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Which team did Cinzio Scagliotti play for in Apr, 1935?
|
April 29, 1935
|
{
"text": [
"ACF Fiorentina"
]
}
|
L2_Q1172065_P54_1
|
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for Juventus FC from Jan, 1936 to Jan, 1937.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for Associazione Calcio Milan from Jan, 1937 to Jan, 1939.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for ACF Fiorentina from Jan, 1933 to Jan, 1936.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for A.C. Prato from Jan, 1939 to Jan, 1940.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for A.S.D. Battipagliese from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1942.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for U.S. Salernitana 1919 from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for U.S. Alessandria Calcio 1912 from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1933.
|
Cinzio ScagliottiCinzio Scagliotti (26 March 1911, in Alessandria – December 1985, in Florence) was an Italian professional football player and coach, who played as a midfielder.
|
[
"A.S.D. Battipagliese",
"A.C. Prato",
"Associazione Calcio Milan",
"Juventus FC",
"U.S. Alessandria Calcio 1912",
"U.S. Salernitana 1919"
] |
|
Which team did Cinzio Scagliotti play for in 1935-04-29?
|
April 29, 1935
|
{
"text": [
"ACF Fiorentina"
]
}
|
L2_Q1172065_P54_1
|
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for Juventus FC from Jan, 1936 to Jan, 1937.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for Associazione Calcio Milan from Jan, 1937 to Jan, 1939.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for ACF Fiorentina from Jan, 1933 to Jan, 1936.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for A.C. Prato from Jan, 1939 to Jan, 1940.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for A.S.D. Battipagliese from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1942.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for U.S. Salernitana 1919 from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for U.S. Alessandria Calcio 1912 from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1933.
|
Cinzio ScagliottiCinzio Scagliotti (26 March 1911, in Alessandria – December 1985, in Florence) was an Italian professional football player and coach, who played as a midfielder.
|
[
"A.S.D. Battipagliese",
"A.C. Prato",
"Associazione Calcio Milan",
"Juventus FC",
"U.S. Alessandria Calcio 1912",
"U.S. Salernitana 1919"
] |
|
Which team did Cinzio Scagliotti play for in 29/04/1935?
|
April 29, 1935
|
{
"text": [
"ACF Fiorentina"
]
}
|
L2_Q1172065_P54_1
|
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for Juventus FC from Jan, 1936 to Jan, 1937.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for Associazione Calcio Milan from Jan, 1937 to Jan, 1939.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for ACF Fiorentina from Jan, 1933 to Jan, 1936.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for A.C. Prato from Jan, 1939 to Jan, 1940.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for A.S.D. Battipagliese from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1942.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for U.S. Salernitana 1919 from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for U.S. Alessandria Calcio 1912 from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1933.
|
Cinzio ScagliottiCinzio Scagliotti (26 March 1911, in Alessandria – December 1985, in Florence) was an Italian professional football player and coach, who played as a midfielder.
|
[
"A.S.D. Battipagliese",
"A.C. Prato",
"Associazione Calcio Milan",
"Juventus FC",
"U.S. Alessandria Calcio 1912",
"U.S. Salernitana 1919"
] |
|
Which team did Cinzio Scagliotti play for in Apr 29, 1935?
|
April 29, 1935
|
{
"text": [
"ACF Fiorentina"
]
}
|
L2_Q1172065_P54_1
|
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for Juventus FC from Jan, 1936 to Jan, 1937.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for Associazione Calcio Milan from Jan, 1937 to Jan, 1939.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for ACF Fiorentina from Jan, 1933 to Jan, 1936.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for A.C. Prato from Jan, 1939 to Jan, 1940.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for A.S.D. Battipagliese from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1942.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for U.S. Salernitana 1919 from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for U.S. Alessandria Calcio 1912 from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1933.
|
Cinzio ScagliottiCinzio Scagliotti (26 March 1911, in Alessandria – December 1985, in Florence) was an Italian professional football player and coach, who played as a midfielder.
|
[
"A.S.D. Battipagliese",
"A.C. Prato",
"Associazione Calcio Milan",
"Juventus FC",
"U.S. Alessandria Calcio 1912",
"U.S. Salernitana 1919"
] |
|
Which team did Cinzio Scagliotti play for in 04/29/1935?
|
April 29, 1935
|
{
"text": [
"ACF Fiorentina"
]
}
|
L2_Q1172065_P54_1
|
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for Juventus FC from Jan, 1936 to Jan, 1937.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for Associazione Calcio Milan from Jan, 1937 to Jan, 1939.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for ACF Fiorentina from Jan, 1933 to Jan, 1936.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for A.C. Prato from Jan, 1939 to Jan, 1940.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for A.S.D. Battipagliese from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1942.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for U.S. Salernitana 1919 from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for U.S. Alessandria Calcio 1912 from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1933.
|
Cinzio ScagliottiCinzio Scagliotti (26 March 1911, in Alessandria – December 1985, in Florence) was an Italian professional football player and coach, who played as a midfielder.
|
[
"A.S.D. Battipagliese",
"A.C. Prato",
"Associazione Calcio Milan",
"Juventus FC",
"U.S. Alessandria Calcio 1912",
"U.S. Salernitana 1919"
] |
|
Which team did Cinzio Scagliotti play for in 29-Apr-193529-April-1935?
|
April 29, 1935
|
{
"text": [
"ACF Fiorentina"
]
}
|
L2_Q1172065_P54_1
|
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for Juventus FC from Jan, 1936 to Jan, 1937.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for Associazione Calcio Milan from Jan, 1937 to Jan, 1939.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for ACF Fiorentina from Jan, 1933 to Jan, 1936.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for A.C. Prato from Jan, 1939 to Jan, 1940.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for A.S.D. Battipagliese from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1942.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for U.S. Salernitana 1919 from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1941.
Cinzio Scagliotti plays for U.S. Alessandria Calcio 1912 from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1933.
|
Cinzio ScagliottiCinzio Scagliotti (26 March 1911, in Alessandria – December 1985, in Florence) was an Italian professional football player and coach, who played as a midfielder.
|
[
"A.S.D. Battipagliese",
"A.C. Prato",
"Associazione Calcio Milan",
"Juventus FC",
"U.S. Alessandria Calcio 1912",
"U.S. Salernitana 1919"
] |
|
Which position did Siim Kallas hold in Sep, 1999?
|
September 15, 1999
|
{
"text": [
"Minister of Finance"
]
}
|
L2_Q156469_P39_1
|
Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro from May, 2004 to Nov, 2004.
Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Finance from Mar, 1999 to Jan, 2002.
Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Transport from Feb, 2010 to Nov, 2014.
Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs from Nov, 1995 to Nov, 1996.
Siim Kallas holds the position of Prime Minister of Estonia from Jan, 2002 to Apr, 2003.
Siim Kallas holds the position of member of the Estonian Riigikogu from Apr, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
|
Siim KallasSiim Kallas (; born 2 October 1948) is an Estonian politician, who served as European Commissioner for Transport between 2010 and 2014. Before that he was European Commissioner for Administrative Affairs, Audit and Anti-Fraud between 2004 and 2009. In both Barroso Commissions he was also vice-president.Kallas has been Prime Minister of Estonia, Estonian Minister of Finance, Estonian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Member of the Supreme Council of the Soviet Union and member of the Riigikogu. Kallas is a member and former leader of the free-market liberal Estonian Reform Party. Kallas was a vice-president of Liberal International.He was twice appointed Acting Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro in Olli Rehn's stead, from 19 April 2014 – 25 May 2014 while he was on electoral campaign leave for the 2014 elections to the European Parliament and from 1 July 2014 – 16 July 2014 after he took up his seat.After leaving the Commission, Kallas run in the Estonian presidential election in 2016, but was not elected. In October 2017, he started as the municipal mayor of Viimsi Parish.Kallas speaks Estonian, English, Russian, Finnish, and German. Kallas is of Estonian and Baltic German origin. He also has passive knowledge of French. Married to doctor Kristi Kallas, he has one son and one daughter. During the Soviet deportations from Estonia his wife Kristi Kallas, 6 months old at the time, was deported to Siberia with her mother and grandmother in a cattle car and lived there until she was 10 years old.Kallas has been an active participant in the restoration of Estonian statehood.His daughter Kaja Kallas is the current leader of the Reform party and Prime Minister of Estonia since 2021.Kallas' inability to address some politically controversial issues in public caused him to renounce his candidacy for the office of Prime Minister of Estonia in 2014.
|
[
"Prime Minister of Estonia",
"European Commissioner for Transport",
"European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro",
"Minister of Foreign Affairs",
"member of the Estonian Riigikogu"
] |
|
Which position did Siim Kallas hold in 1999-09-15?
|
September 15, 1999
|
{
"text": [
"Minister of Finance"
]
}
|
L2_Q156469_P39_1
|
Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro from May, 2004 to Nov, 2004.
Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Finance from Mar, 1999 to Jan, 2002.
Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Transport from Feb, 2010 to Nov, 2014.
Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs from Nov, 1995 to Nov, 1996.
Siim Kallas holds the position of Prime Minister of Estonia from Jan, 2002 to Apr, 2003.
Siim Kallas holds the position of member of the Estonian Riigikogu from Apr, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
|
Siim KallasSiim Kallas (; born 2 October 1948) is an Estonian politician, who served as European Commissioner for Transport between 2010 and 2014. Before that he was European Commissioner for Administrative Affairs, Audit and Anti-Fraud between 2004 and 2009. In both Barroso Commissions he was also vice-president.Kallas has been Prime Minister of Estonia, Estonian Minister of Finance, Estonian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Member of the Supreme Council of the Soviet Union and member of the Riigikogu. Kallas is a member and former leader of the free-market liberal Estonian Reform Party. Kallas was a vice-president of Liberal International.He was twice appointed Acting Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro in Olli Rehn's stead, from 19 April 2014 – 25 May 2014 while he was on electoral campaign leave for the 2014 elections to the European Parliament and from 1 July 2014 – 16 July 2014 after he took up his seat.After leaving the Commission, Kallas run in the Estonian presidential election in 2016, but was not elected. In October 2017, he started as the municipal mayor of Viimsi Parish.Kallas speaks Estonian, English, Russian, Finnish, and German. Kallas is of Estonian and Baltic German origin. He also has passive knowledge of French. Married to doctor Kristi Kallas, he has one son and one daughter. During the Soviet deportations from Estonia his wife Kristi Kallas, 6 months old at the time, was deported to Siberia with her mother and grandmother in a cattle car and lived there until she was 10 years old.Kallas has been an active participant in the restoration of Estonian statehood.His daughter Kaja Kallas is the current leader of the Reform party and Prime Minister of Estonia since 2021.Kallas' inability to address some politically controversial issues in public caused him to renounce his candidacy for the office of Prime Minister of Estonia in 2014.
|
[
"Prime Minister of Estonia",
"European Commissioner for Transport",
"European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro",
"Minister of Foreign Affairs",
"member of the Estonian Riigikogu"
] |
|
Which position did Siim Kallas hold in 15/09/1999?
|
September 15, 1999
|
{
"text": [
"Minister of Finance"
]
}
|
L2_Q156469_P39_1
|
Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro from May, 2004 to Nov, 2004.
Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Finance from Mar, 1999 to Jan, 2002.
Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Transport from Feb, 2010 to Nov, 2014.
Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs from Nov, 1995 to Nov, 1996.
Siim Kallas holds the position of Prime Minister of Estonia from Jan, 2002 to Apr, 2003.
Siim Kallas holds the position of member of the Estonian Riigikogu from Apr, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
|
Siim KallasSiim Kallas (; born 2 October 1948) is an Estonian politician, who served as European Commissioner for Transport between 2010 and 2014. Before that he was European Commissioner for Administrative Affairs, Audit and Anti-Fraud between 2004 and 2009. In both Barroso Commissions he was also vice-president.Kallas has been Prime Minister of Estonia, Estonian Minister of Finance, Estonian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Member of the Supreme Council of the Soviet Union and member of the Riigikogu. Kallas is a member and former leader of the free-market liberal Estonian Reform Party. Kallas was a vice-president of Liberal International.He was twice appointed Acting Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro in Olli Rehn's stead, from 19 April 2014 – 25 May 2014 while he was on electoral campaign leave for the 2014 elections to the European Parliament and from 1 July 2014 – 16 July 2014 after he took up his seat.After leaving the Commission, Kallas run in the Estonian presidential election in 2016, but was not elected. In October 2017, he started as the municipal mayor of Viimsi Parish.Kallas speaks Estonian, English, Russian, Finnish, and German. Kallas is of Estonian and Baltic German origin. He also has passive knowledge of French. Married to doctor Kristi Kallas, he has one son and one daughter. During the Soviet deportations from Estonia his wife Kristi Kallas, 6 months old at the time, was deported to Siberia with her mother and grandmother in a cattle car and lived there until she was 10 years old.Kallas has been an active participant in the restoration of Estonian statehood.His daughter Kaja Kallas is the current leader of the Reform party and Prime Minister of Estonia since 2021.Kallas' inability to address some politically controversial issues in public caused him to renounce his candidacy for the office of Prime Minister of Estonia in 2014.
|
[
"Prime Minister of Estonia",
"European Commissioner for Transport",
"European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro",
"Minister of Foreign Affairs",
"member of the Estonian Riigikogu"
] |
|
Which position did Siim Kallas hold in Sep 15, 1999?
|
September 15, 1999
|
{
"text": [
"Minister of Finance"
]
}
|
L2_Q156469_P39_1
|
Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro from May, 2004 to Nov, 2004.
Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Finance from Mar, 1999 to Jan, 2002.
Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Transport from Feb, 2010 to Nov, 2014.
Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs from Nov, 1995 to Nov, 1996.
Siim Kallas holds the position of Prime Minister of Estonia from Jan, 2002 to Apr, 2003.
Siim Kallas holds the position of member of the Estonian Riigikogu from Apr, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
|
Siim KallasSiim Kallas (; born 2 October 1948) is an Estonian politician, who served as European Commissioner for Transport between 2010 and 2014. Before that he was European Commissioner for Administrative Affairs, Audit and Anti-Fraud between 2004 and 2009. In both Barroso Commissions he was also vice-president.Kallas has been Prime Minister of Estonia, Estonian Minister of Finance, Estonian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Member of the Supreme Council of the Soviet Union and member of the Riigikogu. Kallas is a member and former leader of the free-market liberal Estonian Reform Party. Kallas was a vice-president of Liberal International.He was twice appointed Acting Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro in Olli Rehn's stead, from 19 April 2014 – 25 May 2014 while he was on electoral campaign leave for the 2014 elections to the European Parliament and from 1 July 2014 – 16 July 2014 after he took up his seat.After leaving the Commission, Kallas run in the Estonian presidential election in 2016, but was not elected. In October 2017, he started as the municipal mayor of Viimsi Parish.Kallas speaks Estonian, English, Russian, Finnish, and German. Kallas is of Estonian and Baltic German origin. He also has passive knowledge of French. Married to doctor Kristi Kallas, he has one son and one daughter. During the Soviet deportations from Estonia his wife Kristi Kallas, 6 months old at the time, was deported to Siberia with her mother and grandmother in a cattle car and lived there until she was 10 years old.Kallas has been an active participant in the restoration of Estonian statehood.His daughter Kaja Kallas is the current leader of the Reform party and Prime Minister of Estonia since 2021.Kallas' inability to address some politically controversial issues in public caused him to renounce his candidacy for the office of Prime Minister of Estonia in 2014.
|
[
"Prime Minister of Estonia",
"European Commissioner for Transport",
"European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro",
"Minister of Foreign Affairs",
"member of the Estonian Riigikogu"
] |
|
Which position did Siim Kallas hold in 09/15/1999?
|
September 15, 1999
|
{
"text": [
"Minister of Finance"
]
}
|
L2_Q156469_P39_1
|
Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro from May, 2004 to Nov, 2004.
Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Finance from Mar, 1999 to Jan, 2002.
Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Transport from Feb, 2010 to Nov, 2014.
Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs from Nov, 1995 to Nov, 1996.
Siim Kallas holds the position of Prime Minister of Estonia from Jan, 2002 to Apr, 2003.
Siim Kallas holds the position of member of the Estonian Riigikogu from Apr, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
|
Siim KallasSiim Kallas (; born 2 October 1948) is an Estonian politician, who served as European Commissioner for Transport between 2010 and 2014. Before that he was European Commissioner for Administrative Affairs, Audit and Anti-Fraud between 2004 and 2009. In both Barroso Commissions he was also vice-president.Kallas has been Prime Minister of Estonia, Estonian Minister of Finance, Estonian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Member of the Supreme Council of the Soviet Union and member of the Riigikogu. Kallas is a member and former leader of the free-market liberal Estonian Reform Party. Kallas was a vice-president of Liberal International.He was twice appointed Acting Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro in Olli Rehn's stead, from 19 April 2014 – 25 May 2014 while he was on electoral campaign leave for the 2014 elections to the European Parliament and from 1 July 2014 – 16 July 2014 after he took up his seat.After leaving the Commission, Kallas run in the Estonian presidential election in 2016, but was not elected. In October 2017, he started as the municipal mayor of Viimsi Parish.Kallas speaks Estonian, English, Russian, Finnish, and German. Kallas is of Estonian and Baltic German origin. He also has passive knowledge of French. Married to doctor Kristi Kallas, he has one son and one daughter. During the Soviet deportations from Estonia his wife Kristi Kallas, 6 months old at the time, was deported to Siberia with her mother and grandmother in a cattle car and lived there until she was 10 years old.Kallas has been an active participant in the restoration of Estonian statehood.His daughter Kaja Kallas is the current leader of the Reform party and Prime Minister of Estonia since 2021.Kallas' inability to address some politically controversial issues in public caused him to renounce his candidacy for the office of Prime Minister of Estonia in 2014.
|
[
"Prime Minister of Estonia",
"European Commissioner for Transport",
"European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro",
"Minister of Foreign Affairs",
"member of the Estonian Riigikogu"
] |
|
Which position did Siim Kallas hold in 15-Sep-199915-September-1999?
|
September 15, 1999
|
{
"text": [
"Minister of Finance"
]
}
|
L2_Q156469_P39_1
|
Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro from May, 2004 to Nov, 2004.
Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Finance from Mar, 1999 to Jan, 2002.
Siim Kallas holds the position of European Commissioner for Transport from Feb, 2010 to Nov, 2014.
Siim Kallas holds the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs from Nov, 1995 to Nov, 1996.
Siim Kallas holds the position of Prime Minister of Estonia from Jan, 2002 to Apr, 2003.
Siim Kallas holds the position of member of the Estonian Riigikogu from Apr, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
|
Siim KallasSiim Kallas (; born 2 October 1948) is an Estonian politician, who served as European Commissioner for Transport between 2010 and 2014. Before that he was European Commissioner for Administrative Affairs, Audit and Anti-Fraud between 2004 and 2009. In both Barroso Commissions he was also vice-president.Kallas has been Prime Minister of Estonia, Estonian Minister of Finance, Estonian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Member of the Supreme Council of the Soviet Union and member of the Riigikogu. Kallas is a member and former leader of the free-market liberal Estonian Reform Party. Kallas was a vice-president of Liberal International.He was twice appointed Acting Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro in Olli Rehn's stead, from 19 April 2014 – 25 May 2014 while he was on electoral campaign leave for the 2014 elections to the European Parliament and from 1 July 2014 – 16 July 2014 after he took up his seat.After leaving the Commission, Kallas run in the Estonian presidential election in 2016, but was not elected. In October 2017, he started as the municipal mayor of Viimsi Parish.Kallas speaks Estonian, English, Russian, Finnish, and German. Kallas is of Estonian and Baltic German origin. He also has passive knowledge of French. Married to doctor Kristi Kallas, he has one son and one daughter. During the Soviet deportations from Estonia his wife Kristi Kallas, 6 months old at the time, was deported to Siberia with her mother and grandmother in a cattle car and lived there until she was 10 years old.Kallas has been an active participant in the restoration of Estonian statehood.His daughter Kaja Kallas is the current leader of the Reform party and Prime Minister of Estonia since 2021.Kallas' inability to address some politically controversial issues in public caused him to renounce his candidacy for the office of Prime Minister of Estonia in 2014.
|
[
"Prime Minister of Estonia",
"European Commissioner for Transport",
"European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs and the Euro",
"Minister of Foreign Affairs",
"member of the Estonian Riigikogu"
] |
|
Where was Alexander Grothendieck educated in Feb, 1948?
|
February 06, 1948
|
{
"text": [
"École normale supérieure (Paris)"
]
}
|
L2_Q77141_P69_1
|
Alexander Grothendieck attended École normale supérieure (Paris) from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1949.
Alexander Grothendieck attended University of Montpellier from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1948.
Alexander Grothendieck attended Nancy-Université from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1953.
|
Alexander GrothendieckAlexander Grothendieck (; ; ; 28 March 1928 – 13 November 2014) was a mathematician who became the leading figure in the creation of modern algebraic geometry. His research extended the scope of the field and added elements of commutative algebra, homological algebra, sheaf theory and category theory to its foundations, while his so-called "relative" perspective led to revolutionary advances in many areas of pure mathematics. He is considered by many to be the greatest mathematician of the 20th century.Born in Germany, Grothendieck was raised and lived primarily in France, and he and his family were persecuted by the Nazi regime. For much of his working life, however, he was, in effect, stateless. As he consistently spelled his first name "Alexander" rather than "Alexandre" and his surname, taken from his mother, was the Dutch-like Low German "Grothendieck", he was sometimes mistakenly believed to be of Dutch origin.Grothendieck began his productive and public career as a mathematician in 1949. In 1958, he was appointed a research professor at the Institut des hautes études scientifiques (IHÉS) and remained there until 1970, when, driven by personal and political convictions, he left following a dispute over military funding. He received his Fields Medal in 1966 for advances in algebraic geometry, homological algebra, and K-theory. He later became professor at the University of Montpellier and, while still producing relevant mathematical work, he withdrew from the mathematical community and devoted himself to political and religious pursuits (first Buddhism and later a more Christian vision). In 1991, he moved to the French village of Lasserre in the Pyrenees, where he lived in seclusion, still working tirelessly on mathematics until his death in 2014.Grothendieck was born in Berlin to anarchist parents. His father, Alexander "Sascha" Schapiro (also known as Alexander Tanaroff), had Hasidic Jewish roots and had been imprisoned in Russia before moving to Germany in 1922, while his mother, Johanna "Hanka" Grothendieck, came from a Protestant family in Hamburg and worked as a journalist. Both had broken away from their early backgrounds in their teens. At the time of his birth, Grothendieck's mother was married to the journalist Johannes Raddatz and his birth name was initially recorded as "Alexander Raddatz." The marriage was dissolved in 1929 and Schapiro/Tanaroff acknowledged his paternity, but never married Hanka.Grothendieck lived with his parents in Berlin until the end of 1933, when his father moved to Paris to evade Nazism, followed soon thereafter by his mother. They left Grothendieck in the care of Wilhelm Heydorn, a Lutheran pastor and teacher in Hamburg. During this time, his parents took part in the Spanish Civil War, according to Winfried Scharlau, as non-combatant auxiliaries, though others state that Sascha fought in the anarchist militia.In May 1939, Grothendieck was put on a train in Hamburg for France. Shortly afterwards his father was interned in Le Vernet. He and his mother were then interned in various camps from 1940 to 1942 as "undesirable dangerous foreigners". The first was the Rieucros Camp, where his mother contracted the tuberculosis which eventually caused her death and where Alexander managed to attend the local school, at Mende. Once Alexander managed to escape from the camp, intending to assassinate Hitler. Later, his mother Hanka was transferred to the Gurs internment camp for the remainder of World War II. Alexander was permitted to live, separated from his mother, in the village of Le Chambon-sur-Lignon, sheltered and hidden in local boarding houses or pensions, though he occasionally had to seek refuge in the woods during Nazis raids, surviving at times without food or water for several days. His father was arrested under the Vichy anti-Jewish legislation, and sent to the Drancy, and then handed over by the French Vichy government to the Germans to be sent to be murdered at the Auschwitz concentration camp in 1942. In Chambon, Grothendieck attended the Collège Cévenol (now known as the Le Collège-Lycée Cévenol International), a unique secondary school founded in 1938 by local Protestant pacifists and anti-war activists. Many of the refugee children hidden in Chambon attended Cévenol, and it was at this school that Grothendieck apparently first became fascinated with mathematics.After the war, the young Grothendieck studied mathematics in France, initially at the University of Montpellier where he did not initially perform well, failing such classes as astronomy. Working on his own, he rediscovered the Lebesgue measure. After three years of increasingly independent studies there, he went to continue his studies in Paris in 1948.Initially, Grothendieck attended Henri Cartan's Seminar at École Normale Supérieure, but he lacked the necessary background to follow the high-powered seminar. On the advice of Cartan and André Weil, he moved to the University of Nancy where two leading experts were working on Grothendieck's area of interest, Topological Vector Spaces: Jean Dieudonné and Laurent Schwartz. The latter had recently won a Fields Medal. He showed his new student his latest paper; it ended with a list of 14 open questions, relevant for locally convex spaces. Grothendieck introduced new methods, which allowed him to solve all these problems within a few months.In Nancy, he wrote his dissertation under those two professors on functional analysis, from 1950 to 1953. At this time he was a leading expert in the theory of topological vector spaces. From 1953 to 1955 he moved to the University of São Paulo in Brazil, where he immigrated by means of a Nansen passport, given that he refused to take French Nationality. By 1957, he set this subject aside in order to work in algebraic geometry and homological algebra. The same year he was invited to visit Harvard by Oscar Zariski, but the offer fell through when he refused to sign a pledge promising not to work to overthrow the United States government, a position that, he was warned, might have landed him in prison. The prospect did not worry him, as long as he could have access to books.Comparing Grothendieck during his Nancy years to the École Normale Supérieure trained students at that time: Pierre Samuel, Roger Godement, René Thom, Jacques Dixmier, Jean Cerf, Yvonne Bruhat, Jean-Pierre Serre, Bernard Malgrange, Leila Schneps says:His first works on topological vector spaces in 1953 have been successfully applied to physics and computer science, culminating in a relation between Grothendieck inequality and the Einstein-Podolsky-Rosen paradox in quantum physics.In 1958, Grothendieck was installed at the Institut des hautes études scientifiques (IHÉS), a new privately funded research institute that, in effect, had been created for Jean Dieudonné and Grothendieck. Grothendieck attracted attention by an intense and highly productive activity of seminars there ("de facto" working groups drafting into foundational work some of the ablest French and other mathematicians of the younger generation). Grothendieck himself practically ceased publication of papers through the conventional, learned journal route. He was, however, able to play a dominant role in mathematics for around a decade, gathering a strong school.During this time, he had officially as students Michel Demazure (who worked on SGA3, on group schemes), Luc Illusie (cotangent complex), Michel Raynaud, Jean-Louis Verdier (cofounder of the derived category theory) and Pierre Deligne. Collaborators on the SGA projects also included Michael Artin (étale cohomology) and Nick Katz (monodromy theory and Lefschetz pencils). Jean Giraud worked out torsor theory extensions of nonabelian cohomology. Many others like David Mumford, Robin Hartshorne, Barry Mazur and C.P. Ramanujam were also involved.Alexander Grothendieck's work during the "Golden Age" period at the IHÉS established several unifying themes in algebraic geometry, number theory, topology, category theory and complex analysis. His first (pre-IHÉS) discovery in algebraic geometry was the Grothendieck–Hirzebruch–Riemann–Roch theorem, a generalisation of the Hirzebruch–Riemann–Roch theorem proved algebraically; in this context he also introduced K-theory. Then, following the programme he outlined in his talk at the 1958 International Congress of Mathematicians, he introduced the theory of schemes, developing it in detail in his "Éléments de géométrie algébrique" ("EGA") and providing the new more flexible and general foundations for algebraic geometry that has been adopted in the field since that time. He went on to introduce the étale cohomology theory of schemes, providing the key tools for proving the Weil conjectures, as well as crystalline cohomology and algebraic de Rham cohomology to complement it. Closely linked to these cohomology theories, he originated topos theory as a generalisation of topology (relevant also in categorical logic). He also provided an algebraic definition of fundamental groups of schemes and more generally the main structures of a categorical Galois theory. As a framework for his coherent duality theory he also introduced derived categories, which were further developed by Verdier.The results of work on these and other topics were published in the "EGA" and in less polished form in the notes of the "Séminaire de géométrie algébrique" ("SGA") that he directed at the IHÉS.Grothendieck's political views were radical and pacifist, and he strongly opposed both United States intervention in Vietnam and Soviet military expansionism. He gave lectures on category theory in the forests surrounding Hanoi while the city was being bombed, to protest against the Vietnam War. He retired from scientific life around 1970, having found out that IHÉS was partly funded by the military. He returned to academia a few years later as a professor at the University of Montpellier.While the issue of military funding was perhaps the most obvious explanation for Grothendieck's departure from the IHÉS, those who knew him say that the causes of the rupture ran deeper. Pierre Cartier, a "visiteur de longue durée" ("long-term guest") at the IHÉS, wrote a piece about Grothendieck for a special volume published on the occasion of the IHÉS's fortieth anniversary. The "Grothendieck Festschrift", published in 1990, was a three-volume collection of research papers to mark his sixtieth birthday in 1988.In it, Cartier notes that as the son of an antimilitary anarchist and one who grew up among the disenfranchised, Grothendieck always had a deep compassion for the poor and the downtrodden. As Cartier puts it, Grothendieck came to find Bures-sur-Yvette ""une cage dorée"" ("a gilded cage"). While Grothendieck was at the IHÉS, opposition to the Vietnam War was heating up, and Cartier suggests that this also reinforced Grothendieck's distaste at having become a mandarin of the scientific world. In addition, after several years at the IHÉS, Grothendieck seemed to cast about for new intellectual interests. By the late 1960s, he had started to become interested in scientific areas outside mathematics. David Ruelle, a physicist who joined the IHÉS faculty in 1964, said that Grothendieck came to talk to him a few times about physics. Biology interested Grothendieck much more than physics, and he organized some seminars on biological topics.In 1970, Grothendieck, with two other mathematicians, Claude Chevalley and Pierre Samuel, created a political group called "Survivre"—the name later changed to "Survivre et vivre". The group published a bulletin and was dedicated to antimilitary and ecological issues, and also developed strong criticism of the indiscriminate use of science and technology. Grothendieck devoted the next three years to this group and served as the main editor of its bulletin.Although Grothendieck continued with mathematical enquiries his standard mathematical career, for the most part, ended when he left the IHÉS. After leaving the IHÉS Grothendieck became a temporary professor at Collège de France for two years. He then became a professor at the University of Montpellier, where he became increasingly estranged from the mathematical community. He formally retired in 1988, a few years after having accepted a research position at the CNRS.While not publishing mathematical research in conventional ways during the 1980s, he produced several influential manuscripts with limited distribution, with both mathematical and biographical content.Produced during 1980 and 1981, "La Longue Marche à travers la théorie de Galois" ("The Long March Through Galois Theory") is a 1600-page handwritten manuscript containing many of the ideas that led to the "Esquisse d'un programme". It also includes a study of Teichmüller theory.In 1983, stimulated by correspondence with Ronald Brown and Tim Porter at Bangor University, Grothendieck wrote a 600-page manuscript titled "Pursuing Stacks", starting with a letter addressed to Daniel Quillen. This letter and successive parts were distributed from Bangor (see External links below). Within these, in an informal, diary-like manner, Grothendieck explained and developed his ideas on the relationship between algebraic homotopy theory and algebraic geometry and prospects for a noncommutative theory of stacks. The manuscript, which is being edited for publication by G. Maltsiniotis, later led to another of his monumental works, "Les Dérivateurs". Written in 1991, this latter opus of about 2000 pages further developed the homotopical ideas begun in "Pursuing Stacks". Much of this work anticipated the subsequent development of the motivic homotopy theory of Fabien Morel and Vladimir Voevodsky in the mid-1990s.In 1984, Grothendieck wrote the proposal "Esquisse d'un Programme" ("Sketch of a Programme") for a position at the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS). It describes new ideas for studying the moduli space of complex curves. Although Grothendieck himself never published his work in this area, the proposal inspired other mathematicians' work by becoming the source of dessin d'enfant theory and Anabelian geometry. It was later published in the two-volume "Geometric Galois Actions" (Cambridge University Press, 1997).During this period, Grothendieck also gave his consent to publishing some of his drafts for EGA on Bertini-type theorems ("EGA" V, published in Ulam Quarterly in 1992-1993 and later made available on the Grothendieck Circle web site in 2004).In the 1,000-page autobiographical manuscript "Récoltes et semailles" (1986) Grothendieck describes his approach to mathematics and his experiences in the mathematical community, a community that initially accepted him in an open and welcoming manner but which he progressively perceived to be governed by competition and status. He complains about what he saw as the "burial" of his work and betrayal by his former students and colleagues after he had left the community. "Récoltes et semailles" work is now available on the internet in the French original, and an English translation is underway. Parts of "Récoltes et semailles" have been translated into Spanish and into Russian and published in Moscow.In 1988 Grothendieck declined the Crafoord Prize with an open letter to the media. He wrote that established mathematicians like himself had no need for additional financial support and criticized what he saw as the declining ethics of the scientific community, characterized by outright scientific theft that, according to him, had become commonplace and tolerated. The letter also expressed his belief that totally unforeseen events before the end of the century would lead to an unprecedented collapse of civilization. Grothendieck added however that his views are "in no way meant as a criticism of the Royal Academy's aims in the administration of its funds" and added "I regret the inconvenience that my refusal to accept the Crafoord prize may have caused you and the Royal Academy.""La Clef des Songes", a 315-page manuscript written in 1987, is Grothendieck's account of how his consideration of the source of dreams led him to conclude that God exists. As part of the notes to this manuscript, Grothendieck described the life and work of 18 "mutants", people whom he admired as visionaries far ahead of their time and heralding a new age. The only mathematician on his list was Bernhard Riemann. Influenced by the Catholic mystic Marthe Robin who was claimed to survive on the Holy Eucharist alone, Grothendieck almost starved himself to death in 1988. His growing preoccupation with spiritual matters was also evident in a letter titled "Lettre de la Bonne Nouvelle" sent to 250 friends in January 1990. In it, he described his encounters with a deity and announced that a "New Age" would commence on 14 October 1996.Over 20,000 pages of Grothendieck's mathematical and other writings, held at the University of Montpellier, remain unpublished. They have been digitized for preservation and are freely available in open access through the Institut Montpelliérain Alexander Grothendieck portal.In 1991, Grothendieck moved to a new address which he did not provide to his previous contacts in the mathematical community. Very few people visited him afterward. Local villagers helped sustain him with a more varied diet after he tried to live on a staple of dandelion soup. At some point, Leila Schneps and Pierre Lochak located him, then carried on a brief correspondence. Thus they became among "the last members of the mathematical establishment to come into contact with him". After his death, it was revealed that he lived alone in a house in Lasserre, Ariège, a small village at the foot of the Pyrenees.In January 2010, Grothendieck wrote the letter "Déclaration d'intention de non-publication" to Luc Illusie, claiming that all materials published in his absence have been published without his permission. He asks that none of his work be reproduced in whole or in part and that copies of this work be removed from libraries. A website devoted to his work was called "an abomination." This order may have been reversed later in 2010.On 13 November 2014, aged 86, Grothendieck died in the hospital of Saint-Girons, Ariège.Grothendieck was born in Weimar Germany. In 