the administration of these funds.In May 2007, he became the first Irish leader to address a joint session of the UK Parliament.Ahern hoped to win a third general election in 2007. While opinion polls, in April 2007, suggested that this was improbable.Polls in April 2007, showed his coalition of Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats at 35% and 3% respectively against the Fine Gael–Labour Party alternative government figure of 38%. A further poll published 27 April 2007, shows Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrats at 34% and 3% respectively compared to Fine Gael and Labour at 31% and 10%. A promise by the Labour Party, at their February 2007 party conference of a cut in the basic rate of income tax, paid by 80% of workers, from 20% to 18% created some excitement in political and media circles. Income tax cuts by the Fianna Fáil–Progressive Democrats government had concentrated on the top rate of tax and Labour were able to portray their proposal as progressive to the discomfiture of Fianna Fáil.Ahern received staunch support during the campaign from Eoghan Harris, writing in the "Sunday Independent". Harris declared that the anti-Ahern campaign was the most sinister manipulation of the Irish media that he had seen in his lifetime and that Sinn Féin would be the main beneficiaries of a fall in support for Ahern and Fianna Fáil. Harris was nominated to Seanad Éireann as a Senator on 3 August 2007 by Ahern.Ahern dissolved the Dáil in April 2007 and called an election for 24 May 2007. Unusually, Ahern dissolved the Dáil on a Sunday morning, claiming that President McAleese's foreign trip that week made it necessary despite the trip having been long-planned. There was speculation that the timing was instead motivated by the commencement of the Mahon Tribunal's Quarryvale module scheduled for that week, particularly Tom Gilmartin's evidence - the hearing thus had to be postponed until after the election was over. Ahern's party received 78 seats a loss of three seats from the 2002 election result. This was regarded as a Fianna Fáil 'victory', as questions about Ahern's finances overshadowed the early part of the election campaign, which threatened to cause huge losses for Ahern's party. His partners in the government, the Progressive Democrats suffered a reduction in representation from 8 to 2 seats including the loss of their leader.Following the general election of 2007 Ahern was elected to a third term as Taoiseach, leading a rainbow coalition of Fianna Fáil, the Green Party and the Progressive Democrats, and also supported by several Independent TDs. This was the first Rainbow coalition comprising Fianna Fáil, with all their previous coalitions comprising just one partner.Requiring 83 seats to return the government, Ahern's options were to attempt to govern with the Progressive Democrats plus two "gene-pool" Independents (Jackie Healy-Rae and Beverley Flynn; both former Fianna Fáil members) and one or more of the other three Independents, Michael Lowry, Finian McGrath or Tony Gregory (both left-wing Independents). The other options were an alliance with the Green Party or the Labour Party. In the event, Fianna Fáil negotiated a programme for government with the Green Party and formed a new rainbow coalition with the Green Party and the Progressive Democrats, supported by Healy-Rae, Flynn, Lowry and McGrath.Ahern's reputation was damaged by the accusation of cash gifts received that have transmuted to loans from businessmen. His reputation as the Teflon Taoiseach (no allegation of unethical behaviour had stuck to him until September 2006) was damaged. He was criticised in the foreign press as well as in the Irish media.To the surprise of many observers, polls taken during and after the payments' crisis indicated a sharp rise in support for the Ahern government and a corresponding fall in support for the Opposition parties. While 55–64% of the public believed that he was wrong to accept the payments, support for his party rose to 39–42%, while support for the main Opposition parties Fine Gael and the Labour Party fell to 20–26% and 10–11%. Two-thirds believed he should not have resigned. The polls provoked complaints from the media. The "Irish Times" commented they were a "poor reflection of ourselves".Ahern stated in an interview in the "Village" on 22 May 2007, that he intended to retire from politics when he turned 60 years of age. He stated this would mean standing down as Taoiseach before the end of the Dáil term, which would have ended in 2012 at the latest.On 4 July 2007, Ahern stated at a conference in Donegal, that he did not understand why people sitting on the sidelines, ""cribbing and moaning"" about the economy, did not commit suicide. These comments came at a time when Ireland's economy was beginning to falter, and with property prices falling by up to 10% as part of the Irish property bubble. Ahern later accepted responsibility for the overheating of the property sector but took no responsibility for the failings of the Central Bank of Ireland.In an opinion poll taken in September 2007, subsequent to Ahern's initial two-day appearance at the Mahon Tribunal, fewer than one-third of voters believed Ahern's accounts of his finances.Opposition parties had previously been muted in their reaction but in September 2007, Labour Party leader Eamon Gilmore, called for Ahern to resign in light of his appearance at the Mahon Tribunal and on 23 September 2007, Leader of the Opposition Enda Kenny was heavily critical of the "rambling, incoherent" answers offered by Ahern to the Mahon tribunal in September 2007. Kenny said there was now a situation whereby a witness before a tribunal, testifying under oath, "is continually changing his story". It "create[s] a credibility problem and that's the issue the Taoiseach has got to deal with".On resumption of the Dáil on 26 September a motion of no confidence in Ahern's government was moved by Fine Gael leader Enda Kenny and seconded by the Labour Party, based on Ahern's statements to the Mahon Tribunal. The Green Party, PDs and Independent TDs who supported the government voted for Ahern in the motion of no confidence. In a stormy three-hour Dáil debate, Ahern was accused of telling ""lies"" and was called upon to resign.The no-confidence motion was defeated by 81 votes to 76, with all six Green Party TDs, two PDs and four Independents, Finian McGrath, Beverley Flynn, Michael Lowry and Jackie Healy-Rae voting with the Government.In an opinion poll published in November 2007, some three-quarters of voters indicated that they did not believe that Ahern had given a full disclosure about his personal finances to the Mahon Tribunal. The opinion poll also showed more than half of the electorate believing that the whole episode was by then a serious political issue for Ahern.A later opinion poll taken on 22 January 2008, on the issue of Mr Ahern's personal finances and tax liabilities, found that "78% of people do not believe he has given the full picture (up 6%) while just 14% believe he has given the full picture (down 3%)."The Minister for the Environment and leader of the Green Party, John Gormley said on 22 February 2008, that revelations concerning the Taoiseach at the Mahon Tribunal were distracting from the work of government.Opposition parties on 22 February 2008, branded the Taoiseach's financial affairs as a "national embarrassment", which should prompt his immediate resignation.Grainne Carruth's acceptance as a matter of civil probability that she had lodged sterling sums to Ahern's account at the Drumcondra branch of the Irish Permanent Building Society in the 1990s had reportedly sent shock waves through the ranks of Fianna Fáil. On 27 March 2008, the unease at Ahern's declarations at the Mahon Tribunal, as contradicted by his former secretary at the tribunal, were highlighted when Progressive Democrat coalition partner leader Mary Harney, traditionally a stern supporter of her former colleague, called on Ahern to make a statement.The disquiet within the coalition was further emphasised when Green Party leader John Gormley, said that Ahern should clarify the contradiction between his evidence and that of his former secretary Grainne Carruth.An opinion poll published on 25 November 2007, showed that support for Fianna Fáil had dropped by seven percent, "following the announcement of large pay increases for the government and senior public servants against a backdrop of continuing economic uncertainty and high-profile failures in the health service."On 2 April 2008, Ahern announced his intention to resign as Taoiseach and as leader of Fianna Fáil on 6 May 2008.On 30 April 2008, in Washington D.C., Ahern became the sixth Irish leader to address the United States Congress. He is also the sixth person who has addressed both the UK Parliament and the United States Congress.On 6 May 2008, he performed his last official duty as Taoiseach in opening the Battle of the Boyne visitors centre with then First Minister of Northern Ireland Ian Paisley.In a November 2009, interview with VIP magazine, Ahern spoke of how critics who blame the government for the economic crisis should "dig the garden or grow bluebells or do something useful". He continued, saying that the Irish property bubble was not the fault of his government and that "cynics and knockers, people who always see the glass as half empty. I can't understand people who are always bitching, saying 'It's the Government's fault, it's the doctor's fault, it's the cat's fault.' It's everybody's fault except their own."He said in 2009, that since he resigned as Taoiseach the previous year, "life is not as controlled as it was. I'm busy doing different things, some quite important, but it's just not the same. If I want to go to a match, I go to a match; if I want to see some friends tomorrow night, I can do that, so it's a big change."Commenting on the economic difficulties facing his successor, he said: "Brian has had it rough because of the huge international slowdown. The big trick for him is how we can get out of it quickly."In January 2010, Ahern has said he would have no difficulties giving evidence to the investigation into banking, nor having his testimony heard in public. Saying he would appear if asked, Ahern defended his record while in government, attributing the crisis in banking to international factors and the banks' over-exposure to borrowing on international markets. "By and large we all know what happened. The banks borrowed money on the open market in the short-term. And as soon as things went, they had to pay that money up but they hadn't got it to pay," he said. "That's what happened. I don't think it will take too long [for an inquiry] to write up what the position is." He continued, saying, "The greater issue was the protection and the regulation of the bank rather than consumers' interests." Mr Ahern also said that people were "jumping over developers" but also "needed to remember" they employed 200,000 people. He said that one of the first things that Brian Cowen had done when he became Minister for Finance was to abolish many of the property tax incentives. He also presided over many of the incentives that benefited property developers. "When they were brought in, the place was in a disastrous way. Look at the quays in Dublin. There were reports around for 40 years that said the quays needed something done about them and nothing happened until we brought in the urban renewal status and gave the tax incentives."In May 2010, Ahern said of the property-based tax incentives which aggravated the Irish economic collapse that "We probably should have closed those down a good bit earlier but there were always fierce pressures, there was endless pressures to keep them. There was endless pressures to extend them." He stated that the pressure to retain such incentives had come from developers, owners of sites, areas that did not have the developments, community councils, politicians and civic society.Ahern said that his decision in 2001, to create a new financial regulator was one of the main reasons for the collapse of the Irish banking sector, saying that "if I had a chance again I wouldn't do it." "The banks were irresponsible," he admitted. "But the Central Bank and the Financial Regulator seemed happy. They were never into us saying – ever – 'Listen, we must put legislation and control on the banks.' That never happened."Ahern was investigated by the Mahon Tribunal, following an allegation by Tom Gilmartin, that Ahern had been paid money by Owen O'Callaghan in return for favours. The Tribunal found that Ahern's explanations for lodgements to his various accounts could not be true, and thus Gilmartin's allegation could not be disproved. One lodgement of IR£30,000, in 1994, took place in the weeks following the circumstances Gilmartin described, with contemporaneous AIB notes confirming Gilmartin's account of Ahern assuring Owen O'Callaghan that a rival development at Blanchardstown would not get tax designation, and on the same day as a meeting with Owen O'Callaghan's bag-man, Frank Dunlop. The Tribunal were, however, unable to conclusively prove that the lodgement was not merely coincidental. The Tribunal also discovered that Ahern, when Taoiseach, had visited Dunlop in the weeks immediately subsequent to Dunlop's admission of corrupt payments on behalf of Owen O'Callaghan, prior to Dunlop resuming the witness stand to elaborate further on his activities.Ahern was criticised by the Moriarty Tribunal for signing blank cheques for the then Taoiseach Charles Haughey, without asking what those cheques were for. Ahern told the tribunal that a policy of signing blank cheques was used on the Fianna Fáil party leader's account for reasons of "administrative convenience". In September 2006 "The Irish Times" printed claims allegedly leaked from The Mahon Tribunal that Ahern had received money from a millionaire businessman while Minister for Finance in 1993.The editor of "The Irish Times" defended the publication as being in the public interest at a hearing of the tribunal, saying that it was not a party to the Supreme Court case which restrained the "Sunday Business Post" from publishing leaked documents. This order was directed against the "Sunday Business Post" but its interim order purported to restrain all media outlets from publishing confidential material from the inquiry.Ahern has admitted that he did receive money but said on being interviewed that:What I got personally in my life, to be frank with you is none of your business. If I got something from somebody as a present or something like that I can use it.What Ahern said in 1996, while in opposition:The public are entitled to have an absolute guarantee of the financial probity and integrity of their elected representatives, their officials and above all of Ministers. They need to know that they are under financial obligations to nobody. (Dáil Éireann transcript, December 1996)This contradiction has been criticised in editorials in both the "Irish Independent" and "The Irish Times"Six days after the payments were publicised, Ahern admitted in a television interview that he had received two payments totalling IR£39,000 (€50,000) in 1993 and 1994.Ahern regarded the money as a loan, but he conceded that no repayments had at that time (September 2006) been made and no interest has been paid. He said that he had attempted to repay it, but that his friends would not accept repayment. He claimed that he had "broken no codes – ethical, tax, legal or otherwise".On 28 November 2007, former NCB managing director Padraic O'Connor at the Mahon Tribunal, "directly contradicted Mr Ahern's claims that long-standing friends gave him a loan just after Christmas 1993."In the same interview, he also claimed that he received a payment of £8,000 from a group of 25 businessmen in Manchester on one occasion. He stated that this money was again unsolicited, that it was a gift and therefore not subject to tax as it had been received when abroad, and that it was paid to him after he gave an after-dinner speech at an "ad hoc" function. He claimed that the money was given to him as a private citizen, not to him in his then role as Minister for Finance, and that no other payments were received by him after speaking at other similar functions. The Irish Times reported on 30 September 2006, that part of this payment was actually a cheque drawn on NCB Stockbrokers, a large Irish company. In its final report, the Mahon tribunal found that, contrary to his sworn evidence, no 'dig-outs' in 1993 and 1994 were arranged to give money to Mr Ahern and that large dollar and sterling cash lodgements were made to his bank accounts in the mid-1990s. A number of his benefactors have received appointments as directors of State boards. Insisting that no favours had been offered or received, Ahern said:I might have appointed somebody but I appointed them because they were friends, not because of anything they had given me.Under the Standards in Public Office Commission's rules,State appointments should be made on the basis of merit, taking into account the skills, qualifications and experience of the person to be appointed.Members of Dáil Éireann must conduct themselvesin accordance with the provisions and spirit of the Code of Conduct and ensure that their conduct does not bring the integrity of their office or the Dáil into serious disrepute.In the face of negative publicity, Ahern has repaid the monies advanced to him, with 5% interest, totalling €90,000.On 3 October 2006, Ahern made a 15-minute statement in Dáil Éireann defending his actions in taking loans totalling IR£39,000 (€50,000) from friends in Ireland and £8,000 (€11,800) as a gift from businessmen in Manchester in 1993 and 1994. In his statement he apologised for the distress his actions had brought saying:The bewilderment caused to the public about recent revelations has been deeply upsetting for me and others near and dear to me. To them, to the Irish people and to this house, I offer my apologies.On 20 March 2008, at the Mahon Tribunal the disclosure,Previously in her evidence, Carruth, on 19 March 2008 had said, that she had not lodged sterling for Ahern, while she accepted (as a matter of probability), a day later, that she must have lodged sterling on Ahern's behalf based on the paperwork available although her recollection is that she never had sighting of sterling at any time.Ahern had told the tribunal during his evidence in February 2008, that the lodgements to his and his daughters' accounts had come from his salary as a politician.Further questions were raised about IR£50,000 (€63,300) which he had lodged to his bank account in 1994. He claimed this was money he had saved over a substantial period of time (1987–1994) when he had had no active bank account. During this period he was Minister for Labour and subsequently Minister for Finance. He was asked by Labour leader Pat Rabbitte whether, in the absence of a bank account, he had kept the money in a "sock in the hot-press" and Socialist Party leader Joe Higgins asked if he had kept the money "in a shoe-box". Ahern replied that he had kept the money "in