1938, aged ten, he moved to France as a refugee. Records of his nationality were destroyed in the fall of Germany in 1945 and he did not apply for French citizenship after the war. He thus became a stateless person for at least the majority of his working life, traveling on a Nansen passport. Part of this reluctance to hold French nationality is attributed to not wishing to serve in the French military, particularly due to the Algerian War (1954–62). He eventually applied for French citizenship in the early 1980s, well past the age that exempted him from military service.Grothendieck was very close to his mother to whom he dedicated his dissertation. She died in 1957 from the tuberculosis that she contracted in camps for displaced persons. He had five children: a son with his landlady during his time in Nancy, three children, Johanna (1959), Alexander (1961) and Mathieu (1965) with his wife Mireille Dufour, and one child with Justine Skalba, with whom he lived in a commune in the early 1970s.Grothendieck's early mathematical work was in functional analysis. Between 1949 and 1953 he worked on his doctoral thesis in this subject at Nancy, supervised by Jean Dieudonné and Laurent Schwartz. His key contributions include topological tensor products of topological vector spaces, the theory of nuclear spaces as foundational for Schwartz distributions, and the application of L spaces in studying linear maps between topological vector spaces. In a few years, he had turned himself into a leading authority on this area of functional analysis—to the extent that Dieudonné compares his impact in this field to that of Banach.It is, however, in algebraic geometry and related fields where Grothendieck did his most important and influential work. From about 1955 he started to work on sheaf theory and homological algebra, producing the influential "Tôhoku paper" ("Sur quelques points d'algèbre homologique", published in the Tohoku Mathematical Journal in 1957) where he introduced abelian categories and applied their theory to show that sheaf cohomology can be defined as certain derived functors in this context.Homological methods and sheaf theory had already been introduced in algebraic geometry by Jean-Pierre Serre and others, after sheaves had been defined by Jean Leray. Grothendieck took them to a higher level of abstraction and turned them into a key organising principle of his theory. He shifted attention from the study of individual varieties to the "relative point of view" (pairs of varieties related by a morphism), allowing a broad generalization of many classical theorems. The first major application was the relative version of Serre's theorem showing that the cohomology of a coherent sheaf on a complete variety is finite-dimensional; Grothendieck's theorem shows that the higher direct images of coherent sheaves under a proper map are coherent; this reduces to Serre's theorem over a one-point space.In 1956, he applied the same thinking to the Riemann–Roch theorem, which had already recently been generalized to any dimension by Hirzebruch. The Grothendieck–Riemann–Roch theorem was announced by Grothendieck at the initial Mathematische Arbeitstagung in Bonn, in 1957. It appeared in print in a paper written by Armand Borel with Serre. This result was his first work in algebraic geometry. He went on to plan and execute a programme for rebuilding the foundations of algebraic geometry, which were then in a state of flux and under discussion in Claude Chevalley's seminar; he outlined his programme in his talk at the 1958 International Congress of Mathematicians.His foundational work on algebraic geometry is at a higher level of abstraction than all prior versions. He adapted the use of non-closed generic points, which led to the theory of schemes. He also pioneered the systematic use of nilpotents. As 'functions' these can take only the value 0, but they carry infinitesimal information, in purely algebraic settings. His "theory of schemes" has become established as the best universal foundation for this field, because of its expressiveness as well as technical depth. In that setting one can use birational geometry, techniques from number theory, Galois theory and commutative algebra, and close analogues of the methods of algebraic topology, all in an integrated way.He is also noted for his mastery of abstract approaches to mathematics and his perfectionism in matters of formulation and presentation. Relatively little of his work after 1960 was published by the conventional route of the learned journal, circulating initially in duplicated volumes of seminar notes; his influence was to a considerable extent personal. His influence spilled over into many other branches of mathematics, for example the contemporary theory of D-modules. (It also provoked adverse reactions, with many mathematicians seeking out more concrete areas and problems.)The bulk of Grothendieck's published work is collected in the monumental, yet incomplete, "Éléments de géométrie algébrique" ("EGA") and "Séminaire de géométrie algébrique" ("SGA"). The collection "Fondements de la Géometrie Algébrique" ("FGA"), which gathers together talks given in the Séminaire Bourbaki, also contains important material.Grothendieck's work includes the invention of the étale and l-adic cohomology theories, which explain an observation of André Weil's that there is a connection between the topological characteristics of a variety and its diophantine (number theoretic) properties. For example, the number of solutions of an equation over a finite field reflects the topological nature of its solutions over the complex numbers. Weil realized that to prove such a connection one needed a new cohomology theory, but neither he nor any other expert saw how to do this until such a theory was found by Grothendieck.This program culminated in the proofs of the Weil conjectures, the last of which was settled by Grothendieck's student Pierre Deligne in the early 1970s after Grothendieck had largely withdrawn from mathematics.In Grothendieck's retrospective "Récoltes et Semailles", he identified twelve of his contributions which he believed qualified as "great ideas". In chronological order, they are:Here the term "yoga" denotes a kind of "meta-theory" that can be used heuristically; Michel Raynaud writes the other terms "Ariadne's thread" and "philosophy" as effective equivalents.Grothendieck wrote that, of these themes, the largest in scope was topoi, as they synthesized algebraic geometry, topology, and arithmetic. The theme that had been most extensively developed was schemes, which were the framework ""par excellence"" for eight of the other themes (all but 1, 5, and 12). Grothendieck wrote that the first and last themes, topological tensor products and regular configurations, were of more modest size than the others. Topological tensor products had played the role of a tool rather than a source of inspiration for further developments; but he expected that regular configurations could not be exhausted within the lifetime of a mathematician who devoted himself to it. He believed that the deepest themes were motives, anabelian geometry, and Galois–Teichmüller theory.Grothendieck is considered by many to be the greatest mathematician of the 20th century. In an obituary David Mumford and John Tate wrote:Although mathematics became more and more abstract and general throughout the 20th century, it was Alexander Grothendieck who was the greatest master of this trend. His unique skill was to eliminate all unnecessary hypotheses and burrow into an area so deeply that its inner patterns on the most abstract level revealed themselves–and then, like a magician, show how the solution of old problems fell out in straightforward ways now that their real nature had been revealed.By the 1970s, Grothendieck's work was seen as influential not only in algebraic geometry, and the allied fields of sheaf theory and homological algebra, but influenced logic, in the field of categorical logic.Grothendieck approached algebraic geometry by clarifying the foundations of the field, and by developing mathematical tools intended to prove a number of notable conjectures. Algebraic geometry has traditionally meant the understanding of geometric objects, such as algebraic curves and surfaces, through the study of the algebraic equations for those objects. Properties of algebraic equations are in turn studied using the techniques of ring theory. In this approach, the properties of a geometric object are related to the properties of an associated ring. The space (e.g., real, complex, or projective) in which the object is defined is extrinsic to the object, while the ring is intrinsic.Grothendieck laid a new foundation for algebraic geometry by making intrinsic spaces ("spectra") and associated rings the primary objects of study. To that end he developed the theory of schemes, which can be informally thought of as topological spaces on which a commutative ring is associated to every open subset of the space. Schemes have become the basic objects of study for practitioners of modern algebraic geometry. Their use as a foundation allowed geometry to absorb technical advances from other fields.His generalization of the classical Riemann-Roch theorem related topological properties of complex algebraic curves to their algebraic structure. The tools he developed to prove this theorem started the study of algebraic and topological K-theory, which study the topological properties of objects by associating them with rings. Topological K-theory was founded by Michael Atiyah and Friedrich Hirzebruch, after direct contact with Grothendieck's ideas at the Bonn Arbeitstagung.Grothendieck's construction of new cohomology theories, which use algebraic techniques to study topological objects, has influenced the development of algebraic number theory, algebraic topology, and representation theory. As part of this project, his creation of topos theory, a category-theoretic generalization of point-set topology, has influenced the fields of set theory and mathematical logic.The Weil conjectures were formulated in the later 1940s as a set of mathematical problems in arithmetic geometry. They describe properties of analytic invariants, called local zeta functions, of the number of points on an algebraic curve or variety of higher dimension. Grothendieck's discovery of the ℓ-adic étale cohomology, the first example of a Weil cohomology theory, opened the way for a proof of the Weil conjectures, ultimately completed in the 1970s by his student Pierre Deligne. Grothendieck's large-scale approach has been called a "visionary program." The ℓ-adic cohomology then became a fundamental tool for number theorists, with applications to the Langlands program.Grothendieck's conjectural theory of motives was intended to be the "ℓ-adic" theory but without the choice of "ℓ", a prime number. It did not provide the intended route to the Weil conjectures, but has been behind modern developments in algebraic K-theory, motivic homotopy theory, and motivic integration. This theory, Daniel Quillen's work, and Grothendieck's theory of Chern classes, are considered the background to the theory of algebraic cobordism, another algebraic analogue of topological ideas.Grothendieck's emphasis on the role of universal properties across varied mathematical structures brought category theory into the mainstream as an organizing principle for mathematics in general. Among its uses, category theory creates a common language for describing similar structures and techniques seen in many different mathematical systems. His notion of abelian category is now the basic object of study in homological algebra. The emergence of a separate mathematical discipline of category theory has been attributed to Grothendieck's influence, though unintentional.The novel "Colonel Lágrimas" ("Colonel Tears" in English, available by Restless Books) by Puerto Rican - Costa Rican writer Carlos Fonseca is a semibiographic novel about Grothendieck.
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[
"University of Montpellier",
"Nancy-Université"
] |
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Where was Alexander Grothendieck educated in 1948-02-06?
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February 06, 1948
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{
"text": [
"École normale supérieure (Paris)"
]
}
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L2_Q77141_P69_1
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Alexander Grothendieck attended École normale supérieure (Paris) from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1949.
Alexander Grothendieck attended University of Montpellier from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1948.
Alexander Grothendieck attended Nancy-Université from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1953.
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Alexander GrothendieckAlexander Grothendieck (; ; ; 28 March 1928 – 13 November 2014) was a mathematician who became the leading figure in the creation of modern algebraic geometry. His research extended the scope of the field and added elements of commutative algebra, homological algebra, sheaf theory and category theory to its foundations, while his so-called "relative" perspective led to revolutionary advances in many areas of pure mathematics. He is considered by many to be the greatest mathematician of the 20th century.Born in Germany, Grothendieck was raised and lived primarily in France, and he and his family were persecuted by the Nazi regime. For much of his working life, however, he was, in effect, stateless. As he consistently spelled his first name "Alexander" rather than "Alexandre" and his surname, taken from his mother, was the Dutch-like Low German "Grothendieck", he was sometimes mistakenly believed to be of Dutch origin.Grothendieck began his productive and public career as a mathematician in 1949. In 1958, he was appointed a research professor at the Institut des hautes études scientifiques (IHÉS) and remained there until 1970, when, driven by personal and political convictions, he left following a dispute over military funding. He received his Fields Medal in 1966 for advances in algebraic geometry, homological algebra, and K-theory. He later became professor at the University of Montpellier and, while still producing relevant mathematical work, he withdrew from the mathematical community and devoted himself to political and religious pursuits (first Buddhism and later a more Christian vision). In 1991, he moved to the French village of Lasserre in the Pyrenees, where he lived in seclusion, still working tirelessly on mathematics until his death in 2014.Grothendieck was born in Berlin to anarchist parents. His father, Alexander "Sascha" Schapiro (also known as Alexander Tanaroff), had Hasidic Jewish roots and had been imprisoned in Russia before moving to Germany in 1922, while his mother, Johanna "Hanka" Grothendieck, came from a Protestant family in Hamburg and worked as a journalist. Both had broken away from their early backgrounds in their teens. At the time of his birth, Grothendieck's mother was married to the journalist Johannes Raddatz and his birth name was initially recorded as "Alexander Raddatz." The marriage was dissolved in 1929 and Schapiro/Tanaroff acknowledged his paternity, but never married Hanka.Grothendieck lived with his parents in Berlin until the end of 1933, when his father moved to Paris to evade Nazism, followed soon thereafter by his mother. They left Grothendieck in the care of Wilhelm Heydorn, a Lutheran pastor and teacher in Hamburg. During this time, his parents took part in the Spanish Civil War, according to Winfried Scharlau, as non-combatant auxiliaries, though others state that Sascha fought in the anarchist militia.In May 1939, Grothendieck was put on a train in Hamburg for France. Shortly afterwards his father was interned in Le Vernet. He and his mother were then interned in various camps from 1940 to 1942 as "undesirable dangerous foreigners". The first was the Rieucros Camp, where his mother contracted the tuberculosis which eventually caused her death and where Alexander managed to attend the local school, at Mende. Once Alexander managed to escape from the camp, intending to assassinate Hitler. Later, his mother Hanka was transferred to the Gurs internment camp for the remainder of World War II. Alexander was permitted to live, separated from his mother, in the village of Le Chambon-sur-Lignon, sheltered and hidden in local boarding houses or pensions, though he occasionally had to seek refuge in the woods during Nazis raids, surviving at times without food or water for several days. His father was arrested under the Vichy anti-Jewish legislation, and sent to the Drancy, and then handed over by the French Vichy government to the Germans to be sent to be murdered at the Auschwitz concentration camp in 1942. In Chambon, Grothendieck attended the Collège Cévenol (now known as the Le Collège-Lycée Cévenol International), a unique secondary school founded in 1938 by local Protestant pacifists and anti-war activists. Many of the refugee children hidden in Chambon attended Cévenol, and it was at this school that Grothendieck apparently first became fascinated with mathematics.After the war, the young Grothendieck studied mathematics in France, initially at the University of Montpellier where he did not initially perform well, failing such classes as astronomy. Working on his own, he rediscovered the Lebesgue measure. After three years of increasingly independent studies there, he went to continue his studies in Paris in 1948.Initially, Grothendieck attended Henri Cartan's Seminar at École Normale Supérieure, but he lacked the necessary background to follow the high-powered seminar. On the advice of Cartan and André Weil, he moved to the University of Nancy where two leading experts were working on Grothendieck's area of interest, Topological Vector Spaces: Jean Dieudonné and Laurent Schwartz. The latter had recently won a Fields Medal. He showed his new student his latest paper; it ended with a list of 14 open questions, relevant for locally convex spaces. Grothendieck introduced new methods, which allowed him to solve all these problems within a few months.In Nancy, he wrote his dissertation under those two professors on functional analysis, from 1950 to 1953. At this time he was a leading expert in the theory of topological vector spaces. From 1953 to 1955 he moved to the University of São Paulo in Brazil, where he immigrated by means of a Nansen passport, given that he refused to take French Nationality. By 1957, he set this subject aside in order to work in algebraic geometry and homological algebra. The same year he was invited to visit Harvard by Oscar Zariski, but the offer fell through when he refused to sign a pledge promising not to work to overthrow the United States government, a position that, he was warned, might have landed him in prison. The prospect did not worry him, as long as he could have access to books.Comparing Grothendieck during his Nancy years to the École Normale Supérieure trained students at that time: Pierre Samuel, Roger Godement, René Thom, Jacques Dixmier, Jean Cerf, Yvonne Bruhat, Jean-Pierre Serre, Bernard Malgrange, Leila Schneps says:His first works on topological vector spaces in 1953 have been successfully applied to physics and computer science, culminating in a relation between Grothendieck inequality and the Einstein-Podolsky-Rosen paradox in quantum physics.In 1958, Grothendieck was installed at the Institut des hautes études scientifiques (IHÉS), a new privately funded research institute that, in effect, had been created for Jean Dieudonné and Grothendieck. Grothendieck attracted attention by an intense and highly productive activity of seminars there ("de facto" working groups drafting into foundational work some of the ablest French and other mathematicians of the younger generation). Grothendieck himself practically ceased publication of papers through the conventional, learned journal route. He was, however, able to play a dominant role in mathematics for around a decade, gathering a strong school.During this time, he had officially as students Michel Demazure (who worked on SGA3, on group schemes), Luc Illusie (cotangent complex), Michel Raynaud, Jean-Louis Verdier (cofounder of the derived category theory) and Pierre Deligne. Collaborators on the SGA projects also included Michael Artin (étale cohomology) and Nick Katz (monodromy theory and Lefschetz pencils). Jean Giraud worked out torsor theory extensions of nonabelian cohomology. Many others like David Mumford, Robin Hartshorne, Barry Mazur and C.P. Ramanujam were also involved.Alexander Grothendieck's work during the "Golden Age" period at the IHÉS established several unifying themes in algebraic geometry, number theory, topology, category theory and complex analysis. His first (pre-IHÉS) discovery in algebraic geometry was the Grothendieck–Hirzebruch–Riemann–Roch theorem, a generalisation of the Hirzebruch–Riemann–Roch theorem proved algebraically; in this context he also introduced K-theory. Then, following the programme he outlined in his talk at the 1958 International Congress of Mathematicians, he introduced the theory of schemes, developing it in detail in his "Éléments de géométrie algébrique" ("EGA") and providing the new more flexible and general foundations for algebraic geometry that has been adopted in the field since that time. He went on to introduce the étale cohomology theory of schemes, providing the key tools for proving the Weil conjectures, as well as crystalline cohomology and algebraic de Rham cohomology to complement it. Closely linked to these cohomology theories, he originated topos theory as a generalisation of topology (relevant also in categorical logic). He also provided an algebraic definition of fundamental groups of schemes and more generally the main structures of a categorical Galois theory. As a framework for his coherent duality theory he also introduced derived categories, which were further developed by Verdier.The results of work on these and other topics were published in the "EGA" and in less polished form in the notes of the "Séminaire de géométrie algébrique" ("SGA") that he directed at the IHÉS.Grothendieck's political views were radical and pacifist, and he strongly opposed both United States intervention in Vietnam and Soviet military expansionism. He gave lectures on category theory in the forests surrounding Hanoi while the city was being bombed, to protest against the Vietnam War. He retired from scientific life around 1970, having found out that IHÉS was partly funded by the military. He returned to academia a few years later as a professor at the University of Montpellier.While the issue of military funding was perhaps the most obvious explanation for Grothendieck's departure from the IHÉS, those who knew him say that the causes of the rupture ran deeper. Pierre Cartier, a "visiteur de longue durée" ("long-term guest") at the IHÉS, wrote a piece about Grothendieck for a special volume published on the occasion of the IHÉS's fortieth anniversary. The "Grothendieck Festschrift", published in 1990, was a three-volume collection of research papers to mark his sixtieth birthday in 1988.In it, Cartier notes that as the son of an antimilitary anarchist and one who grew up among the disenfranchised, Grothendieck always had a deep compassion for the poor and the downtrodden. As Cartier puts it, Grothendieck came to find Bures-sur-Yvette ""une cage dorée"" ("a gilded cage"). While Grothendieck was at the IHÉS, opposition to the Vietnam War was heating up, and Cartier suggests that this also reinforced Grothendieck's distaste at having become a mandarin of the scientific world. In addition, after several years at the IHÉS, Grothendieck seemed to cast about for new intellectual interests. By the late 1960s, he had started to become interested in scientific areas outside mathematics. David Ruelle, a physicist who joined the IHÉS faculty in 1964, said that Grothendieck came to talk to him a few times about physics. Biology interested Grothendieck much more than physics, and he organized some seminars on biological topics.In 1970, Grothendieck, with two other mathematicians, Claude Chevalley and Pierre Samuel, created a political group called "Survivre"—the name later changed to "Survivre et vivre". The group published a bulletin and was dedicated to antimilitary and ecological issues, and also developed strong criticism of the indiscriminate use of science and technology. Grothendieck devoted the next three years to this group and served as the main editor of its bulletin.Although Grothendieck continued with mathematical enquiries his standard mathematical career, for the most part, ended when he left the IHÉS. After leaving the IHÉS Grothendieck became a temporary professor at Collège de France for two years. He then became a professor at the University of Montpellier, where he became increasingly estranged from the mathematical community. He formally retired in 1988, a few years after having accepted a research position at the CNRS.While not publishing mathematical research in conventional ways during the 1980s, he produced several influential manuscripts with limited distribution, with both mathematical and biographical content.Produced during 1980 and 1981, "La Longue Marche à travers la théorie de Galois" ("The Long March Through Galois Theory") is a 1600-page handwritten manuscript containing many of the ideas that led to the "Esquisse d'un programme". It also includes a study of Teichmüller theory.In 1983, stimulated by correspondence with Ronald Brown and Tim Porter at Bangor University, Grothendieck wrote a 600-page manuscript titled "Pursuing Stacks", starting with a letter addressed to Daniel Quillen. This letter and successive parts were distributed from Bangor (see External links below). Within these, in an informal, diary-like manner, Grothendieck explained and developed his ideas on the relationship between algebraic homotopy theory and algebraic geometry and prospects for a noncommutative theory of stacks. The manuscript, which is being edited for publication by G. Maltsiniotis, later led to another of his monumental works, "Les Dérivateurs". Written in 1991, this latter opus of about 2000 pages further developed the homotopical ideas begun in "Pursuing Stacks". Much of this work anticipated the subsequent development of the motivic homotopy theory of Fabien Morel and Vladimir Voevodsky in the mid-1990s.In 1984, Grothendieck wrote the proposal "Esquisse d'un Programme" ("Sketch of a Programme") for a position at the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS). It describes new ideas for studying the moduli space of complex curves. Although Grothendieck himself never published his work in this area, the proposal inspired other mathematicians' work by becoming the source of dessin d'enfant theory and Anabelian geometry. It was later published in the two-volume "Geometric Galois Actions" (Cambridge University Press, 1997).During this period, Grothendieck also gave his consent to publishing some of his drafts for EGA on Bertini-type theorems ("EGA" V, published in Ulam Quarterly in 1992-1993 and later made available on the Grothendieck Circle web site in 2004).In the 1,000-page autobiographical manuscript "Récoltes et semailles" (1986) Grothendieck describes his approach to mathematics and his experiences in the mathematical community, a community that initially accepted him in an open and welcoming manner but which he progressively perceived to be governed by competition and status. He complains about what he saw as the "burial" of his work and betrayal by his former students and colleagues after he had left the community. "Récoltes et semailles" work is now available on the internet in the French original, and an English translation is underway. Parts of "Récoltes et semailles" have been translated into Spanish and into Russian and published in Moscow.In 1988 Grothendieck declined the Crafoord Prize with an open letter to the media. He wrote that established mathematicians like himself had no need for additional financial support and criticized what he saw as the declining ethics of the scientific community, characterized by outright scientific theft that, according to him, had become commonplace and tolerated. The letter also expressed his belief that totally unforeseen events before the end of the century would lead to an unprecedented collapse of civilization. Grothendieck added however that his views are "in no way meant as a criticism of the Royal Academy's aims in the administration of its funds" and added "I regret the inconvenience that my refusal to accept the Crafoord prize may have caused you and the Royal Academy.""La Clef des Songes", a 315-page manuscript written in 1987, is Grothendieck's account of how his consideration of the source of dreams led him to conclude that God exists. As part of the notes to this manuscript, Grothendieck described the life and work of 18 "mutants", people whom he admired as visionaries far ahead of their time and heralding a new age. The only mathematician on his list was Bernhard Riemann. Influenced by the Catholic mystic Marthe Robin who was claimed to survive on the Holy Eucharist alone, Grothendieck almost starved himself to death in 1988. His growing preoccupation with spiritual matters was also evident in a letter titled "Lettre de la Bonne Nouvelle" sent to 250 friends in January 1990. In it, he described his encounters with a deity and announced that a "New Age" would commence on 14 October 1996.Over 20,000 pages of Grothendieck's mathematical and other writings, held at the University of Montpellier, remain unpublished. They have been digitized for preservation and are freely available in open access through the Institut Montpelliérain Alexander Grothendieck portal.In 1991, Grothendieck moved to a new address which he did not provide to his previous contacts in the mathematical community. Very few people visited him afterward. Local villagers helped sustain him with a more varied diet after he tried to live on a staple of dandelion soup. At some point, Leila Schneps and Pierre Lochak located him, then carried on a brief correspondence. Thus they became among "the last members of the mathematical establishment to come into contact with him". After his death, it was revealed that he lived alone in a house in Lasserre, Ariège, a small village at the foot of the Pyrenees.In January 2010, Grothendieck wrote the letter "Déclaration d'intention de non-publication" to Luc Illusie, claiming that all materials published in his absence have been published without his permission. He asks that none of his work be reproduced in whole or in part and that copies of this work be removed from libraries. A website devoted to his work was called "an abomination." This order may have been reversed later in 2010.On 13 November 2014, aged 86, Grothendieck died in the hospital of Saint-Girons, Ariège.Grothendieck was born in Weimar Germany. In 1938, aged ten, he moved to France as a refugee. Records of his nationality were destroyed in the fall of Germany in 1945 and he did not apply for French citizenship after the war. He thus became a stateless person for at least the majority of his working life, traveling on a Nansen passport. Part of this reluctance to hold French nationality is attributed to not wishing to serve in the French military, particularly due to the Algerian War (1954–62). He eventually applied for French citizenship in the early 1980s, well past the age that exempted him from military service.Grothendieck was very close to his mother to whom he dedicated his dissertation. She died in 1957 from the tuberculosis that she contracted in camps for displaced persons. He had five children: a son with his landlady during his time in Nancy, three children, Johanna (1959), Alexander (1961) and Mathieu (1965) with his wife Mireille Dufour, and one child with Justine Skalba, with whom he lived in a commune in the early 1970s.Grothendieck's early mathematical work was in functional analysis. Between 1949 and 1953 he worked on his doctoral thesis in this subject at Nancy, supervised by Jean Dieudonné and Laurent Schwartz. His key contributions include topological tensor products of topological vector spaces, the theory of nuclear spaces as foundational for Schwartz distributions, and the application of L spaces in studying linear maps between topological vector spaces. In a few years, he had turned himself into a leading authority on this area of functional analysis—to the extent that Dieudonné compares his impact in this field to that of Banach.It is, however, in algebraic geometry and related fields where Grothendieck did his most important and influential work. From about 1955 he started to work on sheaf theory and homological algebra, producing the influential "Tôhoku paper" ("Sur quelques points d'algèbre homologique", published in the Tohoku Mathematical Journal in 1957) where he introduced abelian categories and applied their theory to show that sheaf cohomology can be defined as certain derived functors in this context.Homological methods and sheaf theory had already been introduced in algebraic geometry by Jean-Pierre Serre and others, after sheaves had been defined by Jean Leray. Grothendieck took them to a higher level of abstraction and turned them into a key organising principle of his theory. He shifted attention from the study of individual varieties to the "relative point of view" (pairs of varieties related by a morphism), allowing a broad generalization of many classical theorems. The first major application was the relative version of Serre's theorem showing that the cohomology of a coherent sheaf on a complete variety is finite-dimensional; Grothendieck's theorem shows that the higher direct images of coherent sheaves under a proper map are coherent; this reduces to Serre's theorem over a one-point space.In 1956, he applied the same thinking to the Riemann–Roch theorem, which had already recently been generalized to any dimension by Hirzebruch. The Grothendieck–Riemann–Roch theorem was announced by Grothendieck at the initial Mathematische Arbeitstagung in Bonn, in 1957. It appeared in print in a paper written by Armand Borel with Serre. This result was his first work in algebraic geometry. He went on to plan and execute a programme for rebuilding the foundations of algebraic geometry, which were then in a state of flux and under discussion in Claude Chevalley's seminar; he outlined his programme in his talk at the 1958 International Congress of Mathematicians.His foundational work on algebraic geometry is at a higher level of abstraction than all prior versions. He adapted the use of non-closed generic points, which led to the theory of schemes. He also pioneered the systematic use of nilpotents. As 'functions' these can take only the value 0, but they carry infinitesimal information, in purely algebraic settings. His "theory of schemes" has become established as the best universal foundation for this field, because of its expressiveness as well as technical depth. In that setting one can use birational geometry, techniques from number theory, Galois theory and commutative algebra, and close analogues of the methods of algebraic topology, all in an integrated way.He is also noted for his mastery of abstract approaches to mathematics and his perfectionism in matters of formulation and presentation. Relatively little of his work after 1960 was published by the conventional route of the learned journal, circulating initially in duplicated volumes of seminar notes; his influence was to a considerable extent personal. His influence spilled over into many other branches of mathematics, for example the contemporary theory of D-modules. (It also provoked adverse reactions, with many mathematicians seeking out more concrete areas and problems.)The bulk of Grothendieck's published work is collected in the monumental, yet incomplete, "Éléments de géométrie algébrique" ("EGA") and "Séminaire de géométrie algébrique" ("SGA"). The collection "Fondements de la Géometrie Algébrique" ("FGA"), which gathers together talks given in the Séminaire Bourbaki, also contains important material.Grothendieck's work includes the invention of the étale and l-adic cohomology theories, which explain an observation of André Weil's that there is a connection between the topological characteristics of a variety and its diophantine (number theoretic) properties. For example, the number of solutions of an equation over a finite field reflects the topological nature of its solutions over the complex numbers. Weil realized that to prove such a connection one needed a new cohomology theory, but neither he nor any other expert saw how to do this until such a theory was found by Grothendieck.This program culminated in the proofs of the Weil conjectures, the last of which was settled by Grothendieck's student Pierre Deligne in the early 1970s after Grothendieck had largely withdrawn from mathematics.In Grothendieck's retrospective "Récoltes et Semailles", he identified twelve of his contributions which he believed qualified as "great ideas". In chronological order, they are:Here the term "yoga" denotes a kind of "meta-theory" that can be used heuristically; Michel Raynaud writes the other terms "Ariadne's thread" and "philosophy" as effective equivalents.Grothendieck wrote that, of these themes, the largest in scope was topoi, as they synthesized algebraic geometry, topology, and arithmetic. The theme that had been most extensively developed was schemes, which were the framework ""par excellence"" for eight of the other themes (all but 1, 5, and 12). Grothendieck wrote that the first and last themes, topological tensor products and regular configurations, were of more modest size than the others. Topological tensor products had played the role of a tool rather than a source of inspiration for further developments; but he expected that regular configurations could not be exhausted within the lifetime of a mathematician who devoted himself to it. He believed that the deepest themes were motives, anabelian geometry, and Galois–Teichmüller theory.Grothendieck is considered by many to be the greatest mathematician of the 20th century. In an obituary David Mumford and John Tate wrote:Although mathematics became more and more abstract and general throughout the 20th century, it was Alexander Grothendieck who was the greatest master of this trend. His unique skill was to eliminate all unnecessary hypotheses and burrow into an area so deeply that its inner patterns on the most abstract level revealed themselves–and then, like a magician, show how the solution of old problems fell out in straightforward ways now that their real nature had been revealed.By the 1970s, Grothendieck's work was seen as influential not only in algebraic geometry, and the allied fields of sheaf theory and homological algebra, but influenced logic, in the field of categorical logic.Grothendieck approached algebraic geometry by clarifying the foundations of the field, and by developing mathematical tools intended to prove a number of notable conjectures. Algebraic geometry has traditionally meant the understanding of geometric objects, such as algebraic curves and surfaces, through the study of the algebraic equations for those objects. Properties of algebraic equations are in turn studied using the techniques of ring theory. In this approach, the properties of a geometric object are related to the properties of an associated ring. The space (e.g., real, complex, or projective) in which the object is defined is extrinsic to the object, while the ring is intrinsic.Grothendieck laid a new foundation for algebraic geometry by making intrinsic spaces ("spectra") and associated rings the primary objects of study. To that end he developed the theory of schemes, which can be informally thought of as topological spaces on which a commutative ring is associated to every open subset of the space. Schemes have become the basic objects of study for practitioners of modern algebraic geometry. Their use as a foundation allowed geometry to absorb technical advances from other fields.His generalization of the classical Riemann-Roch theorem related topological properties of complex algebraic curves to their algebraic structure. The tools he developed to prove this theorem started the study of algebraic and topological K-theory, which study the topological properties of objects by associating them with rings. Topological K-theory was founded by Michael Atiyah and Friedrich Hirzebruch, after direct contact with Grothendieck's ideas at the Bonn Arbeitstagung.Grothendieck's construction of new cohomology theories, which use algebraic techniques to study topological objects, has influenced the development of algebraic number theory, algebraic topology, and representation theory. As part of this project, his creation of topos theory, a category-theoretic generalization of point-set topology, has influenced the fields of set theory and mathematical logic.The Weil conjectures were formulated in the later 1940s as a set of mathematical problems in arithmetic geometry. They describe properties of analytic invariants, called local zeta functions, of the number of points on an algebraic curve or variety of higher dimension. Grothendieck's discovery of the ℓ-adic étale cohomology, the first example of a Weil cohomology theory, opened the way for a proof of the Weil conjectures, ultimately completed in the 1970s by his student Pierre Deligne. Grothendieck's large-scale approach has been called a "visionary program." The ℓ-adic cohomology then became a fundamental tool for number theorists, with applications to the Langlands program.Grothendieck's conjectural theory of motives was intended to be the "ℓ-adic" theory but without the choice of "ℓ", a prime number. It did not provide the intended route to the Weil conjectures, but has been behind modern developments in algebraic K-theory, motivic homotopy theory, and motivic integration. This theory, Daniel Quillen's work, and Grothendieck's theory of Chern classes, are considered the background to the theory of algebraic cobordism, another algebraic analogue of topological ideas.Grothendieck's emphasis on the role of universal properties across varied mathematical structures brought category theory into the mainstream as an organizing principle for mathematics in general. Among its uses, category theory creates a common language for describing similar structures and techniques seen in many different mathematical systems. His notion of abelian category is now the basic object of study in homological algebra. The emergence of a separate mathematical discipline of category theory has been attributed to Grothendieck's influence, though unintentional.The novel "Colonel Lágrimas" ("Colonel Tears" in English, available by Restless Books) by Puerto Rican - Costa Rican writer Carlos Fonseca is a semibiographic novel about Grothendieck.
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[
"University of Montpellier",
"Nancy-Université"
] |
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Where was Alexander Grothendieck educated in 06/02/1948?
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February 06, 1948
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{
"text": [
"École normale supérieure (Paris)"
]
}
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L2_Q77141_P69_1
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Alexander Grothendieck attended École normale supérieure (Paris) from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1949.
Alexander Grothendieck attended University of Montpellier from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1948.
Alexander Grothendieck attended Nancy-Université from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1953.
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Alexander GrothendieckAlexander Grothendieck (; ; ; 28 March 1928 – 13 November 2014) was a mathematician who became the leading figure in the creation of modern algebraic geometry. His research extended the scope of the field and added elements of commutative algebra, homological algebra, sheaf theory and category theory to its foundations, while his so-called "relative" perspective led to revolutionary advances in many areas of pure mathematics. He is considered by many to be the greatest mathematician of the 20th century.Born in Germany, Grothendieck was raised and lived primarily in France, and he and his family were persecuted by the Nazi regime. For much of his working life, however, he was, in effect, stateless. As he consistently spelled his first name "Alexander" rather than "Alexandre" and his surname, taken from his mother, was the Dutch-like Low German "Grothendieck", he was sometimes mistakenly believed to be of Dutch origin.Grothendieck began his productive and public career as a mathematician in 1949. In 1958, he was appointed a research professor at the Institut des hautes études scientifiques (IHÉS) and remained there until 1970, when, driven by personal and political convictions, he left following a dispute over military funding. He received his Fields Medal in 1966 for advances in algebraic geometry, homological algebra, and K-theory. He later became professor at the University of Montpellier and, while still producing relevant mathematical work, he withdrew from the mathematical community and devoted himself to political and religious pursuits (first Buddhism and later a more Christian vision). In 1991, he moved to the French village of Lasserre in the Pyrenees, where he lived in seclusion, still working tirelessly on mathematics until his death in 2014.Grothendieck was born in Berlin to anarchist parents. His father, Alexander "Sascha" Schapiro (also known as Alexander Tanaroff), had Hasidic Jewish roots and had been imprisoned in Russia before moving to Germany in 1922, while his mother, Johanna "Hanka" Grothendieck, came from a Protestant family in Hamburg and worked as a journalist. Both had broken away from their early backgrounds in their teens. At the time of his birth, Grothendieck's mother was married to the journalist Johannes Raddatz and his birth name was initially recorded as "Alexander Raddatz." The marriage was dissolved in 1929 and Schapiro/Tanaroff acknowledged his paternity, but never married Hanka.Grothendieck lived with his parents in Berlin until the end of 1933, when his father moved to Paris to evade Nazism, followed soon thereafter by his mother. They left Grothendieck in the care of Wilhelm Heydorn, a Lutheran pastor and teacher in Hamburg. During this time, his parents took part in the Spanish Civil War, according to Winfried Scharlau, as non-combatant auxiliaries, though others state that Sascha fought in the anarchist militia.In May 1939, Grothendieck was put on a train in Hamburg for France. Shortly afterwards his father was interned in Le Vernet. He and his mother were then interned in various camps from 1940 to 1942 as "undesirable dangerous foreigners". The first was the Rieucros Camp, where his mother contracted the tuberculosis which eventually caused her death and where Alexander managed to attend the local school, at Mende. Once Alexander managed to escape from the camp, intending to assassinate Hitler. Later, his mother Hanka was transferred to the Gurs internment camp for the remainder of World War II. Alexander was permitted to live, separated from his mother, in the village of Le Chambon-sur-Lignon, sheltered and hidden in local boarding houses or pensions, though he occasionally had to seek refuge in the woods during Nazis raids, surviving at times without food or water for several days. His father was arrested under the Vichy anti-Jewish legislation, and sent to the Drancy, and then handed over by the French Vichy government to the Germans to be sent to be murdered at the Auschwitz concentration camp in 1942. In Chambon, Grothendieck attended the Collège Cévenol (now known as the Le Collège-Lycée Cévenol International), a unique secondary school founded in 1938 by local Protestant pacifists and anti-war activists. Many of the refugee children hidden in Chambon attended Cévenol, and it was at this school that Grothendieck apparently first became fascinated with mathematics.After the war, the young Grothendieck studied mathematics in France, initially at the University of Montpellier where he did not initially perform well, failing such classes as astronomy. Working on his own, he rediscovered the Lebesgue measure. After three years of increasingly independent studies there, he went to continue his studies in Paris in 1948.Initially, Grothendieck attended Henri Cartan's Seminar at École Normale Supérieure, but he lacked the necessary background to follow the high-powered seminar. On the advice of Cartan and André Weil, he moved to the University of Nancy where two leading experts were working on Grothendieck's area of interest, Topological Vector Spaces: Jean Dieudonné and Laurent Schwartz. The latter had recently won a Fields Medal. He showed his new student his latest paper; it ended with a list of 14 open questions, relevant for locally convex spaces. Grothendieck introduced new methods, which allowed him to solve all these problems within a few months.In Nancy, he wrote his dissertation under those two professors on functional analysis, from 1950 to 1953. At this time he was a leading expert in the theory of topological vector spaces. From 1953 to 1955 he moved to the University of São Paulo in Brazil, where he immigrated by means of a Nansen passport, given that he refused to take French Nationality. By 1957, he set this subject aside in order to work in algebraic geometry and homological algebra. The same year he was invited to visit Harvard by Oscar Zariski, but the offer fell through when he refused to sign a pledge promising not to work to overthrow the United States government, a position that, he was warned, might have landed him in prison. The prospect did not worry him, as long as he could have access to books.Comparing Grothendieck during his Nancy years to the École Normale Supérieure trained students at that time: Pierre Samuel, Roger Godement, René Thom, Jacques Dixmier, Jean Cerf, Yvonne Bruhat, Jean-Pierre Serre, Bernard Malgrange, Leila Schneps says:His first works on topological vector spaces in 1953 have been successfully applied to physics and computer science, culminating in a relation between Grothendieck inequality and the Einstein-Podolsky-Rosen paradox in quantum physics.In 1958, Grothendieck was installed at the Institut des hautes études scientifiques (IHÉS), a new privately funded research institute that, in effect, had been created for Jean Dieudonné and Grothendieck. Grothendieck attracted attention by an intense and highly productive activity of seminars there ("de facto" working groups drafting into foundational work some of the ablest French and other mathematicians of the younger generation). Grothendieck himself practically ceased publication of papers through the conventional, learned journal route. He was, however, able to play a dominant role in mathematics for around a decade, gathering a strong school.During this time, he had officially as students Michel Demazure (who worked on SGA3, on group schemes), Luc Illusie (cotangent complex), Michel Raynaud, Jean-Louis Verdier (cofounder of the derived category theory) and Pierre Deligne. Collaborators on the SGA projects also included Michael Artin (étale cohomology) and Nick Katz (monodromy theory and Lefschetz pencils). Jean Giraud worked out torsor theory extensions of nonabelian cohomology. Many others like David Mumford, Robin Hartshorne, Barry Mazur and C.P. Ramanujam were also involved.Alexander Grothendieck's work during the "Golden Age" period at the IHÉS established several unifying themes in algebraic geometry, number theory, topology, category theory and complex analysis. His first (pre-IHÉS) discovery in algebraic geometry was the Grothendieck–Hirzebruch–Riemann–Roch theorem, a generalisation of the Hirzebruch–Riemann–Roch theorem proved algebraically; in this context he also introduced K-theory. Then, following the programme he outlined in his talk at the 1958 International Congress of Mathematicians, he introduced the theory of schemes, developing it in detail in his "Éléments de géométrie algébrique" ("EGA") and providing the new more flexible and general foundations for algebraic geometry that has been adopted in the field since that time. He went on to introduce the étale cohomology theory of schemes, providing the key tools for proving the Weil conjectures, as well as crystalline cohomology and algebraic de Rham cohomology to complement it. Closely linked to these cohomology theories, he originated topos theory as a generalisation of topology (relevant also in categorical logic). He also provided an algebraic definition of fundamental groups of schemes and more generally the main structures of a categorical Galois theory. As a framework for his coherent duality theory he also introduced derived categories, which were further developed by Verdier.The results of work on these and other topics were published in the "EGA" and in less polished form in the notes of the "Séminaire de géométrie algébrique" ("SGA") that he directed at the IHÉS.Grothendieck's political views were radical and pacifist, and he strongly opposed both United States intervention in Vietnam and Soviet military expansionism. He gave lectures on category theory in the forests surrounding Hanoi while the city was being bombed, to protest against the Vietnam War. He retired from scientific life around 1970, having found out that IHÉS was partly funded by the military. He returned to academia a few years later as a professor at the University of Montpellier.While the issue of military funding was perhaps the most obvious explanation for Grothendieck's departure from the IHÉS, those who knew him say that the causes of the rupture ran deeper. Pierre Cartier, a "visiteur de longue durée" ("long-term guest") at the IHÉS, wrote a piece about Grothendieck for a special volume published on the occasion of the IHÉS's fortieth anniversary. The "Grothendieck Festschrift", published in 1990, was a three-volume collection of research papers to mark his sixtieth birthday in 1988.In it, Cartier notes that as the son of an antimilitary anarchist and one who grew up among the disenfranchised, Grothendieck always had a deep compassion for the poor and the downtrodden. As Cartier puts it, Grothendieck came to find Bures-sur-Yvette ""une cage dorée"" ("a gilded cage"). While Grothendieck was at the IHÉS, opposition to the Vietnam War was heating up, and Cartier suggests that this also reinforced Grothendieck's distaste at having become a mandarin of the scientific world. In addition, after several years at the IHÉS, Grothendieck seemed to cast about for new intellectual interests. By the late 1960s, he had started to become interested in scientific areas outside mathematics. David Ruelle, a physicist who joined the IHÉS faculty in 1964, said that Grothendieck came to talk to him a few times about physics. Biology interested Grothendieck much more than physics, and he organized some seminars on biological topics.In 1970, Grothendieck, with two other mathematicians, Claude Chevalley and Pierre Samuel, created a political group called "Survivre"—the name later changed to "Survivre et vivre". The group published a bulletin and was dedicated to antimilitary and ecological issues, and also developed strong criticism of the indiscriminate use of science and technology. Grothendieck devoted the next three years to this group and served as the main editor of its bulletin.Although Grothendieck continued with mathematical enquiries his standard mathematical career, for the most part, ended when he left the IHÉS. After leaving the IHÉS Grothendieck became a temporary professor at Collège de France for two years. He then became a professor at the University of Montpellier, where he became increasingly estranged from the mathematical community. He formally retired in 1988, a few years after having accepted a research position at the CNRS.While not publishing mathematical research in conventional ways during the 1980s, he produced several influential manuscripts with limited distribution, with both mathematical and biographical content.Produced during 1980 and 1981, "La Longue Marche à travers la théorie de Galois" ("The Long March Through Galois Theory") is a 1600-page handwritten manuscript containing many of the ideas that led to the "Esquisse d'un programme". It also includes a study of Teichmüller theory.In 1983, stimulated by correspondence with Ronald Brown and Tim Porter at Bangor University, Grothendieck wrote a 600-page manuscript titled "Pursuing Stacks", starting with a letter addressed to Daniel Quillen. This letter and successive parts were distributed from Bangor (see External links below). Within these, in an informal, diary-like manner, Grothendieck explained and developed his ideas on the relationship between algebraic homotopy theory and algebraic geometry and prospects for a noncommutative theory of stacks. The manuscript, which is being edited for publication by G. Maltsiniotis, later led to another of his monumental works, "Les Dérivateurs". Written in 1991, this latter opus of about 2000 pages further developed the homotopical ideas begun in "Pursuing Stacks". Much of this work anticipated the subsequent development of the motivic homotopy theory of Fabien Morel and Vladimir Voevodsky in the mid-1990s.In 1984, Grothendieck wrote the proposal "Esquisse d'un Programme" ("Sketch of a Programme") for a position at the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS). It describes new ideas for studying the moduli space of complex curves. Although Grothendieck himself never published his work in this area, the proposal inspired other mathematicians' work by becoming the source of dessin d'enfant theory and Anabelian geometry. It was later published in the two-volume "Geometric Galois Actions" (Cambridge University Press, 1997).During this period, Grothendieck also gave his consent to publishing some of his drafts for EGA on Bertini-type theorems ("EGA" V, published in Ulam Quarterly in 1992-1993 and later made available on the Grothendieck Circle web site in 2004).In the 1,000-page autobiographical manuscript "Récoltes et semailles" (1986) Grothendieck describes his approach to mathematics and his experiences in the mathematical community, a community that initially accepted him in an open and welcoming manner but which he progressively perceived to be governed by competition and status. He complains about what he saw as the "burial" of his work and betrayal by his former students and colleagues after he had left the community. "Récoltes et semailles" work is now available on the internet in the French original, and an English translation is underway. Parts of "Récoltes et semailles" have been translated into Spanish and into Russian and published in Moscow.In 1988 Grothendieck declined the Crafoord Prize with an open letter to the media. He wrote that established mathematicians like himself had no need for additional financial support and criticized what he saw as the declining ethics of the scientific community, characterized by outright scientific theft that, according to him, had become commonplace and tolerated. The letter also expressed his belief that totally unforeseen events before the end of the century would lead to an unprecedented collapse of civilization. Grothendieck added however that his views are "in no way meant as a criticism of the Royal Academy's aims in the administration of its funds" and added "I regret the inconvenience that my refusal to accept the Crafoord prize may have caused you and the Royal Academy.""La Clef des Songes", a 315-page manuscript written in 1987, is Grothendieck's account of how his consideration of the source of dreams led him to conclude that God exists. As part of the notes to this manuscript, Grothendieck described the life and work of 18 "mutants", people whom he admired as visionaries far ahead of their time and heralding a new age. The only mathematician on his list was Bernhard Riemann. Influenced by the Catholic mystic Marthe Robin who was claimed to survive on the Holy Eucharist alone, Grothendieck almost starved himself to death in 1988. His growing preoccupation with spiritual matters was also evident in a letter titled "Lettre de la Bonne Nouvelle" sent to 250 friends in January 1990. In it, he described his encounters with a deity and announced that a "New Age" would commence on 14 October 1996.Over 20,000 pages of Grothendieck's mathematical and other writings, held at the University of Montpellier, remain unpublished. They have been digitized for preservation and are freely available in open access through the Institut Montpelliérain Alexander Grothendieck portal.In 1991, Grothendieck moved to a new address which he did not provide to his previous contacts in the mathematical community. Very few people visited him afterward. Local villagers helped sustain him with a more varied diet after he tried to live on a staple of dandelion soup. At some point, Leila Schneps and Pierre Lochak located him, then carried on a brief correspondence. Thus they became among "the last members of the mathematical establishment to come into contact with him". After his death, it was revealed that he lived alone in a house in Lasserre, Ariège, a small village at the foot of the Pyrenees.In January 2010, Grothendieck wrote the letter "Déclaration d'intention de non-publication" to Luc Illusie, claiming that all materials published in his absence have been published without his permission. He asks that none of his work be reproduced in whole or in part and that copies of this work be removed from libraries. A website devoted to his work was called "an abomination." This order may have been reversed later in 2010.On 13 November 2014, aged 86, Grothendieck died in the hospital of Saint-Girons, Ariège.Grothendieck was born in Weimar Germany. In 1938, aged ten, he moved to France as a refugee. Records of his nationality were destroyed in the fall of Germany in 1945 and he did not apply for French citizenship after the war. He thus became a stateless person for at least the majority of his working life, traveling on a Nansen passport. Part of this reluctance to hold French nationality is attributed to not wishing to serve in the French military, particularly due to the Algerian War (1954–62). He eventually applied for French citizenship in the early 1980s, well past the age that exempted him from military service.Grothendieck was very close to his mother to whom he dedicated his dissertation. She died in 1957 from the tuberculosis that she contracted in camps for displaced persons. He had five children: a son with his landlady during his time in Nancy, three children, Johanna (1959), Alexander (1961) and Mathieu (1965) with his wife Mireille Dufour, and one child with Justine Skalba, with whom he lived in a commune in the early 1970s.Grothendieck's early mathematical work was in functional analysis. Between 1949 and 1953 he worked on his doctoral thesis in this subject at Nancy, supervised by Jean Dieudonné and Laurent Schwartz. His key contributions include topological tensor products of topological vector spaces, the theory of nuclear spaces as foundational for Schwartz distributions, and the application of L spaces in studying linear maps between topological vector spaces. In a few years, he had turned himself into a leading authority on this area of functional analysis—to the extent that Dieudonné compares his impact in this field to that of Banach.It is, however, in algebraic geometry and related fields where Grothendieck did his most important and influential work. From about 1955 he started to work on sheaf theory and homological algebra, producing the influential "Tôhoku paper" ("Sur quelques points d'algèbre homologique", published in the Tohoku Mathematical Journal in 1957) where he introduced abelian categories and applied their theory to show that sheaf cohomology can be defined as certain derived functors in this context.Homological methods and sheaf theory had already been introduced in algebraic geometry by Jean-Pierre Serre and others, after sheaves had been defined by Jean Leray. Grothendieck took them to a higher level of abstraction and turned them into a key organising principle of his theory. He shifted attention from the study of individual varieties to the "relative point of view" (pairs of varieties related by a morphism), allowing a broad generalization of many classical theorems. The first major application was the relative version of Serre's theorem showing that the cohomology of a coherent sheaf on a complete variety is finite-dimensional; Grothendieck's theorem shows that the higher direct images of coherent sheaves under a proper map are coherent; this reduces to Serre's theorem over a one-point space.In 1956, he applied the same thinking to the Riemann–Roch theorem, which had already recently been generalized to any dimension by Hirzebruch. The Grothendieck–Riemann–Roch theorem was announced by Grothendieck at the initial Mathematische Arbeitstagung in Bonn, in 1957. It appeared in print in a paper written by Armand Borel with Serre. This result was his first work in algebraic geometry. He went on to plan and execute a programme for rebuilding the foundations of algebraic geometry, which were then in a state of flux and under discussion in Claude Chevalley's seminar; he outlined his programme in his talk at the 1958 International Congress of Mathematicians.His foundational work on algebraic geometry is at a higher level of abstraction than all prior versions. He adapted the use of non-closed generic points, which led to the theory of schemes. He also pioneered the systematic use of nilpotents. As 'functions' these can take only the value 0, but they carry infinitesimal information, in purely algebraic settings. His "theory of schemes" has become established as the best universal foundation for this field, because of its expressiveness as well as technical depth. In that setting one can use birational geometry, techniques from number theory, Galois theory and commutative algebra, and close analogues of the methods of algebraic topology, all in an integrated way.He is also noted for his mastery of abstract approaches to mathematics and his perfectionism in matters of formulation and presentation. Relatively little of his work after 1960 was published by the conventional route of the learned journal, circulating initially in duplicated volumes of seminar notes; his influence was to a considerable extent personal. His influence spilled over into many other branches of mathematics, for example the contemporary theory of D-modules. (It also provoked adverse reactions, with many mathematicians seeking out more concrete areas and problems.)The bulk of Grothendieck's published work is collected in the monumental, yet incomplete, "Éléments de géométrie algébrique" ("EGA") and "Séminaire de géométrie algébrique" ("SGA"). The collection "Fondements de la Géometrie Algébrique" ("FGA"), which gathers together talks given in the Séminaire Bourbaki, also contains important material.Grothendieck's work includes the invention of the étale and l-adic cohomology theories, which explain an observation of André Weil's that there is a connection between the topological characteristics of a variety and its diophantine (number theoretic) properties. For example, the number of solutions of an equation over a finite field reflects the topological nature of its solutions over the complex numbers. Weil realized that to prove such a connection one needed a new cohomology theory, but neither he nor any other expert saw how to do this until such a theory was found by Grothendieck.This program culminated in the proofs of the Weil conjectures, the last of which was settled by Grothendieck's student Pierre Deligne in the early 1970s after Grothendieck had largely withdrawn from mathematics.In Grothendieck's retrospective "Récoltes et Semailles", he identified twelve of his contributions which he believed qualified as "great ideas". In chronological order, they are:Here the term "yoga" denotes a kind of "meta-theory" that can be used heuristically; Michel Raynaud writes the other terms "Ariadne's thread" and "philosophy" as effective equivalents.Grothendieck wrote that, of these themes, the largest in scope was topoi, as they synthesized algebraic geometry, topology, and arithmetic. The theme that had been most extensively developed was schemes, which were the framework ""par excellence"" for eight of the other themes (all but 1, 5, and 12). Grothendieck wrote that the first and last themes, topological tensor products and regular configurations, were of more modest size than the others. Topological tensor products had played the role of a tool rather than a source of inspiration for further developments; but he expected that regular configurations could not be exhausted within the lifetime of a mathematician who devoted himself to it. He believed that the deepest themes were motives, anabelian geometry, and Galois–Teichmüller theory.Grothendieck is considered by many to be the greatest mathematician of the 20th century. In an obituary David Mumford and John Tate wrote:Although mathematics became more and more abstract and general throughout the 20th century, it was Alexander Grothendieck who was the greatest master of this trend. His unique skill was to eliminate all unnecessary hypotheses and burrow into an area so deeply that its inner patterns on the most abstract level revealed themselves–and then, like a magician, show how the solution of old problems fell out in straightforward ways now that their real nature had been revealed.By the 1970s, Grothendieck's work was seen as influential not only in algebraic geometry, and the allied fields of sheaf theory and homological algebra, but influenced logic, in the field of categorical logic.Grothendieck approached algebraic geometry by clarifying the foundations of the field, and by developing mathematical tools intended to prove a number of notable conjectures. Algebraic geometry has traditionally meant the understanding of geometric objects, such as algebraic curves and surfaces, through the study of the algebraic equations for those objects. Properties of algebraic equations are in turn studied using the techniques of ring theory. In this approach, the properties of a geometric object are related to the properties of an associated ring. The space (e.g., real, complex, or projective) in which the object is defined is extrinsic to the object, while the ring is intrinsic.Grothendieck laid a new foundation for algebraic geometry by making intrinsic spaces ("spectra") and associated rings the primary objects of study. To that end he developed the theory of schemes, which can be informally thought of as topological spaces on which a commutative ring is associated to every open subset of the space. Schemes have become the basic objects of study for practitioners of modern algebraic geometry. Their use as a foundation allowed geometry to absorb technical advances from other fields.His generalization of the classical Riemann-Roch theorem related topological properties of complex algebraic curves to their algebraic structure. The tools he developed to prove this theorem started the study of algebraic and topological K-theory, which study the topological properties of objects by associating them with rings. Topological K-theory was founded by Michael Atiyah and Friedrich Hirzebruch, after direct contact with Grothendieck's ideas at the Bonn Arbeitstagung.Grothendieck's construction of new cohomology theories, which use algebraic techniques to study topological objects, has influenced the development of algebraic number theory, algebraic topology, and representation theory. As part of this project, his creation of topos theory, a category-theoretic generalization of point-set topology, has influenced the fields of set theory and mathematical logic.The Weil conjectures were formulated in the later 1940s as a set of mathematical problems in arithmetic geometry. They describe properties of analytic invariants, called local zeta functions, of the number of points on an algebraic curve or variety of higher dimension. Grothendieck's discovery of the ℓ-adic étale cohomology, the first example of a Weil cohomology theory, opened the way for a proof of the Weil conjectures, ultimately completed in the 1970s by his student Pierre Deligne. Grothendieck's large-scale approach has been called a "visionary program." The ℓ-adic cohomology then became a fundamental tool for number theorists, with applications to the Langlands program.Grothendieck's conjectural theory of motives was intended to be the "ℓ-adic" theory but without the choice of "ℓ", a prime number. It did not provide the intended route to the Weil conjectures, but has been behind modern developments in algebraic K-theory, motivic homotopy theory, and motivic integration. This theory, Daniel Quillen's work, and Grothendieck's theory of Chern classes, are considered the background to the theory of algebraic cobordism, another algebraic analogue of topological ideas.Grothendieck's emphasis on the role of universal properties across varied mathematical structures brought category theory into the mainstream as an organizing principle for mathematics in general. Among its uses, category theory creates a common language for describing similar structures and techniques seen in many different mathematical systems. His notion of abelian category is now the basic object of study in homological algebra. The emergence of a separate mathematical discipline of category theory has been attributed to Grothendieck's influence, though unintentional.The novel "Colonel Lágrimas" ("Colonel Tears" in English, available by Restless Books) by Puerto Rican - Costa Rican writer Carlos Fonseca is a semibiographic novel about Grothendieck.
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[
"University of Montpellier",
"Nancy-Université"
] |
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Where was Alexander Grothendieck educated in Feb 06, 1948?
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February 06, 1948
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{
"text": [
"École normale supérieure (Paris)"
]
}
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L2_Q77141_P69_1
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Alexander Grothendieck attended École normale supérieure (Paris) from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1949.
Alexander Grothendieck attended University of Montpellier from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1948.
Alexander Grothendieck attended Nancy-Université from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1953.