his own possession".On 5 October 2006, further information emerged in the Dáil that Ahern had bought his house in Dublin, from Manchester-based Irish businessman, Micheál Wall, who was at an event in Manchester in 1994, where the Taoiseach received a payment of GBP£8,000 (€11,800). This caused further tensions within the government coalition parties.On 10 October 2006, the Taoiseach again told the Dáil that it was an "error of judgement" for him to have accepted loans and gifts for personal purposes in the early 1990s.Ahern expanded on his apology to the Dáil of the previous week, which he described as unqualified. Ahern said there would now be a change in the ethics law requiring office holders offered a gift from friends to consult the Standards in Public Office Commission and to accept their ruling.Allegations had been made that he had taken IR£50,000 (€63,300) from a property developer, Owen O'Callaghan, in return for favours at this time. Ahern won a libel action against a Cork businessman, Denis "Starry" O'Brien, defending himself against this allegation.However, broadcaster Eamon Dunphy, has testified in the Mahon Tribunal that he was told by developer Owen O'Callaghan, that Ahern was "taken care of" to support a shopping centre development in the 1990s. This followed the initial allegations, denied by Ahern and O'Callaghan, by retired developer Tom Gilmartin, that O'Callaghan told him that he had given Ahern a payment of £50,000 in 1989, and a payment of £30,000 in 1993, in connection with a development of lands at Quarryvale, west Dublin. Gilmartin further alleged being told that O'Callaghan had paid Ahern in excess of £20,000 in relation to tax designation of a site in which O'Callaghan had an interest in Athlone, the designation having been Ahern's last act as Finance Minister, before the Fianna Fáil-led Government fell in December 1994.Ahern was responsible for placing disgraced former Dublin West TD Liam Lawlor, as head of the Dáil Ethics Committee, despite having been told by Tom Gilmartin many years beforehand that Lawlor had corruptly demanded money and had thwarted Gilmartin's plans when Gilmartin refused to comply.In March 2007, one of Ahern's Manchester benefactors, Paddy "The Plasterer" Reilly, was appointed as the Fianna Fáil director of elections, for Ahern's Dublin Central constituency.In April 2007, it was alleged in a statement by his former official driver, that Ahern in 1994, while Minister for Finance, took a briefcase full of cash to Manchester. This has been denied by Ahern.While the payment details initially seemed to damage Ahern's standing, the result of the 2007 general election, indicated that the damage was minor. In April 2007, an opinion poll found that nearly half of voters believed Ahern still had questions to answer over the payments controversy.On 2 February 2008, it emerged at the Mahon Tribunal that a house was bought by Ahern's former partner Celia Larkin in 1993, with money donated to Ahern's constituency organisation in Drumcondra. There was no documentation to back up this loan to Larkin or to prove around IR£30,000 in other expenditure from this account.Dublin businessman Tim Collins, has denied that Ahern was joint holder of the so-called BT account from which Larkin was loaned IR£30,000 without documentation to describe the loan agreement. Tim Collins denied that the BT account referred to Bertie and Tim, even though he operated a joint account with Des Richardson known as the DT account.On 13 September 2007, Ahern commenced four days of testimony under oath at the Mahon Tribunal. On 13 September, Ahern admitted that he had not cooperated with the Mahon planning tribunal. On 14 September 2007, inconsistencies in Ahern's statements to the Tribunal emerged, after he changed his story on the infamous IR£25,000 dig-outs.On 21 September 2007, Ahern again changed his story and said he could not remember key events at the centre of the controversy.Tribunal Chair, Judge Alan Mahon, said there were "significant gaps" in the money trail provided by Mr Ahern which "would have made it impossible for the tribunal to follow the trail".Judge Gerald Keyes accused Ahern of having no recollection of buying £30,000 of luxury items in the early 1990s.Judge Mary Faherty, accused Ahern of giving "polar opposite" accounts of why he withdrew IR£50,000 from AIB in January 1995.On 24 September 2007, there were further discrepancies, memory lapses andcontradictions to his testimony under oath with Ahern agreeing with the assertions of the tribunal that there are inconsistencies and contradictions in his statements compared to bank records and the testimony of Larkin.Journalist Vincent Browne, has asserted that "Ahern's numbers game just doesn't add up".Again on 20 and 21 December 2007, Ahern spent two further days under questioning by the Mahon tribunal about his finances in the 1990s. In January 2008, it was revealed that Ahern was in discussion with the Revenue Commissioners about his liability for tax on the sums received in Manchester and on his tax clearance status as declared in 2002, before details of the Manchester payments were revealed. The then opposition leader Enda Kenny said it was not acceptable to have a Taoiseach who could not declare compliance with the tax codes.On 12 February 2008, it emerged that the Mahon tribunal did not have all of the information provided to it, contrary to Ahern's assertion in the Dáil that he had provided all information to the tribunal. Ahern has taken a High Court action to prevent the tribunal from questioning him on the information that he released in the Dáil in 2006.The total value of lodgements and other transactions involving Ahern was said to exceed £452,800. The lodgements and transactions occurred between 1988 and 1997, although the vast bulk of the money was lodged in the period to 1995.On 4 June 2008, Ahern admitted that he knew about sterling deposits before his secretary's testimony, but said to laughter at his Tribunal appearance on that day that those deposits were winnings from horse racing.The Standards in Public Office Commission was asked to investigate the Ahern's declaration of tax compliance after the 2002 general election. In mid-January 2008, it emerged in the press, reportedly as leaks from parties to the Mahon tribunal, that Ahern would not be in a position to present a Tax Clearance Certificate to the Dáil, as required under ethics legislation. This certificate is issued by the Revenue Commissioners to persons who have shown themselves to be tax compliant. To meet legal requirements, this certificate should have been presented to a Dáil committee by 31 January 2008, by all those elected to the Dáil. A caveat allowed that in the absence of this, a certificate stating that the Dáil member was in negotiation with the Revenue Commissioners would suffice. An inability to declare tax compliance by a prominent individual such as Ahern would prove highly embarrassing, and could potentially have had more serious repercussions. The Standards in Public Office Act (2001) determines the tax clearance requirements for persons elected to the Oireachtas, and others. The making of a false declaration would also be an offence.Ahern's inability to furnish a tax clearance certificate led to further calls for his resignation. He was, at the time, the only member of the Oireachtas not to have a tax clearance certificate On 14 January 2008, while on a visit to South Africa, Ahern accused Enda Kenny, Leader of the Opposition of tellinga "bare-faced lie" about Ahern's tax situation. Ahern and Fianna Fáil's response has not addressed the issue, but has attacked the leaking of Ahern's tax affairs so as to attempt to enable the non-compliance issue to be ignored.Ahern admitted to the Mahon Tribunal on 21 February 2008, for the first time, that he did not pay tax on substantial payments that he received when Minister for Finance in the 1990s.The Mahon Tribunal report was made public on 22 March 2012. It found that "much of the explanations provided by Ahern, as to the source of the substantial funds available to him, were deemed by the Tribunal to be 'untrue'". While the report did not accuse Ahern of corruption, it stated that it totally rejected his evidence and that of related witnesses about the sources of monies in his own and related bank accounts, and that Ahern failed to truthfully account for a total of IR£165,214.25 passing through accounts connected with him.In 1993, the then Taoiseach Albert Reynolds and Ahern, who was then Minister for Finance, wrote to developer Owen O'Callaghan seeking a substantial donation. At the time O'Callaghan was heavily involved in lobbying for state support for a stadium project at Neilstown, County Dublin. According to the report, O'Callaghan felt compelled to donate a sum of IR£80,000 to Fianna Fáil to get funding for the stadium. The Mahon Tribunal said it did not find the payment to be corrupt. However, the report said pressurising a businessman to donate money when he was seeking support for a commercial project was "entirely inappropriate, and was an abuse of political power and government authority".On 25 October 2007, Ahern was criticised after the government accepted a recommendation from the Review Body on Higher Remuneration that senior civil servants and ministers receive pay increases. The pay-rise for his position (up €38,000 to €310,000 per annum), would have made it higher paying than that of the US President and made him the highest paid Head of government in the European Union.Criticism from opposition parties concentrated on the timing of the announcement (following highly publicised budgetary concerns at the Health Service Executive) and the fact that Ahern's increase alone would amount to about four times the basic social welfare payment. On 12 December 2007, it was announced that the first part of the pay-rises would be deferred by a year, with the remainder paid in 2009 and 2010.Independent TD Maureen O'Sullivan, accused Ahern of attempting in his autobiography to take credit for the Gregory deal by claiming he was present in negotiations between Charles Haughey and Tony Gregory and that he had provided Haughey with estimates from Dublin City Council. The Gregory deal was an agreement negotiated between the Independent Socialist TD Tony Gregory and Fianna Fáil leader Charles Haughey in the aftermath of the February 1982 general election, which resulted in a hung Dáil. In return for supporting Haughey, Gregory was promised a deal worth 100 million pounds at the time, which was to be used to redevelop North Inner City Dublin and to provide a greater number of houses and employment in an area which was considered Ireland's poorest and most disadvantaged. Ahern had gone with Haughey to the negotiations with Gregory; he was immediately asked to leave by Gregory and was forced to wait publicly in his car outside for three and a half hours. Although both had been elected to the same constituency, they were fierce rivals and the relationship between them was often sour. O'Sullivan was Tony Gregory's director of elections and successor as a TD.Ahern's presentational style has been described as Bertiespeak."It is not correct, and if I said so, I was not correct – I cannot recall if I said it, but I did not say, or if I did, I did not mean to say it – that these issues could not be dealt with until the end of the Mahon Tribunal."In October 2010, he and some other "News of the World" columnists appeared in a TV advertisement for the newspaper where they were seen sitting inside kitchen fittings. In his section of the advertisement he was seen sitting inside a kitchen cupboard, with tea and gingernut biscuits. Opposition parties described the skit as "terrible" for the country. Miriam Lord of "The Irish Times" described him in this incarnation as "looking and sounding like Drumcondra's answer to Rodney Dangerfield", while Lise Hand of the "Irish Independent" commented that he was "surrounded by vegetables, ginger nuts and the disintegrated remnants of the dignity of his former office". When asked for an explanation by the "Sunday World", Ahern replied that it was "just a bit of craic" and that "you [journalists] get paid more [than columnists]".In September 2011, Ahern said he believed that he would have "done all right" in the presidential election but for the decline in the popularity of Fianna Fáil. Ahern confirmed he considered running in the election. "I still would have done all right. I mean they have done some figures and I would probably sit in around 30 per cent, which you haven’t a hope with as the party is on 20 per cent." He added that "the party popularity is the thing that snookers it, because if your party isn't winnable..." Ahern said: "If there was no downturn and if it wasn't all the hassle of the tribunals and everything else, then you could have had a good run at it." He predicted that "nobody is going to win it outright – like Mary McAleese had it won on the first count". Asked about a possible future candidacy in the following presidential election, he said: "Normally what happens in this country, if a president does a good job they stay on, so that's 14 years, so that ends any chance that I'll have." He also rejected suggestions that the Mahon tribunal would reject the evidence he gave on his personal finances. "The only thing that is important to me is the central allegations. And what the tribunal says about the other trash is irrelevant."Micheál Martin said the former taoiseach was "out of touch with reality" if he believed he could have won the presidency for Fianna Fáil. Martin also said expenses paid to Ahern in his capacity as a former Taoiseach were too high and should be reduced. He was commenting on reports that Ahern had claimed €265,000 for "secretarial services" and €7,500 on mobile phone bills since he stepped down in May 2008. Under the current expenses regime, a former Taoiseach may employ two secretarial assistants for up to five years after leaving office and one indefinitely after that.In September 2011, Ahern was criticised by his party, Fianna Fáil, with a senior party figure saying "Every public utterance he makes digs it deeper every time. From the day he left the Dail, it's been one thing after another. The party members are very pissed off. It's coming up right across the country."A biography of Ahern was published in 2011, "Bertie: Power & Money", by Colm Keena,On 30 December 2010, in a speech to his party cumann in the Dublin Central constituency, he announced that he would not be contesting the 2011 general election.Ahern said he had made it clear as far back as 2002, that it was always his plan to step down as a TD before he was 60.Asked if he had any regrets, he said: "If I had seen the banking crisis coming. Nobody advised me, no economist, all those people now writing books saying 'I told you so' – none of them."On Anglo Irish Bank, he said: "I can honestly say that not once did anyone or any delegation that came in to see me ever say, 'Watch out for Anglo' ... I wish they had have."Referring to the "great economic storm" currently under way in Ireland, he warned against excessive pessimism: "Some gains have been lost, but in truth many remain. I dearly wish there was no crisis. I realise that it would have been better if some things had been done differently, but I will not denigrate the good that has been done."However an independent review of the operation of the Department of Finance during Ahern's tenure in government and its performance over the course of a decade, by Canadian expert Rob Wright, revealed how repeated warnings to the government of the dangers of the budgetary policies pursued during the boom years were repeatedly ignored. Ahern declined to comment on the report.Shortly after announcing his retirement from politics, Ahern attacked his successor Brian Cowen, over Cowen's failure to communicate with the public and criticised the government's handling of the EU/IMF bailout. This attack broke the convention that former Taoisigh should not publicly criticise their successors.Ahern said in January 2011, there was no hope of Fianna Fáil retaining two seats in his Dublin Central constituency. None of his party candidates were subsequently elected in his former constituency.He receives annual pension payments of €152,331.Ahern said in April 2018 that he is considering running for President in 2025 as an independent candidate.In April 2018, he walked out of an interview with DW News after being questioned on the findings of the Mahon Tribunal.In October 2018, Ahern was appointed to chair the Bougainville Referendum Commission, which is responsible for preparing an independence referendum in Bougainville, Papua New Guinea, which took place in December 2019.Historian John A. Murphy said: "Did Ahern, in his 11 years of power, make the most of this unprecedented prosperity for the public benefit? The answer can hardly be positive, given the present state of health, education and infrastructure, generally."Historian Diarmaid Ferriter said: "There'll be broad consensus around what Bertie did in Northern Ireland, the social partnership and the unity he brought to his own party. Also, he made Fianna Fáil the permanent party of government. They used to have all of the power most of the time, but now they have most of the power all of the time. All of that takes skill. But I wonder will people talk about 'Ahernism'? Is there any such thing? What does he actually stand for? In some ways Bertie's lack of vision was a positive, it made him flexible and willing to compromise, and he was certainly outstanding in that regard. But I dissent from the universal plaudits going around at the moment. He had no social or economic vision for the state he led. There was no fire in his belly. He didn't really want to change society for the better. He was the ward boss writ large. But at the moment it seems it's unfashionable to say anything adverse about Bertie."Stephen Collins noted that: "None of his colleagues is really sure whether he is possessed of all the deviousness and cunning attributed to him by Haughey or whether he simply suffers from chronic indecision disguised as political shrewdness".Ryanair chief executive Michael O'Leary noted in a radio interview that "Bertie squandered the wealth of a generation and I think in time it will be proven he was a useless wastrel."In November 2009, Ahern was again criticised by O'Leary, being described as a "feckless ditherer"."A documentary series – "Bertie" – on RTÉ television in November 2008 examined the life and career of Ahern.Colm Keena in a biography of Ahern described how "his desire for power and an almost complete absence of political conviction, left him open to the influence of those with strong opinions, whose interests precipitated his mismanagement of the Irish economy."Ahern is also the subject of a Rubberbandits single released in August 2020.While still a TD but having resigned as Taoiseach, Ahern was appointed to an international advisory group on conflict resolution on 14 July 2008. In addition Ahern serves as a board member of the peace and reconciliation charity Co-operation Ireland.Ahern was