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Alexander GrothendieckAlexander Grothendieck (; ; ; 28 March 1928 – 13 November 2014) was a mathematician who became the leading figure in the creation of modern algebraic geometry. His research extended the scope of the field and added elements of commutative algebra, homological algebra, sheaf theory and category theory to its foundations, while his so-called "relative" perspective led to revolutionary advances in many areas of pure mathematics. He is considered by many to be the greatest mathematician of the 20th century.Born in Germany, Grothendieck was raised and lived primarily in France, and he and his family were persecuted by the Nazi regime. For much of his working life, however, he was, in effect, stateless. As he consistently spelled his first name "Alexander" rather than "Alexandre" and his surname, taken from his mother, was the Dutch-like Low German "Grothendieck", he was sometimes mistakenly believed to be of Dutch origin.Grothendieck began his productive and public career as a mathematician in 1949. In 1958, he was appointed a research professor at the Institut des hautes études scientifiques (IHÉS) and remained there until 1970, when, driven by personal and political convictions, he left following a dispute over military funding. He received his Fields Medal in 1966 for advances in algebraic geometry, homological algebra, and K-theory. He later became professor at the University of Montpellier and, while still producing relevant mathematical work, he withdrew from the mathematical community and devoted himself to political and religious pursuits (first Buddhism and later a more Christian vision). In 1991, he moved to the French village of Lasserre in the Pyrenees, where he lived in seclusion, still working tirelessly on mathematics until his death in 2014.Grothendieck was born in Berlin to anarchist parents. His father, Alexander "Sascha" Schapiro (also known as Alexander Tanaroff), had Hasidic Jewish roots and had been imprisoned in Russia before moving to Germany in 1922, while his mother, Johanna "Hanka" Grothendieck, came from a Protestant family in Hamburg and worked as a journalist. Both had broken away from their early backgrounds in their teens. At the time of his birth, Grothendieck's mother was married to the journalist Johannes Raddatz and his birth name was initially recorded as "Alexander Raddatz." The marriage was dissolved in 1929 and Schapiro/Tanaroff acknowledged his paternity, but never married Hanka.Grothendieck lived with his parents in Berlin until the end of 1933, when his father moved to Paris to evade Nazism, followed soon thereafter by his mother. They left Grothendieck in the care of Wilhelm Heydorn, a Lutheran pastor and teacher in Hamburg. During this time, his parents took part in the Spanish Civil War, according to Winfried Scharlau, as non-combatant auxiliaries, though others state that Sascha fought in the anarchist militia.In May 1939, Grothendieck was put on a train in Hamburg for France. Shortly afterwards his father was interned in Le Vernet. He and his mother were then interned in various camps from 1940 to 1942 as "undesirable dangerous foreigners". The first was the Rieucros Camp, where his mother contracted the tuberculosis which eventually caused her death and where Alexander managed to attend the local school, at Mende. Once Alexander managed to escape from the camp, intending to assassinate Hitler. Later, his mother Hanka was transferred to the Gurs internment camp for the remainder of World War II. Alexander was permitted to live, separated from his mother, in the village of Le Chambon-sur-Lignon, sheltered and hidden in local boarding houses or pensions, though he occasionally had to seek refuge in the woods during Nazis raids, surviving at times without food or water for several days. His father was arrested under the Vichy anti-Jewish legislation, and sent to the Drancy, and then handed over by the French Vichy government to the Germans to be sent to be murdered at the Auschwitz concentration camp in 1942. In Chambon, Grothendieck attended the Collège Cévenol (now known as the Le Collège-Lycée Cévenol International), a unique secondary school founded in 1938 by local Protestant pacifists and anti-war activists. Many of the refugee children hidden in Chambon attended Cévenol, and it was at this school that Grothendieck apparently first became fascinated with mathematics.After the war, the young Grothendieck studied mathematics in France, initially at the University of Montpellier where he did not initially perform well, failing such classes as astronomy. Working on his own, he rediscovered the Lebesgue measure. After three years of increasingly independent studies there, he went to continue his studies in Paris in 1948.Initially, Grothendieck attended Henri Cartan's Seminar at École Normale Supérieure, but he lacked the necessary background to follow the high-powered seminar. On the advice of Cartan and André Weil, he moved to the University of Nancy where two leading experts were working on Grothendieck's area of interest, Topological Vector Spaces: Jean Dieudonné and Laurent Schwartz. The latter had recently won a Fields Medal. He showed his new student his latest paper; it ended with a list of 14 open questions, relevant for locally convex spaces. Grothendieck introduced new methods, which allowed him to solve all these problems within a few months.In Nancy, he wrote his dissertation under those two professors on functional analysis, from 1950 to 1953. At this time he was a leading expert in the theory of topological vector spaces. From 1953 to 1955 he moved to the University of São Paulo in Brazil, where he immigrated by means of a Nansen passport, given that he refused to take French Nationality. By 1957, he set this subject aside in order to work in algebraic geometry and homological algebra. The same year he was invited to visit Harvard by Oscar Zariski, but the offer fell through when he refused to sign a pledge promising not to work to overthrow the United States government, a position that, he was warned, might have landed him in prison. The prospect did not worry him, as long as he could have access to books.Comparing Grothendieck during his Nancy years to the École Normale Supérieure trained students at that time: Pierre Samuel, Roger Godement, René Thom, Jacques Dixmier, Jean Cerf, Yvonne Bruhat, Jean-Pierre Serre, Bernard Malgrange, Leila Schneps says:His first works on topological vector spaces in 1953 have been successfully applied to physics and computer science, culminating in a relation between Grothendieck inequality and the Einstein-Podolsky-Rosen paradox in quantum physics.In 1958, Grothendieck was installed at the Institut des hautes études scientifiques (IHÉS), a new privately funded research institute that, in effect, had been created for Jean Dieudonné and Grothendieck. Grothendieck attracted attention by an intense and highly productive activity of seminars there ("de facto" working groups drafting into foundational work some of the ablest French and other mathematicians of the younger generation). Grothendieck himself practically ceased publication of papers through the conventional, learned journal route. He was, however, able to play a dominant role in mathematics for around a decade, gathering a strong school.During this time, he had officially as students Michel Demazure (who worked on SGA3, on group schemes), Luc Illusie (cotangent complex), Michel Raynaud, Jean-Louis Verdier (cofounder of the derived category theory) and Pierre Deligne. Collaborators on the SGA projects also included Michael Artin (étale cohomology) and Nick Katz (monodromy theory and Lefschetz pencils). Jean Giraud worked out torsor theory extensions of nonabelian cohomology. Many others like David Mumford, Robin Hartshorne, Barry Mazur and C.P. Ramanujam were also involved.Alexander Grothendieck's work during the "Golden Age" period at the IHÉS established several unifying themes in algebraic geometry, number theory, topology, category theory and complex analysis. His first (pre-IHÉS) discovery in algebraic geometry was the Grothendieck–Hirzebruch–Riemann–Roch theorem, a generalisation of the Hirzebruch–Riemann–Roch theorem proved algebraically; in this context he also introduced K-theory. Then, following the programme he outlined in his talk at the 1958 International Congress of Mathematicians, he introduced the theory of schemes, developing it in detail in his "Éléments de géométrie algébrique" ("EGA") and providing the new more flexible and general foundations for algebraic geometry that has been adopted in the field since that time. He went on to introduce the étale cohomology theory of schemes, providing the key tools for proving the Weil conjectures, as well as crystalline cohomology and algebraic de Rham cohomology to complement it. Closely linked to these cohomology theories, he originated topos theory as a generalisation of topology (relevant also in categorical logic). He also provided an algebraic definition of fundamental groups of schemes and more generally the main structures of a categorical Galois theory. As a framework for his coherent duality theory he also introduced derived categories, which were further developed by Verdier.The results of work on these and other topics were published in the "EGA" and in less polished form in the notes of the "Séminaire de géométrie algébrique" ("SGA") that he directed at the IHÉS.Grothendieck's political views were radical and pacifist, and he strongly opposed both United States intervention in Vietnam and Soviet military expansionism. He gave lectures on category theory in the forests surrounding Hanoi while the city was being bombed, to protest against the Vietnam War. He retired from scientific life around 1970, having found out that IHÉS was partly funded by the military. He returned to academia a few years later as a professor at the University of Montpellier.While the issue of military funding was perhaps the most obvious explanation for Grothendieck's departure from the IHÉS, those who knew him say that the causes of the rupture ran deeper. Pierre Cartier, a "visiteur de longue durée" ("long-term guest") at the IHÉS, wrote a piece about Grothendieck for a special volume published on the occasion of the IHÉS's fortieth anniversary. The "Grothendieck Festschrift", published in 1990, was a three-volume collection of research papers to mark his sixtieth birthday in 1988.In it, Cartier notes that as the son of an antimilitary anarchist and one who grew up among the disenfranchised, Grothendieck always had a deep compassion for the poor and the downtrodden. As Cartier puts it, Grothendieck came to find Bures-sur-Yvette ""une cage dorée"" ("a gilded cage"). While Grothendieck was at the IHÉS, opposition to the Vietnam War was heating up, and Cartier suggests that this also reinforced Grothendieck's distaste at having become a mandarin of the scientific world. In addition, after several years at the IHÉS, Grothendieck seemed to cast about for new intellectual interests. By the late 1960s, he had started to become interested in scientific areas outside mathematics. David Ruelle, a physicist who joined the IHÉS faculty in 1964, said that Grothendieck came to talk to him a few times about physics. Biology interested Grothendieck much more than physics, and he organized some seminars on biological topics.In 1970, Grothendieck, with two other mathematicians, Claude Chevalley and Pierre Samuel, created a political group called "Survivre"—the name later changed to "Survivre et vivre". The group published a bulletin and was dedicated to antimilitary and ecological issues, and also developed strong criticism of the indiscriminate use of science and technology. Grothendieck devoted the next three years to this group and served as the main editor of its bulletin.Although Grothendieck continued with mathematical enquiries his standard mathematical career, for the most part, ended when he left the IHÉS. After leaving the IHÉS Grothendieck became a temporary professor at Collège de France for two years. He then became a professor at the University of Montpellier, where he became increasingly estranged from the mathematical community. He formally retired in 1988, a few years after having accepted a research position at the CNRS.While not publishing mathematical research in conventional ways during the 1980s, he produced several influential manuscripts with limited distribution, with both mathematical and biographical content.Produced during 1980 and 1981, "La Longue Marche à travers la théorie de Galois" ("The Long March Through Galois Theory") is a 1600-page handwritten manuscript containing many of the ideas that led to the "Esquisse d'un programme". It also includes a study of Teichmüller theory.In 1983, stimulated by correspondence with Ronald Brown and Tim Porter at Bangor University, Grothendieck wrote a 600-page manuscript titled "Pursuing Stacks", starting with a letter addressed to Daniel Quillen. This letter and successive parts were distributed from Bangor (see External links below). Within these, in an informal, diary-like manner, Grothendieck explained and developed his ideas on the relationship between algebraic homotopy theory and algebraic geometry and prospects for a noncommutative theory of stacks. The manuscript, which is being edited for publication by G. Maltsiniotis, later led to another of his monumental works, "Les Dérivateurs". Written in 1991, this latter opus of about 2000 pages further developed the homotopical ideas begun in "Pursuing Stacks". Much of this work anticipated the subsequent development of the motivic homotopy theory of Fabien Morel and Vladimir Voevodsky in the mid-1990s.In 1984, Grothendieck wrote the proposal "Esquisse d'un Programme" ("Sketch of a Programme") for a position at the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS). It describes new ideas for studying the moduli space of complex curves. Although Grothendieck himself never published his work in this area, the proposal inspired other mathematicians' work by becoming the source of dessin d'enfant theory and Anabelian geometry. It was later published in the two-volume "Geometric Galois Actions" (Cambridge University Press, 1997).During this period, Grothendieck also gave his consent to publishing some of his drafts for EGA on Bertini-type theorems ("EGA" V, published in Ulam Quarterly in 1992-1993 and later made available on the Grothendieck Circle web site in 2004).In the 1,000-page autobiographical manuscript "Récoltes et semailles" (1986) Grothendieck describes his approach to mathematics and his experiences in the mathematical community, a community that initially accepted him in an open and welcoming manner but which he progressively perceived to be governed by competition and status. He complains about what he saw as the "burial" of his work and betrayal by his former students and colleagues after he had left the community. "Récoltes et semailles" work is now available on the internet in the French original, and an English translation is underway. Parts of "Récoltes et semailles" have been translated into Spanish and into Russian and published in Moscow.In 1988 Grothendieck declined the Crafoord Prize with an open letter to the media. He wrote that established mathematicians like himself had no need for additional financial support and criticized what he saw as the declining ethics of the scientific community, characterized by outright scientific theft that, according to him, had become commonplace and tolerated. The letter also expressed his belief that totally unforeseen events before the end of the century would lead to an unprecedented collapse of civilization. Grothendieck added however that his views are "in no way meant as a criticism of the Royal Academy's aims in the administration of its funds" and added "I regret the inconvenience that my refusal to accept the Crafoord prize may have caused you and the Royal Academy.""La Clef des Songes", a 315-page manuscript written in 1987, is Grothendieck's account of how his consideration of the source of dreams led him to conclude that God exists. As part of the notes to this manuscript, Grothendieck described the life and work of 18 "mutants", people whom he admired as visionaries far ahead of their time and heralding a new age. The only mathematician on his list was Bernhard Riemann. Influenced by the Catholic mystic Marthe Robin who was claimed to survive on the Holy Eucharist alone, Grothendieck almost starved himself to death in 1988. His growing preoccupation with spiritual matters was also evident in a letter titled "Lettre de la Bonne Nouvelle" sent to 250 friends in January 1990. In it, he described his encounters with a deity and announced that a "New Age" would commence on 14 October 1996.Over 20,000 pages of Grothendieck's mathematical and other writings, held at the University of Montpellier, remain unpublished. They have been digitized for preservation and are freely available in open access through the Institut Montpelliérain Alexander Grothendieck portal.In 1991, Grothendieck moved to a new address which he did not provide to his previous contacts in the mathematical community. Very few people visited him afterward. Local villagers helped sustain him with a more varied diet after he tried to live on a staple of dandelion soup. At some point, Leila Schneps and Pierre Lochak located him, then carried on a brief correspondence. Thus they became among "the last members of the mathematical establishment to come into contact with him". After his death, it was revealed that he lived alone in a house in Lasserre, Ariège, a small village at the foot of the Pyrenees.In January 2010, Grothendieck wrote the letter "Déclaration d'intention de non-publication" to Luc Illusie, claiming that all materials published in his absence have been published without his permission. He asks that none of his work be reproduced in whole or in part and that copies of this work be removed from libraries. A website devoted to his work was called "an abomination." This order may have been reversed later in 2010.On 13 November 2014, aged 86, Grothendieck died in the hospital of Saint-Girons, Ariège.Grothendieck was born in Weimar Germany. In 1938, aged ten, he moved to France as a refugee. Records of his nationality were destroyed in the fall of Germany in 1945 and he did not apply for French citizenship after the war. He thus became a stateless person for at least the majority of his working life, traveling on a Nansen passport. Part of this reluctance to hold French nationality is attributed to not wishing to serve in the French military, particularly due to the Algerian War (1954–62). He eventually applied for French citizenship in the early 1980s, well past the age that exempted him from military service.Grothendieck was very close to his mother to whom he dedicated his dissertation. She died in 1957 from the tuberculosis that she contracted in camps for displaced persons. He had five children: a son with his landlady during his time in Nancy, three children, Johanna (1959), Alexander (1961) and Mathieu (1965) with his wife Mireille Dufour, and one child with Justine Skalba, with whom he lived in a commune in the early 1970s.Grothendieck's early mathematical work was in functional analysis. Between 1949 and 1953 he worked on his doctoral thesis in this subject at Nancy, supervised by Jean Dieudonné and Laurent Schwartz. His key contributions include topological tensor products of topological vector spaces, the theory of nuclear spaces as foundational for Schwartz distributions, and the application of L spaces in studying linear maps between topological vector spaces. In a few years, he had turned himself into a leading authority on this area of functional analysis—to the extent that Dieudonné compares his impact in this field to that of Banach.It is, however, in algebraic geometry and related fields where Grothendieck did his most important and influential work. From about 1955 he started to work on sheaf theory and homological algebra, producing the influential "Tôhoku paper" ("Sur quelques points d'algèbre homologique", published in the Tohoku Mathematical Journal in 1957) where he introduced abelian categories and applied their theory to show that sheaf cohomology can be defined as certain derived functors in this context.Homological methods and sheaf theory had already been introduced in algebraic geometry by Jean-Pierre Serre and others, after sheaves had been defined by Jean Leray. Grothendieck took them to a higher level of abstraction and turned them into a key organising principle of his theory. He shifted attention from the study of individual varieties to the "relative point of view" (pairs of varieties related by a morphism), allowing a broad generalization of many classical theorems. The first major application was the relative version of Serre's theorem showing that the cohomology of a coherent sheaf on a complete variety is finite-dimensional; Grothendieck's theorem shows that the higher direct images of coherent sheaves under a proper map are coherent; this reduces to Serre's theorem over a one-point space.In 1956, he applied the same thinking to the Riemann–Roch theorem, which had already recently been generalized to any dimension by Hirzebruch. The Grothendieck–Riemann–Roch theorem was announced by Grothendieck at the initial Mathematische Arbeitstagung in Bonn, in 1957. It appeared in print in a paper written by Armand Borel with Serre. This result was his first work in algebraic geometry. He went on to plan and execute a programme for rebuilding the foundations of algebraic geometry, which were then in a state of flux and under discussion in Claude Chevalley's seminar; he outlined his programme in his talk at the 1958 International Congress of Mathematicians.His foundational work on algebraic geometry is at a higher level of abstraction than all prior versions. He adapted the use of non-closed generic points, which led to the theory of schemes. He also pioneered the systematic use of nilpotents. As 'functions' these can take only the value 0, but they carry infinitesimal information, in purely algebraic settings. His "theory of schemes" has become established as the best universal foundation for this field, because of its expressiveness as well as technical depth. In that setting one can use birational geometry, techniques from number theory, Galois theory and commutative algebra, and close analogues of the methods of algebraic topology, all in an integrated way.He is also noted for his mastery of abstract approaches to mathematics and his perfectionism in matters of formulation and presentation. Relatively little of his work after 1960 was published by the conventional route of the learned journal, circulating initially in duplicated volumes of seminar notes; his influence was to a considerable extent personal. His influence spilled over into many other branches of mathematics, for example the contemporary theory of D-modules. (It also provoked adverse reactions, with many mathematicians seeking out more concrete areas and problems.)The bulk of Grothendieck's published work is collected in the monumental, yet incomplete, "Éléments de géométrie algébrique" ("EGA") and "Séminaire de géométrie algébrique" ("SGA"). The collection "Fondements de la Géometrie Algébrique" ("FGA"), which gathers together talks given in the Séminaire Bourbaki, also contains important material.Grothendieck's work includes the invention of the étale and l-adic cohomology theories, which explain an observation of André Weil's that there is a connection between the topological characteristics of a variety and its diophantine (number theoretic) properties. For example, the number of solutions of an equation over a finite field reflects the topological nature of its solutions over the complex numbers. Weil realized that to prove such a connection one needed a new cohomology theory, but neither he nor any other expert saw how to do this until such a theory was found by Grothendieck.This program culminated in the proofs of the Weil conjectures, the last of which was settled by Grothendieck's student Pierre Deligne in the early 1970s after Grothendieck had largely withdrawn from mathematics.In Grothendieck's retrospective "Récoltes et Semailles", he identified twelve of his contributions which he believed qualified as "great ideas". In chronological order, they are:Here the term "yoga" denotes a kind of "meta-theory" that can be used heuristically; Michel Raynaud writes the other terms "Ariadne's thread" and "philosophy" as effective equivalents.Grothendieck wrote that, of these themes, the largest in scope was topoi, as they synthesized algebraic geometry, topology, and arithmetic. The theme that had been most extensively developed was schemes, which were the framework ""par excellence"" for eight of the other themes (all but 1, 5, and 12). Grothendieck wrote that the first and last themes, topological tensor products and regular configurations, were of more modest size than the others. Topological tensor products had played the role of a tool rather than a source of inspiration for further developments; but he expected that regular configurations could not be exhausted within the lifetime of a mathematician who devoted himself to it. He believed that the deepest themes were motives, anabelian geometry, and Galois–Teichmüller theory.Grothendieck is considered by many to be the greatest mathematician of the 20th century. In an obituary David Mumford and John Tate wrote:Although mathematics became more and more abstract and general throughout the 20th century, it was Alexander Grothendieck who was the greatest master of this trend. His unique skill was to eliminate all unnecessary hypotheses and burrow into an area so deeply that its inner patterns on the most abstract level revealed themselves–and then, like a magician, show how the solution of old problems fell out in straightforward ways now that their real nature had been revealed.By the 1970s, Grothendieck's work was seen as influential not only in algebraic geometry, and the allied fields of sheaf theory and homological algebra, but influenced logic, in the field of categorical logic.Grothendieck approached algebraic geometry by clarifying the foundations of the field, and by developing mathematical tools intended to prove a number of notable conjectures. Algebraic geometry has traditionally meant the understanding of geometric objects, such as algebraic curves and surfaces, through the study of the algebraic equations for those objects. Properties of algebraic equations are in turn studied using the techniques of ring theory. In this approach, the properties of a geometric object are related to the properties of an associated ring. The space (e.g., real, complex, or projective) in which the object is defined is extrinsic to the object, while the ring is intrinsic.Grothendieck laid a new foundation for algebraic geometry by making intrinsic spaces ("spectra") and associated rings the primary objects of study. To that end he developed the theory of schemes, which can be informally thought of as topological spaces on which a commutative ring is associated to every open subset of the space. Schemes have become the basic objects of study for practitioners of modern algebraic geometry. Their use as a foundation allowed geometry to absorb technical advances from other fields.His generalization of the classical Riemann-Roch theorem related topological properties of complex algebraic curves to their algebraic structure. The tools he developed to prove this theorem started the study of algebraic and topological K-theory, which study the topological properties of objects by associating them with rings. Topological K-theory was founded by Michael Atiyah and Friedrich Hirzebruch, after direct contact with Grothendieck's ideas at the Bonn Arbeitstagung.Grothendieck's construction of new cohomology theories, which use algebraic techniques to study topological objects, has influenced the development of algebraic number theory, algebraic topology, and representation theory. As part of this project, his creation of topos theory, a category-theoretic generalization of point-set topology, has influenced the fields of set theory and mathematical logic.The Weil conjectures were formulated in the later 1940s as a set of mathematical problems in arithmetic geometry. They describe properties of analytic invariants, called local zeta functions, of the number of points on an algebraic curve or variety of higher dimension. Grothendieck's discovery of the ℓ-adic étale cohomology, the first example of a Weil cohomology theory, opened the way for a proof of the Weil conjectures, ultimately completed in the 1970s by his student Pierre Deligne. Grothendieck's large-scale approach has been called a "visionary program." The ℓ-adic cohomology then became a fundamental tool for number theorists, with applications to the Langlands program.Grothendieck's conjectural theory of motives was intended to be the "ℓ-adic" theory but without the choice of "ℓ", a prime number. It did not provide the intended route to the Weil conjectures, but has been behind modern developments in algebraic K-theory, motivic homotopy theory, and motivic integration. This theory, Daniel Quillen's work, and Grothendieck's theory of Chern classes, are considered the background to the theory of algebraic cobordism, another algebraic analogue of topological ideas.Grothendieck's emphasis on the role of universal properties across varied mathematical structures brought category theory into the mainstream as an organizing principle for mathematics in general. Among its uses, category theory creates a common language for describing similar structures and techniques seen in many different mathematical systems. His notion of abelian category is now the basic object of study in homological algebra. The emergence of a separate mathematical discipline of category theory has been attributed to Grothendieck's influence, though unintentional.The novel "Colonel Lágrimas" ("Colonel Tears" in English, available by Restless Books) by Puerto Rican - Costa Rican writer Carlos Fonseca is a semibiographic novel about Grothendieck.
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[
"University of Montpellier",
"Nancy-Université"
] |
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Where was Alexander Grothendieck educated in 02/06/1948?
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February 06, 1948
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{
"text": [
"École normale supérieure (Paris)"
]
}
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L2_Q77141_P69_1
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Alexander Grothendieck attended École normale supérieure (Paris) from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1949.
Alexander Grothendieck attended University of Montpellier from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1948.
Alexander Grothendieck attended Nancy-Université from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1953.