appointed to an advisory board of an Irish company Parker Green International. He was appointed Chairman of the International Forestry Fund on 1 January 2010.He wrote a sports column in the now-closed Rupert Murdoch-owned Sunday newspaper "News of the World".In 2009, he earned around €467,200, from his speaking arrangements alone. He is registered with the Washington Speakers Bureau which charged $40,000 (€29,200) per speech—and he gave 16 speeches in 2009. He also enjoyed in that period, a €92,672 TD's salary and expenses.Between his resignation in 2008 and May 2010, he ran up a €5,682 bill for VIP airport facilities and a mobile phone bill of €8,331. This amount claimed by Ahern, was the largest of any former Taoiseach.In February 2012, he reversed his decision to give part of his pension back to the State.Since resigning as Taoiseach in 2008, Ahern has been a regular visitor to China. In November 2014, he gave a lecture on cyberspace security at the three-day World Internet Conference in Wuzhen. His handshake with Chinese Prime Minister Li Keqiang while there got pictured on the front page of the "South China Morning Post" above a story about "internet big hitters".In February 2015, Ahern received an honorary doctor of laws degree from Washington College in Chestertown, Maryland.In a December 2015 interview with BBC Radio 4's "Today" programme Ahern said low pay workers had brought country to its knees because they got "cocky" and insisted on "second, third and even fourth homes". The former Taoiseach said that the availability of cheap credit through Ireland's involvement in the eurozone created "a huge problem". "Anyone could walk into any institution and seem to get any amount of money and this is where the cocky bit came in. “Unfortunately… Joe Soap and Mary Soap, who never had a lot, got the loans for the second house and leveraged the third house off the second house and the fourth on the third, and you know, what are you having yourself." This drew criticism on radio and on social media for being exaggerated and for blaming the financial crisis on low-income families.In December 2019 Ahern acted as Chairman of the referendum commission for the Autonomous Region of Bougainville in a non-binding vote with regards to independence from Papua New Guinea.By 1972, Ahern had met his future wife, Miriam Kelly, a bank official who lived near the Aherns family home. They married in St. Columba's Church, Iona Road in 1975. Ahern has two daughters from his marriage: Georgina and Cecelia. Georgina is the wife of Westlife member Nicky Byrne. Cecelia is a best-selling author.Ahern and his wife separated in 1992. Until 2003, Ahern maintained a relationship with Celia Larkin. Ahern was the first, and is the only, Taoiseach to have a legal separation from his wife.Larkin was appointed to the board of the National Consumer Agency in July 2005, on the recommendation of the Department of the Taoiseach.Ahern is an enthusiastic and vocal fan of sport. He is a supporter of Dublin GAA and attends inter-county matches in Croke Park. He also supports English soccer outfit Manchester United Football Club and attends matches at Old Trafford, as well as Scottish soccer outfit Celtic Football Club and rugby matches at the Aviva Stadium. He appeared as a pundit on RTÉ Two's "The Premiership" programme in 2001.Ahern is a practising Roman Catholic. He attends Mass every Saturday evening in St Mary's Pro-Cathedral in Dublin. However, he was publicly criticised by Cardinal Desmond Connell, then Archbishop of Dublin, for his public relationship with Larkin.Ahern has said that he lives by the Ten Commandments, the Beatitudes and his own conscience, and hopes to get to heaven when he dies. Speaking to Gay Byrne in RTÉ's "The Meaning of Life" series, Ahern described himself as a regular Mass-goer, but said he had not been to Confession for 40 years. In a lengthy interview, Ahern said that he and the former DUP leader Ian Paisley, bonded over their shared faith when they had their first formal meeting together. The meeting took place in January 2004, at the Irish Embassy in London. He recalled how Paisley began a prayer in the Irish Embassy and he joined in with him. He said the prayer was "like our Confiteor" and officials had wondered why they had spent so much time alone. The pair started discussing their values and the rules by which they lived. His government came under severe criticism for the deal they made with the religious orders, capping their contribution to the redress board at €128 million while taxpayers will have to pay out €1 billion.As a Catholic, Ahern said he wanted the church "to do well" but that it could not retreat behind canon law. "There was one time when the church tried to put up the defence of canon law and my colleagues just looked up to the sky and thought they were joking. Unfortunately, they weren't joking, they made bad decisions." Ahern said he was convinced that life "did not end at the graveyard" and he often prayed to dead relatives for guidance. He used Mass as an opportunity to pray for people in trouble and stayed off alcohol in November and at Lent. He rationalised inexplicable events, such as the death of a young person, by stating that God "cannot influence every single thing". He said he received a "fair amount of hate mail" about "living in sin", but it upset other people more than it did him and he admitted that he had not lived up to his parents' "stereotype" of married life.The following governments were led by Ahern:	[ "President of the European Council", "Minister for Labour", "Leader of Fianna Fáil", "Tánaiste", "Teachta Dála", "Taoiseach" ]
Which employer did David K. Levine work for in Dec, 2013?	December 03, 2013	{ "text": [ "Washington University in St. Louis", "European University Institute" ] }	L2_Q5235801_P108_2	David K. Levine works for University of California, Los Angeles from Jul, 1988 to Jun, 2006. David K. Levine works for European University Institute from Sep, 2013 to Dec, 2022. David K. Levine works for University of Minnesota from Sep, 1987 to Jun, 1988. David K. Levine works for Washington University in St. Louis from Jul, 2006 to Jun, 2016.	David K. LevineDavid Knudsen Levine (born c. 1955) is department of Economics and Robert Schuman Center for Advanced Study Joint Chair at the European University Institute; he is John H. Biggs Distinguished Professor of Economics Emeritus at Washington University in St. Louis. His research includes the study of intellectual property and endogenous growth in dynamic general equilibrium models, the endogenous formation of preferences, social norms and institutions, learning in games, and game theory applications to experimental economics.At UCLA, Levine obtained a B.A. in mathematics in 1977, and an M.A. in economics in the same year. He was awarded a Ph.D. in economics at MIT in June 1981. He became an assistant professor of economics at UCLA in July 1981, an associate professor of economics at the University of Minnesota in 1987, and a professor of economics at UCLA in the same year. In 1997 he became the Armen Alchian Professor of Economics at UCLA. In 2006 he moved to Washington University in St. Louis, where he became the John H. Biggs Distinguished Professor of Economics.Levine was the coeditor of the "Review of Economic Dynamics" from November 1996 to June 2001, and of "Econometrica" from July 2003 to June 2008. He presided the Society for Economic Dynamics from July 2006 to June 2009.Levine is a Fellow of the Econometric Society since 1989 and a research associate at NBER since 2006.David K. Levine conducts ongoing research in general equilibrium theory, focusing specifically on growth theory, innovation, and intellectual property. Collaborating with Michele Boldrin, Levine examines the role of increasing returns in growth and innovation. They posit that little evidence exists for increasing returns at the aggregate level, and thus argue that there is no reason to believe that increasing returns play an important role in growth. This theory concludes that existing claims for the necessity of intellectual property in the process of growth and innovation are greatly exaggerated.Levine also conducts research in the field of dynamic games. He established with Drew Fudenberg that a long-lived player playing in opposition to short-lived players can substitute reputation for commitment. He developed with Eric Maskin the first "folk theorem" for games in which players do not directly observe each other's decisions, with applications for learning in games. They argued that while learning theories cannot provide detailed descriptions of non-equilibrium behavior, they act as a useful tool in understanding which equilibria are likely to emerge. One example of this, they put forward, explains how superstitions survive in the face of rational learning.Levine currently studies the endogenous formation of preferences and social norms. His analysis of experimental anomalies explores some of the limitations of the standard economic model of self-interested individuals.	[ "University of California, Los Angeles", "University of Minnesota" ]
Which employer did David K. Levine work for in 2013-12-03?	December 03, 2013	{ "text": [ "Washington University in St. Louis", "European University Institute" ] }	L2_Q5235801_P108_2	David K. Levine works for University of California, Los Angeles from Jul, 1988 to Jun, 2006. David K. Levine works for European University Institute from Sep, 2013 to Dec, 2022. David K. Levine works for University of Minnesota from Sep, 1987 to Jun, 1988. David K. Levine works for Washington University in St. Louis from Jul, 2006 to Jun, 2016.	David K. LevineDavid Knudsen Levine (born c. 1955) is department of Economics and Robert Schuman Center for Advanced Study Joint Chair at the European University Institute; he is John H. Biggs Distinguished Professor of Economics Emeritus at Washington University in St. Louis. His research includes the study of intellectual property and endogenous growth in dynamic general equilibrium models, the endogenous formation of preferences, social norms and institutions, learning in games, and game theory applications to experimental economics.At UCLA, Levine obtained a B.A. in mathematics in 1977, and an M.A. in economics in the same year. He was awarded a Ph.D. in economics at MIT in June 1981. He became an assistant professor of economics at UCLA in July 1981, an associate professor of economics at the University of Minnesota in 1987, and a professor of economics at UCLA in the same year. In 1997 he became the Armen Alchian Professor of Economics at UCLA. In 2006 he moved to Washington University in St. Louis, where he became the John H. Biggs Distinguished Professor of Economics.Levine was the coeditor of the "Review of Economic Dynamics" from November 1996 to June 2001, and of "Econometrica" from July 2003 to June 2008. He presided the Society for Economic Dynamics from July 2006 to June 2009.Levine is a Fellow of the Econometric Society since 1989 and a research associate at NBER since 2006.David K. Levine conducts ongoing research in general equilibrium theory, focusing specifically on growth theory, innovation, and intellectual property. Collaborating with Michele Boldrin, Levine examines the role of increasing returns in growth and innovation. They posit that little evidence exists for increasing returns at the aggregate level, and thus argue that there is no reason to believe that increasing returns play an important role in growth. This theory concludes that existing claims for the necessity of intellectual property in the process of growth and innovation are greatly exaggerated.Levine also conducts research in the field of dynamic games. He established with Drew Fudenberg that a long-lived player playing in opposition to short-lived players can substitute reputation for commitment. He developed with Eric Maskin the first "folk theorem" for games in which players do not directly observe each other's decisions, with applications for learning in games. They argued that while learning theories cannot provide detailed descriptions of non-equilibrium behavior, they act as a useful tool in understanding which equilibria are likely to emerge. One example of this, they put forward, explains how superstitions survive in the face of rational learning.Levine currently studies the endogenous formation of preferences and social norms. His analysis of experimental anomalies explores some of the limitations of the standard economic model of self-interested individuals.	[ "University of California, Los Angeles", "University of Minnesota" ]
Which employer did David K. Levine work for in 03/12/2013?	December 03, 2013	{ "text": [ "Washington University in St. Louis", "European University Institute" ] }	L2_Q5235801_P108_2	David K. Levine works for University of California, Los Angeles from Jul, 1988 to Jun, 2006. David K. Levine works for European University Institute from Sep, 2013 to Dec, 2022. David K. Levine works for University of Minnesota from Sep, 1987 to Jun, 1988. David K. Levine works for Washington University in St. Louis from Jul, 2006 to Jun, 2016.	David K. LevineDavid Knudsen Levine (born c. 1955) is department of Economics and Robert Schuman Center for Advanced Study Joint Chair at the European University Institute; he is John H. Biggs Distinguished Professor of Economics Emeritus at Washington University in St. Louis. His research includes the study of intellectual property and endogenous growth in dynamic general equilibrium models, the endogenous formation of preferences, social norms and institutions, learning in games, and game theory applications to experimental economics.At UCLA, Levine obtained a B.A. in mathematics in 1977, and an M.A. in economics in the same year. He was awarded a Ph.D. in economics at MIT in June 1981. He became an assistant professor of economics at UCLA in July 1981, an associate professor of economics at the University of Minnesota in 1987, and a professor of economics at UCLA in the same year. In 1997 he became the Armen Alchian Professor of Economics at UCLA. In 2006 he moved to Washington University in St. Louis, where he became the John H. Biggs Distinguished Professor of Economics.Levine was the coeditor of the "Review of Economic Dynamics" from November 1996 to June 2001, and of "Econometrica" from July 2003 to June 2008. He presided the Society for Economic Dynamics from July 2006 to June 2009.Levine is a Fellow of the Econometric Society since 1989 and a research associate at NBER since 2006.David K. Levine conducts ongoing research in general equilibrium theory, focusing specifically on growth theory, innovation, and intellectual property. Collaborating with Michele Boldrin, Levine examines the role of increasing returns in growth and innovation. They posit that little evidence exists for increasing returns at the aggregate level, and thus argue that there is no reason to believe that increasing returns play an important role in growth. This theory concludes that existing claims for the necessity of intellectual property in the process of growth and innovation are greatly exaggerated.Levine also conducts research in the field of dynamic games. He established with Drew Fudenberg that a long-lived player playing in opposition to short-lived players can substitute reputation for commitment. He developed with Eric Maskin the first "folk theorem" for games in which players do not directly observe each other's decisions, with applications for learning in games. They argued that while learning theories cannot provide detailed descriptions of non-equilibrium behavior, they act as a useful tool in understanding which equilibria are likely to emerge. One example of this, they put forward, explains how superstitions survive in the face of rational learning.Levine currently studies the endogenous formation of preferences and social norms. His analysis of experimental anomalies explores some of the limitations of the standard economic model of self-interested individuals.	[ "University of California, Los Angeles", "University of Minnesota" ]
Which employer did David K. Levine work for in Dec 03, 2013?	December 03, 2013	{ "text": [ "Washington University in St. Louis", "European University Institute" ] }	L2_Q5235801_P108_2	David K. Levine works for University of California, Los Angeles from Jul, 1988 to Jun, 2006. David K. Levine works for European University Institute from Sep, 2013 to Dec, 2022. David K. Levine works for University of Minnesota from Sep, 1987 to Jun, 1988. David K. Levine works for Washington University in St. Louis from Jul, 2006 to Jun, 2016.	David K. LevineDavid Knudsen Levine (born c. 1955) is department of Economics and Robert Schuman Center for Advanced Study Joint Chair at the European University Institute; he is John H. Biggs Distinguished Professor of Economics Emeritus at Washington University in St. Louis. His research includes the study of intellectual property and endogenous growth in dynamic general equilibrium models, the endogenous formation of preferences, social norms and institutions, learning in games, and game theory applications to experimental economics.At UCLA, Levine obtained a B.A. in mathematics in 1977, and an M.A. in economics in the same year. He was awarded a Ph.D. in economics at MIT in June 1981. He became an assistant professor of economics at UCLA in July 1981, an associate professor of economics at the University of Minnesota in 1987, and a professor of economics at UCLA in the same year. In 1997 he became the Armen Alchian Professor of Economics at UCLA. In 2006 he moved to Washington University in St. Louis, where he became the John H. Biggs Distinguished Professor of Economics.Levine was the coeditor of the "Review of Economic Dynamics" from November 1996 to June 2001, and of "Econometrica" from July 2003 to June 2008. He presided the Society for Economic Dynamics from July 2006 to June 2009.Levine is a Fellow of the Econometric Society since 1989 and a research associate at NBER since 2006.David K. Levine conducts ongoing research in general equilibrium theory, focusing specifically on growth theory, innovation, and intellectual property. Collaborating with Michele Boldrin, Levine examines the role of increasing returns in growth and innovation. They posit that little evidence exists for increasing returns at the aggregate level, and thus argue that there is no reason to believe that increasing returns play an important role in growth. This theory concludes that existing claims for the necessity of intellectual property in the process of growth and innovation are greatly exaggerated.Levine also conducts research in the field of dynamic games. He established with Drew Fudenberg that a long-lived player playing in opposition to short-lived players can substitute reputation for commitment. He developed with Eric Maskin the first "folk theorem" for games in which players do not directly observe each other's decisions, with applications for learning in games. They argued that while learning theories cannot provide detailed descriptions of non-equilibrium behavior, they act as a useful tool in understanding which equilibria are likely to emerge. One example of this, they put forward, explains how superstitions survive in the face of rational learning.Levine currently studies the endogenous formation of preferences and social norms. His analysis of experimental anomalies explores some of the limitations of the standard economic model of self-interested individuals.	[ "University of California, Los Angeles", "University of Minnesota" ]
Which employer did David K. Levine work for in 12/03/2013?	December 03, 2013	{ "text": [ "Washington University in St. Louis", "European University Institute" ] }	L2_Q5235801_P108_2	David K. Levine works for University of California, Los Angeles from Jul, 1988 to Jun, 2006. David K. Levine works for European University Institute from Sep, 2013 to Dec, 2022. David K. Levine works for University of Minnesota from Sep, 1987 to Jun, 1988. David K. Levine works for Washington University in St. Louis from Jul, 2006 to Jun, 2016.	David K. LevineDavid Knudsen Levine (born c. 1955) is department of Economics and Robert Schuman Center for Advanced Study Joint Chair at the European University Institute; he is John H. Biggs Distinguished Professor of Economics Emeritus at Washington University in St. Louis. His research includes the study of intellectual property and endogenous growth in dynamic general equilibrium models, the endogenous formation of preferences, social norms and institutions, learning in games, and game theory applications to experimental economics.At UCLA, Levine obtained a B.A. in mathematics in 1977, and an M.A. in economics in the same year. He was awarded a Ph.D. in economics at MIT in June 1981. He became an assistant professor of economics at UCLA in July 1981, an associate professor of economics at the University of Minnesota in 1987, and a professor of economics at UCLA in the same year. In 1997 he became the Armen Alchian Professor of Economics at UCLA. In 2006 he moved to Washington University in St. Louis, where he became the John H. Biggs Distinguished Professor of Economics.Levine was the coeditor of the "Review of Economic Dynamics" from November 1996 to June 2001, and of "Econometrica" from July 2003 to June 2008. He presided the Society for Economic Dynamics from July 2006 to June 2009.Levine is a Fellow of the Econometric Society since 1989 and a research associate at NBER since 2006.David K. Levine conducts ongoing research in general equilibrium theory, focusing specifically on growth theory, innovation, and intellectual property. Collaborating with Michele Boldrin, Levine examines the role of increasing returns in growth and innovation. They posit that little evidence exists for increasing returns at the aggregate level, and thus argue that there is no reason to believe that increasing returns play an important role in growth. This theory concludes that existing claims for the necessity of intellectual property in the process of growth and innovation are greatly exaggerated.Levine also conducts research in the field of dynamic games. He established with Drew Fudenberg that a long-lived player playing in opposition to short-lived players can substitute reputation for commitment. He developed with Eric Maskin the first "folk theorem" for games in which players do not directly observe each other's decisions, with applications for learning in games. They argued that while learning theories cannot provide detailed descriptions of non-equilibrium behavior, they act as a useful tool in understanding which equilibria are likely to emerge. One example of this, they put forward, explains how superstitions survive in the face of rational learning.Levine currently studies the endogenous formation of preferences and social norms. His analysis of experimental anomalies explores some of the limitations of the standard economic model of self-interested individuals.	[ "University of California, Los Angeles", "University of Minnesota" ]
Which employer did David K. Levine work for in 03-Dec-201303-December-2013?	December 03, 2013	{ "text": [ "Washington University in St. Louis", "European University Institute" ] }	L2_Q5235801_P108_2	David K. Levine works for University of California, Los Angeles from Jul, 1988 to Jun, 2006. David K. Levine works for European University Institute from Sep, 2013 to Dec, 2022. David K. Levine works for University of Minnesota from Sep, 1987 to Jun, 1988. David K. Levine works for Washington University in St. Louis from Jul, 2006 to Jun, 2016.	David K. LevineDavid Knudsen Levine (born c. 1955) is department of Economics and Robert Schuman Center for Advanced Study Joint Chair at the European University Institute; he is John H. Biggs Distinguished Professor of Economics Emeritus at Washington University in St. Louis. His research includes the study of intellectual property and endogenous growth in dynamic general equilibrium models, the endogenous formation of preferences, social norms and institutions, learning in games, and game theory applications to experimental economics.At UCLA, Levine obtained a B.A. in mathematics in 1977, and an M.A. in economics in the same year. He was awarded a Ph.D. in economics at MIT in June 1981. He became an assistant professor of economics at UCLA in July 1981, an associate professor of economics at the University of Minnesota in 1987, and a professor of economics at UCLA in the same year. In 1997 he became the Armen Alchian Professor of Economics at UCLA. In 2006 he moved to Washington University in St. Louis, where he became the John H. Biggs Distinguished Professor of Economics.Levine was the coeditor of the "Review of Economic Dynamics" from November 1996 to June 2001, and of "Econometrica" from July 2003 to June 2008. He presided the Society for Economic Dynamics from July 2006 to June 2009.Levine is a Fellow of the Econometric Society since 1989 and a research associate at NBER since 2006.David K. Levine conducts ongoing research in general equilibrium theory, focusing specifically on growth theory, innovation, and intellectual property. Collaborating with Michele Boldrin, Levine examines the role of increasing returns in growth and innovation. They posit that little evidence exists for increasing returns at the aggregate level, and thus argue that there is no reason to believe that increasing returns play an important role in growth. This theory concludes that existing claims for the necessity of intellectual property in the process of growth and innovation are greatly exaggerated.Levine also conducts research in the field of dynamic games. He established with Drew Fudenberg that a long-lived player playing in opposition to short-lived players can substitute reputation for commitment. He developed with Eric Maskin the first "folk theorem" for games in which players do not directly observe each other's decisions, with applications for learning in games. They argued that while learning theories cannot provide detailed descriptions of non-equilibrium behavior, they act as a useful tool in understanding which equilibria are likely to emerge. One example of this, they put forward, explains how superstitions survive in the face of rational learning.Levine currently studies the endogenous formation of preferences and social norms. His analysis of experimental anomalies explores some of the limitations of the standard economic model of self-interested individuals.	[ "University of California, Los Angeles", "University of Minnesota" ]
Which team did Michele Cossato play for in Jun, 2001?	June 16, 2001	{ "text": [ "Hellas Verona F.C." ] }	L2_Q3856568_P54_6	Michele Cossato plays for Venezia F.C. from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1998. Michele Cossato plays for S.S.D. Domegliara from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008. Michele Cossato plays for Padania national football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008. Michele Cossato plays for A.S.D. S.B.C. Oltrepò from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990. Michele Cossato plays for Hellas Verona F.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2003. Michele Cossato plays for A.C. Perugia Calcio from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1991. Michele Cossato plays for A.C. ChievoVerona from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1997. Michele Cossato plays for Football Club Atletico Montichiari from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006. Michele Cossato plays for Atalanta B.C. from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2000. Michele Cossato plays for ACF Fiorentina from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2004. Michele Cossato plays for A.C.D. Trissino-Valdagno from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1988. Michele Cossato plays for Associazione Sportiva Cittadella from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2004.	Michele CossatoMichele Cossato (born 28 April 1970 in Milan) is an Italian former professional footballer who last played as a striker for Domegliara, a team that was competing in Serie D of the Italian football league system. He is the brother of fellow former footballer Federico Cossato.His first achievements in football took place in Verona, where he grew up. He played for both of the major Veronese teams Chievo Verona and Hellas Verona.Michele Cossato's long football career began in the 1986–87 football season, when, although he was still very young, he joined A.C. ChievoVerona. During that year the team moved down to Serie C2. He was then sold to Valdagno, to get experience in playing for the Interregional Championship (the current Serie D). With the team of the Province of Vicenza he scored 4 goals in 19 matches. In the 1988–1989 Championship he returned to Chievo, and was part of the team's most triumphant season (which resulted in their promotion to Serie C1). In the summer of 1990 he was lent to Oltrepò and then to A.C. Perugia, in Serie C1. In the 8 matches he played, no goals were scored. In the season 1991–1992 the Chievo decided to keep the player, whose season has unfortunately not been memorable: in fact, he played 3 matches without scoring a goal.The 1992–93 Serie C1 enshrines the mature of Cossato, who is noted by scoring 5 goals in 25 matches. The following season, with its 8 goals in 28 matches, gives a fundamental contribution to the promotion of Chievo in Serie B. In the three years as a cadet played for Chievo, he confirmed himself as a prolific striker (28 goals scored in 104 matches). Become a key player for the team, he meant salvation for his team in 1994 and in 1995 as well. In the 1996–1997 season, the one in which Chievo almost got a promotion in Serie A, he established along with Raffaele Cerbone one of several pairs of the League (32 total goals). At the end of the season he left Chievo, together with the trainer Malesani, another big maker of the then excellent championship team.After the long and successful period with Chievo, Cossato went to A.C. Venezia, which strongly fought to obtain the promotion in Serie A. The promotion is very positive for both the player and his team. The worship of the success of the so-called Lagoon (reference to Venice) is largely attributable to the couple of attack formed by Schwoch (17 goals) and Cossato (11 goals). In the season 1998–1999 he had the opportunity to play in Serie A, but being not included in the plans of the team he didn't make its debut in the championship. In October he was signed by Atalanta Bergamasca Calcio. In his period in Bergamo, Cossato, due to several physical problems, wasn't able to express himself at best and to meet the high expectations placed on him.During the month of January 2000 he went back to Verona, this time to play with the team of Hellas. On 6 February 2000 he made his debut in Serie A (playing Verona – Fiorentina, ended with a 2–2). The year ended with no goals scored by Cossato. The precarious physical condition allowed him to play only a few times in season 2000–2001 (14 matches, 2 goals). Indeed, on June 24, 2001, during the play-off return to escape relegation in Serie B between Reggina and Hellas Verona, he put off a goal which meant salvation for the team. This made him extremely popular among supporters of Verona.Cossato has been nicknamed "Super Mike" and in his honor several gadgets have been created.In the first Derby in Serie A with Chievo some physical problems continued to prevent him by a continuous use (7 presences, 1 goal). At the end of the season, Hellas retroceded in the Serie B.In his last season with the team, the attacker scored 3 goals in 22 league appearances.After the period with the Verona, Cossato was bought by ACF Fiorentina in September 2003.The trainer saw him as the expert attacker who could give a valuable contribution for the immediate return of the team in Serie A. However, the experience of Cossato with the team of Florence is anything but memorable. Between the beginning of the championship in January he played only a few minutes and didn't score any goal. Thus, with the beginning of 2004, he moved to Cittadella, in Serie C1.Even with the Veneto team he failed to make better (10 presences, no goals). In 2004, the player signed the offer of Montichiari, playing in Serie C2. The first season with Lombard team was very positive. The player, in fact, went back to his goal continuity (15 goals in 27 presences) becoming a player of primary importance for his team.The championship 2005–2006 was Cossato's last among professionals. He scored 2 goals.In the summer of 2006 he accepted the proposal by Claudio Paiola, ambitious president of Domegliara, training veronese of Valpolicella. He had therefore the possibility of closing his career close to home and at the same time, to make a good contribution in terms of experience to his new team, which had as its objective the jump in Serie D. In 2007, the Domegliara won the championship of Excellence gaining promotion. Cossato fell 16 times in two marking networks. He remained in the next season of Serie D player on the staff headed by Paolo Vanoli.In the summer of 2008 was reached by his brother Federico, but the permanence of both lasted only a few months and in December received the consensual termination of the contract.At the beginning of June 2008, Cossato advocated to the ideals Po Valley and announced its aggregation row in the selection of Padania football team to tackle the 2008 edition of Viva World Cup, World Cup between national NF-Board and not recognised by FIFA, along with his brother Federico.	[ "Padania national football team", "A.C.D. Trissino-Valdagno", "Football Club Atletico Montichiari", "A.C. Perugia Calcio", "A.C. ChievoVerona", "Associazione Sportiva Cittadella", "ACF Fiorentina", "S.S.D. Domegliara", "Venezia F.C.", "Atalanta B.C.", "A.S.D. S.B.C. Oltrepò" ]
Which team did Michele Cossato play for in 2001-06-16?	June 16, 2001	{ "text": [ "Hellas Verona F.C." ] }	L2_Q3856568_P54_6	Michele Cossato plays for Venezia F.C. from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1998. Michele Cossato plays for S.S.D. Domegliara from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008. Michele Cossato plays for Padania national football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008. Michele Cossato plays for A.S.D. S.B.C. Oltrepò from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990. Michele Cossato plays for Hellas Verona F.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2003. Michele Cossato plays for A.C. Perugia Calcio from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1991. Michele Cossato plays for A.C. ChievoVerona from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1997. Michele Cossato plays for Football Club Atletico Montichiari from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006. Michele Cossato plays for Atalanta B.C. from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2000. Michele Cossato plays for ACF Fiorentina from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2004. Michele Cossato plays for A.C.D. Trissino-Valdagno from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1988. Michele Cossato plays for Associazione Sportiva Cittadella from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2004.	Michele CossatoMichele Cossato (born 28 April 1970 in Milan) is an Italian former professional footballer who last played as a striker for Domegliara, a team that was competing in Serie D of the Italian football league system. He is the brother of fellow former footballer Federico Cossato.His first achievements in football took place in Verona, where he grew up. He played for both of the major Veronese teams Chievo Verona and Hellas Verona.Michele Cossato's long football career began in the 1986–87 football season, when, although he was still very young, he joined A.C. ChievoVerona. During that year the team moved down to Serie C2. He was then sold to Valdagno, to get experience in playing for the Interregional Championship (the current Serie D). With the team of the Province of Vicenza he scored 4 goals in 19 matches. In the 1988–1989 Championship he returned to Chievo, and was part of the team's most triumphant season (which resulted in their promotion to Serie C1). In the summer of 1990 he was lent to Oltrepò and then to A.C. Perugia, in Serie C1. In the 8 matches he played, no goals were scored. In the season 1991–1992 the Chievo decided to keep the player, whose season has unfortunately not been memorable: in fact, he played 3 matches without scoring a goal.The 1992–93 Serie C1 enshrines the mature of Cossato, who is noted by scoring 5 goals in 25 matches. The following season, with its 8 goals in 28 matches, gives a fundamental contribution to the promotion of Chievo in Serie B. In the three years as a cadet played for Chievo, he confirmed himself as a prolific striker (28 goals scored in 104 matches). Become a key player for the team, he meant salvation for his team in 1994 and in 1995 as well. In the 1996–1997 season, the one in which Chievo almost got a promotion in Serie A, he established along with Raffaele Cerbone one of several pairs of the League (32 total goals). At the end of the season he left Chievo, together with the trainer Malesani, another big maker of the then excellent championship team.After the long and successful period with Chievo, Cossato went to A.C. Venezia, which strongly fought to obtain the promotion in Serie A. The promotion is very positive for both the player and his team. The worship of the success of the so-called Lagoon (reference to Venice) is largely attributable to the couple of attack formed by Schwoch (17 goals) and Cossato (11 goals). In the season 1998–1999 he had the opportunity to play in Serie A, but being not included in the plans of the team he didn't make its debut in the championship. In October he was signed by Atalanta Bergamasca Calcio. In his period in Bergamo, Cossato, due to several physical problems, wasn't able to express himself at best and to meet the high expectations placed on him.During the month of January 2000 he went back to Verona, this time to play with the team of Hellas. On 6 February 2000 he made his debut in Serie A (playing Verona – Fiorentina, ended with a 2–2). The year ended with no goals scored by Cossato. The precarious physical condition allowed him to play only a few times in season 2000–2001 (14 matches, 2 goals). Indeed, on June 24, 2001, during the play-off return to escape relegation in Serie B between Reggina and Hellas Verona, he put off a goal which meant salvation for the team. This made him extremely popular among supporters of Verona.Cossato has been nicknamed "Super Mike" and in his honor several gadgets have been created.In the first Derby in Serie A with Chievo some physical problems continued to prevent him by a continuous use (7 presences, 1 goal). At the end of the season, Hellas retroceded in the Serie B.In his last season with the team, the attacker scored 3 goals in 22 league appearances.After the period with the Verona, Cossato was bought by ACF Fiorentina in September 2003.The trainer saw him as the expert attacker who could give a valuable contribution for the immediate return of the team in Serie A. However, the experience of Cossato with the team of Florence is anything but memorable. Between the beginning of the championship in January he played only a few minutes and didn't score any goal. Thus, with the beginning of 2004, he moved to Cittadella, in Serie C1.Even with the Veneto team he failed to make better (10 presences, no goals). In 2004, the player signed the offer of Montichiari, playing in Serie C2. The first season with Lombard team was very positive. The player, in fact, went back to his goal continuity (15 goals in 27 presences) becoming a player of primary importance for his team.The championship 2005–2006 was Cossato's last among professionals. He scored 2 goals.In the summer of 2006 he accepted the proposal by Claudio Paiola, ambitious president of Domegliara, training veronese of Valpolicella. He had therefore the possibility of closing his career close to home and at the same time, to make a good contribution in terms of experience to his new team, which had as its objective the jump in Serie D. In 2007, the Domegliara won the championship of Excellence gaining promotion. Cossato fell 16 times in two marking networks. He remained in the next season of Serie D player on the staff headed by Paolo Vanoli.In the summer of 2008 was reached by his brother Federico, but the permanence of both lasted only a few months and in December received the consensual termination of the contract.At the beginning of June 2008, Cossato advocated to the ideals Po Valley and announced its aggregation row in the selection of Padania football team to tackle the 2008 edition of Viva World Cup, World Cup between national NF-Board and not recognised by FIFA, along with his brother Federico.	