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Alexander GrothendieckAlexander Grothendieck (; ; ; 28 March 1928 – 13 November 2014) was a mathematician who became the leading figure in the creation of modern algebraic geometry. His research extended the scope of the field and added elements of commutative algebra, homological algebra, sheaf theory and category theory to its foundations, while his so-called "relative" perspective led to revolutionary advances in many areas of pure mathematics. He is considered by many to be the greatest mathematician of the 20th century.Born in Germany, Grothendieck was raised and lived primarily in France, and he and his family were persecuted by the Nazi regime. For much of his working life, however, he was, in effect, stateless. As he consistently spelled his first name "Alexander" rather than "Alexandre" and his surname, taken from his mother, was the Dutch-like Low German "Grothendieck", he was sometimes mistakenly believed to be of Dutch origin.Grothendieck began his productive and public career as a mathematician in 1949. In 1958, he was appointed a research professor at the Institut des hautes études scientifiques (IHÉS) and remained there until 1970, when, driven by personal and political convictions, he left following a dispute over military funding. He received his Fields Medal in 1966 for advances in algebraic geometry, homological algebra, and K-theory. He later became professor at the University of Montpellier and, while still producing relevant mathematical work, he withdrew from the mathematical community and devoted himself to political and religious pursuits (first Buddhism and later a more Christian vision). In 1991, he moved to the French village of Lasserre in the Pyrenees, where he lived in seclusion, still working tirelessly on mathematics until his death in 2014.Grothendieck was born in Berlin to anarchist parents. His father, Alexander "Sascha" Schapiro (also known as Alexander Tanaroff), had Hasidic Jewish roots and had been imprisoned in Russia before moving to Germany in 1922, while his mother, Johanna "Hanka" Grothendieck, came from a Protestant family in Hamburg and worked as a journalist. Both had broken away from their early backgrounds in their teens. At the time of his birth, Grothendieck's mother was married to the journalist Johannes Raddatz and his birth name was initially recorded as "Alexander Raddatz." The marriage was dissolved in 1929 and Schapiro/Tanaroff acknowledged his paternity, but never married Hanka.Grothendieck lived with his parents in Berlin until the end of 1933, when his father moved to Paris to evade Nazism, followed soon thereafter by his mother. They left Grothendieck in the care of Wilhelm Heydorn, a Lutheran pastor and teacher in Hamburg. During this time, his parents took part in the Spanish Civil War, according to Winfried Scharlau, as non-combatant auxiliaries, though others state that Sascha fought in the anarchist militia.In May 1939, Grothendieck was put on a train in Hamburg for France. Shortly afterwards his father was interned in Le Vernet. He and his mother were then interned in various camps from 1940 to 1942 as "undesirable dangerous foreigners". The first was the Rieucros Camp, where his mother contracted the tuberculosis which eventually caused her death and where Alexander managed to attend the local school, at Mende. Once Alexander managed to escape from the camp, intending to assassinate Hitler. Later, his mother Hanka was transferred to the Gurs internment camp for the remainder of World War II. Alexander was permitted to live, separated from his mother, in the village of Le Chambon-sur-Lignon, sheltered and hidden in local boarding houses or pensions, though he occasionally had to seek refuge in the woods during Nazis raids, surviving at times without food or water for several days. His father was arrested under the Vichy anti-Jewish legislation, and sent to the Drancy, and then handed over by the French Vichy government to the Germans to be sent to be murdered at the Auschwitz concentration camp in 1942. In Chambon, Grothendieck attended the Collège Cévenol (now known as the Le Collège-Lycée Cévenol International), a unique secondary school founded in 1938 by local Protestant pacifists and anti-war activists. Many of the refugee children hidden in Chambon attended Cévenol, and it was at this school that Grothendieck apparently first became fascinated with mathematics.After the war, the young Grothendieck studied mathematics in France, initially at the University of Montpellier where he did not initially perform well, failing such classes as astronomy. Working on his own, he rediscovered the Lebesgue measure. After three years of increasingly independent studies there, he went to continue his studies in Paris in 1948.Initially, Grothendieck attended Henri Cartan's Seminar at École Normale Supérieure, but he lacked the necessary background to follow the high-powered seminar. On the advice of Cartan and André Weil, he moved to the University of Nancy where two leading experts were working on Grothendieck's area of interest, Topological Vector Spaces: Jean Dieudonné and Laurent Schwartz. The latter had recently won a Fields Medal. He showed his new student his latest paper; it ended with a list of 14 open questions, relevant for locally convex spaces. Grothendieck introduced new methods, which allowed him to solve all these problems within a few months.In Nancy, he wrote his dissertation under those two professors on functional analysis, from 1950 to 1953. At this time he was a leading expert in the theory of topological vector spaces. From 1953 to 1955 he moved to the University of São Paulo in Brazil, where he immigrated by means of a Nansen passport, given that he refused to take French Nationality. By 1957, he set this subject aside in order to work in algebraic geometry and homological algebra. The same year he was invited to visit Harvard by Oscar Zariski, but the offer fell through when he refused to sign a pledge promising not to work to overthrow the United States government, a position that, he was warned, might have landed him in prison. The prospect did not worry him, as long as he could have access to books.Comparing Grothendieck during his Nancy years to the École Normale Supérieure trained students at that time: Pierre Samuel, Roger Godement, René Thom, Jacques Dixmier, Jean Cerf, Yvonne Bruhat, Jean-Pierre Serre, Bernard Malgrange, Leila Schneps says:His first works on topological vector spaces in 1953 have been successfully applied to physics and computer science, culminating in a relation between Grothendieck inequality and the Einstein-Podolsky-Rosen paradox in quantum physics.In 1958, Grothendieck was installed at the Institut des hautes études scientifiques (IHÉS), a new privately funded research institute that, in effect, had been created for Jean Dieudonné and Grothendieck. Grothendieck attracted attention by an intense and highly productive activity of seminars there ("de facto" working groups drafting into foundational work some of the ablest French and other mathematicians of the younger generation). Grothendieck himself practically ceased publication of papers through the conventional, learned journal route. He was, however, able to play a dominant role in mathematics for around a decade, gathering a strong school.During this time, he had officially as students Michel Demazure (who worked on SGA3, on group schemes), Luc Illusie (cotangent complex), Michel Raynaud, Jean-Louis Verdier (cofounder of the derived category theory) and Pierre Deligne. Collaborators on the SGA projects also included Michael Artin (étale cohomology) and Nick Katz (monodromy theory and Lefschetz pencils). Jean Giraud worked out torsor theory extensions of nonabelian cohomology. Many others like David Mumford, Robin Hartshorne, Barry Mazur and C.P. Ramanujam were also involved.Alexander Grothendieck's work during the "Golden Age" period at the IHÉS established several unifying themes in algebraic geometry, number theory, topology, category theory and complex analysis. His first (pre-IHÉS) discovery in algebraic geometry was the Grothendieck–Hirzebruch–Riemann–Roch theorem, a generalisation of the Hirzebruch–Riemann–Roch theorem proved algebraically; in this context he also introduced K-theory. Then, following the programme he outlined in his talk at the 1958 International Congress of Mathematicians, he introduced the theory of schemes, developing it in detail in his "Éléments de géométrie algébrique" ("EGA") and providing the new more flexible and general foundations for algebraic geometry that has been adopted in the field since that time. He went on to introduce the étale cohomology theory of schemes, providing the key tools for proving the Weil conjectures, as well as crystalline cohomology and algebraic de Rham cohomology to complement it. Closely linked to these cohomology theories, he originated topos theory as a generalisation of topology (relevant also in categorical logic). He also provided an algebraic definition of fundamental groups of schemes and more generally the main structures of a categorical Galois theory. As a framework for his coherent duality theory he also introduced derived categories, which were further developed by Verdier.The results of work on these and other topics were published in the "EGA" and in less polished form in the notes of the "Séminaire de géométrie algébrique" ("SGA") that he directed at the IHÉS.Grothendieck's political views were radical and pacifist, and he strongly opposed both United States intervention in Vietnam and Soviet military expansionism. He gave lectures on category theory in the forests surrounding Hanoi while the city was being bombed, to protest against the Vietnam War. He retired from scientific life around 1970, having found out that IHÉS was partly funded by the military. He returned to academia a few years later as a professor at the University of Montpellier.While the issue of military funding was perhaps the most obvious explanation for Grothendieck's departure from the IHÉS, those who knew him say that the causes of the rupture ran deeper. Pierre Cartier, a "visiteur de longue durée" ("long-term guest") at the IHÉS, wrote a piece about Grothendieck for a special volume published on the occasion of the IHÉS's fortieth anniversary. The "Grothendieck Festschrift", published in 1990, was a three-volume collection of research papers to mark his sixtieth birthday in 1988.In it, Cartier notes that as the son of an antimilitary anarchist and one who grew up among the disenfranchised, Grothendieck always had a deep compassion for the poor and the downtrodden. As Cartier puts it, Grothendieck came to find Bures-sur-Yvette ""une cage dorée"" ("a gilded cage"). While Grothendieck was at the IHÉS, opposition to the Vietnam War was heating up, and Cartier suggests that this also reinforced Grothendieck's distaste at having become a mandarin of the scientific world. In addition, after several years at the IHÉS, Grothendieck seemed to cast about for new intellectual interests. By the late 1960s, he had started to become interested in scientific areas outside mathematics. David Ruelle, a physicist who joined the IHÉS faculty in 1964, said that Grothendieck came to talk to him a few times about physics. Biology interested Grothendieck much more than physics, and he organized some seminars on biological topics.In 1970, Grothendieck, with two other mathematicians, Claude Chevalley and Pierre Samuel, created a political group called "Survivre"—the name later changed to "Survivre et vivre". The group published a bulletin and was dedicated to antimilitary and ecological issues, and also developed strong criticism of the indiscriminate use of science and technology. Grothendieck devoted the next three years to this group and served as the main editor of its bulletin.Although Grothendieck continued with mathematical enquiries his standard mathematical career, for the most part, ended when he left the IHÉS. After leaving the IHÉS Grothendieck became a temporary professor at Collège de France for two years. He then became a professor at the University of Montpellier, where he became increasingly estranged from the mathematical community. He formally retired in 1988, a few years after having accepted a research position at the CNRS.While not publishing mathematical research in conventional ways during the 1980s, he produced several influential manuscripts with limited distribution, with both mathematical and biographical content.Produced during 1980 and 1981, "La Longue Marche à travers la théorie de Galois" ("The Long March Through Galois Theory") is a 1600-page handwritten manuscript containing many of the ideas that led to the "Esquisse d'un programme". It also includes a study of Teichmüller theory.In 1983, stimulated by correspondence with Ronald Brown and Tim Porter at Bangor University, Grothendieck wrote a 600-page manuscript titled "Pursuing Stacks", starting with a letter addressed to Daniel Quillen. This letter and successive parts were distributed from Bangor (see External links below). Within these, in an informal, diary-like manner, Grothendieck explained and developed his ideas on the relationship between algebraic homotopy theory and algebraic geometry and prospects for a noncommutative theory of stacks. The manuscript, which is being edited for publication by G. Maltsiniotis, later led to another of his monumental works, "Les Dérivateurs". Written in 1991, this latter opus of about 2000 pages further developed the homotopical ideas begun in "Pursuing Stacks". Much of this work anticipated the subsequent development of the motivic homotopy theory of Fabien Morel and Vladimir Voevodsky in the mid-1990s.In 1984, Grothendieck wrote the proposal "Esquisse d'un Programme" ("Sketch of a Programme") for a position at the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS). It describes new ideas for studying the moduli space of complex curves. Although Grothendieck himself never published his work in this area, the proposal inspired other mathematicians' work by becoming the source of dessin d'enfant theory and Anabelian geometry. It was later published in the two-volume "Geometric Galois Actions" (Cambridge University Press, 1997).During this period, Grothendieck also gave his consent to publishing some of his drafts for EGA on Bertini-type theorems ("EGA" V, published in Ulam Quarterly in 1992-1993 and later made available on the Grothendieck Circle web site in 2004).In the 1,000-page autobiographical manuscript "Récoltes et semailles" (1986) Grothendieck describes his approach to mathematics and his experiences in the mathematical community, a community that initially accepted him in an open and welcoming manner but which he progressively perceived to be governed by competition and status. He complains about what he saw as the "burial" of his work and betrayal by his former students and colleagues after he had left the community. "Récoltes et semailles" work is now available on the internet in the French original, and an English translation is underway. Parts of "Récoltes et semailles" have been translated into Spanish and into Russian and published in Moscow.In 1988 Grothendieck declined the Crafoord Prize with an open letter to the media. He wrote that established mathematicians like himself had no need for additional financial support and criticized what he saw as the declining ethics of the scientific community, characterized by outright scientific theft that, according to him, had become commonplace and tolerated. The letter also expressed his belief that totally unforeseen events before the end of the century would lead to an unprecedented collapse of civilization. Grothendieck added however that his views are "in no way meant as a criticism of the Royal Academy's aims in the administration of its funds" and added "I regret the inconvenience that my refusal to accept the Crafoord prize may have caused you and the Royal Academy.""La Clef des Songes", a 315-page manuscript written in 1987, is Grothendieck's account of how his consideration of the source of dreams led him to conclude that God exists. As part of the notes to this manuscript, Grothendieck described the life and work of 18 "mutants", people whom he admired as visionaries far ahead of their time and heralding a new age. The only mathematician on his list was Bernhard Riemann. Influenced by the Catholic mystic Marthe Robin who was claimed to survive on the Holy Eucharist alone, Grothendieck almost starved himself to death in 1988. His growing preoccupation with spiritual matters was also evident in a letter titled "Lettre de la Bonne Nouvelle" sent to 250 friends in January 1990. In it, he described his encounters with a deity and announced that a "New Age" would commence on 14 October 1996.Over 20,000 pages of Grothendieck's mathematical and other writings, held at the University of Montpellier, remain unpublished. They have been digitized for preservation and are freely available in open access through the Institut Montpelliérain Alexander Grothendieck portal.In 1991, Grothendieck moved to a new address which he did not provide to his previous contacts in the mathematical community. Very few people visited him afterward. Local villagers helped sustain him with a more varied diet after he tried to live on a staple of dandelion soup. At some point, Leila Schneps and Pierre Lochak located him, then carried on a brief correspondence. Thus they became among "the last members of the mathematical establishment to come into contact with him". After his death, it was revealed that he lived alone in a house in Lasserre, Ariège, a small village at the foot of the Pyrenees.In January 2010, Grothendieck wrote the letter "Déclaration d'intention de non-publication" to Luc Illusie, claiming that all materials published in his absence have been published without his permission. He asks that none of his work be reproduced in whole or in part and that copies of this work be removed from libraries. A website devoted to his work was called "an abomination." This order may have been reversed later in 2010.On 13 November 2014, aged 86, Grothendieck died in the hospital of Saint-Girons, Ariège.Grothendieck was born in Weimar Germany. In 1938, aged ten, he moved to France as a refugee. Records of his nationality were destroyed in the fall of Germany in 1945 and he did not apply for French citizenship after the war. He thus became a stateless person for at least the majority of his working life, traveling on a Nansen passport. Part of this reluctance to hold French nationality is attributed to not wishing to serve in the French military, particularly due to the Algerian War (1954–62). He eventually applied for French citizenship in the early 1980s, well past the age that exempted him from military service.Grothendieck was very close to his mother to whom he dedicated his dissertation. She died in 1957 from the tuberculosis that she contracted in camps for displaced persons. He had five children: a son with his landlady during his time in Nancy, three children, Johanna (1959), Alexander (1961) and Mathieu (1965) with his wife Mireille Dufour, and one child with Justine Skalba, with whom he lived in a commune in the early 1970s.Grothendieck's early mathematical work was in functional analysis. Between 1949 and 1953 he worked on his doctoral thesis in this subject at Nancy, supervised by Jean Dieudonné and Laurent Schwartz. His key contributions include topological tensor products of topological vector spaces, the theory of nuclear spaces as foundational for Schwartz distributions, and the application of L spaces in studying linear maps between topological vector spaces. In a few years, he had turned himself into a leading authority on this area of functional analysis—to the extent that Dieudonné compares his impact in this field to that of Banach.It is, however, in algebraic geometry and related fields where Grothendieck did his most important and influential work. From about 1955 he started to work on sheaf theory and homological algebra, producing the influential "Tôhoku paper" ("Sur quelques points d'algèbre homologique", published in the Tohoku Mathematical Journal in 1957) where he introduced abelian categories and applied their theory to show that sheaf cohomology can be defined as certain derived functors in this context.Homological methods and sheaf theory had already been introduced in algebraic geometry by Jean-Pierre Serre and others, after sheaves had been defined by Jean Leray. Grothendieck took them to a higher level of abstraction and turned them into a key organising principle of his theory. He shifted attention from the study of individual varieties to the "relative point of view" (pairs of varieties related by a morphism), allowing a broad generalization of many classical theorems. The first major application was the relative version of Serre's theorem showing that the cohomology of a coherent sheaf on a complete variety is finite-dimensional; Grothendieck's theorem shows that the higher direct images of coherent sheaves under a proper map are coherent; this reduces to Serre's theorem over a one-point space.In 1956, he applied the same thinking to the Riemann–Roch theorem, which had already recently been generalized to any dimension by Hirzebruch. The Grothendieck–Riemann–Roch theorem was announced by Grothendieck at the initial Mathematische Arbeitstagung in Bonn, in 1957. It appeared in print in a paper written by Armand Borel with Serre. This result was his first work in algebraic geometry. He went on to plan and execute a programme for rebuilding the foundations of algebraic geometry, which were then in a state of flux and under discussion in Claude Chevalley's seminar; he outlined his programme in his talk at the 1958 International Congress of Mathematicians.His foundational work on algebraic geometry is at a higher level of abstraction than all prior versions. He adapted the use of non-closed generic points, which led to the theory of schemes. He also pioneered the systematic use of nilpotents. As 'functions' these can take only the value 0, but they carry infinitesimal information, in purely algebraic settings. His "theory of schemes" has become established as the best universal foundation for this field, because of its expressiveness as well as technical depth. In that setting one can use birational geometry, techniques from number theory, Galois theory and commutative algebra, and close analogues of the methods of algebraic topology, all in an integrated way.He is also noted for his mastery of abstract approaches to mathematics and his perfectionism in matters of formulation and presentation. Relatively little of his work after 1960 was published by the conventional route of the learned journal, circulating initially in duplicated volumes of seminar notes; his influence was to a considerable extent personal. His influence spilled over into many other branches of mathematics, for example the contemporary theory of D-modules. (It also provoked adverse reactions, with many mathematicians seeking out more concrete areas and problems.)The bulk of Grothendieck's published work is collected in the monumental, yet incomplete, "Éléments de géométrie algébrique" ("EGA") and "Séminaire de géométrie algébrique" ("SGA"). The collection "Fondements de la Géometrie Algébrique" ("FGA"), which gathers together talks given in the Séminaire Bourbaki, also contains important material.Grothendieck's work includes the invention of the étale and l-adic cohomology theories, which explain an observation of André Weil's that there is a connection between the topological characteristics of a variety and its diophantine (number theoretic) properties. For example, the number of solutions of an equation over a finite field reflects the topological nature of its solutions over the complex numbers. Weil realized that to prove such a connection one needed a new cohomology theory, but neither he nor any other expert saw how to do this until such a theory was found by Grothendieck.This program culminated in the proofs of the Weil conjectures, the last of which was settled by Grothendieck's student Pierre Deligne in the early 1970s after Grothendieck had largely withdrawn from mathematics.In Grothendieck's retrospective "Récoltes et Semailles", he identified twelve of his contributions which he believed qualified as "great ideas". In chronological order, they are:Here the term "yoga" denotes a kind of "meta-theory" that can be used heuristically; Michel Raynaud writes the other terms "Ariadne's thread" and "philosophy" as effective equivalents.Grothendieck wrote that, of these themes, the largest in scope was topoi, as they synthesized algebraic geometry, topology, and arithmetic. The theme that had been most extensively developed was schemes, which were the framework ""par excellence"" for eight of the other themes (all but 1, 5, and 12). Grothendieck wrote that the first and last themes, topological tensor products and regular configurations, were of more modest size than the others. Topological tensor products had played the role of a tool rather than a source of inspiration for further developments; but he expected that regular configurations could not be exhausted within the lifetime of a mathematician who devoted himself to it. He believed that the deepest themes were motives, anabelian geometry, and Galois–Teichmüller theory.Grothendieck is considered by many to be the greatest mathematician of the 20th century. In an obituary David Mumford and John Tate wrote:Although mathematics became more and more abstract and general throughout the 20th century, it was Alexander Grothendieck who was the greatest master of this trend. His unique skill was to eliminate all unnecessary hypotheses and burrow into an area so deeply that its inner patterns on the most abstract level revealed themselves–and then, like a magician, show how the solution of old problems fell out in straightforward ways now that their real nature had been revealed.By the 1970s, Grothendieck's work was seen as influential not only in algebraic geometry, and the allied fields of sheaf theory and homological algebra, but influenced logic, in the field of categorical logic.Grothendieck approached algebraic geometry by clarifying the foundations of the field, and by developing mathematical tools intended to prove a number of notable conjectures. Algebraic geometry has traditionally meant the understanding of geometric objects, such as algebraic curves and surfaces, through the study of the algebraic equations for those objects. Properties of algebraic equations are in turn studied using the techniques of ring theory. In this approach, the properties of a geometric object are related to the properties of an associated ring. The space (e.g., real, complex, or projective) in which the object is defined is extrinsic to the object, while the ring is intrinsic.Grothendieck laid a new foundation for algebraic geometry by making intrinsic spaces ("spectra") and associated rings the primary objects of study. To that end he developed the theory of schemes, which can be informally thought of as topological spaces on which a commutative ring is associated to every open subset of the space. Schemes have become the basic objects of study for practitioners of modern algebraic geometry. Their use as a foundation allowed geometry to absorb technical advances from other fields.His generalization of the classical Riemann-Roch theorem related topological properties of complex algebraic curves to their algebraic structure. The tools he developed to prove this theorem started the study of algebraic and topological K-theory, which study the topological properties of objects by associating them with rings. Topological K-theory was founded by Michael Atiyah and Friedrich Hirzebruch, after direct contact with Grothendieck's ideas at the Bonn Arbeitstagung.Grothendieck's construction of new cohomology theories, which use algebraic techniques to study topological objects, has influenced the development of algebraic number theory, algebraic topology, and representation theory. As part of this project, his creation of topos theory, a category-theoretic generalization of point-set topology, has influenced the fields of set theory and mathematical logic.The Weil conjectures were formulated in the later 1940s as a set of mathematical problems in arithmetic geometry. They describe properties of analytic invariants, called local zeta functions, of the number of points on an algebraic curve or variety of higher dimension. Grothendieck's discovery of the ℓ-adic étale cohomology, the first example of a Weil cohomology theory, opened the way for a proof of the Weil conjectures, ultimately completed in the 1970s by his student Pierre Deligne. Grothendieck's large-scale approach has been called a "visionary program." The ℓ-adic cohomology then became a fundamental tool for number theorists, with applications to the Langlands program.Grothendieck's conjectural theory of motives was intended to be the "ℓ-adic" theory but without the choice of "ℓ", a prime number. It did not provide the intended route to the Weil conjectures, but has been behind modern developments in algebraic K-theory, motivic homotopy theory, and motivic integration. This theory, Daniel Quillen's work, and Grothendieck's theory of Chern classes, are considered the background to the theory of algebraic cobordism, another algebraic analogue of topological ideas.Grothendieck's emphasis on the role of universal properties across varied mathematical structures brought category theory into the mainstream as an organizing principle for mathematics in general. Among its uses, category theory creates a common language for describing similar structures and techniques seen in many different mathematical systems. His notion of abelian category is now the basic object of study in homological algebra. The emergence of a separate mathematical discipline of category theory has been attributed to Grothendieck's influence, though unintentional.The novel "Colonel Lágrimas" ("Colonel Tears" in English, available by Restless Books) by Puerto Rican - Costa Rican writer Carlos Fonseca is a semibiographic novel about Grothendieck.
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[
"University of Montpellier",
"Nancy-Université"
] |
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Where was Alexander Grothendieck educated in 06-Feb-194806-February-1948?
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February 06, 1948
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{
"text": [
"École normale supérieure (Paris)"
]
}
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L2_Q77141_P69_1
|
Alexander Grothendieck attended École normale supérieure (Paris) from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1949.
Alexander Grothendieck attended University of Montpellier from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1948.
Alexander Grothendieck attended Nancy-Université from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1953.
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Alexander GrothendieckAlexander Grothendieck (; ; ; 28 March 1928 – 13 November 2014) was a mathematician who became the leading figure in the creation of modern algebraic geometry. His research extended the scope of the field and added elements of commutative algebra, homological algebra, sheaf theory and category theory to its foundations, while his so-called "relative" perspective led to revolutionary advances in many areas of pure mathematics. He is considered by many to be the greatest mathematician of the 20th century.Born in Germany, Grothendieck was raised and lived primarily in France, and he and his family were persecuted by the Nazi regime. For much of his working life, however, he was, in effect, stateless. As he consistently spelled his first name "Alexander" rather than "Alexandre" and his surname, taken from his mother, was the Dutch-like Low German "Grothendieck", he was sometimes mistakenly believed to be of Dutch origin.Grothendieck began his productive and public career as a mathematician in 1949. In 1958, he was appointed a research professor at the Institut des hautes études scientifiques (IHÉS) and remained there until 1970, when, driven by personal and political convictions, he left following a dispute over military funding. He received his Fields Medal in 1966 for advances in algebraic geometry, homological algebra, and K-theory. He later became professor at the University of Montpellier and, while still producing relevant mathematical work, he withdrew from the mathematical community and devoted himself to political and religious pursuits (first Buddhism and later a more Christian vision). In 1991, he moved to the French village of Lasserre in the Pyrenees, where he lived in seclusion, still working tirelessly on mathematics until his death in 2014.Grothendieck was born in Berlin to anarchist parents. His father, Alexander "Sascha" Schapiro (also known as Alexander Tanaroff), had Hasidic Jewish roots and had been imprisoned in Russia before moving to Germany in 1922, while his mother, Johanna "Hanka" Grothendieck, came from a Protestant family in Hamburg and worked as a journalist. Both had broken away from their early backgrounds in their teens. At the time of his birth, Grothendieck's mother was married to the journalist Johannes Raddatz and his birth name was initially recorded as "Alexander Raddatz." The marriage was dissolved in 1929 and Schapiro/Tanaroff acknowledged his paternity, but never married Hanka.Grothendieck lived with his parents in Berlin until the end of 1933, when his father moved to Paris to evade Nazism, followed soon thereafter by his mother. They left Grothendieck in the care of Wilhelm Heydorn, a Lutheran pastor and teacher in Hamburg. During this time, his parents took part in the Spanish Civil War, according to Winfried Scharlau, as non-combatant auxiliaries, though others state that Sascha fought in the anarchist militia.In May 1939, Grothendieck was put on a train in Hamburg for France. Shortly afterwards his father was interned in Le Vernet. He and his mother were then interned in various camps from 1940 to 1942 as "undesirable dangerous foreigners". The first was the Rieucros Camp, where his mother contracted the tuberculosis which eventually caused her death and where Alexander managed to attend the local school, at Mende. Once Alexander managed to escape from the camp, intending to assassinate Hitler. Later, his mother Hanka was transferred to the Gurs internment camp for the remainder of World War II. Alexander was permitted to live, separated from his mother, in the village of Le Chambon-sur-Lignon, sheltered and hidden in local boarding houses or pensions, though he occasionally had to seek refuge in the woods during Nazis raids, surviving at times without food or water for several days. His father was arrested under the Vichy anti-Jewish legislation, and sent to the Drancy, and then handed over by the French Vichy government to the Germans to be sent to be murdered at the Auschwitz concentration camp in 1942. In Chambon, Grothendieck attended the Collège Cévenol (now known as the Le Collège-Lycée Cévenol International), a unique secondary school founded in 1938 by local Protestant pacifists and anti-war activists. Many of the refugee children hidden in Chambon attended Cévenol, and it was at this school that Grothendieck apparently first became fascinated with mathematics.After the war, the young Grothendieck studied mathematics in France, initially at the University of Montpellier where he did not initially perform well, failing such classes as astronomy. Working on his own, he rediscovered the Lebesgue measure. After three years of increasingly independent studies there, he went to continue his studies in Paris in 1948.Initially, Grothendieck attended Henri Cartan's Seminar at École Normale Supérieure, but he lacked the necessary background to follow the high-powered seminar. On the advice of Cartan and André Weil, he moved to the University of Nancy where two leading experts were working on Grothendieck's area of interest, Topological Vector Spaces: Jean Dieudonné and Laurent Schwartz. The latter had recently won a Fields Medal. He showed his new student his latest paper; it ended with a list of 14 open questions, relevant for locally convex spaces. Grothendieck introduced new methods, which allowed him to solve all these problems within a few months.In Nancy, he wrote his dissertation under those two professors on functional analysis, from 1950 to 1953. At this time he was a leading expert in the theory of topological vector spaces. From 1953 to 1955 he moved to the University of São Paulo in Brazil, where he immigrated by means of a Nansen passport, given that he refused to take French Nationality. By 1957, he set this subject aside in order to work in algebraic geometry and homological algebra. The same year he was invited to visit Harvard by Oscar Zariski, but the offer fell through when he refused to sign a pledge promising not to work to overthrow the United States government, a position that, he was warned, might have landed him in prison. The prospect did not worry him, as long as he could have access to books.Comparing Grothendieck during his Nancy years to the École Normale Supérieure trained students at that time: Pierre Samuel, Roger Godement, René Thom, Jacques Dixmier, Jean Cerf, Yvonne Bruhat, Jean-Pierre Serre, Bernard Malgrange, Leila Schneps says:His first works on topological vector spaces in 1953 have been successfully applied to physics and computer science, culminating in a relation between Grothendieck inequality and the Einstein-Podolsky-Rosen paradox in quantum physics.In 1958, Grothendieck was installed at the Institut des hautes études scientifiques (IHÉS), a new privately funded research institute that, in effect, had been created for Jean Dieudonné and Grothendieck. Grothendieck attracted attention by an intense and highly productive activity of seminars there ("de facto" working groups drafting into foundational work some of the ablest French and other mathematicians of the younger generation). Grothendieck himself practically ceased publication of papers through the conventional, learned journal route. He was, however, able to play a dominant role in mathematics for around a decade, gathering a strong school.During this time, he had officially as students Michel Demazure (who worked on SGA3, on group schemes), Luc Illusie (cotangent complex), Michel Raynaud, Jean-Louis Verdier (cofounder of the derived category theory) and Pierre Deligne. Collaborators on the SGA projects also included Michael Artin (étale cohomology) and Nick Katz (monodromy theory and Lefschetz pencils). Jean Giraud worked out torsor theory extensions of nonabelian cohomology. Many others like David Mumford, Robin Hartshorne, Barry Mazur and C.P. Ramanujam were also involved.Alexander Grothendieck's work during the "Golden Age" period at the IHÉS established several unifying themes in algebraic geometry, number theory, topology, category theory and complex analysis. His first (pre-IHÉS) discovery in algebraic geometry was the Grothendieck–Hirzebruch–Riemann–Roch theorem, a generalisation of the Hirzebruch–Riemann–Roch theorem proved algebraically; in this context he also introduced K-theory. Then, following the programme he outlined in his talk at the 1958 International Congress of Mathematicians, he introduced the theory of schemes, developing it in detail in his "Éléments de géométrie algébrique" ("EGA") and providing the new more flexible and general foundations for algebraic geometry that has been adopted in the field since that time. He went on to introduce the étale cohomology theory of schemes, providing the key tools for proving the Weil conjectures, as well as crystalline cohomology and algebraic de Rham cohomology to complement it. Closely linked to these cohomology theories, he originated topos theory as a generalisation of topology (relevant also in categorical logic). He also provided an algebraic definition of fundamental groups of schemes and more generally the main structures of a categorical Galois theory. As a framework for his coherent duality theory he also introduced derived categories, which were further developed by Verdier.The results of work on these and other topics were published in the "EGA" and in less polished form in the notes of the "Séminaire de géométrie algébrique" ("SGA") that he directed at the IHÉS.Grothendieck's political views were radical and pacifist, and he strongly opposed both United States intervention in Vietnam and Soviet military expansionism. He gave lectures on category theory in the forests surrounding Hanoi while the city was being bombed, to protest against the Vietnam War. He retired from scientific life around 1970, having found out that IHÉS was partly funded by the military. He returned to academia a few years later as a professor at the University of Montpellier.While the issue of military funding was perhaps the most obvious explanation for Grothendieck's departure from the IHÉS, those who knew him say that the causes of the rupture ran deeper. Pierre Cartier, a "visiteur de longue durée" ("long-term guest") at the IHÉS, wrote a piece about Grothendieck for a special volume published on the occasion of the IHÉS's fortieth anniversary. The "Grothendieck Festschrift", published in 1990, was a three-volume collection of research papers to mark his sixtieth birthday in 1988.In it, Cartier notes that as the son of an antimilitary anarchist and one who grew up among the disenfranchised, Grothendieck always had a deep compassion for the poor and the downtrodden. As Cartier puts it, Grothendieck came to find Bures-sur-Yvette ""une cage dorée"" ("a gilded cage"). While Grothendieck was at the IHÉS, opposition to the Vietnam War was heating up, and Cartier suggests that this also reinforced Grothendieck's distaste at having become a mandarin of the scientific world. In addition, after several years at the IHÉS, Grothendieck seemed to cast about for new intellectual interests. By the late 1960s, he had started to become interested in scientific areas outside mathematics. David Ruelle, a physicist who joined the IHÉS faculty in 1964, said that Grothendieck came to talk to him a few times about physics. Biology interested Grothendieck much more than physics, and he organized some seminars on biological topics.In 1970, Grothendieck, with two other mathematicians, Claude Chevalley and Pierre Samuel, created a political group called "Survivre"—the name later changed to "Survivre et vivre". The group published a bulletin and was dedicated to antimilitary and ecological issues, and also developed strong criticism of the indiscriminate use of science and technology. Grothendieck devoted the next three years to this group and served as the main editor of its bulletin.Although Grothendieck continued with mathematical enquiries his standard mathematical career, for the most part, ended when he left the IHÉS. After leaving the IHÉS Grothendieck became a temporary professor at Collège de France for two years. He then became a professor at the University of Montpellier, where he became increasingly estranged from the mathematical community. He formally retired in 1988, a few years after having accepted a research position at the CNRS.While not publishing mathematical research in conventional ways during the 1980s, he produced several influential manuscripts with limited distribution, with both mathematical and biographical content.Produced during 1980 and 1981, "La Longue Marche à travers la théorie de Galois" ("The Long March Through Galois Theory") is a 1600-page handwritten manuscript containing many of the ideas that led to the "Esquisse d'un programme". It also includes a study of Teichmüller theory.In 1983, stimulated by correspondence with Ronald Brown and Tim Porter at Bangor University, Grothendieck wrote a 600-page manuscript titled "Pursuing Stacks", starting with a letter addressed to Daniel Quillen. This letter and successive parts were distributed from Bangor (see External links below). Within these, in an informal, diary-like manner, Grothendieck explained and developed his ideas on the relationship between algebraic homotopy theory and algebraic geometry and prospects for a noncommutative theory of stacks. The manuscript, which is being edited for publication by G. Maltsiniotis, later led to another of his monumental works, "Les Dérivateurs". Written in 1991, this latter opus of about 2000 pages further developed the homotopical ideas begun in "Pursuing Stacks". Much of this work anticipated the subsequent development of the motivic homotopy theory of Fabien Morel and Vladimir Voevodsky in the mid-1990s.In 1984, Grothendieck wrote the proposal "Esquisse d'un Programme" ("Sketch of a Programme") for a position at the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS). It describes new ideas for studying the moduli space of complex curves. Although Grothendieck himself never published his work in this area, the proposal inspired other mathematicians' work by becoming the source of dessin d'enfant theory and Anabelian geometry. It was later published in the two-volume "Geometric Galois Actions" (Cambridge University Press, 1997).During this period, Grothendieck also gave his consent to publishing some of his drafts for EGA on Bertini-type theorems ("EGA" V, published in Ulam Quarterly in 1992-1993 and later made available on the Grothendieck Circle web site in 2004).In the 1,000-page autobiographical manuscript "Récoltes et semailles" (1986) Grothendieck describes his approach to mathematics and his experiences in the mathematical community, a community that initially accepted him in an open and welcoming manner but which he progressively perceived to be governed by competition and status. He complains about what he saw as the "burial" of his work and betrayal by his former students and colleagues after he had left the community. "Récoltes et semailles" work is now available on the internet in the French original, and an English translation is underway. Parts of "Récoltes et semailles" have been translated into Spanish and into Russian and published in Moscow.In 1988 Grothendieck declined the Crafoord Prize with an open letter to the media. He wrote that established mathematicians like himself had no need for additional financial support and criticized what he saw as the declining ethics of the scientific community, characterized by outright scientific theft that, according to him, had become commonplace and tolerated. The letter also expressed his belief that totally unforeseen events before the end of the century would lead to an unprecedented collapse of civilization. Grothendieck added however that his views are "in no way meant as a criticism of the Royal Academy's aims in the administration of its funds" and added "I regret the inconvenience that my refusal to accept the Crafoord prize may have caused you and the Royal Academy.""La Clef des Songes", a 315-page manuscript written in 1987, is Grothendieck's account of how his consideration of the source of dreams led him to conclude that God exists. As part of the notes to this manuscript, Grothendieck described the life and work of 18 "mutants", people whom he admired as visionaries far ahead of their time and heralding a new age. The only mathematician on his list was Bernhard Riemann. Influenced by the Catholic mystic Marthe Robin who was claimed to survive on the Holy Eucharist alone, Grothendieck almost starved himself to death in 1988. His growing preoccupation with spiritual matters was also evident in a letter titled "Lettre de la Bonne Nouvelle" sent to 250 friends in January 1990. In it, he described his encounters with a deity and announced that a "New Age" would commence on 14 October 1996.Over 20,000 pages of Grothendieck's mathematical and other writings, held at the University of Montpellier, remain unpublished. They have been digitized for preservation and are freely available in open access through the Institut Montpelliérain Alexander Grothendieck portal.In 1991, Grothendieck moved to a new address which he did not provide to his previous contacts in the mathematical community. Very few people visited him afterward. Local villagers helped sustain him with a more varied diet after he tried to live on a staple of dandelion soup. At some point, Leila Schneps and Pierre Lochak located him, then carried on a brief correspondence. Thus they became among "the last members of the mathematical establishment to come into contact with him". After his death, it was revealed that he lived alone in a house in Lasserre, Ariège, a small village at the foot of the Pyrenees.In January 2010, Grothendieck wrote the letter "Déclaration d'intention de non-publication" to Luc Illusie, claiming that all materials published in his absence have been published without his permission. He asks that none of his work be reproduced in whole or in part and that copies of this work be removed from libraries. A website devoted to his work was called "an abomination." This order may have been reversed later in 2010.On 13 November 2014, aged 86, Grothendieck died in the hospital of Saint-Girons, Ariège.Grothendieck was born in Weimar Germany. In 1938, aged ten, he moved to France as a refugee. Records of his nationality were destroyed in the fall of Germany in 1945 and he did not apply for French citizenship after the war. He thus became a stateless person for at least the majority of his working life, traveling on a Nansen passport. Part of this reluctance to hold French nationality is attributed to not wishing to serve in the French military, particularly due to the Algerian War (1954–62). He eventually applied for French citizenship in the early 1980s, well past the age that exempted him from military service.Grothendieck was very close to his mother to whom he dedicated his dissertation. She died in 1957 from the tuberculosis that she contracted in camps for displaced persons. He had five children: a son with his landlady during his time in Nancy, three children, Johanna (1959), Alexander (1961) and Mathieu (1965) with his wife Mireille Dufour, and one child with Justine Skalba, with whom he lived in a commune in the early 1970s.Grothendieck's early mathematical work was in functional analysis. Between 1949 and 1953 he worked on his doctoral thesis in this subject at Nancy, supervised by Jean Dieudonné and Laurent Schwartz. His key contributions include topological tensor products of topological vector spaces, the theory of nuclear spaces as foundational for Schwartz distributions, and the application of L spaces in studying linear maps between topological vector spaces. In a few years, he had turned himself into a leading authority on this area of functional analysis—to the extent that Dieudonné compares his impact in this field to that of Banach.It is, however, in algebraic geometry and related fields where Grothendieck did his most important and influential work. From about 1955 he started to work on sheaf theory and homological algebra, producing the influential "Tôhoku paper" ("Sur quelques points d'algèbre homologique", published in the Tohoku Mathematical Journal in 1957) where he introduced abelian categories and applied their theory to show that sheaf cohomology can be defined as certain derived functors in this context.Homological methods and sheaf theory had already been introduced in algebraic geometry by Jean-Pierre Serre and others, after sheaves had been defined by Jean Leray. Grothendieck took them to a higher level of abstraction and turned them into a key organising principle of his theory. He shifted attention from the study of individual varieties to the "relative point of view" (pairs of varieties related by a morphism), allowing a broad generalization of many classical theorems. The first major application was the relative version of Serre's theorem showing that the cohomology of a coherent sheaf on a complete variety is finite-dimensional; Grothendieck's theorem shows that the higher direct images of coherent sheaves under a proper map are coherent; this reduces to Serre's theorem over a one-point space.In 1956, he applied the same thinking to the Riemann–Roch theorem, which had already recently been generalized to any dimension by Hirzebruch. The Grothendieck–Riemann–Roch theorem was announced by Grothendieck at the initial Mathematische Arbeitstagung in Bonn, in 1957. It appeared in print in a paper written by Armand Borel with Serre. This result was his first work in algebraic geometry. He went on to plan and execute a programme for rebuilding the foundations of algebraic geometry, which were then in a state of flux and under discussion in Claude Chevalley's seminar; he outlined his programme in his talk at the 1958 International Congress of Mathematicians.His foundational work on algebraic geometry is at a higher level of abstraction than all prior versions. He adapted the use of non-closed generic points, which led to the theory of schemes. He also pioneered the systematic use of nilpotents. As 'functions' these can take only the value 0, but they carry infinitesimal information, in purely algebraic settings. His "theory of schemes" has become established as the best universal foundation for this field, because of its expressiveness as well as technical depth. In that setting one can use birational geometry, techniques from number theory, Galois theory and commutative algebra, and close analogues of the methods of algebraic topology, all in an integrated way.He is also noted for his mastery of abstract approaches to mathematics and his perfectionism in matters of formulation and presentation. Relatively little of his work after 1960 was published by the conventional route of the learned journal, circulating initially in duplicated volumes of seminar notes; his influence was to a considerable extent personal. His influence spilled over into many other branches of mathematics, for example the contemporary theory of D-modules. (It also provoked adverse reactions, with many mathematicians seeking out more concrete areas and problems.)The bulk of Grothendieck's published work is collected in the monumental, yet incomplete, "Éléments de géométrie algébrique" ("EGA") and "Séminaire de géométrie algébrique" ("SGA"). The collection "Fondements de la Géometrie Algébrique" ("FGA"), which gathers together talks given in the Séminaire Bourbaki, also contains important material.Grothendieck's work includes the invention of the étale and l-adic cohomology theories, which explain an observation of André Weil's that there is a connection between the topological characteristics of a variety and its diophantine (number theoretic) properties. For example, the number of solutions of an equation over a finite field reflects the topological nature of its solutions over the complex numbers. Weil realized that to prove such a connection one needed a new cohomology theory, but neither he nor any other expert saw how to do this until such a theory was found by Grothendieck.This program culminated in the proofs of the Weil conjectures, the last of which was settled by Grothendieck's student Pierre Deligne in the early 1970s after Grothendieck had largely withdrawn from mathematics.In Grothendieck's retrospective "Récoltes et Semailles", he identified twelve of his contributions which he believed qualified as "great ideas". In chronological order, they are:Here the term "yoga" denotes a kind of "meta-theory" that can be used heuristically; Michel Raynaud writes the other terms "Ariadne's thread" and "philosophy" as effective equivalents.Grothendieck wrote that, of these themes, the largest in scope was topoi, as they synthesized algebraic geometry, topology, and arithmetic. The theme that had been most extensively developed was schemes, which were the framework ""par excellence"" for eight of the other themes (all but 1, 5, and 12). Grothendieck wrote that the first and last themes, topological tensor products and regular configurations, were of more modest size than the others. Topological tensor products had played the role of a tool rather than a source of inspiration for further developments; but he expected that regular configurations could not be exhausted within the lifetime of a mathematician who devoted himself to it. He believed that the deepest themes were motives, anabelian geometry, and Galois–Teichmüller theory.Grothendieck is considered by many to be the greatest mathematician of the 20th century. In an obituary David Mumford and John Tate wrote:Although mathematics became more and more abstract and general throughout the 20th century, it was Alexander Grothendieck who was the greatest master of this trend. His unique skill was to eliminate all unnecessary hypotheses and burrow into an area so deeply that its inner patterns on the most abstract level revealed themselves–and then, like a magician, show how the solution of old problems fell out in straightforward ways now that their real nature had been revealed.By the 1970s, Grothendieck's work was seen as influential not only in algebraic geometry, and the allied fields of sheaf theory and homological algebra, but influenced logic, in the field of categorical logic.Grothendieck approached algebraic geometry by clarifying the foundations of the field, and by developing mathematical tools intended to prove a number of notable conjectures. Algebraic geometry has traditionally meant the understanding of geometric objects, such as algebraic curves and surfaces, through the study of the algebraic equations for those objects. Properties of algebraic equations are in turn studied using the techniques of ring theory. In this approach, the properties of a geometric object are related to the properties of an associated ring. The space (e.g., real, complex, or projective) in which the object is defined is extrinsic to the object, while the ring is intrinsic.Grothendieck laid a new foundation for algebraic geometry by making intrinsic spaces ("spectra") and associated rings the primary objects of study. To that end he developed the theory of schemes, which can be informally thought of as topological spaces on which a commutative ring is associated to every open subset of the space. Schemes have become the basic objects of study for practitioners of modern algebraic geometry. Their use as a foundation allowed geometry to absorb technical advances from other fields.His generalization of the classical Riemann-Roch theorem related topological properties of complex algebraic curves to their algebraic structure. The tools he developed to prove this theorem started the study of algebraic and topological K-theory, which study the topological properties of objects by associating them with rings. Topological K-theory was founded by Michael Atiyah and Friedrich Hirzebruch, after direct contact with Grothendieck's ideas at the Bonn Arbeitstagung.Grothendieck's construction of new cohomology theories, which use algebraic techniques to study topological objects, has influenced the development of algebraic number theory, algebraic topology, and representation theory. As part of this project, his creation of topos theory, a category-theoretic generalization of point-set topology, has influenced the fields of set theory and mathematical logic.The Weil conjectures were formulated in the later 1940s as a set of mathematical problems in arithmetic geometry. They describe properties of analytic invariants, called local zeta functions, of the number of points on an algebraic curve or variety of higher dimension. Grothendieck's discovery of the ℓ-adic étale cohomology, the first example of a Weil cohomology theory, opened the way for a proof of the Weil conjectures, ultimately completed in the 1970s by his student Pierre Deligne. Grothendieck's large-scale approach has been called a "visionary program." The ℓ-adic cohomology then became a fundamental tool for number theorists, with applications to the Langlands program.Grothendieck's conjectural theory of motives was intended to be the "ℓ-adic" theory but without the choice of "ℓ", a prime number. It did not provide the intended route to the Weil conjectures, but has been behind modern developments in algebraic K-theory, motivic homotopy theory, and motivic integration. This theory, Daniel Quillen's work, and Grothendieck's theory of Chern classes, are considered the background to the theory of algebraic cobordism, another algebraic analogue of topological ideas.Grothendieck's emphasis on the role of universal properties across varied mathematical structures brought category theory into the mainstream as an organizing principle for mathematics in general. Among its uses, category theory creates a common language for describing similar structures and techniques seen in many different mathematical systems. His notion of abelian category is now the basic object of study in homological algebra. The emergence of a separate mathematical discipline of category theory has been attributed to Grothendieck's influence, though unintentional.The novel "Colonel Lágrimas" ("Colonel Tears" in English, available by Restless Books) by Puerto Rican - Costa Rican writer Carlos Fonseca is a semibiographic novel about Grothendieck.