[ "Padania national football team", "A.C.D. Trissino-Valdagno", "Football Club Atletico Montichiari", "A.C. Perugia Calcio", "A.C. ChievoVerona", "Associazione Sportiva Cittadella", "ACF Fiorentina", "S.S.D. Domegliara", "Venezia F.C.", "Atalanta B.C.", "A.S.D. S.B.C. Oltrepò" ]
Which team did Michele Cossato play for in 16/06/2001?	June 16, 2001	{ "text": [ "Hellas Verona F.C." ] }	L2_Q3856568_P54_6	Michele Cossato plays for Venezia F.C. from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1998. Michele Cossato plays for S.S.D. Domegliara from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008. Michele Cossato plays for Padania national football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008. Michele Cossato plays for A.S.D. S.B.C. Oltrepò from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990. Michele Cossato plays for Hellas Verona F.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2003. Michele Cossato plays for A.C. Perugia Calcio from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1991. Michele Cossato plays for A.C. ChievoVerona from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1997. Michele Cossato plays for Football Club Atletico Montichiari from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006. Michele Cossato plays for Atalanta B.C. from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2000. Michele Cossato plays for ACF Fiorentina from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2004. Michele Cossato plays for A.C.D. Trissino-Valdagno from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1988. Michele Cossato plays for Associazione Sportiva Cittadella from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2004.	Michele CossatoMichele Cossato (born 28 April 1970 in Milan) is an Italian former professional footballer who last played as a striker for Domegliara, a team that was competing in Serie D of the Italian football league system. He is the brother of fellow former footballer Federico Cossato.His first achievements in football took place in Verona, where he grew up. He played for both of the major Veronese teams Chievo Verona and Hellas Verona.Michele Cossato's long football career began in the 1986–87 football season, when, although he was still very young, he joined A.C. ChievoVerona. During that year the team moved down to Serie C2. He was then sold to Valdagno, to get experience in playing for the Interregional Championship (the current Serie D). With the team of the Province of Vicenza he scored 4 goals in 19 matches. In the 1988–1989 Championship he returned to Chievo, and was part of the team's most triumphant season (which resulted in their promotion to Serie C1). In the summer of 1990 he was lent to Oltrepò and then to A.C. Perugia, in Serie C1. In the 8 matches he played, no goals were scored. In the season 1991–1992 the Chievo decided to keep the player, whose season has unfortunately not been memorable: in fact, he played 3 matches without scoring a goal.The 1992–93 Serie C1 enshrines the mature of Cossato, who is noted by scoring 5 goals in 25 matches. The following season, with its 8 goals in 28 matches, gives a fundamental contribution to the promotion of Chievo in Serie B. In the three years as a cadet played for Chievo, he confirmed himself as a prolific striker (28 goals scored in 104 matches). Become a key player for the team, he meant salvation for his team in 1994 and in 1995 as well. In the 1996–1997 season, the one in which Chievo almost got a promotion in Serie A, he established along with Raffaele Cerbone one of several pairs of the League (32 total goals). At the end of the season he left Chievo, together with the trainer Malesani, another big maker of the then excellent championship team.After the long and successful period with Chievo, Cossato went to A.C. Venezia, which strongly fought to obtain the promotion in Serie A. The promotion is very positive for both the player and his team. The worship of the success of the so-called Lagoon (reference to Venice) is largely attributable to the couple of attack formed by Schwoch (17 goals) and Cossato (11 goals). In the season 1998–1999 he had the opportunity to play in Serie A, but being not included in the plans of the team he didn't make its debut in the championship. In October he was signed by Atalanta Bergamasca Calcio. In his period in Bergamo, Cossato, due to several physical problems, wasn't able to express himself at best and to meet the high expectations placed on him.During the month of January 2000 he went back to Verona, this time to play with the team of Hellas. On 6 February 2000 he made his debut in Serie A (playing Verona – Fiorentina, ended with a 2–2). The year ended with no goals scored by Cossato. The precarious physical condition allowed him to play only a few times in season 2000–2001 (14 matches, 2 goals). Indeed, on June 24, 2001, during the play-off return to escape relegation in Serie B between Reggina and Hellas Verona, he put off a goal which meant salvation for the team. This made him extremely popular among supporters of Verona.Cossato has been nicknamed "Super Mike" and in his honor several gadgets have been created.In the first Derby in Serie A with Chievo some physical problems continued to prevent him by a continuous use (7 presences, 1 goal). At the end of the season, Hellas retroceded in the Serie B.In his last season with the team, the attacker scored 3 goals in 22 league appearances.After the period with the Verona, Cossato was bought by ACF Fiorentina in September 2003.The trainer saw him as the expert attacker who could give a valuable contribution for the immediate return of the team in Serie A. However, the experience of Cossato with the team of Florence is anything but memorable. Between the beginning of the championship in January he played only a few minutes and didn't score any goal. Thus, with the beginning of 2004, he moved to Cittadella, in Serie C1.Even with the Veneto team he failed to make better (10 presences, no goals). In 2004, the player signed the offer of Montichiari, playing in Serie C2. The first season with Lombard team was very positive. The player, in fact, went back to his goal continuity (15 goals in 27 presences) becoming a player of primary importance for his team.The championship 2005–2006 was Cossato's last among professionals. He scored 2 goals.In the summer of 2006 he accepted the proposal by Claudio Paiola, ambitious president of Domegliara, training veronese of Valpolicella. He had therefore the possibility of closing his career close to home and at the same time, to make a good contribution in terms of experience to his new team, which had as its objective the jump in Serie D. In 2007, the Domegliara won the championship of Excellence gaining promotion. Cossato fell 16 times in two marking networks. He remained in the next season of Serie D player on the staff headed by Paolo Vanoli.In the summer of 2008 was reached by his brother Federico, but the permanence of both lasted only a few months and in December received the consensual termination of the contract.At the beginning of June 2008, Cossato advocated to the ideals Po Valley and announced its aggregation row in the selection of Padania football team to tackle the 2008 edition of Viva World Cup, World Cup between national NF-Board and not recognised by FIFA, along with his brother Federico.	[ "Padania national football team", "A.C.D. Trissino-Valdagno", "Football Club Atletico Montichiari", "A.C. Perugia Calcio", "A.C. ChievoVerona", "Associazione Sportiva Cittadella", "ACF Fiorentina", "S.S.D. Domegliara", "Venezia F.C.", "Atalanta B.C.", "A.S.D. S.B.C. Oltrepò" ]
Which team did Michele Cossato play for in Jun 16, 2001?	June 16, 2001	{ "text": [ "Hellas Verona F.C." ] }	L2_Q3856568_P54_6	Michele Cossato plays for Venezia F.C. from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1998. Michele Cossato plays for S.S.D. Domegliara from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008. Michele Cossato plays for Padania national football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008. Michele Cossato plays for A.S.D. S.B.C. Oltrepò from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990. Michele Cossato plays for Hellas Verona F.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2003. Michele Cossato plays for A.C. Perugia Calcio from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1991. Michele Cossato plays for A.C. ChievoVerona from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1997. Michele Cossato plays for Football Club Atletico Montichiari from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006. Michele Cossato plays for Atalanta B.C. from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2000. Michele Cossato plays for ACF Fiorentina from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2004. Michele Cossato plays for A.C.D. Trissino-Valdagno from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1988. Michele Cossato plays for Associazione Sportiva Cittadella from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2004.	Michele CossatoMichele Cossato (born 28 April 1970 in Milan) is an Italian former professional footballer who last played as a striker for Domegliara, a team that was competing in Serie D of the Italian football league system. He is the brother of fellow former footballer Federico Cossato.His first achievements in football took place in Verona, where he grew up. He played for both of the major Veronese teams Chievo Verona and Hellas Verona.Michele Cossato's long football career began in the 1986–87 football season, when, although he was still very young, he joined A.C. ChievoVerona. During that year the team moved down to Serie C2. He was then sold to Valdagno, to get experience in playing for the Interregional Championship (the current Serie D). With the team of the Province of Vicenza he scored 4 goals in 19 matches. In the 1988–1989 Championship he returned to Chievo, and was part of the team's most triumphant season (which resulted in their promotion to Serie C1). In the summer of 1990 he was lent to Oltrepò and then to A.C. Perugia, in Serie C1. In the 8 matches he played, no goals were scored. In the season 1991–1992 the Chievo decided to keep the player, whose season has unfortunately not been memorable: in fact, he played 3 matches without scoring a goal.The 1992–93 Serie C1 enshrines the mature of Cossato, who is noted by scoring 5 goals in 25 matches. The following season, with its 8 goals in 28 matches, gives a fundamental contribution to the promotion of Chievo in Serie B. In the three years as a cadet played for Chievo, he confirmed himself as a prolific striker (28 goals scored in 104 matches). Become a key player for the team, he meant salvation for his team in 1994 and in 1995 as well. In the 1996–1997 season, the one in which Chievo almost got a promotion in Serie A, he established along with Raffaele Cerbone one of several pairs of the League (32 total goals). At the end of the season he left Chievo, together with the trainer Malesani, another big maker of the then excellent championship team.After the long and successful period with Chievo, Cossato went to A.C. Venezia, which strongly fought to obtain the promotion in Serie A. The promotion is very positive for both the player and his team. The worship of the success of the so-called Lagoon (reference to Venice) is largely attributable to the couple of attack formed by Schwoch (17 goals) and Cossato (11 goals). In the season 1998–1999 he had the opportunity to play in Serie A, but being not included in the plans of the team he didn't make its debut in the championship. In October he was signed by Atalanta Bergamasca Calcio. In his period in Bergamo, Cossato, due to several physical problems, wasn't able to express himself at best and to meet the high expectations placed on him.During the month of January 2000 he went back to Verona, this time to play with the team of Hellas. On 6 February 2000 he made his debut in Serie A (playing Verona – Fiorentina, ended with a 2–2). The year ended with no goals scored by Cossato. The precarious physical condition allowed him to play only a few times in season 2000–2001 (14 matches, 2 goals). Indeed, on June 24, 2001, during the play-off return to escape relegation in Serie B between Reggina and Hellas Verona, he put off a goal which meant salvation for the team. This made him extremely popular among supporters of Verona.Cossato has been nicknamed "Super Mike" and in his honor several gadgets have been created.In the first Derby in Serie A with Chievo some physical problems continued to prevent him by a continuous use (7 presences, 1 goal). At the end of the season, Hellas retroceded in the Serie B.In his last season with the team, the attacker scored 3 goals in 22 league appearances.After the period with the Verona, Cossato was bought by ACF Fiorentina in September 2003.The trainer saw him as the expert attacker who could give a valuable contribution for the immediate return of the team in Serie A. However, the experience of Cossato with the team of Florence is anything but memorable. Between the beginning of the championship in January he played only a few minutes and didn't score any goal. Thus, with the beginning of 2004, he moved to Cittadella, in Serie C1.Even with the Veneto team he failed to make better (10 presences, no goals). In 2004, the player signed the offer of Montichiari, playing in Serie C2. The first season with Lombard team was very positive. The player, in fact, went back to his goal continuity (15 goals in 27 presences) becoming a player of primary importance for his team.The championship 2005–2006 was Cossato's last among professionals. He scored 2 goals.In the summer of 2006 he accepted the proposal by Claudio Paiola, ambitious president of Domegliara, training veronese of Valpolicella. He had therefore the possibility of closing his career close to home and at the same time, to make a good contribution in terms of experience to his new team, which had as its objective the jump in Serie D. In 2007, the Domegliara won the championship of Excellence gaining promotion. Cossato fell 16 times in two marking networks. He remained in the next season of Serie D player on the staff headed by Paolo Vanoli.In the summer of 2008 was reached by his brother Federico, but the permanence of both lasted only a few months and in December received the consensual termination of the contract.At the beginning of June 2008, Cossato advocated to the ideals Po Valley and announced its aggregation row in the selection of Padania football team to tackle the 2008 edition of Viva World Cup, World Cup between national NF-Board and not recognised by FIFA, along with his brother Federico.	[ "Padania national football team", "A.C.D. Trissino-Valdagno", "Football Club Atletico Montichiari", "A.C. Perugia Calcio", "A.C. ChievoVerona", "Associazione Sportiva Cittadella", "ACF Fiorentina", "S.S.D. Domegliara", "Venezia F.C.", "Atalanta B.C.", "A.S.D. S.B.C. Oltrepò" ]