|
[
"University of Montpellier",
"Nancy-Université"
] |
|
Which position did Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne hold in May, 1864?
|
May 20, 1864
|
{
"text": [
"Ambassador of France to the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q3132295_P39_3
|
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of ambassador of France to Austria from Jul, 1870 to Aug, 1870.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of Second Empire senator from Jan, 1870 to Jul, 1870.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of ambassador of France to the Holy See from Oct, 1862 to Jan, 1863.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of minister plenipotentiary from Jan, 1859 to Jan, 1860.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of ambassador of France to Prussia from Jan, 1860 to Jan, 1862.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs from Aug, 1870 to Sep, 1870.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of Ambassador of France to the United Kingdom from Jan, 1863 to Jan, 1869.
|
Godefroi, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne-LauraguaisHenri-Godefroi-Bernard-Alphonse, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne, marquis de Saint-Paulet (21 October 1823 – 5 May 1871) was a French politician of the Second Empire who twice served as Minister of Foreign Affairs for Emperor Napoleon III.De La Tour d'Auvergne was Ambassador of France to London (1863–69), in which capacity he was a signatory to the Treaty of London in 1867.He was the son of Melchior de La Tour d'Auvergne-Lauraguais (1794-1849), 1st Marquess of Saint-Paulet and 2nd Baron of the Empire, and Laurence de Chauvigny de Blot.He was married to Emilie Céleste Montault des Illes (1822-1857), daughter of Charles Montault des Illes and Emilie Adélaïde Bertrand. His only son was:
|
[
"Minister of Foreign Affairs",
"ambassador of France to the Holy See",
"ambassador of France to Prussia",
"minister plenipotentiary",
"Second Empire senator",
"ambassador of France to Austria"
] |
|
Which position did Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne hold in 1864-05-20?
|
May 20, 1864
|
{
"text": [
"Ambassador of France to the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q3132295_P39_3
|
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of ambassador of France to Austria from Jul, 1870 to Aug, 1870.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of Second Empire senator from Jan, 1870 to Jul, 1870.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of ambassador of France to the Holy See from Oct, 1862 to Jan, 1863.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of minister plenipotentiary from Jan, 1859 to Jan, 1860.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of ambassador of France to Prussia from Jan, 1860 to Jan, 1862.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs from Aug, 1870 to Sep, 1870.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of Ambassador of France to the United Kingdom from Jan, 1863 to Jan, 1869.
|
Godefroi, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne-LauraguaisHenri-Godefroi-Bernard-Alphonse, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne, marquis de Saint-Paulet (21 October 1823 – 5 May 1871) was a French politician of the Second Empire who twice served as Minister of Foreign Affairs for Emperor Napoleon III.De La Tour d'Auvergne was Ambassador of France to London (1863–69), in which capacity he was a signatory to the Treaty of London in 1867.He was the son of Melchior de La Tour d'Auvergne-Lauraguais (1794-1849), 1st Marquess of Saint-Paulet and 2nd Baron of the Empire, and Laurence de Chauvigny de Blot.He was married to Emilie Céleste Montault des Illes (1822-1857), daughter of Charles Montault des Illes and Emilie Adélaïde Bertrand. His only son was:
|
[
"Minister of Foreign Affairs",
"ambassador of France to the Holy See",
"ambassador of France to Prussia",
"minister plenipotentiary",
"Second Empire senator",
"ambassador of France to Austria"
] |
|
Which position did Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne hold in 20/05/1864?
|
May 20, 1864
|
{
"text": [
"Ambassador of France to the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q3132295_P39_3
|
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of ambassador of France to Austria from Jul, 1870 to Aug, 1870.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of Second Empire senator from Jan, 1870 to Jul, 1870.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of ambassador of France to the Holy See from Oct, 1862 to Jan, 1863.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of minister plenipotentiary from Jan, 1859 to Jan, 1860.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of ambassador of France to Prussia from Jan, 1860 to Jan, 1862.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs from Aug, 1870 to Sep, 1870.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of Ambassador of France to the United Kingdom from Jan, 1863 to Jan, 1869.
|
Godefroi, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne-LauraguaisHenri-Godefroi-Bernard-Alphonse, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne, marquis de Saint-Paulet (21 October 1823 – 5 May 1871) was a French politician of the Second Empire who twice served as Minister of Foreign Affairs for Emperor Napoleon III.De La Tour d'Auvergne was Ambassador of France to London (1863–69), in which capacity he was a signatory to the Treaty of London in 1867.He was the son of Melchior de La Tour d'Auvergne-Lauraguais (1794-1849), 1st Marquess of Saint-Paulet and 2nd Baron of the Empire, and Laurence de Chauvigny de Blot.He was married to Emilie Céleste Montault des Illes (1822-1857), daughter of Charles Montault des Illes and Emilie Adélaïde Bertrand. His only son was:
|
[
"Minister of Foreign Affairs",
"ambassador of France to the Holy See",
"ambassador of France to Prussia",
"minister plenipotentiary",
"Second Empire senator",
"ambassador of France to Austria"
] |
|
Which position did Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne hold in May 20, 1864?
|
May 20, 1864
|
{
"text": [
"Ambassador of France to the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q3132295_P39_3
|
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of ambassador of France to Austria from Jul, 1870 to Aug, 1870.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of Second Empire senator from Jan, 1870 to Jul, 1870.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of ambassador of France to the Holy See from Oct, 1862 to Jan, 1863.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of minister plenipotentiary from Jan, 1859 to Jan, 1860.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of ambassador of France to Prussia from Jan, 1860 to Jan, 1862.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs from Aug, 1870 to Sep, 1870.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of Ambassador of France to the United Kingdom from Jan, 1863 to Jan, 1869.
|
Godefroi, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne-LauraguaisHenri-Godefroi-Bernard-Alphonse, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne, marquis de Saint-Paulet (21 October 1823 – 5 May 1871) was a French politician of the Second Empire who twice served as Minister of Foreign Affairs for Emperor Napoleon III.De La Tour d'Auvergne was Ambassador of France to London (1863–69), in which capacity he was a signatory to the Treaty of London in 1867.He was the son of Melchior de La Tour d'Auvergne-Lauraguais (1794-1849), 1st Marquess of Saint-Paulet and 2nd Baron of the Empire, and Laurence de Chauvigny de Blot.He was married to Emilie Céleste Montault des Illes (1822-1857), daughter of Charles Montault des Illes and Emilie Adélaïde Bertrand. His only son was:
|
[
"Minister of Foreign Affairs",
"ambassador of France to the Holy See",
"ambassador of France to Prussia",
"minister plenipotentiary",
"Second Empire senator",
"ambassador of France to Austria"
] |
|
Which position did Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne hold in 05/20/1864?
|
May 20, 1864
|
{
"text": [
"Ambassador of France to the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q3132295_P39_3
|
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of ambassador of France to Austria from Jul, 1870 to Aug, 1870.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of Second Empire senator from Jan, 1870 to Jul, 1870.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of ambassador of France to the Holy See from Oct, 1862 to Jan, 1863.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of minister plenipotentiary from Jan, 1859 to Jan, 1860.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of ambassador of France to Prussia from Jan, 1860 to Jan, 1862.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs from Aug, 1870 to Sep, 1870.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of Ambassador of France to the United Kingdom from Jan, 1863 to Jan, 1869.
|
Godefroi, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne-LauraguaisHenri-Godefroi-Bernard-Alphonse, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne, marquis de Saint-Paulet (21 October 1823 – 5 May 1871) was a French politician of the Second Empire who twice served as Minister of Foreign Affairs for Emperor Napoleon III.De La Tour d'Auvergne was Ambassador of France to London (1863–69), in which capacity he was a signatory to the Treaty of London in 1867.He was the son of Melchior de La Tour d'Auvergne-Lauraguais (1794-1849), 1st Marquess of Saint-Paulet and 2nd Baron of the Empire, and Laurence de Chauvigny de Blot.He was married to Emilie Céleste Montault des Illes (1822-1857), daughter of Charles Montault des Illes and Emilie Adélaïde Bertrand. His only son was:
|
[
"Minister of Foreign Affairs",
"ambassador of France to the Holy See",
"ambassador of France to Prussia",
"minister plenipotentiary",
"Second Empire senator",
"ambassador of France to Austria"
] |
|
Which position did Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne hold in 20-May-186420-May-1864?
|
May 20, 1864
|
{
"text": [
"Ambassador of France to the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q3132295_P39_3
|
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of ambassador of France to Austria from Jul, 1870 to Aug, 1870.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of Second Empire senator from Jan, 1870 to Jul, 1870.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of ambassador of France to the Holy See from Oct, 1862 to Jan, 1863.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of minister plenipotentiary from Jan, 1859 to Jan, 1860.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of ambassador of France to Prussia from Jan, 1860 to Jan, 1862.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs from Aug, 1870 to Sep, 1870.
Henri, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne holds the position of Ambassador of France to the United Kingdom from Jan, 1863 to Jan, 1869.
|
Godefroi, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne-LauraguaisHenri-Godefroi-Bernard-Alphonse, prince de La Tour d'Auvergne, marquis de Saint-Paulet (21 October 1823 – 5 May 1871) was a French politician of the Second Empire who twice served as Minister of Foreign Affairs for Emperor Napoleon III.De La Tour d'Auvergne was Ambassador of France to London (1863–69), in which capacity he was a signatory to the Treaty of London in 1867.He was the son of Melchior de La Tour d'Auvergne-Lauraguais (1794-1849), 1st Marquess of Saint-Paulet and 2nd Baron of the Empire, and Laurence de Chauvigny de Blot.He was married to Emilie Céleste Montault des Illes (1822-1857), daughter of Charles Montault des Illes and Emilie Adélaïde Bertrand. His only son was:
|
[
"Minister of Foreign Affairs",
"ambassador of France to the Holy See",
"ambassador of France to Prussia",
"minister plenipotentiary",
"Second Empire senator",
"ambassador of France to Austria"
] |
|
Which employer did Frank Gardner Moore work for in Aug, 1907?
|
August 04, 1907
|
{
"text": [
"Dartmouth College"
]
}
|
L2_Q5486799_P108_1
|
Frank Gardner Moore works for Columbia University from Jan, 1910 to Jan, 1937.
Frank Gardner Moore works for Dartmouth College from Jan, 1893 to Jan, 1908.
Frank Gardner Moore works for Trinity College from Jan, 1908 to Jan, 1910.
Frank Gardner Moore works for Yale University from Jan, 1888 to Jan, 1893.
|
Frank Gardner MooreFrank Gardner Moore (1865–1955) was an American Latin scholar. After teaching at Yale University, Dartmouth College, and Trinity College, Connecticut, he was Professor of Classical Philology at Columbia University.Moore was the brother of Edward Caldwell Moore and George Foot Moore. He was born at West Chester, Pennsylvania. He was educated at Yale University (A.B., 1886; Ph.D., 1890), and at the University of Berlin (1890–91).He married Anna Barnard White, January 4, 1897. He was a Latin tutor at Yale in 1888-93, assistant professor of Latin (1893–1900) and associate professor of Latin and Roman archaeology (1900–08) at Dartmouth College, and professor of Latin at Trinity College, Hartford, Connecticut (1908–10). In the latter year he became professor of classical philology at Columbia University. He edited the "Transactions" and the "Proceedings" of the American Philological Association, of which he became secretary in 1904 and president in 1917. Professor Moore wrote a translation with notes of Roman historian Livy for the Loeb Classical Library. He also edited Cicero's Cato Major (1904) and Tacitus' "Historics" (1910).
|
[
"Columbia University",
"Trinity College",
"Yale University"
] |
|
Which employer did Frank Gardner Moore work for in 1907-08-04?
|
August 04, 1907
|
{
"text": [
"Dartmouth College"
]
}
|
L2_Q5486799_P108_1
|
Frank Gardner Moore works for Columbia University from Jan, 1910 to Jan, 1937.
Frank Gardner Moore works for Dartmouth College from Jan, 1893 to Jan, 1908.
Frank Gardner Moore works for Trinity College from Jan, 1908 to Jan, 1910.
Frank Gardner Moore works for Yale University from Jan, 1888 to Jan, 1893.
|
Frank Gardner MooreFrank Gardner Moore (1865–1955) was an American Latin scholar. After teaching at Yale University, Dartmouth College, and Trinity College, Connecticut, he was Professor of Classical Philology at Columbia University.Moore was the brother of Edward Caldwell Moore and George Foot Moore. He was born at West Chester, Pennsylvania. He was educated at Yale University (A.B., 1886; Ph.D., 1890), and at the University of Berlin (1890–91).He married Anna Barnard White, January 4, 1897. He was a Latin tutor at Yale in 1888-93, assistant professor of Latin (1893–1900) and associate professor of Latin and Roman archaeology (1900–08) at Dartmouth College, and professor of Latin at Trinity College, Hartford, Connecticut (1908–10). In the latter year he became professor of classical philology at Columbia University. He edited the "Transactions" and the "Proceedings" of the American Philological Association, of which he became secretary in 1904 and president in 1917. Professor Moore wrote a translation with notes of Roman historian Livy for the Loeb Classical Library. He also edited Cicero's Cato Major (1904) and Tacitus' "Historics" (1910).
|
[
"Columbia University",
"Trinity College",
"Yale University"
] |
|
Which employer did Frank Gardner Moore work for in 04/08/1907?
|
August 04, 1907
|
{
"text": [
"Dartmouth College"
]
}
|
L2_Q5486799_P108_1
|
Frank Gardner Moore works for Columbia University from Jan, 1910 to Jan, 1937.
Frank Gardner Moore works for Dartmouth College from Jan, 1893 to Jan, 1908.
Frank Gardner Moore works for Trinity College from Jan, 1908 to Jan, 1910.
Frank Gardner Moore works for Yale University from Jan, 1888 to Jan, 1893.
|
Frank Gardner MooreFrank Gardner Moore (1865–1955) was an American Latin scholar. After teaching at Yale University, Dartmouth College, and Trinity College, Connecticut, he was Professor of Classical Philology at Columbia University.Moore was the brother of Edward Caldwell Moore and George Foot Moore. He was born at West Chester, Pennsylvania. He was educated at Yale University (A.B., 1886; Ph.D., 1890), and at the University of Berlin (1890–91).He married Anna Barnard White, January 4, 1897. He was a Latin tutor at Yale in 1888-93, assistant professor of Latin (1893–1900) and associate professor of Latin and Roman archaeology (1900–08) at Dartmouth College, and professor of Latin at Trinity College, Hartford, Connecticut (1908–10). In the latter year he became professor of classical philology at Columbia University. He edited the "Transactions" and the "Proceedings" of the American Philological Association, of which he became secretary in 1904 and president in 1917. Professor Moore wrote a translation with notes of Roman historian Livy for the Loeb Classical Library. He also edited Cicero's Cato Major (1904) and Tacitus' "Historics" (1910).
|
[
"Columbia University",
"Trinity College",
"Yale University"
] |
|
Which employer did Frank Gardner Moore work for in Aug 04, 1907?
|
August 04, 1907
|
{
"text": [
"Dartmouth College"
]
}
|
L2_Q5486799_P108_1
|
Frank Gardner Moore works for Columbia University from Jan, 1910 to Jan, 1937.
Frank Gardner Moore works for Dartmouth College from Jan, 1893 to Jan, 1908.
Frank Gardner Moore works for Trinity College from Jan, 1908 to Jan, 1910.
Frank Gardner Moore works for Yale University from Jan, 1888 to Jan, 1893.
|
Frank Gardner MooreFrank Gardner Moore (1865–1955) was an American Latin scholar. After teaching at Yale University, Dartmouth College, and Trinity College, Connecticut, he was Professor of Classical Philology at Columbia University.Moore was the brother of Edward Caldwell Moore and George Foot Moore. He was born at West Chester, Pennsylvania. He was educated at Yale University (A.B., 1886; Ph.D., 1890), and at the University of Berlin (1890–91).He married Anna Barnard White, January 4, 1897. He was a Latin tutor at Yale in 1888-93, assistant professor of Latin (1893–1900) and associate professor of Latin and Roman archaeology (1900–08) at Dartmouth College, and professor of Latin at Trinity College, Hartford, Connecticut (1908–10). In the latter year he became professor of classical philology at Columbia University. He edited the "Transactions" and the "Proceedings" of the American Philological Association, of which he became secretary in 1904 and president in 1917. Professor Moore wrote a translation with notes of Roman historian Livy for the Loeb Classical Library. He also edited Cicero's Cato Major (1904) and Tacitus' "Historics" (1910).
|
[
"Columbia University",
"Trinity College",
"Yale University"
] |
|
Which employer did Frank Gardner Moore work for in 08/04/1907?
|
August 04, 1907
|
{
"text": [
"Dartmouth College"
]
}
|
L2_Q5486799_P108_1
|
Frank Gardner Moore works for Columbia University from Jan, 1910 to Jan, 1937.
Frank Gardner Moore works for Dartmouth College from Jan, 1893 to Jan, 1908.
Frank Gardner Moore works for Trinity College from Jan, 1908 to Jan, 1910.
Frank Gardner Moore works for Yale University from Jan, 1888 to Jan, 1893.
|
Frank Gardner MooreFrank Gardner Moore (1865–1955) was an American Latin scholar. After teaching at Yale University, Dartmouth College, and Trinity College, Connecticut, he was Professor of Classical Philology at Columbia University.Moore was the brother of Edward Caldwell Moore and George Foot Moore. He was born at West Chester, Pennsylvania. He was educated at Yale University (A.B., 1886; Ph.D., 1890), and at the University of Berlin (1890–91).He married Anna Barnard White, January 4, 1897. He was a Latin tutor at Yale in 1888-93, assistant professor of Latin (1893–1900) and associate professor of Latin and Roman archaeology (1900–08) at Dartmouth College, and professor of Latin at Trinity College, Hartford, Connecticut (1908–10). In the latter year he became professor of classical philology at Columbia University. He edited the "Transactions" and the "Proceedings" of the American Philological Association, of which he became secretary in 1904 and president in 1917. Professor Moore wrote a translation with notes of Roman historian Livy for the Loeb Classical Library. He also edited Cicero's Cato Major (1904) and Tacitus' "Historics" (1910).
|
[
"Columbia University",
"Trinity College",
"Yale University"
] |
|
Which employer did Frank Gardner Moore work for in 04-Aug-190704-August-1907?
|
August 04, 1907
|
{
"text": [
"Dartmouth College"
]
}
|
L2_Q5486799_P108_1
|
Frank Gardner Moore works for Columbia University from Jan, 1910 to Jan, 1937.
Frank Gardner Moore works for Dartmouth College from Jan, 1893 to Jan, 1908.
Frank Gardner Moore works for Trinity College from Jan, 1908 to Jan, 1910.
Frank Gardner Moore works for Yale University from Jan, 1888 to Jan, 1893.
|
Frank Gardner MooreFrank Gardner Moore (1865–1955) was an American Latin scholar. After teaching at Yale University, Dartmouth College, and Trinity College, Connecticut, he was Professor of Classical Philology at Columbia University.Moore was the brother of Edward Caldwell Moore and George Foot Moore. He was born at West Chester, Pennsylvania. He was educated at Yale University (A.B., 1886; Ph.D., 1890), and at the University of Berlin (1890–91).He married Anna Barnard White, January 4, 1897. He was a Latin tutor at Yale in 1888-93, assistant professor of Latin (1893–1900) and associate professor of Latin and Roman archaeology (1900–08) at Dartmouth College, and professor of Latin at Trinity College, Hartford, Connecticut (1908–10). In the latter year he became professor of classical philology at Columbia University. He edited the "Transactions" and the "Proceedings" of the American Philological Association, of which he became secretary in 1904 and president in 1917. Professor Moore wrote a translation with notes of Roman historian Livy for the Loeb Classical Library. He also edited Cicero's Cato Major (1904) and Tacitus' "Historics" (1910).
|
[
"Columbia University",
"Trinity College",
"Yale University"
] |
|
Which team did Eric Potts play for in Aug, 1977?
|
August 24, 1977
|
{
"text": [
"Brighton & Hove Albion F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q5387296_P54_1
|
Eric Potts plays for Brighton & Hove Albion F.C. from Jan, 1977 to Jan, 1978.
Eric Potts plays for Preston North End F.C. from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1980.
Eric Potts plays for Burnley F.C. from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1982.
Eric Potts plays for Sheffield Wednesday F.C. from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1977.
Eric Potts plays for Bury F.C. from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1984.
|
Eric Potts (footballer)Eric Thomas Potts (born 16 March 1950) is an English former professional footballer who played as a right winger.
|
[
"Burnley F.C.",
"Preston North End F.C.",
"Bury F.C.",
"Sheffield Wednesday F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Eric Potts play for in 1977-08-24?
|
August 24, 1977
|
{
"text": [
"Brighton & Hove Albion F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q5387296_P54_1
|
Eric Potts plays for Brighton & Hove Albion F.C. from Jan, 1977 to Jan, 1978.
Eric Potts plays for Preston North End F.C. from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1980.
Eric Potts plays for Burnley F.C. from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1982.
Eric Potts plays for Sheffield Wednesday F.C. from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1977.
Eric Potts plays for Bury F.C. from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1984.
|
Eric Potts (footballer)Eric Thomas Potts (born 16 March 1950) is an English former professional footballer who played as a right winger.
|
[
"Burnley F.C.",
"Preston North End F.C.",
"Bury F.C.",
"Sheffield Wednesday F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Eric Potts play for in 24/08/1977?
|
August 24, 1977
|
{
"text": [
"Brighton & Hove Albion F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q5387296_P54_1
|
Eric Potts plays for Brighton & Hove Albion F.C. from Jan, 1977 to Jan, 1978.
Eric Potts plays for Preston North End F.C. from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1980.
Eric Potts plays for Burnley F.C. from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1982.
Eric Potts plays for Sheffield Wednesday F.C. from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1977.
Eric Potts plays for Bury F.C. from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1984.
|
Eric Potts (footballer)Eric Thomas Potts (born 16 March 1950) is an English former professional footballer who played as a right winger.
|
[
"Burnley F.C.",
"Preston North End F.C.",
"Bury F.C.",
"Sheffield Wednesday F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Eric Potts play for in Aug 24, 1977?
|
August 24, 1977
|
{
"text": [
"Brighton & Hove Albion F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q5387296_P54_1
|
Eric Potts plays for Brighton & Hove Albion F.C. from Jan, 1977 to Jan, 1978.
Eric Potts plays for Preston North End F.C. from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1980.
Eric Potts plays for Burnley F.C. from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1982.
Eric Potts plays for Sheffield Wednesday F.C. from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1977.
Eric Potts plays for Bury F.C. from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1984.
|
Eric Potts (footballer)Eric Thomas Potts (born 16 March 1950) is an English former professional footballer who played as a right winger.
|
[
"Burnley F.C.",
"Preston North End F.C.",
"Bury F.C.",
"Sheffield Wednesday F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Eric Potts play for in 08/24/1977?
|
August 24, 1977
|
{
"text": [
"Brighton & Hove Albion F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q5387296_P54_1
|
Eric Potts plays for Brighton & Hove Albion F.C. from Jan, 1977 to Jan, 1978.
Eric Potts plays for Preston North End F.C. from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1980.
Eric Potts plays for Burnley F.C. from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1982.
Eric Potts plays for Sheffield Wednesday F.C. from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1977.
Eric Potts plays for Bury F.C. from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1984.
|
Eric Potts (footballer)Eric Thomas Potts (born 16 March 1950) is an English former professional footballer who played as a right winger.
|
[
"Burnley F.C.",
"Preston North End F.C.",
"Bury F.C.",
"Sheffield Wednesday F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Eric Potts play for in 24-Aug-197724-August-1977?
|
August 24, 1977
|
{
"text": [
"Brighton & Hove Albion F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q5387296_P54_1
|
Eric Potts plays for Brighton & Hove Albion F.C. from Jan, 1977 to Jan, 1978.
Eric Potts plays for Preston North End F.C. from Jan, 1978 to Jan, 1980.
Eric Potts plays for Burnley F.C. from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1982.
Eric Potts plays for Sheffield Wednesday F.C. from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1977.
Eric Potts plays for Bury F.C. from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1984.
|
Eric Potts (footballer)Eric Thomas Potts (born 16 March 1950) is an English former professional footballer who played as a right winger.
|
[
"Burnley F.C.",
"Preston North End F.C.",
"Bury F.C.",
"Sheffield Wednesday F.C."
] |
|
Who was the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr in Jun, 1998?
|
June 18, 1998
|
{
"text": [
"Helmut Rauber"
]
}
|
L2_Q1555334_P488_11
|
Patrick Sensburg is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Nov, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Oswin Veith is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 2016 to Nov, 2019.
Ernst-Reinhard Beck is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2009.
Helmuth Möhring is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1987.
Roderich Kiesewetter is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Nov, 2011 to Jan, 2016.
Konrad Stephanus is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1969.
Hans Michael Moll is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1986.
Helmut Rauber is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2003.
Friedrich Ruge is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1965.
Armin Steinkamm is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1991.
Heinz-Alfred Steiner is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1996.
Rudolf Woller is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1969 to Jan, 1976.
Adelbert Weinstein is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1961.
Peter Kurt Würzbach is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1995.
Lothar Ganser is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1962.
Heinz-Detleff Drape is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1984.
Gerd Höfer is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2011.
|
Reservist Association of Deutsche BundeswehrReservist Association of Deutsche Bundeswehr (German: "Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr e. V.") (VdRBw) is the organisation of voluntarly reservist of the German armed forces Bundeswehr. Founded in 1960 it has about 115.000 members (2019). VdRBw works undre the mandatory of Deutscher Bundestag in the field of security policy, military training, and supplying of Bundeswehr and puplic relation. President is member of Bundestag, officer Patrick Sensburg (CDU).Since March 2020, the reservist association has been supporting the Bundeswehr in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. According to information from the association's president Sensburg, many reservists have volunteered to help and support. Among the 115,000 members of the reservist association, more than 1,000 are involved in the medical service. By early April, more than 15,000 reservists had volunteered.
|
[
"Armin Steinkamm",
"Lothar Ganser",
"Roderich Kiesewetter",
"Adelbert Weinstein",
"Heinz-Alfred Steiner",
"Heinz-Detleff Drape",
"Konrad Stephanus",
"Patrick Sensburg",
"Gerd Höfer",
"Oswin Veith",
"Rudolf Woller",
"Friedrich Ruge",
"Ernst-Reinhard Beck",
"Hans Michael Moll",
"Helmuth Möhring",
"Peter Kurt Würzbach"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr in 1998-06-18?
|
June 18, 1998
|
{
"text": [
"Helmut Rauber"
]
}
|
L2_Q1555334_P488_11
|
Patrick Sensburg is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Nov, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Oswin Veith is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 2016 to Nov, 2019.
Ernst-Reinhard Beck is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2009.
Helmuth Möhring is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1987.
Roderich Kiesewetter is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Nov, 2011 to Jan, 2016.
Konrad Stephanus is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1969.
Hans Michael Moll is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1986.
Helmut Rauber is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2003.
Friedrich Ruge is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1965.
Armin Steinkamm is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1991.
Heinz-Alfred Steiner is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1996.
Rudolf Woller is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1969 to Jan, 1976.
Adelbert Weinstein is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1961.
Peter Kurt Würzbach is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1995.
Lothar Ganser is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1962.
Heinz-Detleff Drape is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1984.
Gerd Höfer is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2011.
|
Reservist Association of Deutsche BundeswehrReservist Association of Deutsche Bundeswehr (German: "Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr e. V.") (VdRBw) is the organisation of voluntarly reservist of the German armed forces Bundeswehr. Founded in 1960 it has about 115.000 members (2019). VdRBw works undre the mandatory of Deutscher Bundestag in the field of security policy, military training, and supplying of Bundeswehr and puplic relation. President is member of Bundestag, officer Patrick Sensburg (CDU).Since March 2020, the reservist association has been supporting the Bundeswehr in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. According to information from the association's president Sensburg, many reservists have volunteered to help and support. Among the 115,000 members of the reservist association, more than 1,000 are involved in the medical service. By early April, more than 15,000 reservists had volunteered.
|
[
"Armin Steinkamm",
"Lothar Ganser",
"Roderich Kiesewetter",
"Adelbert Weinstein",
"Heinz-Alfred Steiner",
"Heinz-Detleff Drape",
"Konrad Stephanus",
"Patrick Sensburg",
"Gerd Höfer",
"Oswin Veith",
"Rudolf Woller",
"Friedrich Ruge",
"Ernst-Reinhard Beck",
"Hans Michael Moll",
"Helmuth Möhring",
"Peter Kurt Würzbach"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr in 18/06/1998?
|
June 18, 1998
|
{
"text": [
"Helmut Rauber"
]
}
|
L2_Q1555334_P488_11
|
Patrick Sensburg is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Nov, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Oswin Veith is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 2016 to Nov, 2019.
Ernst-Reinhard Beck is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2009.
Helmuth Möhring is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1987.
Roderich Kiesewetter is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Nov, 2011 to Jan, 2016.
Konrad Stephanus is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1969.
Hans Michael Moll is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1986.
Helmut Rauber is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2003.
Friedrich Ruge is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1965.
Armin Steinkamm is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1991.
Heinz-Alfred Steiner is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1996.
Rudolf Woller is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1969 to Jan, 1976.
Adelbert Weinstein is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1961.
Peter Kurt Würzbach is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1995.
Lothar Ganser is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1962.
Heinz-Detleff Drape is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1984.
Gerd Höfer is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2011.
|
Reservist Association of Deutsche BundeswehrReservist Association of Deutsche Bundeswehr (German: "Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr e. V.") (VdRBw) is the organisation of voluntarly reservist of the German armed forces Bundeswehr. Founded in 1960 it has about 115.000 members (2019). VdRBw works undre the mandatory of Deutscher Bundestag in the field of security policy, military training, and supplying of Bundeswehr and puplic relation. President is member of Bundestag, officer Patrick Sensburg (CDU).Since March 2020, the reservist association has been supporting the Bundeswehr in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. According to information from the association's president Sensburg, many reservists have volunteered to help and support. Among the 115,000 members of the reservist association, more than 1,000 are involved in the medical service. By early April, more than 15,000 reservists had volunteered.
|
[
"Armin Steinkamm",
"Lothar Ganser",
"Roderich Kiesewetter",
"Adelbert Weinstein",
"Heinz-Alfred Steiner",
"Heinz-Detleff Drape",
"Konrad Stephanus",
"Patrick Sensburg",
"Gerd Höfer",
"Oswin Veith",
"Rudolf Woller",
"Friedrich Ruge",
"Ernst-Reinhard Beck",
"Hans Michael Moll",
"Helmuth Möhring",
"Peter Kurt Würzbach"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr in Jun 18, 1998?
|
June 18, 1998
|
{
"text": [
"Helmut Rauber"
]
}
|
L2_Q1555334_P488_11
|
Patrick Sensburg is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Nov, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Oswin Veith is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 2016 to Nov, 2019.
Ernst-Reinhard Beck is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2009.
Helmuth Möhring is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1987.
Roderich Kiesewetter is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Nov, 2011 to Jan, 2016.
Konrad Stephanus is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1969.
Hans Michael Moll is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1986.
Helmut Rauber is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2003.
Friedrich Ruge is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1965.
Armin Steinkamm is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1991.
Heinz-Alfred Steiner is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1996.
Rudolf Woller is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1969 to Jan, 1976.
Adelbert Weinstein is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1961.
Peter Kurt Würzbach is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1995.
Lothar Ganser is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1962.
Heinz-Detleff Drape is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1984.
Gerd Höfer is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2011.
|
Reservist Association of Deutsche BundeswehrReservist Association of Deutsche Bundeswehr (German: "Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr e. V.") (VdRBw) is the organisation of voluntarly reservist of the German armed forces Bundeswehr. Founded in 1960 it has about 115.000 members (2019). VdRBw works undre the mandatory of Deutscher Bundestag in the field of security policy, military training, and supplying of Bundeswehr and puplic relation. President is member of Bundestag, officer Patrick Sensburg (CDU).Since March 2020, the reservist association has been supporting the Bundeswehr in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. According to information from the association's president Sensburg, many reservists have volunteered to help and support. Among the 115,000 members of the reservist association, more than 1,000 are involved in the medical service. By early April, more than 15,000 reservists had volunteered.
|
[
"Armin Steinkamm",
"Lothar Ganser",
"Roderich Kiesewetter",
"Adelbert Weinstein",
"Heinz-Alfred Steiner",
"Heinz-Detleff Drape",
"Konrad Stephanus",
"Patrick Sensburg",
"Gerd Höfer",
"Oswin Veith",
"Rudolf Woller",
"Friedrich Ruge",
"Ernst-Reinhard Beck",
"Hans Michael Moll",
"Helmuth Möhring",
"Peter Kurt Würzbach"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr in 06/18/1998?
|
June 18, 1998
|
{
"text": [
"Helmut Rauber"
]
}
|
L2_Q1555334_P488_11
|
Patrick Sensburg is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Nov, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Oswin Veith is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 2016 to Nov, 2019.
Ernst-Reinhard Beck is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2009.
Helmuth Möhring is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1987.
Roderich Kiesewetter is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Nov, 2011 to Jan, 2016.
Konrad Stephanus is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1969.
Hans Michael Moll is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1986.
Helmut Rauber is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2003.
Friedrich Ruge is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1965.
Armin Steinkamm is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1991.
Heinz-Alfred Steiner is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1996.
Rudolf Woller is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1969 to Jan, 1976.
Adelbert Weinstein is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1961.
Peter Kurt Würzbach is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1995.
Lothar Ganser is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1962.
Heinz-Detleff Drape is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1984.
Gerd Höfer is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2011.
|
Reservist Association of Deutsche BundeswehrReservist Association of Deutsche Bundeswehr (German: "Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr e. V.") (VdRBw) is the organisation of voluntarly reservist of the German armed forces Bundeswehr. Founded in 1960 it has about 115.000 members (2019). VdRBw works undre the mandatory of Deutscher Bundestag in the field of security policy, military training, and supplying of Bundeswehr and puplic relation. President is member of Bundestag, officer Patrick Sensburg (CDU).Since March 2020, the reservist association has been supporting the Bundeswehr in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. According to information from the association's president Sensburg, many reservists have volunteered to help and support. Among the 115,000 members of the reservist association, more than 1,000 are involved in the medical service. By early April, more than 15,000 reservists had volunteered.
|
[
"Armin Steinkamm",
"Lothar Ganser",
"Roderich Kiesewetter",
"Adelbert Weinstein",
"Heinz-Alfred Steiner",
"Heinz-Detleff Drape",
"Konrad Stephanus",
"Patrick Sensburg",
"Gerd Höfer",
"Oswin Veith",
"Rudolf Woller",
"Friedrich Ruge",
"Ernst-Reinhard Beck",
"Hans Michael Moll",
"Helmuth Möhring",
"Peter Kurt Würzbach"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr in 18-Jun-199818-June-1998?
|
June 18, 1998
|
{
"text": [
"Helmut Rauber"
]
}
|
L2_Q1555334_P488_11
|
Patrick Sensburg is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Nov, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Oswin Veith is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 2016 to Nov, 2019.
Ernst-Reinhard Beck is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2009.
Helmuth Möhring is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1987.
Roderich Kiesewetter is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Nov, 2011 to Jan, 2016.
Konrad Stephanus is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1969.
Hans Michael Moll is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1986.
Helmut Rauber is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2003.
Friedrich Ruge is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1965.
Armin Steinkamm is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1987 to Jan, 1991.
Heinz-Alfred Steiner is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1996.
Rudolf Woller is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1969 to Jan, 1976.
Adelbert Weinstein is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1961.
Peter Kurt Würzbach is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1995.
Lothar Ganser is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1962.
Heinz-Detleff Drape is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1984.
Gerd Höfer is the chair of Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2011.
|
Reservist Association of Deutsche BundeswehrReservist Association of Deutsche Bundeswehr (German: "Verband der Reservisten der Deutschen Bundeswehr e. V.") (VdRBw) is the organisation of voluntarly reservist of the German armed forces Bundeswehr. Founded in 1960 it has about 115.000 members (2019). VdRBw works undre the mandatory of Deutscher Bundestag in the field of security policy, military training, and supplying of Bundeswehr and puplic relation. President is member of Bundestag, officer Patrick Sensburg (CDU).Since March 2020, the reservist association has been supporting the Bundeswehr in the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. According to information from the association's president Sensburg, many reservists have volunteered to help and support. Among the 115,000 members of the reservist association, more than 1,000 are involved in the medical service. By early April, more than 15,000 reservists had volunteered.
|
[
"Armin Steinkamm",
"Lothar Ganser",
"Roderich Kiesewetter",
"Adelbert Weinstein",
"Heinz-Alfred Steiner",
"Heinz-Detleff Drape",
"Konrad Stephanus",
"Patrick Sensburg",
"Gerd Höfer",
"Oswin Veith",
"Rudolf Woller",
"Friedrich Ruge",
"Ernst-Reinhard Beck",
"Hans Michael Moll",
"Helmuth Möhring",
"Peter Kurt Würzbach"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal in Mar, 1994?
|
March 19, 1994
|
{
"text": [
"Tineke Lodders",
"Wim van Velzen"
]
}
|
L2_Q273749_P488_3
|
Piet Steenkamp is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Apr, 1975 to Oct, 1980.
Tineke Lodders is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Mar, 1994 to Feb, 1995.
Hans Huibers is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Dec, 2021 to Dec, 2022.
Liesbeth Spies is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Nov, 2010 to Apr, 2011.
Peter van Heeswijk is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Jun, 2007 to Jun, 2010.
Henk Bleker is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Jun, 2010 to Nov, 2010.
Piet Bukman is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Oct, 1980 to Jul, 1986.
Ruth Peetoom is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Apr, 2011 to Feb, 2019.
Hans Helgers is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Feb, 1995 to Feb, 1999.
Marnix van Rij is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Feb, 1999 to Sep, 2001.
Marja van Bijsterveldt is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Nov, 2002 to Feb, 2007.
Wim van Velzen is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Jan, 1987 to Mar, 1994.
Rutger Ploum is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Feb, 2019 to Mar, 2021.
|
Christian Democratic AppealThe Christian Democratic Appeal (, ; CDA) is a Christian-democratic political party in the Netherlands. It was originally formed in 1977 from a confederation of the Catholic People's Party, the Anti-Revolutionary Party and the Christian Historical Union; it has participated in all but three cabinets since it became a unitary party.Health Minister Hugo de Jonge served as Leader of the Christian Democratic Appeal from July 2020 until his resignation the following December. Finance Minister Wopke Hoekstra was then chosen as "lijstrekker" for the 2021 general election, becoming the "de facto" party leader. After the 2017 general election, in which the party won 19 seats (third place), the CDA became a junior coalition partner in the Third Rutte cabinet with the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy, Democrats 66 and Christian Union.Since 1880 the sizeable Catholic and Protestant parties had worked together in the so-called "Coalitie". They shared a common interest in public funding of religious schools. In 1888 they formed the first Christian-democratic government, led by the Anti-Revolutionary Æneas Baron Mackay. The cooperation was not without problems and in 1894 the more anti-papist and aristocratic conservatives left the Protestant Anti-Revolutionary Party, to found the Christian Historical Union (CHU). The main issues dividing Protestants and Catholics was the position of the Dutch Representation at the Holy See and the future of the Dutch Indies.By 1918, there were three major Christian Democratic parties in the Netherlands—the General League of Roman Catholic Caucuses, the Protestant Anti-Revolutionary Party and the Protestant Christian Historical Union. The General League evolved into the Roman Catholic State Party by 1926, and the Catholic People's Party in 1945.From 1918 to 1967, the three Christian Democratic parties had a majority in both houses of the States General, and at least two of them were included in every cabinet. The KVP and its antecedents had been in government without interruption since 1918.In the sixties, Dutch society became more secularised and the pillars faded, and voters began to move away from the three Christian-democratic parties. In the 1963 general election the three parties held 51% of the vote, whilst in 1972 general election they held only 32%. This decline forced the three parties to work closer together. In 1967 the Group of Eighteen was formed: it was a think-tank of six prominent politicians per party that planned the future cooperation of the three parties. In 1968 the three political leaders of the parties (Norbert Schmelzer (KVP), Barend Biesheuvel (ARP) and Jur Mellema (CHU) made a public appearance, stating that the three parties would continue to work together.This caused progressive forces within the three parties, especially the ARP and KVP, to regret their political affiliation. In 1968 they founded the Political Party of Radicals (PPR), a left-wing party that sought cooperation with the Labour Party (PvdA). Locally and provincially however the three parties had long cooperated well, in some areas they formed one Christian-democratic parliamentary party and proposed one list of candidates. In the 1971 general election, the three parties presented a common political program, which lay the foundation for the first Biesheuvel cabinet.After the disastrous elections of 1972 the cooperation was given new momentum. Piet Steenkamp, a member of the Senate for the KVP was appointed chairman of a council which was to lay the foundation for a federation of the three parties, and provide a common manifesto of principles. In 1973 this federation was officially formed, with Steenkamp as chairperson.The cooperation was frustrated by the formation of the Den Uyl cabinet, established by the leader of the social-democratic PvdA and Prime Minister of the Netherlands Joop den Uyl. Den Uyl refused to allow members of the CHU in the cabinet that he would lead. This led to a situation where the CHU, ARP and KVP sat as a single faction in both houses of parliament, but only the KVP and ARP supplied ministers and junior ministers. The cabinet Den Uyl was riddled with political and personal conflicts. Another issue that split the three parties was the place that the Bible would take in the new party.In 1976, the three parties announced that they would field a single list at the 1977 general election under the name Christian Democratic Appeal ("Christen Democratisch Appèl"). The KVP minister of Justice, Dries van Agt, was the top candidate. In the election campaign he made clear the CDA was a centrist party, that would not lean to the left or to the right. The three parties were able to stabilise their proportion of the vote.The election result forced Van Agt to start talks with Den Uyl. Although Van Agt had been Deputy Prime Minister in the cabinet Den Uyl, the two had never gotten along well. The animosity between them frustrated the talks. After more than 300 days of negotiations, they finally officially failed, and Van Agt was able to negotiate a cabinet with the conservative-liberal People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD). The first Van Agt cabinet had a very narrow majority. The unexpected cabinet with the VVD led to split within the newly founded CDA between more progressive and more conservative members. The progressives remained within the party, and were known as loyalists. On 11 October 1980, the three original parties ceased to exist and the CDA was founded as a unitary party. After the 1981 general election, the VVD and the CDA lost their majority, and the CDA was forced to cooperate with the PvdA. Den Uyl became deputy prime minister under van Agt. The second Van Agt cabinet was troubled by ideological and personal conflicts, and fell after one year.After the 1982 general election, the new CDA leader, Ruud Lubbers (formerly of the KVP), formed a majority coalition with the VVD. The first Lubbers cabinet set an ambitious reform program in motion, which included budget cuts, reform of the old age and disability pensions and liberalisation of public services. Lubbers was reelected in 1986 and in 1989. In 1989 however, the CDA only garnered a minimal majority with the VVD, which they had also gradually fallen out with during the previous cabinet, leading the CDA to instead cooperate with the PvdA in the new government. In the third Lubbers cabinet, a CDA-PvdA coalition, the ambitious reform project was continued, with some adaptations and protests from the PvdA.The 1994 general election was fraught with problems for the CDA: personal conflicts between retiring prime minister Lubbers and "lijsttrekker" Elco Brinkman, a lack of support for the reforms of old age and disability pensions, and the perceived arrogance of the CDA caused a dramatic defeat at the polls. A new coalition was formed between PvdA and the liberal parties VVD and Democrats 66 (D66), consigning the CDA to opposition for the first time ever. It was also the first government without any Christian Democratic ministers since 1918. The party was marred by subsequent internal battles over leadership. The party also reflected on its principals: the party began to orient itself more toward communitarian ideals.During the tumultuous 2002 general election, which saw the murder of far-right politician Pim Fortuyn, many people voted for the CDA, hoping that it could bring some stability to Dutch politics. The CDA led the first Balkenende cabinet, which included the VVD and the Pim Fortuyn List (LPF). This cabinet fell due to internal struggles within the LPF. After the 2003 general election, the Christian Democrats were forced to begin cabinet negotiations with the PvdA. Personal animosity between Balkenende and the leader of the PvdA, Wouter Bos, frustrated these negotiations. Balkenende eventually formed a coalition with the VVD and D66. The coalition proposed an ambitious program of reforms, including more restrictive immigration laws, democratisation of political institutions and reforms of the system of social security and labour laws.After the 2006 general election the CDA changed their course radically: they formed a new fourth cabinet Balkenende still led by Balkenende, but now with the PvdA and the Christian Union (CU). The cabinet was more progressive, entailing increased government spending funded by higher taxes.In the 2010 general election the CDA lost half of its seats and came in fourth place after VVD, PvdA and the Party for Freedom (PVV). Balkenende announced his resignation and stayed prime minister until the formation and inauguration of the Rutte cabinet.After the fall of the short-lived first Rutte cabinet in 2012, in which the CDA participated as junior coalition partners to the VVD, the party announced a leadership election. On 18 May 2012 the party announced that the leadership elections were won by Sybrand van Haersma Buma. He received more than 50 percent of the votes. The popular Mona Keijzer, the rising star within the party, received 26% of the votes and announced that she would closely collaborate with Van Haersma Buma during the election campaign prior to the Dutch general election on 12 September 2012. In that election, the CDA suffered considerable losses, falling to 13 seats. The party was excluded from the second Rutte cabinet—only the second time in its history that the party has not been in government. At the municipal elections of 19 March 2014 the CDA won 18% of all the votes and remained the largest party in Dutch municipalities.In the 2017 general election, the CDA gained six seats to become the third largest party. It continued to remain in government as part of the third Rutte cabinet, with the VVD, D66 and CU.On 19 March 2021, chairman Rutger Ploum resigned after the party looked to have lost 4 out 19 seats in the 2021 general election.The CDA is a Christian democratic party, but Christian values are only seen as one source of inspiration for individual members of the States General. The party also has Jewish, Muslim and Hindu members of parliament and favours the integration of minorities into Dutch culture.The party has four main ideals: stewardship, solidarity, shared responsibility and public justice. Shared responsibility refers to the way society should be organised: not one organisation should control all society, instead the state, the market, and social institutions, like churches and unions should work together. This is called sphere sovereignty, a core concept of Neo-Calvinist political philosophy. Furthermore, this refers to the way the state should be organised. Not one level of the state should have total control; instead, responsibility should be shared between local, provincial, national and European governments. This is called subsidiarity in Catholic political thought. With stewardship the Christian Democrats refer to the way the planet ought to be treated: the Earth is a gift from God. Therefore, we should try to preserve our environment.Practically, this means the CDA is a centre party. However, the party has a considerable centre-left wing, that supports eco-friendly politics, a strong pro-European policy and favours centre-left coalitions. The position of the centre-left group within the party has been weakened since the party's participation in the centre-right minority cabinet with the VVD (the first Rutte cabinet), a cabinet that strongly depended on the parliamentary support of the far-right Party for Freedom (PVV). CDA politicians that can be considered centrist or centre-left: Jack Biskop (MP), Ad Koppejan (MP), Kathleen Ferrier (MP; daughter of the late Johan Ferrier, president of Suriname 1975–1980), Dries van Agt (former Prime Minister), Ruud Lubbers (former Prime Minister) and Herman Wijffels (former chairman of the Social Economic Council, former "informateur").In the past Maxime Verhagen, then informal leader of the CDA and deputy Prime Minister, strongly denied the claim that the CDA is a right-wing party. Verhagen made it clear to the media that his party is a centrist and moderate party and that the CDA participates in a centre-right coalition (with the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD) as the right-wing component and the CDA as the centrist component). However, his former colleague in the cabinet, minister of Defence Hans Hillen, was a strong proponent of a conservative CDA.At a congress on 21 January 2012 the party adopted a centrist course, dubbed by former minister of Social Affairs Aart-Jan de Geus as "Radical centrist" "("het radicale midden")". The party explicitly abandoned its former center-right course. Despite of this, the party continued its coalition with the centre-right VVD of Prime Minister Mark Rutte and the Party for Freedom of Geert Wilders until the government collapsed later in the year.The so-called Strategic Council, which was formed in 2011 and headed by former minister Aart-Jan de Geus, that worked on a report to redifine the party course, advised the following:In 2014, Leader Van Haersma Buma announced that the party is now officially in favour of directly elected mayors, although a large majority of its members are opposed to elected mayors.Current members of the House of Representatives since the 2021 election:Seats in the House of Representatives:Current members of the Senate since the 2019 election:The CDA has been a member of the European People's Party (EPP) since its founding in 1976; CDA MEPs sit in the EPP group.Current members of the European Parliament since the 2019 election:4 seats: By far, the CDA has the most members of municipal and provincial councils in the Netherlands. Furthermore, it cooperates in most municipal and provincial governments.The CDA is mainly supported by religious voters, both Catholics and Protestants. These tend to live in rural areas and tend to be elderly. In some periods, however, the CDA has functioned as a centrist party, attracting people from all classes and religions.Geographically, the CDA is particularly strong in the provinces of North Brabant, Limburg and Overijssel and in the Veluwe and the Westland areas. In the 2006 elections the CDA received the highest percentage of votes in the municipality of Tubbergen, Overijssel (66,59% of the vote). The CDA is weaker in the four major cities (Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The Hague and Utrecht) and in Groningen and Drenthe.The youth movement of the CDA is the Christian Democratic Youth Appeal (CDJA). The CDA publishes a monthly magazine, and its scientific bureau publishes the "Christian Democratic Explorations" (Christen-Democratische Verkenningen).As an effect of pillarisation, the CDA still has many personal and ideological ties with religious organisations, such as the broadcasting societies KRO and NCRV, the paper Trouw, the employers organisations NCW and the union CNV.The CDA participates in the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy, a democracy assistance organisation of seven Dutch political parties.The CDA is a member of the European People's Party and the Centrist Democrat International. Within the EPP the CDA belongs to those parties which least favour a cooperation with conservatives.As a large Christian democratic party, the CDA is comparable to other European Christian democratic parties such as Germany's Christian Democratic Union (although it's more moderate). It is the Netherlands' third largest party (after the VVD and the PVV), but it is centrist unlike the British Conservative Party.
|
[
"Piet Bukman",
"Marja van Bijsterveldt",
"Peter van Heeswijk",
"Marnix van Rij",
"Ruth Peetoom",
"Wim van Velzen",
"Hans Helgers",
"Rutger Ploum",
"Hans Huibers",
"Henk Bleker",
"Piet Steenkamp",
"Liesbeth Spies",
"Piet Bukman",
"Marja van Bijsterveldt",
"Peter van Heeswijk",
"Marnix van Rij",
"Ruth Peetoom",
"Hans Helgers",
"Rutger Ploum",
"Hans Huibers",
"Henk Bleker",
"Piet Steenkamp",
"Liesbeth Spies"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal in 1994-03-19?
|
March 19, 1994
|
{
"text": [
"Tineke Lodders",
"Wim van Velzen"
]
}
|
L2_Q273749_P488_3
|
Piet Steenkamp is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Apr, 1975 to Oct, 1980.
Tineke Lodders is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Mar, 1994 to Feb, 1995.
Hans Huibers is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Dec, 2021 to Dec, 2022.
Liesbeth Spies is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Nov, 2010 to Apr, 2011.
Peter van Heeswijk is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Jun, 2007 to Jun, 2010.
Henk Bleker is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Jun, 2010 to Nov, 2010.
Piet Bukman is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Oct, 1980 to Jul, 1986.
Ruth Peetoom is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Apr, 2011 to Feb, 2019.
Hans Helgers is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Feb, 1995 to Feb, 1999.
Marnix van Rij is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Feb, 1999 to Sep, 2001.
Marja van Bijsterveldt is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Nov, 2002 to Feb, 2007.
Wim van Velzen is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Jan, 1987 to Mar, 1994.