Which team did Michele Cossato play for in 06/16/2001?	June 16, 2001	{ "text": [ "Hellas Verona F.C." ] }	L2_Q3856568_P54_6	Michele Cossato plays for Venezia F.C. from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1998. Michele Cossato plays for S.S.D. Domegliara from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008. Michele Cossato plays for Padania national football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008. Michele Cossato plays for A.S.D. S.B.C. Oltrepò from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990. Michele Cossato plays for Hellas Verona F.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2003. Michele Cossato plays for A.C. Perugia Calcio from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1991. Michele Cossato plays for A.C. ChievoVerona from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1997. Michele Cossato plays for Football Club Atletico Montichiari from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006. Michele Cossato plays for Atalanta B.C. from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2000. Michele Cossato plays for ACF Fiorentina from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2004. Michele Cossato plays for A.C.D. Trissino-Valdagno from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1988. Michele Cossato plays for Associazione Sportiva Cittadella from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2004.	Michele CossatoMichele Cossato (born 28 April 1970 in Milan) is an Italian former professional footballer who last played as a striker for Domegliara, a team that was competing in Serie D of the Italian football league system. He is the brother of fellow former footballer Federico Cossato.His first achievements in football took place in Verona, where he grew up. He played for both of the major Veronese teams Chievo Verona and Hellas Verona.Michele Cossato's long football career began in the 1986–87 football season, when, although he was still very young, he joined A.C. ChievoVerona. During that year the team moved down to Serie C2. He was then sold to Valdagno, to get experience in playing for the Interregional Championship (the current Serie D). With the team of the Province of Vicenza he scored 4 goals in 19 matches. In the 1988–1989 Championship he returned to Chievo, and was part of the team's most triumphant season (which resulted in their promotion to Serie C1). In the summer of 1990 he was lent to Oltrepò and then to A.C. Perugia, in Serie C1. In the 8 matches he played, no goals were scored. In the season 1991–1992 the Chievo decided to keep the player, whose season has unfortunately not been memorable: in fact, he played 3 matches without scoring a goal.The 1992–93 Serie C1 enshrines the mature of Cossato, who is noted by scoring 5 goals in 25 matches. The following season, with its 8 goals in 28 matches, gives a fundamental contribution to the promotion of Chievo in Serie B. In the three years as a cadet played for Chievo, he confirmed himself as a prolific striker (28 goals scored in 104 matches). Become a key player for the team, he meant salvation for his team in 1994 and in 1995 as well. In the 1996–1997 season, the one in which Chievo almost got a promotion in Serie A, he established along with Raffaele Cerbone one of several pairs of the League (32 total goals). At the end of the season he left Chievo, together with the trainer Malesani, another big maker of the then excellent championship team.After the long and successful period with Chievo, Cossato went to A.C. Venezia, which strongly fought to obtain the promotion in Serie A. The promotion is very positive for both the player and his team. The worship of the success of the so-called Lagoon (reference to Venice) is largely attributable to the couple of attack formed by Schwoch (17 goals) and Cossato (11 goals). In the season 1998–1999 he had the opportunity to play in Serie A, but being not included in the plans of the team he didn't make its debut in the championship. In October he was signed by Atalanta Bergamasca Calcio. In his period in Bergamo, Cossato, due to several physical problems, wasn't able to express himself at best and to meet the high expectations placed on him.During the month of January 2000 he went back to Verona, this time to play with the team of Hellas. On 6 February 2000 he made his debut in Serie A (playing Verona – Fiorentina, ended with a 2–2). The year ended with no goals scored by Cossato. The precarious physical condition allowed him to play only a few times in season 2000–2001 (14 matches, 2 goals). Indeed, on June 24, 2001, during the play-off return to escape relegation in Serie B between Reggina and Hellas Verona, he put off a goal which meant salvation for the team. This made him extremely popular among supporters of Verona.Cossato has been nicknamed "Super Mike" and in his honor several gadgets have been created.In the first Derby in Serie A with Chievo some physical problems continued to prevent him by a continuous use (7 presences, 1 goal). At the end of the season, Hellas retroceded in the Serie B.In his last season with the team, the attacker scored 3 goals in 22 league appearances.After the period with the Verona, Cossato was bought by ACF Fiorentina in September 2003.The trainer saw him as the expert attacker who could give a valuable contribution for the immediate return of the team in Serie A. However, the experience of Cossato with the team of Florence is anything but memorable. Between the beginning of the championship in January he played only a few minutes and didn't score any goal. Thus, with the beginning of 2004, he moved to Cittadella, in Serie C1.Even with the Veneto team he failed to make better (10 presences, no goals). In 2004, the player signed the offer of Montichiari, playing in Serie C2. The first season with Lombard team was very positive. The player, in fact, went back to his goal continuity (15 goals in 27 presences) becoming a player of primary importance for his team.The championship 2005–2006 was Cossato's last among professionals. He scored 2 goals.In the summer of 2006 he accepted the proposal by Claudio Paiola, ambitious president of Domegliara, training veronese of Valpolicella. He had therefore the possibility of closing his career close to home and at the same time, to make a good contribution in terms of experience to his new team, which had as its objective the jump in Serie D. In 2007, the Domegliara won the championship of Excellence gaining promotion. Cossato fell 16 times in two marking networks. He remained in the next season of Serie D player on the staff headed by Paolo Vanoli.In the summer of 2008 was reached by his brother Federico, but the permanence of both lasted only a few months and in December received the consensual termination of the contract.At the beginning of June 2008, Cossato advocated to the ideals Po Valley and announced its aggregation row in the selection of Padania football team to tackle the 2008 edition of Viva World Cup, World Cup between national NF-Board and not recognised by FIFA, along with his brother Federico.	[ "Padania national football team", "A.C.D. Trissino-Valdagno", "Football Club Atletico Montichiari", "A.C. Perugia Calcio", "A.C. ChievoVerona", "Associazione Sportiva Cittadella", "ACF Fiorentina", "S.S.D. Domegliara", "Venezia F.C.", "Atalanta B.C.", "A.S.D. S.B.C. Oltrepò" ]
Which team did Michele Cossato play for in 16-Jun-200116-June-2001?	June 16, 2001	{ "text": [ "Hellas Verona F.C." ] }	L2_Q3856568_P54_6	Michele Cossato plays for Venezia F.C. from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1998. Michele Cossato plays for S.S.D. Domegliara from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008. Michele Cossato plays for Padania national football team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2008. Michele Cossato plays for A.S.D. S.B.C. Oltrepò from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1990. Michele Cossato plays for Hellas Verona F.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2003. Michele Cossato plays for A.C. Perugia Calcio from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1991. Michele Cossato plays for A.C. ChievoVerona from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1997. Michele Cossato plays for Football Club Atletico Montichiari from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006. Michele Cossato plays for Atalanta B.C. from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2000. Michele Cossato plays for ACF Fiorentina from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2004. Michele Cossato plays for A.C.D. Trissino-Valdagno from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1988. Michele Cossato plays for Associazione Sportiva Cittadella from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2004.	Michele CossatoMichele Cossato (born 28 April 1970 in Milan) is an Italian former professional footballer who last played as a striker for Domegliara, a team that was competing in Serie D of the Italian football league system. He is the brother of fellow former footballer Federico Cossato.His first achievements in football took place in Verona, where he grew up. He played for both of the major Veronese teams Chievo Verona and Hellas Verona.Michele Cossato's long football career began in the 1986–87 football season, when, although he was still very young, he joined A.C. ChievoVerona. During that year the team moved down to Serie C2. He was then sold to Valdagno, to get experience in playing for the Interregional Championship (the current Serie D). With the team of the Province of Vicenza he scored 4 goals in 19 matches. In the 1988–1989 Championship he returned to Chievo, and was part of the team's most triumphant season (which resulted in their promotion to Serie C1). In the summer of 1990 he was lent to Oltrepò and then to A.C. Perugia, in Serie C1. In the 8 matches he played, no goals were scored. In the season 1991–1992 the Chievo decided to keep the player, whose season has unfortunately not been memorable: in fact, he played 3 matches without scoring a goal.The 1992–93 Serie C1 enshrines the mature of Cossato, who is noted by scoring 5 goals in 25 matches. The following season, with its 8 goals in 28 matches, gives a fundamental contribution to the promotion of Chievo in Serie B. In the three years as a cadet played for Chievo, he confirmed himself as a prolific striker (28 goals scored in 104 matches). Become a key player for the team, he meant salvation for his team in 1994 and in 1995 as well. In the 1996–1997 season, the one in which Chievo almost got a promotion in Serie A, he established along with Raffaele Cerbone one of several pairs of the League (32 total goals). At the end of the season he left Chievo, together with the trainer Malesani, another big maker of the then excellent championship team.After the long and successful period with Chievo, Cossato went to A.C. Venezia, which strongly fought to obtain the promotion in Serie A. The promotion is very positive for both the player and his team. The worship of the success of the so-called Lagoon (reference to Venice) is largely attributable to the couple of attack formed by Schwoch (17 goals) and Cossato (11 goals). In the season 1998–1999 he had the opportunity to play in Serie A, but being not included in the plans of the team he didn't make its debut in the championship. In October he was signed by Atalanta Bergamasca Calcio. In his period in Bergamo, Cossato, due to several physical problems, wasn't able to express himself at best and to meet the high expectations placed on him.During the month of January 2000 he went back to Verona, this time to play with the team of Hellas. On 6 February 2000 he made his debut in Serie A (playing Verona – Fiorentina, ended with a 2–2). The year ended with no goals scored by Cossato. The precarious physical condition allowed him to play only a few times in season 2000–2001 (14 matches, 2 goals). Indeed, on June 24, 2001, during the play-off return to escape relegation in Serie B between Reggina and Hellas Verona, he put off a goal which meant salvation for the team. This made him extremely popular among supporters of Verona.Cossato has been nicknamed "Super Mike" and in his honor several gadgets have been created.In the first Derby in Serie A with Chievo some physical problems continued to prevent him by a continuous use (7 presences, 1 goal). At the end of the season, Hellas retroceded in the Serie B.In his last season with the team, the attacker scored 3 goals in 22 league appearances.After the period with the Verona, Cossato was bought by ACF Fiorentina in September 2003.The trainer saw him as the expert attacker who could give a valuable contribution for the immediate return of the team in Serie A. However, the experience of Cossato with the team of Florence is anything but memorable. Between the beginning of the championship in January he played only a few minutes and didn't score any goal. Thus, with the beginning of 2004, he moved to Cittadella, in Serie C1.Even with the Veneto team he failed to make better (10 presences, no goals). In 2004, the player signed the offer of Montichiari, playing in Serie C2. The first season with Lombard team was very positive. The player, in fact, went back to his goal continuity (15 goals in 27 presences) becoming a player of primary importance for his team.The championship 2005–2006 was Cossato's last among professionals. He scored 2 goals.In the summer of 2006 he accepted the proposal by Claudio Paiola, ambitious president of Domegliara, training veronese of Valpolicella. He had therefore the possibility of closing his career close to home and at the same time, to make a good contribution in terms of experience to his new team, which had as its objective the jump in Serie D. In 2007, the Domegliara won the championship of Excellence gaining promotion. Cossato fell 16 times in two marking networks. He remained in the next season of Serie D player on the staff headed by Paolo Vanoli.In the summer of 2008 was reached by his brother Federico, but the permanence of both lasted only a few months and in December received the consensual termination of the contract.At the beginning of June 2008, Cossato advocated to the ideals Po Valley and announced its aggregation row in the selection of Padania football team to tackle the 2008 edition of Viva World Cup, World Cup between national NF-Board and not recognised by FIFA, along with his brother Federico.	[ "Padania national football team", "A.C.D. Trissino-Valdagno", "Football Club Atletico Montichiari", "A.C. Perugia Calcio", "A.C. ChievoVerona", "Associazione Sportiva Cittadella", "ACF Fiorentina", "S.S.D. Domegliara", "Venezia F.C.", "Atalanta B.C.", "A.S.D. S.B.C. Oltrepò" ]
Which position did Stratton Mills hold in Mar, 1969?	March 29, 1969	{ "text": [ "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q7622269_P39_2	Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1973 to Feb, 1974. Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966.	Stratton MillsWilliam Stratton Mills (born 1 July 1932) is a retired solicitor and former politician in Northern Ireland.He was the first Member of Parliament (MP) for the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland to sit in the British House of Commons, until Naomi Long won Belfast East in 2010.The son of Dr V.J.S. Mills, CBE, RM, Mills was educated at Campbell College, Belfast and Queen's University, Belfast. A solicitor by profession, Mills was elected as the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) MP for Belfast North in the 1959 general election. He held his seat in subsequent elections, but in 1972 he refused to join the other UUP MPs in resigning the Conservative Party whip. He instead resigned from the UUP, describing himself as an independent Unionist and Conservative MP.In August 1969, at the outset of The Troubles, Mills travelled with Robin Bailie to the United States to counter the fund raising efforts of Bernadette Devlin, and to promote the Unionist point of view to an American audience.In 1973, Mills joined the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland. He retired from the House in 1974. He was also a partner in a solicitors firm, and currently serves on Northern Ireland's Historic Buildings Council. Mills is a member of the Ulster Architectural Heritage Society and the Irish Georgian Society. He lives in Malone Park, Belfast.	[ "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Stratton Mills hold in 1969-03-29?	March 29, 1969	{ "text": [ "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q7622269_P39_2	Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1973 to Feb, 1974. Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966.	Stratton MillsWilliam Stratton Mills (born 1 July 1932) is a retired solicitor and former politician in Northern Ireland.He was the first Member of Parliament (MP) for the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland to sit in the British House of Commons, until Naomi Long won Belfast East in 2010.The son of Dr V.J.S. Mills, CBE, RM, Mills was educated at Campbell College, Belfast and Queen's University, Belfast. A solicitor by profession, Mills was elected as the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) MP for Belfast North in the 1959 general election. He held his seat in subsequent elections, but in 1972 he refused to join the other UUP MPs in resigning the Conservative Party whip. He instead resigned from the UUP, describing himself as an independent Unionist and Conservative MP.In August 1969, at the outset of The Troubles, Mills travelled with Robin Bailie to the United States to counter the fund raising efforts of Bernadette Devlin, and to promote the Unionist point of view to an American audience.In 1973, Mills joined the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland. He retired from the House in 1974. He was also a partner in a solicitors firm, and currently serves on Northern Ireland's Historic Buildings Council. Mills is a member of the Ulster Architectural Heritage Society and the Irish Georgian Society. He lives in Malone Park, Belfast.	[ "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Stratton Mills hold in 29/03/1969?	March 29, 1969	{ "text": [ "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q7622269_P39_2	Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1973 to Feb, 1974. Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966.	Stratton MillsWilliam Stratton Mills (born 1 July 1932) is a retired solicitor and former politician in Northern Ireland.He was the first Member of Parliament (MP) for the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland to sit in the British House of Commons, until Naomi Long won Belfast East in 2010.The son of Dr V.J.S. Mills, CBE, RM, Mills was educated at Campbell College, Belfast and Queen's University, Belfast. A solicitor by profession, Mills was elected as the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) MP for Belfast North in the 1959 general election. He held his seat in subsequent elections, but in 1972 he refused to join the other UUP MPs in resigning the Conservative Party whip. He instead resigned from the UUP, describing himself as an independent Unionist and Conservative MP.In August 1969, at the outset of The Troubles, Mills travelled with Robin Bailie to the United States to counter the fund raising efforts of Bernadette Devlin, and to promote the Unionist point of view to an American audience.In 1973, Mills joined the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland. He retired from the House in 1974. He was also a partner in a solicitors firm, and currently serves on Northern Ireland's Historic Buildings Council. Mills is a member of the Ulster Architectural Heritage Society and the Irish Georgian Society. He lives in Malone Park, Belfast.	[ "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Stratton Mills hold in Mar 29, 1969?	March 29, 1969	{ "text": [ "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q7622269_P39_2	Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1973 to Feb, 1974. Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966.	Stratton MillsWilliam Stratton Mills (born 1 July 1932) is a retired solicitor and former politician in Northern Ireland.He was the first Member of Parliament (MP) for the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland to sit in the British House of Commons, until Naomi Long won Belfast East in 2010.The son of Dr V.J.S. Mills, CBE, RM, Mills was educated at Campbell College, Belfast and Queen's University, Belfast. A solicitor by profession, Mills was elected as the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) MP for Belfast North in the 1959 general election. He held his seat in subsequent elections, but in 1972 he refused to join the other UUP MPs in resigning the Conservative Party whip. He instead resigned from the UUP, describing himself as an independent Unionist and Conservative MP.In August 1969, at the outset of The Troubles, Mills travelled with Robin Bailie to the United States to counter the fund raising efforts of Bernadette Devlin, and to promote the Unionist point of view to an American audience.In 1973, Mills joined the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland. He retired from the House in 1974. He was also a partner in a solicitors firm, and currently serves on Northern Ireland's Historic Buildings Council. Mills is a member of the Ulster Architectural Heritage Society and the Irish Georgian Society. He lives in Malone Park, Belfast.	[ "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Stratton Mills hold in 03/29/1969?	March 29, 1969	{ "text": [ "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q7622269_P39_2	Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1973 to Feb, 1974. Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966.	Stratton MillsWilliam Stratton Mills (born 1 July 1932) is a retired solicitor and former politician in Northern Ireland.He was the first Member of Parliament (MP) for the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland to sit in the British House of Commons, until Naomi Long won Belfast East in 2010.The son of Dr V.J.S. Mills, CBE, RM, Mills was educated at Campbell College, Belfast and Queen's University, Belfast. A solicitor by profession, Mills was elected as the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) MP for Belfast North in the 1959 general election. He held his seat in subsequent elections, but in 1972 he refused to join the other UUP MPs in resigning the Conservative Party whip. He instead resigned from the UUP, describing himself as an independent Unionist and Conservative MP.In August 1969, at the outset of The Troubles, Mills travelled with Robin Bailie to the United States to counter the fund raising efforts of Bernadette Devlin, and to promote the Unionist point of view to an American audience.In 1973, Mills joined the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland. He retired from the House in 1974. He was also a partner in a solicitors firm, and currently serves on Northern Ireland's Historic Buildings Council. Mills is a member of the Ulster Architectural Heritage Society and the Irish Georgian Society. He lives in Malone Park, Belfast.	[ "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Stratton Mills hold in 29-Mar-196929-March-1969?	March 29, 1969	{ "text": [ "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q7622269_P39_2	Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1973 to Feb, 1974. Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Stratton Mills holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966.	Stratton MillsWilliam Stratton Mills (born 1 July 1932) is a retired solicitor and former politician in Northern Ireland.He was the first Member of Parliament (MP) for the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland to sit in the British House of Commons, until Naomi Long won Belfast East in 2010.The son of Dr V.J.S. Mills, CBE, RM, Mills was educated at Campbell College, Belfast and Queen's University, Belfast. A solicitor by profession, Mills was elected as the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) MP for Belfast North in the 1959 general election. He held his seat in subsequent elections, but in 1972 he refused to join the other UUP MPs in resigning the Conservative Party whip. He instead resigned from the UUP, describing himself as an independent Unionist and Conservative MP.In August 1969, at the outset of The Troubles, Mills travelled with Robin Bailie to the United States to counter the fund raising efforts of Bernadette Devlin, and to promote the Unionist point of view to an American audience.In 1973, Mills joined the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland. He retired from the House in 1974. He was also a partner in a solicitors firm, and currently serves on Northern Ireland's Historic Buildings Council. Mills is a member of the Ulster Architectural Heritage Society and the Irish Georgian Society. He lives in Malone Park, Belfast.	[ "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which employer did William K. Scarborough work for in Jan, 1963?	January 26, 1963	{ "text": [ "University of Louisiana at Monroe", "Millsaps College" ] }	L2_Q45112245_P108_1	William K. Scarborough works for University of Louisiana at Monroe from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1964. William K. Scarborough works for University of Southern Mississippi from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1998. William K. Scarborough works for Millsaps College from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1963.	William K. ScarboroughWilliam Kauffman Scarborough was a professor emeritus of history at the University of Southern Mississippi. He was the Charles W. Moorman Distinguished Alumni Professor in the Humanities from 1996 to 1998.He was an outspoken opponent of school integration and supporter of massive resistance, believing white people to be the "superior race" and black people to be "genetically inferior." He was a member of the Citizens' Councils.Scarborough was a featured interviewee in the Stanley Nelson Jr. film "Freedom Summer". Scarborough spoke at the Citadel on the subject of the secession of South Carolina.Scarborough earned his B.A at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill in 1954. He served in the Navy 1954-56 as a gunnery officer on the USS New Jersey (BB-62). He earned his M.A. at Cornell and his doctorate at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill in 1962. He taught for a year at Northeast Louisiana University before taking employment at Southern Miss, where he remained. The records of his work, 27 feet and 8500 documents, including materials associated with the Citizens' Councils, are archived at the University of North Carolina libraries.Scarborough died in May 2020.	[ "Millsaps College", "University of Southern Mississippi", "University of Southern Mississippi" ]
Which employer did William K. Scarborough work for in 1963-01-26?	January 26, 1963	{ "text": [ "University of Louisiana at Monroe", "Millsaps College" ] }	L2_Q45112245_P108_1	William K. Scarborough works for University of Louisiana at Monroe from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1964. William K. Scarborough works for University of Southern Mississippi from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1998. William K. Scarborough works for Millsaps College from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1963.	William K. ScarboroughWilliam Kauffman Scarborough was a professor emeritus of history at the University of Southern Mississippi. He was the Charles W. Moorman Distinguished Alumni Professor in the Humanities from 1996 to 1998.He was an outspoken opponent of school integration and supporter of massive resistance, believing white people to be the "superior race" and black people to be "genetically inferior." He was a member of the Citizens' Councils.Scarborough was a featured interviewee in the Stanley Nelson Jr. film "Freedom Summer". Scarborough spoke at the Citadel on the subject of the secession of South Carolina.Scarborough earned his B.A at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill in 1954. He served in the Navy 1954-56 as a gunnery officer on the USS New Jersey (BB-62). He earned his M.A. at Cornell and his doctorate at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill in 1962. He taught for a year at Northeast Louisiana University before taking employment at Southern Miss, where he remained. The records of his work, 27 feet and 8500 documents, including materials associated with the Citizens' Councils, are archived at the University of North Carolina libraries.Scarborough died in May 2020.	[ "Millsaps College", "University of Southern Mississippi", "University of Southern Mississippi" ]
Which employer did William K. Scarborough work for in 26/01/1963?	January 26, 1963	{ "text": [ "University of Louisiana at Monroe", "Millsaps College" ] }	L2_Q45112245_P108_1	William K. Scarborough works for University of Louisiana at Monroe from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1964. William K. Scarborough works for University of Southern Mississippi from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1998. William K. Scarborough works for Millsaps College from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1963.	William K. ScarboroughWilliam Kauffman Scarborough was a professor emeritus of history at the University of Southern Mississippi. He was the Charles W. Moorman Distinguished Alumni Professor in the Humanities from 1996 to 1998.He was an outspoken opponent of school integration and supporter of massive resistance, believing white people to be the "superior race" and black people to be "genetically inferior." He was a member of the Citizens' Councils.Scarborough was a featured interviewee in the Stanley Nelson Jr. film "Freedom Summer". Scarborough spoke at the Citadel on the subject of the secession of South Carolina.Scarborough earned his B.A at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill in 1954. He served in the Navy 1954-56 as a gunnery officer on the USS New Jersey (BB-62). He earned his M.A. at Cornell and his doctorate at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill in 1962. He taught for a year at Northeast Louisiana University before taking employment at Southern Miss, where he remained. The records of his work, 27 feet and 8500 documents, including materials associated with the Citizens' Councils, are archived at the University of North Carolina libraries.Scarborough died in May 2020.	[ "Millsaps College", "University of Southern Mississippi", "University of Southern Mississippi" ]
Which employer did William K. Scarborough work for in Jan 26, 1963?	January 26, 1963	{ "text": [ "University of Louisiana at Monroe", "Millsaps College" ] }	L2_Q45112245_P108_1	William K. Scarborough works for University of Louisiana at Monroe from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1964. William K. Scarborough works for University of Southern Mississippi from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1998. William K. Scarborough works for Millsaps College from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1963.	William K. ScarboroughWilliam Kauffman Scarborough was a professor emeritus of history at the University of Southern Mississippi. He was the Charles W. Moorman Distinguished Alumni Professor in the Humanities from 1996 to 1998.He was an outspoken opponent of school integration and supporter of massive resistance, believing white people to be the "superior race" and black people to be "genetically inferior." He was a member of the Citizens' Councils.Scarborough was a featured interviewee in the Stanley Nelson Jr. film "Freedom Summer". Scarborough spoke at the Citadel on the subject of the secession of South Carolina.Scarborough earned his B.A at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill in 1954. He served in the Navy 1954-56 as a gunnery officer on the USS New Jersey (BB-62). He earned his M.A. at Cornell and his doctorate at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill in 1962. He taught for a year at Northeast Louisiana University before taking employment at Southern Miss, where he remained. The records of his work, 27 feet and 8500 documents, including materials associated with the Citizens' Councils, are archived at the University of North Carolina libraries.Scarborough died in May 2020.	[ "Millsaps College", "University of Southern Mississippi", "University of Southern Mississippi" ]
Which employer did William K. Scarborough work for in 01/26/1963?	January 26, 1963	{ "text": [ "University of Louisiana at Monroe", "Millsaps College" ] }	L2_Q45112245_P108_1	William K. Scarborough works for University of Louisiana at Monroe from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1964. William K. Scarborough works for University of Southern Mississippi from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1998. William K. Scarborough works for Millsaps College from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1963.	William K. ScarboroughWilliam Kauffman Scarborough was a professor emeritus of history at the University of Southern Mississippi. He was the Charles W. Moorman Distinguished Alumni Professor in the Humanities from 1996 to 1998.He was an outspoken opponent of school integration and supporter of massive resistance, believing white people to be the "superior race" and black people to be "genetically inferior." He was a member of the Citizens' Councils.Scarborough was a featured interviewee in the Stanley Nelson Jr. film "Freedom Summer". Scarborough spoke at the Citadel on the subject of the secession of South Carolina.Scarborough earned his B.A at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill in 1954. He served in the Navy 1954-56 as a gunnery officer on the USS New Jersey (BB-62). He earned his M.A. at Cornell and his doctorate at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill in 1962. He taught for a year at Northeast Louisiana University before taking employment at Southern Miss, where he remained. The records of his work, 27 feet and 8500 documents, including materials associated with the Citizens' Councils, are archived at the University of North Carolina libraries.Scarborough died in May 2020.	[ "Millsaps College", "University of Southern Mississippi", "University of Southern Mississippi" ]
Which employer did William K. Scarborough work for in 26-Jan-196326-January-1963?	January 26, 1963	{ "text": [ "University of Louisiana at Monroe", "Millsaps College" ] }	L2_Q45112245_P108_1	William K. Scarborough works for University of Louisiana at Monroe from Jan, 1963 to Jan, 1964. William K. Scarborough works for University of Southern Mississippi from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1998. William K. Scarborough works for Millsaps College from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1963.	William K. ScarboroughWilliam Kauffman Scarborough was a professor emeritus of history at the University of Southern Mississippi. He was the Charles W. Moorman Distinguished Alumni Professor in the Humanities from 1996 to 1998.He was an outspoken opponent of school integration and supporter of massive resistance, believing white people to be the "superior race" and black people to be "genetically inferior." He was a member of the Citizens' Councils.Scarborough was a featured interviewee in the Stanley Nelson Jr. film "Freedom Summer". Scarborough spoke at the Citadel on the subject of the secession of South Carolina.Scarborough earned his B.A at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill in 1954. He served in the Navy 1954-56 as a gunnery officer on the USS New Jersey (BB-62). He earned his M.A. at Cornell and his doctorate at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill in 1962. He taught for a year at Northeast Louisiana University before taking employment at Southern Miss, where he remained. The records of his work, 27 feet and 8500 documents, including materials associated with the Citizens' Councils, are archived at the University of North Carolina libraries.Scarborough died in May 2020.	[ "Millsaps College", "University of Southern Mississippi", "University of Southern Mississippi" ]
Where was Nurit Yarden educated in Sep, 1984?	September 26, 1984	{ "text": [ "Bezalel Academy of Art and Design" ] }	L2_Q7070136_P69_2	Nurit Yarden attended University of Haifa from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1982. Nurit Yarden attended Camera Obscura School of Art (Tel Aviv, Israel) from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1981. Nurit Yarden attended Bezalel Academy of Art and Design from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1986.	Nurit YardenNurit Yarden (Hebrew: נורית ירדן) is an Israeli Art photographer, who lives and works in Tel Aviv.Yarden was born in Israel, 1959. Grew up in Paris and in Tel Aviv where she now lives and works. An artist photographer who earned her BFA degree from the Photography Department of Bezalel Academy of Art and Design in Jerusalem (1986). Was represented by the Chelouche Art Gallery in Tel Aviv for 10 years, and at present she works as an independent artist and an instructor and teacher of photography. When she completed her studies at Bezalel, she researched, for a decade, the concept of the Family album as representing our yearning for happiness and the fantasy of an idyllic family. In recent years, she has been working on a visual diary based on wandering, where she explores questions about the Israeli public sphere, looking for visual, social, and political signs that penetrate it. Her works combine images with texts and integrate direct and staged photography. They are usually composed of series according to subject.Yarden has had numerous solo exhibitions, among others: Herzliya Museum of Contemporary Art (2019), Tel Aviv Artists House (2014), Contemporary by Golconda Gallery, Tel Aviv (2013), Chelouche Art Gallery, Tel Aviv (2000, 2002, 2005, 2007, 2010), and has participated in many group exhibitions in Israel, Europe, and the United States, among others: Circle1 Gallery, Berlin (2018), Bat-Yam Museum (2011), Jewish Museum, Munich (2010), Artneuland Gallery, Berlin (2008), Tel Aviv Museum of Art (2002, 2003), Israel Museum Youth wing, Jerusalem (2002, 2005, 2014), Artforum Berlin (2002), Margolis Gallery, Houston (2000), Israel Museum, Jerusalem (1998).She published the Artist Book, "Homeland," following her solo exhibition, Herzliya Museum (2019); the catalog, "Within Walking Distance," following her exhibition in the Contemporary by Golconda Gallery, Tel Aviv (2013); and the Artist Book, "Family Meal", Am Oved Publishers (2007). Her works were also published at the "Scene of Events" exhibition catalog, Herzliya Museum (2019); "Myth and Prejudice" exhibition catalog, Beit Hatfutsot Museum, Tel Aviv (2014); "Schooling" exhibition catalog, the Bat Yam Museum (2011); and "Family Files" exhibition catalog, Jewish Museum, Munich (2010).Yarden won the Israel Ministry of Culture Prize for the Encouragement of Visual Arts (2002), and the America-Israel Cultural Foundation Scholarship (1985). Her works are a part of numerous art collections in Israel: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, Herzliya Museum, Bat-Yam Museum, The O.R.S. Art Collection, The Comme il Faut Art Collection, as well as Private Collections.	[ "Camera Obscura School of Art (Tel Aviv, Israel)", "University of Haifa" ]
Where was Nurit Yarden educated in 1984-09-26?	September 26, 1984	{ "text": [ "Bezalel Academy of Art and Design" ] }	L2_Q7070136_P69_2	Nurit Yarden attended University of Haifa from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1982. Nurit Yarden attended Camera Obscura School of Art (Tel Aviv, Israel) from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1981. Nurit Yarden attended Bezalel Academy of Art and Design from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1986.	Nurit YardenNurit Yarden (Hebrew: נורית ירדן) is an Israeli Art photographer, who lives and works in Tel Aviv.Yarden was born in Israel, 1959. Grew up in Paris and in Tel Aviv where she now lives and works. An artist photographer who earned her BFA degree from the Photography Department of Bezalel Academy of Art and Design in Jerusalem (1986). Was represented by the Chelouche Art Gallery in Tel Aviv for 10 years, and at present she works as an independent artist and an instructor and teacher of photography. When she completed her studies at Bezalel, she researched, for a decade, the concept of the Family album as representing our yearning for happiness and the fantasy of an idyllic family. In recent years, she has been working on a visual diary based on wandering, where she explores questions about the Israeli public sphere, looking for visual, social, and political signs that penetrate it. Her works combine images with texts and integrate direct and staged photography. They are usually composed of series according to subject.Yarden has had numerous solo exhibitions, among others: Herzliya Museum of Contemporary Art (2019), Tel Aviv Artists House (2014), Contemporary by Golconda Gallery, Tel Aviv (2013), Chelouche Art Gallery, Tel Aviv (2000, 2002, 2005, 2007, 2010), and has participated in many group exhibitions in Israel, Europe, and the United States, among others: Circle1 Gallery, Berlin (2018), Bat-Yam Museum (2011), Jewish Museum, Munich (2010), Artneuland Gallery, Berlin (2008), Tel Aviv Museum of Art (2002, 2003), Israel Museum Youth wing, Jerusalem (2002, 2005, 2014), Artforum Berlin (2002), Margolis Gallery, Houston (2000), Israel Museum, Jerusalem (1998).She published the Artist Book, "Homeland," following her solo exhibition, Herzliya Museum (2019); the catalog, "Within Walking Distance," following her exhibition in the Contemporary by Golconda Gallery, Tel Aviv (2013); and the Artist Book, "Family Meal", Am Oved Publishers (2007). Her works were also published at the "Scene of Events" exhibition catalog, Herzliya Museum (2019); "Myth and Prejudice" exhibition catalog, Beit Hatfutsot Museum, Tel Aviv (2014); "Schooling" exhibition catalog, the Bat Yam Museum (2011); and "Family Files" exhibition catalog, Jewish Museum, Munich (2010).Yarden won the Israel Ministry of Culture Prize for the Encouragement of Visual Arts (2002), and the America-Israel Cultural Foundation Scholarship (1985). Her works are a part of numerous art collections in Israel: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, Herzliya Museum, Bat-Yam Museum, The O.R.S. Art Collection, The Comme il Faut Art Collection, as well as Private Collections.	[ "Camera Obscura School of Art (Tel Aviv, Israel)", "University of Haifa" ]
Where was Nurit Yarden educated in 26/09/1984?	September 26, 1984	{ "text": [ "Bezalel Academy of Art and Design" ] }	L2_Q7070136_P69_2	Nurit Yarden attended University of Haifa from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1982. Nurit Yarden attended Camera Obscura School of Art (Tel Aviv, Israel) from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1981. Nurit Yarden attended Bezalel Academy of Art and Design from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1986.	Nurit YardenNurit Yarden (Hebrew: נורית ירדן) is an Israeli Art photographer, who lives and works in Tel Aviv.Yarden was born in Israel, 1959. Grew up in Paris and in Tel Aviv where she now lives and works. An artist photographer who earned her BFA degree from the Photography Department of Bezalel Academy of Art and Design in Jerusalem (1986). Was represented by the Chelouche Art Gallery in Tel Aviv for 10 years, and at present she works as an independent artist and an instructor and teacher of photography. When she completed her studies at Bezalel, she researched, for a decade, the concept of the Family album as representing our yearning for happiness and the fantasy of an idyllic family. In recent years, she has been working on a visual diary based on wandering, where she explores questions about the Israeli public sphere, looking for visual, social, and political signs that penetrate it. Her works combine images with texts and integrate direct and staged photography. They are usually composed of series according to subject.Yarden has had numerous solo exhibitions, among others: Herzliya Museum of Contemporary Art (2019), Tel Aviv Artists House (2014), Contemporary by Golconda Gallery, Tel Aviv (2013), Chelouche Art Gallery, Tel Aviv (2000, 2002, 2005, 2007, 2010), and has participated in many group exhibitions in Israel, Europe, and the United States, among others: Circle1 Gallery, Berlin (2018), Bat-Yam Museum (2011), Jewish Museum, Munich (2010), Artneuland Gallery, Berlin (2008), Tel Aviv Museum of Art (2002, 2003), Israel Museum Youth wing, Jerusalem (2002, 2005, 2014), Artforum Berlin (2002), Margolis Gallery, Houston (2000), Israel Museum, Jerusalem (1998).She published the Artist Book, "Homeland," following her solo exhibition, Herzliya Museum (2019); the catalog, "Within Walking Distance," following her exhibition in the Contemporary by Golconda Gallery, Tel Aviv (2013); and the Artist Book, "Family Meal", Am Oved Publishers (2007). Her works were also published at the "Scene of Events" exhibition catalog, Herzliya Museum (2019); "Myth and Prejudice" exhibition catalog, Beit Hatfutsot Museum, Tel Aviv (2014); "Schooling" exhibition catalog, the Bat Yam Museum (2011); and "Family Files" exhibition catalog, Jewish Museum, Munich (2010).Yarden won the Israel Ministry of Culture Prize for the Encouragement of Visual Arts (2002), and the America-Israel Cultural Foundation Scholarship (1985). Her works are a part of numerous art collections in Israel: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, Herzliya Museum, Bat-Yam Museum, The O.R.S. Art Collection, The Comme il Faut Art Collection, as well as Private Collections.	[ "Camera Obscura School of Art (Tel Aviv, Israel)", "University of Haifa" ]
Where was Nurit Yarden educated in Sep 26, 1984?	September 26, 1984	{ "text": [ "Bezalel Academy of Art and Design" ] }	L2_Q7070136_P69_2	Nurit Yarden attended University of Haifa from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1982. Nurit Yarden attended Camera Obscura School of Art (Tel Aviv, Israel) from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1981. Nurit Yarden attended Bezalel Academy of Art and Design from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1986.	Nurit YardenNurit Yarden (Hebrew: נורית ירדן) is an Israeli Art photographer, who lives and works in Tel Aviv.Yarden was born in Israel, 1959. Grew up in Paris and in Tel Aviv where she now lives and works. An artist photographer who earned her BFA degree from the Photography Department of Bezalel Academy of Art and Design in Jerusalem (1986). Was represented by the Chelouche Art Gallery in Tel Aviv for 10 years, and at present she works as an independent artist and an instructor and teacher of photography. When she completed her studies at Bezalel, she researched, for a decade, the concept of the Family album as representing our yearning for happiness and the fantasy of an idyllic family. In recent years, she has been working on a visual diary based on wandering, where she explores questions about the Israeli public sphere, looking for visual, social, and political signs that penetrate it. Her works combine images with texts and integrate direct and staged photography. They are usually composed of series according to subject.Yarden has had numerous solo exhibitions, among others: Herzliya Museum of Contemporary Art (2019), Tel Aviv Artists House (2014), Contemporary by Golconda Gallery, Tel Aviv (2013), Chelouche Art Gallery, Tel Aviv (2000, 2002, 2005, 2007, 2010), and has participated in many group exhibitions in Israel, Europe, and the United States, among others: Circle1 Gallery, Berlin (2018), Bat-Yam Museum (2011), Jewish Museum, Munich (2010), Artneuland Gallery, Berlin (2008), Tel Aviv Museum of Art (2002, 2003), Israel Museum Youth wing, Jerusalem (2002, 2005, 2014), Artforum Berlin (2002), Margolis Gallery, Houston (2000), Israel Museum, Jerusalem (1998).She published the Artist Book, "Homeland," following her solo exhibition, Herzliya Museum (2019); the catalog, "Within Walking Distance," following her exhibition in the Contemporary by Golconda Gallery, Tel Aviv (2013); and the Artist Book, "Family Meal", Am Oved Publishers (2007). Her works were also published at the "Scene of Events" exhibition catalog, Herzliya Museum (2019); "Myth and Prejudice" exhibition catalog, Beit Hatfutsot Museum, Tel Aviv (2014); "Schooling" exhibition catalog, the Bat Yam Museum (2011); and "Family Files" exhibition catalog, Jewish Museum, Munich (2010).Yarden won the Israel Ministry of Culture Prize for the Encouragement of Visual Arts (2002), and the America-Israel Cultural Foundation Scholarship (1985). Her works are a part of numerous art collections in Israel: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, Herzliya Museum, Bat-Yam Museum, The O.R.S. Art Collection, The Comme il Faut Art Collection, as well as Private Collections.	[ "Camera Obscura School of Art (Tel Aviv, Israel)", "University of Haifa" ]
Where was Nurit Yarden educated in 09/26/1984?	September 26, 1984	{ "text": [ "Bezalel Academy of Art and Design" ] }	L2_Q7070136_P69_2	Nurit Yarden attended University of Haifa from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1982. Nurit Yarden attended Camera Obscura School of Art (Tel Aviv, Israel) from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1981. Nurit Yarden attended Bezalel Academy of Art and Design from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1986.	Nurit YardenNurit Yarden (Hebrew: נורית ירדן) is an Israeli Art photographer, who lives and works in Tel Aviv.Yarden was born in Israel, 1959. Grew up in Paris and in Tel Aviv where she now lives and works. An artist photographer who earned her BFA degree from the Photography Department of Bezalel Academy of Art and Design in Jerusalem (1986). Was represented by the Chelouche Art Gallery in Tel Aviv for 10 years, and at present she works as an independent artist and an instructor and teacher of photography. When she completed her studies at Bezalel, she researched, for a decade, the concept of the Family album as representing our yearning for happiness and the fantasy of an idyllic family. In recent years, she has been working on a visual diary based on wandering, where she explores questions about the Israeli public sphere, looking for visual, social, and political signs that penetrate it. Her works combine images with texts and integrate direct and staged photography. They are usually composed of series according to subject.Yarden has had numerous solo exhibitions, among others: Herzliya Museum of Contemporary Art (2019), Tel Aviv Artists House (2014), Contemporary by Golconda Gallery, Tel Aviv (2013), Chelouche Art Gallery, Tel Aviv (2000, 2002, 2005, 2007, 2010), and has participated in many group exhibitions in Israel, Europe, and the United States, among others: Circle1 Gallery, Berlin (2018), Bat-Yam Museum (2011), Jewish Museum, Munich (2010), Artneuland Gallery, Berlin (2008), Tel Aviv Museum of Art (2002, 2003), Israel Museum Youth wing, Jerusalem (2002, 2005, 2014), Artforum Berlin (2002), Margolis Gallery, Houston (2000), Israel Museum, Jerusalem (1998).She published the Artist Book, "Homeland," following her solo exhibition, Herzliya Museum (2019); the catalog, "Within Walking Distance," following her exhibition in the Contemporary by Golconda Gallery, Tel Aviv (2013); and the Artist Book, "Family Meal", Am Oved Publishers (2007). Her works were also published at the "Scene of Events" exhibition catalog, Herzliya Museum (2019); "Myth and Prejudice" exhibition catalog, Beit Hatfutsot Museum, Tel Aviv (2014); "Schooling" exhibition catalog, the Bat Yam Museum (2011); and "Family Files" exhibition catalog, Jewish Museum, Munich (2010).Yarden won the Israel Ministry of Culture Prize for the Encouragement of Visual Arts (2002), and the America-Israel Cultural Foundation Scholarship (1985). Her works are a part of numerous art collections in Israel: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, Herzliya Museum, Bat-Yam Museum, The O.R.S. Art Collection, The Comme il Faut Art Collection, as well as Private Collections.	[ "Camera Obscura School of Art (Tel Aviv, Israel)", "University of Haifa" ]
Where was Nurit Yarden educated in 26-Sep-198426-September-1984?	September 26, 1984	{ "text": [ "Bezalel Academy of Art and Design" ] }	L2_Q7070136_P69_2	Nurit Yarden attended University of Haifa from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1982. Nurit Yarden attended Camera Obscura School of Art (Tel Aviv, Israel) from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1981. Nurit Yarden attended Bezalel Academy of Art and Design from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1986.	Nurit YardenNurit Yarden (Hebrew: נורית ירדן) is an Israeli Art photographer, who lives and works in Tel Aviv.Yarden was born in Israel, 1959. Grew up in Paris and in Tel Aviv where she now lives and works. An artist photographer who earned her BFA degree from the Photography Department of Bezalel Academy of Art and Design in Jerusalem (1986). Was represented by the Chelouche Art Gallery in Tel Aviv for 10 years, and at present she works as an independent artist and an instructor and teacher of photography. When she completed her studies at Bezalel, she researched, for a decade, the concept of the Family album as representing our yearning for happiness and the fantasy of an idyllic family. In recent years, she has been working on a visual diary based on wandering, where she explores questions about the Israeli public sphere, looking for visual, social, and political signs that penetrate it. Her works combine images with texts and integrate direct and staged photography. They are usually composed of series according to subject.Yarden has had numerous solo exhibitions, among others: Herzliya Museum of Contemporary Art (2019), Tel Aviv Artists House (2014), Contemporary by Golconda Gallery, Tel Aviv (2013), Chelouche Art Gallery, Tel Aviv (2000, 2002, 2005, 2007, 2010), and has participated in many group exhibitions in Israel, Europe, and the United States, among others: Circle1 Gallery, Berlin (2018), Bat-Yam Museum (2011), Jewish Museum, Munich (2010), Artneuland Gallery, Berlin (2008), Tel Aviv Museum of Art (2002, 2003), Israel Museum Youth wing, Jerusalem (2002, 2005, 2014), Artforum Berlin (2002), Margolis Gallery, Houston (2000), Israel Museum, Jerusalem (1998).She published the Artist Book, "Homeland," following her solo exhibition, Herzliya Museum (2019); the catalog, "Within Walking Distance," following her exhibition in the Contemporary by Golconda Gallery, Tel Aviv (2013); and the Artist Book, "Family Meal", Am Oved Publishers (2007). Her works were also published at the "Scene of Events" exhibition catalog, Herzliya Museum (2019); "Myth and Prejudice" exhibition catalog, Beit Hatfutsot Museum, Tel Aviv (2014); "Schooling" exhibition catalog, the Bat Yam Museum (2011); and "Family Files" exhibition catalog, Jewish Museum, Munich (2010).Yarden won the Israel Ministry of Culture Prize for the Encouragement of Visual Arts (2002), and the America-Israel Cultural Foundation Scholarship (1985). Her works are a part of numerous art collections in Israel: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem, Herzliya Museum, Bat-Yam Museum, The O.R.S. Art Collection, The Comme il Faut Art Collection, as well as Private Collections.	[ "Camera Obscura School of Art (Tel Aviv, Israel)", "University of Haifa" ]
Which team did Ian Gardiner play for in Jan, 1959?	January 01, 1959	{ "text": [ "Raith Rovers F.C.", "East Fife F.C.", "Motherwell F.C." ] }	L2_Q10473318_P54_3	Ian Gardiner plays for East Fife F.C. from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1960. Ian Gardiner plays for Scotland national football team from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1957. Ian Gardiner plays for Scottish Football League XI from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1954. Ian Gardiner plays for St Johnstone F.C. from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1962. Ian Gardiner plays for Motherwell F.C. from Jan, 1956 to Jan, 1959. Ian Gardiner plays for Montrose F.C. from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1963. Ian Gardiner plays for Raith Rovers F.C. from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1959.	Ian Gardiner (footballer)James Ian Gardiner (18 October 1928 – 1990) was a Scottish footballer, who played for East Fife, Motherwell, Raith Rovers, St Johnstone, Montrose and the Scotland national football team. He scored 125 goals in the top division of the Scottish Football League, and 217 goals in all competitions, during his career. He also represented the Scottish League once, scoring against the Irish League in a 5–1 win in 1954.	[ "St Johnstone F.C.", "Montrose F.C.", "Scotland national football team", "Scottish Football League XI", "St Johnstone F.C.", "Montrose F.C.", "Scotland national football team", "Scottish Football League XI", "St Johnstone F.C.", "Montrose F.C.", "Scotland national football team", "Scottish Football League XI" ]
Which team did Ian Gardiner play for in 1959-01-01?	January 01, 1959	{ "text": [ "Raith Rovers F.C.", "East Fife F.C.", "Motherwell F.C." ] }	L2_Q10473318_P54_3	Ian Gardiner plays for East Fife F.C. from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1960. Ian Gardiner plays for Scotland national football team from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1957. Ian Gardiner plays for Scottish Football League XI from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1954. Ian Gardiner plays for St Johnstone F.C. from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1962. Ian Gardiner plays for Motherwell F.C. from Jan, 1956 to Jan, 1959. Ian Gardiner plays for Montrose F.C. from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1963. Ian Gardiner plays for Raith Rovers F.C. from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1959.	Ian Gardiner (footballer)James Ian Gardiner (18 October 1928 – 1990) was a Scottish footballer, who played for East Fife, Motherwell, Raith Rovers, St Johnstone, Montrose and the Scotland national football team. He scored 125 goals in the top division of the Scottish Football League, and 217 goals in all competitions, during his career. He also represented the Scottish League once, scoring against the Irish League in a 5–1 win in 1954.	[ "St Johnstone F.C.", "Montrose F.C.", "Scotland national football team", "Scottish Football League XI", "St Johnstone F.C.", "Montrose F.C.", "Scotland national football team", "Scottish Football League XI", "St Johnstone F.C.", "Montrose F.C.", "Scotland national football team", "Scottish Football League XI" ]

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