Rutger Ploum is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Feb, 2019 to Mar, 2021.
|
Christian Democratic AppealThe Christian Democratic Appeal (, ; CDA) is a Christian-democratic political party in the Netherlands. It was originally formed in 1977 from a confederation of the Catholic People's Party, the Anti-Revolutionary Party and the Christian Historical Union; it has participated in all but three cabinets since it became a unitary party.Health Minister Hugo de Jonge served as Leader of the Christian Democratic Appeal from July 2020 until his resignation the following December. Finance Minister Wopke Hoekstra was then chosen as "lijstrekker" for the 2021 general election, becoming the "de facto" party leader. After the 2017 general election, in which the party won 19 seats (third place), the CDA became a junior coalition partner in the Third Rutte cabinet with the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy, Democrats 66 and Christian Union.Since 1880 the sizeable Catholic and Protestant parties had worked together in the so-called "Coalitie". They shared a common interest in public funding of religious schools. In 1888 they formed the first Christian-democratic government, led by the Anti-Revolutionary Æneas Baron Mackay. The cooperation was not without problems and in 1894 the more anti-papist and aristocratic conservatives left the Protestant Anti-Revolutionary Party, to found the Christian Historical Union (CHU). The main issues dividing Protestants and Catholics was the position of the Dutch Representation at the Holy See and the future of the Dutch Indies.By 1918, there were three major Christian Democratic parties in the Netherlands—the General League of Roman Catholic Caucuses, the Protestant Anti-Revolutionary Party and the Protestant Christian Historical Union. The General League evolved into the Roman Catholic State Party by 1926, and the Catholic People's Party in 1945.From 1918 to 1967, the three Christian Democratic parties had a majority in both houses of the States General, and at least two of them were included in every cabinet. The KVP and its antecedents had been in government without interruption since 1918.In the sixties, Dutch society became more secularised and the pillars faded, and voters began to move away from the three Christian-democratic parties. In the 1963 general election the three parties held 51% of the vote, whilst in 1972 general election they held only 32%. This decline forced the three parties to work closer together. In 1967 the Group of Eighteen was formed: it was a think-tank of six prominent politicians per party that planned the future cooperation of the three parties. In 1968 the three political leaders of the parties (Norbert Schmelzer (KVP), Barend Biesheuvel (ARP) and Jur Mellema (CHU) made a public appearance, stating that the three parties would continue to work together.This caused progressive forces within the three parties, especially the ARP and KVP, to regret their political affiliation. In 1968 they founded the Political Party of Radicals (PPR), a left-wing party that sought cooperation with the Labour Party (PvdA). Locally and provincially however the three parties had long cooperated well, in some areas they formed one Christian-democratic parliamentary party and proposed one list of candidates. In the 1971 general election, the three parties presented a common political program, which lay the foundation for the first Biesheuvel cabinet.After the disastrous elections of 1972 the cooperation was given new momentum. Piet Steenkamp, a member of the Senate for the KVP was appointed chairman of a council which was to lay the foundation for a federation of the three parties, and provide a common manifesto of principles. In 1973 this federation was officially formed, with Steenkamp as chairperson.The cooperation was frustrated by the formation of the Den Uyl cabinet, established by the leader of the social-democratic PvdA and Prime Minister of the Netherlands Joop den Uyl. Den Uyl refused to allow members of the CHU in the cabinet that he would lead. This led to a situation where the CHU, ARP and KVP sat as a single faction in both houses of parliament, but only the KVP and ARP supplied ministers and junior ministers. The cabinet Den Uyl was riddled with political and personal conflicts. Another issue that split the three parties was the place that the Bible would take in the new party.In 1976, the three parties announced that they would field a single list at the 1977 general election under the name Christian Democratic Appeal ("Christen Democratisch Appèl"). The KVP minister of Justice, Dries van Agt, was the top candidate. In the election campaign he made clear the CDA was a centrist party, that would not lean to the left or to the right. The three parties were able to stabilise their proportion of the vote.The election result forced Van Agt to start talks with Den Uyl. Although Van Agt had been Deputy Prime Minister in the cabinet Den Uyl, the two had never gotten along well. The animosity between them frustrated the talks. After more than 300 days of negotiations, they finally officially failed, and Van Agt was able to negotiate a cabinet with the conservative-liberal People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD). The first Van Agt cabinet had a very narrow majority. The unexpected cabinet with the VVD led to split within the newly founded CDA between more progressive and more conservative members. The progressives remained within the party, and were known as loyalists. On 11 October 1980, the three original parties ceased to exist and the CDA was founded as a unitary party. After the 1981 general election, the VVD and the CDA lost their majority, and the CDA was forced to cooperate with the PvdA. Den Uyl became deputy prime minister under van Agt. The second Van Agt cabinet was troubled by ideological and personal conflicts, and fell after one year.After the 1982 general election, the new CDA leader, Ruud Lubbers (formerly of the KVP), formed a majority coalition with the VVD. The first Lubbers cabinet set an ambitious reform program in motion, which included budget cuts, reform of the old age and disability pensions and liberalisation of public services. Lubbers was reelected in 1986 and in 1989. In 1989 however, the CDA only garnered a minimal majority with the VVD, which they had also gradually fallen out with during the previous cabinet, leading the CDA to instead cooperate with the PvdA in the new government. In the third Lubbers cabinet, a CDA-PvdA coalition, the ambitious reform project was continued, with some adaptations and protests from the PvdA.The 1994 general election was fraught with problems for the CDA: personal conflicts between retiring prime minister Lubbers and "lijsttrekker" Elco Brinkman, a lack of support for the reforms of old age and disability pensions, and the perceived arrogance of the CDA caused a dramatic defeat at the polls. A new coalition was formed between PvdA and the liberal parties VVD and Democrats 66 (D66), consigning the CDA to opposition for the first time ever. It was also the first government without any Christian Democratic ministers since 1918. The party was marred by subsequent internal battles over leadership. The party also reflected on its principals: the party began to orient itself more toward communitarian ideals.During the tumultuous 2002 general election, which saw the murder of far-right politician Pim Fortuyn, many people voted for the CDA, hoping that it could bring some stability to Dutch politics. The CDA led the first Balkenende cabinet, which included the VVD and the Pim Fortuyn List (LPF). This cabinet fell due to internal struggles within the LPF. After the 2003 general election, the Christian Democrats were forced to begin cabinet negotiations with the PvdA. Personal animosity between Balkenende and the leader of the PvdA, Wouter Bos, frustrated these negotiations. Balkenende eventually formed a coalition with the VVD and D66. The coalition proposed an ambitious program of reforms, including more restrictive immigration laws, democratisation of political institutions and reforms of the system of social security and labour laws.After the 2006 general election the CDA changed their course radically: they formed a new fourth cabinet Balkenende still led by Balkenende, but now with the PvdA and the Christian Union (CU). The cabinet was more progressive, entailing increased government spending funded by higher taxes.In the 2010 general election the CDA lost half of its seats and came in fourth place after VVD, PvdA and the Party for Freedom (PVV). Balkenende announced his resignation and stayed prime minister until the formation and inauguration of the Rutte cabinet.After the fall of the short-lived first Rutte cabinet in 2012, in which the CDA participated as junior coalition partners to the VVD, the party announced a leadership election. On 18 May 2012 the party announced that the leadership elections were won by Sybrand van Haersma Buma. He received more than 50 percent of the votes. The popular Mona Keijzer, the rising star within the party, received 26% of the votes and announced that she would closely collaborate with Van Haersma Buma during the election campaign prior to the Dutch general election on 12 September 2012. In that election, the CDA suffered considerable losses, falling to 13 seats. The party was excluded from the second Rutte cabinet—only the second time in its history that the party has not been in government. At the municipal elections of 19 March 2014 the CDA won 18% of all the votes and remained the largest party in Dutch municipalities.In the 2017 general election, the CDA gained six seats to become the third largest party. It continued to remain in government as part of the third Rutte cabinet, with the VVD, D66 and CU.On 19 March 2021, chairman Rutger Ploum resigned after the party looked to have lost 4 out 19 seats in the 2021 general election.The CDA is a Christian democratic party, but Christian values are only seen as one source of inspiration for individual members of the States General. The party also has Jewish, Muslim and Hindu members of parliament and favours the integration of minorities into Dutch culture.The party has four main ideals: stewardship, solidarity, shared responsibility and public justice. Shared responsibility refers to the way society should be organised: not one organisation should control all society, instead the state, the market, and social institutions, like churches and unions should work together. This is called sphere sovereignty, a core concept of Neo-Calvinist political philosophy. Furthermore, this refers to the way the state should be organised. Not one level of the state should have total control; instead, responsibility should be shared between local, provincial, national and European governments. This is called subsidiarity in Catholic political thought. With stewardship the Christian Democrats refer to the way the planet ought to be treated: the Earth is a gift from God. Therefore, we should try to preserve our environment.Practically, this means the CDA is a centre party. However, the party has a considerable centre-left wing, that supports eco-friendly politics, a strong pro-European policy and favours centre-left coalitions. The position of the centre-left group within the party has been weakened since the party's participation in the centre-right minority cabinet with the VVD (the first Rutte cabinet), a cabinet that strongly depended on the parliamentary support of the far-right Party for Freedom (PVV). CDA politicians that can be considered centrist or centre-left: Jack Biskop (MP), Ad Koppejan (MP), Kathleen Ferrier (MP; daughter of the late Johan Ferrier, president of Suriname 1975–1980), Dries van Agt (former Prime Minister), Ruud Lubbers (former Prime Minister) and Herman Wijffels (former chairman of the Social Economic Council, former "informateur").In the past Maxime Verhagen, then informal leader of the CDA and deputy Prime Minister, strongly denied the claim that the CDA is a right-wing party. Verhagen made it clear to the media that his party is a centrist and moderate party and that the CDA participates in a centre-right coalition (with the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD) as the right-wing component and the CDA as the centrist component). However, his former colleague in the cabinet, minister of Defence Hans Hillen, was a strong proponent of a conservative CDA.At a congress on 21 January 2012 the party adopted a centrist course, dubbed by former minister of Social Affairs Aart-Jan de Geus as "Radical centrist" "("het radicale midden")". The party explicitly abandoned its former center-right course. Despite of this, the party continued its coalition with the centre-right VVD of Prime Minister Mark Rutte and the Party for Freedom of Geert Wilders until the government collapsed later in the year.The so-called Strategic Council, which was formed in 2011 and headed by former minister Aart-Jan de Geus, that worked on a report to redifine the party course, advised the following:In 2014, Leader Van Haersma Buma announced that the party is now officially in favour of directly elected mayors, although a large majority of its members are opposed to elected mayors.Current members of the House of Representatives since the 2021 election:Seats in the House of Representatives:Current members of the Senate since the 2019 election:The CDA has been a member of the European People's Party (EPP) since its founding in 1976; CDA MEPs sit in the EPP group.Current members of the European Parliament since the 2019 election:4 seats: By far, the CDA has the most members of municipal and provincial councils in the Netherlands. Furthermore, it cooperates in most municipal and provincial governments.The CDA is mainly supported by religious voters, both Catholics and Protestants. These tend to live in rural areas and tend to be elderly. In some periods, however, the CDA has functioned as a centrist party, attracting people from all classes and religions.Geographically, the CDA is particularly strong in the provinces of North Brabant, Limburg and Overijssel and in the Veluwe and the Westland areas. In the 2006 elections the CDA received the highest percentage of votes in the municipality of Tubbergen, Overijssel (66,59% of the vote). The CDA is weaker in the four major cities (Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The Hague and Utrecht) and in Groningen and Drenthe.The youth movement of the CDA is the Christian Democratic Youth Appeal (CDJA). The CDA publishes a monthly magazine, and its scientific bureau publishes the "Christian Democratic Explorations" (Christen-Democratische Verkenningen).As an effect of pillarisation, the CDA still has many personal and ideological ties with religious organisations, such as the broadcasting societies KRO and NCRV, the paper Trouw, the employers organisations NCW and the union CNV.The CDA participates in the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy, a democracy assistance organisation of seven Dutch political parties.The CDA is a member of the European People's Party and the Centrist Democrat International. Within the EPP the CDA belongs to those parties which least favour a cooperation with conservatives.As a large Christian democratic party, the CDA is comparable to other European Christian democratic parties such as Germany's Christian Democratic Union (although it's more moderate). It is the Netherlands' third largest party (after the VVD and the PVV), but it is centrist unlike the British Conservative Party.
|
[
"Piet Bukman",
"Marja van Bijsterveldt",
"Peter van Heeswijk",
"Marnix van Rij",
"Ruth Peetoom",
"Wim van Velzen",
"Hans Helgers",
"Rutger Ploum",
"Hans Huibers",
"Henk Bleker",
"Piet Steenkamp",
"Liesbeth Spies",
"Piet Bukman",
"Marja van Bijsterveldt",
"Peter van Heeswijk",
"Marnix van Rij",
"Ruth Peetoom",
"Hans Helgers",
"Rutger Ploum",
"Hans Huibers",
"Henk Bleker",
"Piet Steenkamp",
"Liesbeth Spies"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal in 19/03/1994?
|
March 19, 1994
|
{
"text": [
"Tineke Lodders",
"Wim van Velzen"
]
}
|
L2_Q273749_P488_3
|
Piet Steenkamp is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Apr, 1975 to Oct, 1980.
Tineke Lodders is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Mar, 1994 to Feb, 1995.
Hans Huibers is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Dec, 2021 to Dec, 2022.
Liesbeth Spies is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Nov, 2010 to Apr, 2011.
Peter van Heeswijk is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Jun, 2007 to Jun, 2010.
Henk Bleker is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Jun, 2010 to Nov, 2010.
Piet Bukman is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Oct, 1980 to Jul, 1986.
Ruth Peetoom is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Apr, 2011 to Feb, 2019.
Hans Helgers is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Feb, 1995 to Feb, 1999.
Marnix van Rij is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Feb, 1999 to Sep, 2001.
Marja van Bijsterveldt is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Nov, 2002 to Feb, 2007.
Wim van Velzen is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Jan, 1987 to Mar, 1994.
Rutger Ploum is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Feb, 2019 to Mar, 2021.
|
Christian Democratic AppealThe Christian Democratic Appeal (, ; CDA) is a Christian-democratic political party in the Netherlands. It was originally formed in 1977 from a confederation of the Catholic People's Party, the Anti-Revolutionary Party and the Christian Historical Union; it has participated in all but three cabinets since it became a unitary party.Health Minister Hugo de Jonge served as Leader of the Christian Democratic Appeal from July 2020 until his resignation the following December. Finance Minister Wopke Hoekstra was then chosen as "lijstrekker" for the 2021 general election, becoming the "de facto" party leader. After the 2017 general election, in which the party won 19 seats (third place), the CDA became a junior coalition partner in the Third Rutte cabinet with the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy, Democrats 66 and Christian Union.Since 1880 the sizeable Catholic and Protestant parties had worked together in the so-called "Coalitie". They shared a common interest in public funding of religious schools. In 1888 they formed the first Christian-democratic government, led by the Anti-Revolutionary Æneas Baron Mackay. The cooperation was not without problems and in 1894 the more anti-papist and aristocratic conservatives left the Protestant Anti-Revolutionary Party, to found the Christian Historical Union (CHU). The main issues dividing Protestants and Catholics was the position of the Dutch Representation at the Holy See and the future of the Dutch Indies.By 1918, there were three major Christian Democratic parties in the Netherlands—the General League of Roman Catholic Caucuses, the Protestant Anti-Revolutionary Party and the Protestant Christian Historical Union. The General League evolved into the Roman Catholic State Party by 1926, and the Catholic People's Party in 1945.From 1918 to 1967, the three Christian Democratic parties had a majority in both houses of the States General, and at least two of them were included in every cabinet. The KVP and its antecedents had been in government without interruption since 1918.In the sixties, Dutch society became more secularised and the pillars faded, and voters began to move away from the three Christian-democratic parties. In the 1963 general election the three parties held 51% of the vote, whilst in 1972 general election they held only 32%. This decline forced the three parties to work closer together. In 1967 the Group of Eighteen was formed: it was a think-tank of six prominent politicians per party that planned the future cooperation of the three parties. In 1968 the three political leaders of the parties (Norbert Schmelzer (KVP), Barend Biesheuvel (ARP) and Jur Mellema (CHU) made a public appearance, stating that the three parties would continue to work together.This caused progressive forces within the three parties, especially the ARP and KVP, to regret their political affiliation. In 1968 they founded the Political Party of Radicals (PPR), a left-wing party that sought cooperation with the Labour Party (PvdA). Locally and provincially however the three parties had long cooperated well, in some areas they formed one Christian-democratic parliamentary party and proposed one list of candidates. In the 1971 general election, the three parties presented a common political program, which lay the foundation for the first Biesheuvel cabinet.After the disastrous elections of 1972 the cooperation was given new momentum. Piet Steenkamp, a member of the Senate for the KVP was appointed chairman of a council which was to lay the foundation for a federation of the three parties, and provide a common manifesto of principles. In 1973 this federation was officially formed, with Steenkamp as chairperson.The cooperation was frustrated by the formation of the Den Uyl cabinet, established by the leader of the social-democratic PvdA and Prime Minister of the Netherlands Joop den Uyl. Den Uyl refused to allow members of the CHU in the cabinet that he would lead. This led to a situation where the CHU, ARP and KVP sat as a single faction in both houses of parliament, but only the KVP and ARP supplied ministers and junior ministers. The cabinet Den Uyl was riddled with political and personal conflicts. Another issue that split the three parties was the place that the Bible would take in the new party.In 1976, the three parties announced that they would field a single list at the 1977 general election under the name Christian Democratic Appeal ("Christen Democratisch Appèl"). The KVP minister of Justice, Dries van Agt, was the top candidate. In the election campaign he made clear the CDA was a centrist party, that would not lean to the left or to the right. The three parties were able to stabilise their proportion of the vote.The election result forced Van Agt to start talks with Den Uyl. Although Van Agt had been Deputy Prime Minister in the cabinet Den Uyl, the two had never gotten along well. The animosity between them frustrated the talks. After more than 300 days of negotiations, they finally officially failed, and Van Agt was able to negotiate a cabinet with the conservative-liberal People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD). The first Van Agt cabinet had a very narrow majority. The unexpected cabinet with the VVD led to split within the newly founded CDA between more progressive and more conservative members. The progressives remained within the party, and were known as loyalists. On 11 October 1980, the three original parties ceased to exist and the CDA was founded as a unitary party. After the 1981 general election, the VVD and the CDA lost their majority, and the CDA was forced to cooperate with the PvdA. Den Uyl became deputy prime minister under van Agt. The second Van Agt cabinet was troubled by ideological and personal conflicts, and fell after one year.After the 1982 general election, the new CDA leader, Ruud Lubbers (formerly of the KVP), formed a majority coalition with the VVD. The first Lubbers cabinet set an ambitious reform program in motion, which included budget cuts, reform of the old age and disability pensions and liberalisation of public services. Lubbers was reelected in 1986 and in 1989. In 1989 however, the CDA only garnered a minimal majority with the VVD, which they had also gradually fallen out with during the previous cabinet, leading the CDA to instead cooperate with the PvdA in the new government. In the third Lubbers cabinet, a CDA-PvdA coalition, the ambitious reform project was continued, with some adaptations and protests from the PvdA.The 1994 general election was fraught with problems for the CDA: personal conflicts between retiring prime minister Lubbers and "lijsttrekker" Elco Brinkman, a lack of support for the reforms of old age and disability pensions, and the perceived arrogance of the CDA caused a dramatic defeat at the polls. A new coalition was formed between PvdA and the liberal parties VVD and Democrats 66 (D66), consigning the CDA to opposition for the first time ever. It was also the first government without any Christian Democratic ministers since 1918. The party was marred by subsequent internal battles over leadership. The party also reflected on its principals: the party began to orient itself more toward communitarian ideals.During the tumultuous 2002 general election, which saw the murder of far-right politician Pim Fortuyn, many people voted for the CDA, hoping that it could bring some stability to Dutch politics. The CDA led the first Balkenende cabinet, which included the VVD and the Pim Fortuyn List (LPF). This cabinet fell due to internal struggles within the LPF. After the 2003 general election, the Christian Democrats were forced to begin cabinet negotiations with the PvdA. Personal animosity between Balkenende and the leader of the PvdA, Wouter Bos, frustrated these negotiations. Balkenende eventually formed a coalition with the VVD and D66. The coalition proposed an ambitious program of reforms, including more restrictive immigration laws, democratisation of political institutions and reforms of the system of social security and labour laws.After the 2006 general election the CDA changed their course radically: they formed a new fourth cabinet Balkenende still led by Balkenende, but now with the PvdA and the Christian Union (CU). The cabinet was more progressive, entailing increased government spending funded by higher taxes.In the 2010 general election the CDA lost half of its seats and came in fourth place after VVD, PvdA and the Party for Freedom (PVV). Balkenende announced his resignation and stayed prime minister until the formation and inauguration of the Rutte cabinet.After the fall of the short-lived first Rutte cabinet in 2012, in which the CDA participated as junior coalition partners to the VVD, the party announced a leadership election. On 18 May 2012 the party announced that the leadership elections were won by Sybrand van Haersma Buma. He received more than 50 percent of the votes. The popular Mona Keijzer, the rising star within the party, received 26% of the votes and announced that she would closely collaborate with Van Haersma Buma during the election campaign prior to the Dutch general election on 12 September 2012. In that election, the CDA suffered considerable losses, falling to 13 seats. The party was excluded from the second Rutte cabinet—only the second time in its history that the party has not been in government. At the municipal elections of 19 March 2014 the CDA won 18% of all the votes and remained the largest party in Dutch municipalities.In the 2017 general election, the CDA gained six seats to become the third largest party. It continued to remain in government as part of the third Rutte cabinet, with the VVD, D66 and CU.On 19 March 2021, chairman Rutger Ploum resigned after the party looked to have lost 4 out 19 seats in the 2021 general election.The CDA is a Christian democratic party, but Christian values are only seen as one source of inspiration for individual members of the States General. The party also has Jewish, Muslim and Hindu members of parliament and favours the integration of minorities into Dutch culture.The party has four main ideals: stewardship, solidarity, shared responsibility and public justice. Shared responsibility refers to the way society should be organised: not one organisation should control all society, instead the state, the market, and social institutions, like churches and unions should work together. This is called sphere sovereignty, a core concept of Neo-Calvinist political philosophy. Furthermore, this refers to the way the state should be organised. Not one level of the state should have total control; instead, responsibility should be shared between local, provincial, national and European governments. This is called subsidiarity in Catholic political thought. With stewardship the Christian Democrats refer to the way the planet ought to be treated: the Earth is a gift from God. Therefore, we should try to preserve our environment.Practically, this means the CDA is a centre party. However, the party has a considerable centre-left wing, that supports eco-friendly politics, a strong pro-European policy and favours centre-left coalitions. The position of the centre-left group within the party has been weakened since the party's participation in the centre-right minority cabinet with the VVD (the first Rutte cabinet), a cabinet that strongly depended on the parliamentary support of the far-right Party for Freedom (PVV). CDA politicians that can be considered centrist or centre-left: Jack Biskop (MP), Ad Koppejan (MP), Kathleen Ferrier (MP; daughter of the late Johan Ferrier, president of Suriname 1975–1980), Dries van Agt (former Prime Minister), Ruud Lubbers (former Prime Minister) and Herman Wijffels (former chairman of the Social Economic Council, former "informateur").In the past Maxime Verhagen, then informal leader of the CDA and deputy Prime Minister, strongly denied the claim that the CDA is a right-wing party. Verhagen made it clear to the media that his party is a centrist and moderate party and that the CDA participates in a centre-right coalition (with the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD) as the right-wing component and the CDA as the centrist component). However, his former colleague in the cabinet, minister of Defence Hans Hillen, was a strong proponent of a conservative CDA.At a congress on 21 January 2012 the party adopted a centrist course, dubbed by former minister of Social Affairs Aart-Jan de Geus as "Radical centrist" "("het radicale midden")". The party explicitly abandoned its former center-right course. Despite of this, the party continued its coalition with the centre-right VVD of Prime Minister Mark Rutte and the Party for Freedom of Geert Wilders until the government collapsed later in the year.The so-called Strategic Council, which was formed in 2011 and headed by former minister Aart-Jan de Geus, that worked on a report to redifine the party course, advised the following:In 2014, Leader Van Haersma Buma announced that the party is now officially in favour of directly elected mayors, although a large majority of its members are opposed to elected mayors.Current members of the House of Representatives since the 2021 election:Seats in the House of Representatives:Current members of the Senate since the 2019 election:The CDA has been a member of the European People's Party (EPP) since its founding in 1976; CDA MEPs sit in the EPP group.Current members of the European Parliament since the 2019 election:4 seats: By far, the CDA has the most members of municipal and provincial councils in the Netherlands. Furthermore, it cooperates in most municipal and provincial governments.The CDA is mainly supported by religious voters, both Catholics and Protestants. These tend to live in rural areas and tend to be elderly. In some periods, however, the CDA has functioned as a centrist party, attracting people from all classes and religions.Geographically, the CDA is particularly strong in the provinces of North Brabant, Limburg and Overijssel and in the Veluwe and the Westland areas. In the 2006 elections the CDA received the highest percentage of votes in the municipality of Tubbergen, Overijssel (66,59% of the vote). The CDA is weaker in the four major cities (Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The Hague and Utrecht) and in Groningen and Drenthe.The youth movement of the CDA is the Christian Democratic Youth Appeal (CDJA). The CDA publishes a monthly magazine, and its scientific bureau publishes the "Christian Democratic Explorations" (Christen-Democratische Verkenningen).As an effect of pillarisation, the CDA still has many personal and ideological ties with religious organisations, such as the broadcasting societies KRO and NCRV, the paper Trouw, the employers organisations NCW and the union CNV.The CDA participates in the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy, a democracy assistance organisation of seven Dutch political parties.The CDA is a member of the European People's Party and the Centrist Democrat International. Within the EPP the CDA belongs to those parties which least favour a cooperation with conservatives.As a large Christian democratic party, the CDA is comparable to other European Christian democratic parties such as Germany's Christian Democratic Union (although it's more moderate). It is the Netherlands' third largest party (after the VVD and the PVV), but it is centrist unlike the British Conservative Party.
|
[
"Piet Bukman",
"Marja van Bijsterveldt",
"Peter van Heeswijk",
"Marnix van Rij",
"Ruth Peetoom",
"Wim van Velzen",
"Hans Helgers",
"Rutger Ploum",
"Hans Huibers",
"Henk Bleker",
"Piet Steenkamp",
"Liesbeth Spies",
"Piet Bukman",
"Marja van Bijsterveldt",
"Peter van Heeswijk",
"Marnix van Rij",
"Ruth Peetoom",
"Hans Helgers",
"Rutger Ploum",
"Hans Huibers",
"Henk Bleker",
"Piet Steenkamp",
"Liesbeth Spies"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal in Mar 19, 1994?
|
March 19, 1994
|
{
"text": [
"Tineke Lodders",
"Wim van Velzen"
]
}
|
L2_Q273749_P488_3
|
Piet Steenkamp is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Apr, 1975 to Oct, 1980.
Tineke Lodders is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Mar, 1994 to Feb, 1995.
Hans Huibers is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Dec, 2021 to Dec, 2022.
Liesbeth Spies is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Nov, 2010 to Apr, 2011.
Peter van Heeswijk is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Jun, 2007 to Jun, 2010.
Henk Bleker is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Jun, 2010 to Nov, 2010.
Piet Bukman is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Oct, 1980 to Jul, 1986.
Ruth Peetoom is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Apr, 2011 to Feb, 2019.
Hans Helgers is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Feb, 1995 to Feb, 1999.
Marnix van Rij is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Feb, 1999 to Sep, 2001.
Marja van Bijsterveldt is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Nov, 2002 to Feb, 2007.
Wim van Velzen is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Jan, 1987 to Mar, 1994.
Rutger Ploum is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Feb, 2019 to Mar, 2021.
|
Christian Democratic AppealThe Christian Democratic Appeal (, ; CDA) is a Christian-democratic political party in the Netherlands. It was originally formed in 1977 from a confederation of the Catholic People's Party, the Anti-Revolutionary Party and the Christian Historical Union; it has participated in all but three cabinets since it became a unitary party.Health Minister Hugo de Jonge served as Leader of the Christian Democratic Appeal from July 2020 until his resignation the following December. Finance Minister Wopke Hoekstra was then chosen as "lijstrekker" for the 2021 general election, becoming the "de facto" party leader. After the 2017 general election, in which the party won 19 seats (third place), the CDA became a junior coalition partner in the Third Rutte cabinet with the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy, Democrats 66 and Christian Union.Since 1880 the sizeable Catholic and Protestant parties had worked together in the so-called "Coalitie". They shared a common interest in public funding of religious schools. In 1888 they formed the first Christian-democratic government, led by the Anti-Revolutionary Æneas Baron Mackay. The cooperation was not without problems and in 1894 the more anti-papist and aristocratic conservatives left the Protestant Anti-Revolutionary Party, to found the Christian Historical Union (CHU). The main issues dividing Protestants and Catholics was the position of the Dutch Representation at the Holy See and the future of the Dutch Indies.By 1918, there were three major Christian Democratic parties in the Netherlands—the General League of Roman Catholic Caucuses, the Protestant Anti-Revolutionary Party and the Protestant Christian Historical Union. The General League evolved into the Roman Catholic State Party by 1926, and the Catholic People's Party in 1945.From 1918 to 1967, the three Christian Democratic parties had a majority in both houses of the States General, and at least two of them were included in every cabinet. The KVP and its antecedents had been in government without interruption since 1918.In the sixties, Dutch society became more secularised and the pillars faded, and voters began to move away from the three Christian-democratic parties. In the 1963 general election the three parties held 51% of the vote, whilst in 1972 general election they held only 32%. This decline forced the three parties to work closer together. In 1967 the Group of Eighteen was formed: it was a think-tank of six prominent politicians per party that planned the future cooperation of the three parties. In 1968 the three political leaders of the parties (Norbert Schmelzer (KVP), Barend Biesheuvel (ARP) and Jur Mellema (CHU) made a public appearance, stating that the three parties would continue to work together.This caused progressive forces within the three parties, especially the ARP and KVP, to regret their political affiliation. In 1968 they founded the Political Party of Radicals (PPR), a left-wing party that sought cooperation with the Labour Party (PvdA). Locally and provincially however the three parties had long cooperated well, in some areas they formed one Christian-democratic parliamentary party and proposed one list of candidates. In the 1971 general election, the three parties presented a common political program, which lay the foundation for the first Biesheuvel cabinet.After the disastrous elections of 1972 the cooperation was given new momentum. Piet Steenkamp, a member of the Senate for the KVP was appointed chairman of a council which was to lay the foundation for a federation of the three parties, and provide a common manifesto of principles. In 1973 this federation was officially formed, with Steenkamp as chairperson.The cooperation was frustrated by the formation of the Den Uyl cabinet, established by the leader of the social-democratic PvdA and Prime Minister of the Netherlands Joop den Uyl. Den Uyl refused to allow members of the CHU in the cabinet that he would lead. This led to a situation where the CHU, ARP and KVP sat as a single faction in both houses of parliament, but only the KVP and ARP supplied ministers and junior ministers. The cabinet Den Uyl was riddled with political and personal conflicts. Another issue that split the three parties was the place that the Bible would take in the new party.In 1976, the three parties announced that they would field a single list at the 1977 general election under the name Christian Democratic Appeal ("Christen Democratisch Appèl"). The KVP minister of Justice, Dries van Agt, was the top candidate. In the election campaign he made clear the CDA was a centrist party, that would not lean to the left or to the right. The three parties were able to stabilise their proportion of the vote.The election result forced Van Agt to start talks with Den Uyl. Although Van Agt had been Deputy Prime Minister in the cabinet Den Uyl, the two had never gotten along well. The animosity between them frustrated the talks. After more than 300 days of negotiations, they finally officially failed, and Van Agt was able to negotiate a cabinet with the conservative-liberal People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD). The first Van Agt cabinet had a very narrow majority. The unexpected cabinet with the VVD led to split within the newly founded CDA between more progressive and more conservative members. The progressives remained within the party, and were known as loyalists. On 11 October 1980, the three original parties ceased to exist and the CDA was founded as a unitary party. After the 1981 general election, the VVD and the CDA lost their majority, and the CDA was forced to cooperate with the PvdA. Den Uyl became deputy prime minister under van Agt. The second Van Agt cabinet was troubled by ideological and personal conflicts, and fell after one year.After the 1982 general election, the new CDA leader, Ruud Lubbers (formerly of the KVP), formed a majority coalition with the VVD. The first Lubbers cabinet set an ambitious reform program in motion, which included budget cuts, reform of the old age and disability pensions and liberalisation of public services. Lubbers was reelected in 1986 and in 1989. In 1989 however, the CDA only garnered a minimal majority with the VVD, which they had also gradually fallen out with during the previous cabinet, leading the CDA to instead cooperate with the PvdA in the new government. In the third Lubbers cabinet, a CDA-PvdA coalition, the ambitious reform project was continued, with some adaptations and protests from the PvdA.The 1994 general election was fraught with problems for the CDA: personal conflicts between retiring prime minister Lubbers and "lijsttrekker" Elco Brinkman, a lack of support for the reforms of old age and disability pensions, and the perceived arrogance of the CDA caused a dramatic defeat at the polls. A new coalition was formed between PvdA and the liberal parties VVD and Democrats 66 (D66), consigning the CDA to opposition for the first time ever. It was also the first government without any Christian Democratic ministers since 1918. The party was marred by subsequent internal battles over leadership. The party also reflected on its principals: the party began to orient itself more toward communitarian ideals.During the tumultuous 2002 general election, which saw the murder of far-right politician Pim Fortuyn, many people voted for the CDA, hoping that it could bring some stability to Dutch politics. The CDA led the first Balkenende cabinet, which included the VVD and the Pim Fortuyn List (LPF). This cabinet fell due to internal struggles within the LPF. After the 2003 general election, the Christian Democrats were forced to begin cabinet negotiations with the PvdA. Personal animosity between Balkenende and the leader of the PvdA, Wouter Bos, frustrated these negotiations. Balkenende eventually formed a coalition with the VVD and D66. The coalition proposed an ambitious program of reforms, including more restrictive immigration laws, democratisation of political institutions and reforms of the system of social security and labour laws.After the 2006 general election the CDA changed their course radically: they formed a new fourth cabinet Balkenende still led by Balkenende, but now with the PvdA and the Christian Union (CU). The cabinet was more progressive, entailing increased government spending funded by higher taxes.In the 2010 general election the CDA lost half of its seats and came in fourth place after VVD, PvdA and the Party for Freedom (PVV). Balkenende announced his resignation and stayed prime minister until the formation and inauguration of the Rutte cabinet.After the fall of the short-lived first Rutte cabinet in 2012, in which the CDA participated as junior coalition partners to the VVD, the party announced a leadership election. On 18 May 2012 the party announced that the leadership elections were won by Sybrand van Haersma Buma. He received more than 50 percent of the votes. The popular Mona Keijzer, the rising star within the party, received 26% of the votes and announced that she would closely collaborate with Van Haersma Buma during the election campaign prior to the Dutch general election on 12 September 2012. In that election, the CDA suffered considerable losses, falling to 13 seats. The party was excluded from the second Rutte cabinet—only the second time in its history that the party has not been in government. At the municipal elections of 19 March 2014 the CDA won 18% of all the votes and remained the largest party in Dutch municipalities.In the 2017 general election, the CDA gained six seats to become the third largest party. It continued to remain in government as part of the third Rutte cabinet, with the VVD, D66 and CU.On 19 March 2021, chairman Rutger Ploum resigned after the party looked to have lost 4 out 19 seats in the 2021 general election.The CDA is a Christian democratic party, but Christian values are only seen as one source of inspiration for individual members of the States General. The party also has Jewish, Muslim and Hindu members of parliament and favours the integration of minorities into Dutch culture.The party has four main ideals: stewardship, solidarity, shared responsibility and public justice. Shared responsibility refers to the way society should be organised: not one organisation should control all society, instead the state, the market, and social institutions, like churches and unions should work together. This is called sphere sovereignty, a core concept of Neo-Calvinist political philosophy. Furthermore, this refers to the way the state should be organised. Not one level of the state should have total control; instead, responsibility should be shared between local, provincial, national and European governments. This is called subsidiarity in Catholic political thought. With stewardship the Christian Democrats refer to the way the planet ought to be treated: the Earth is a gift from God. Therefore, we should try to preserve our environment.Practically, this means the CDA is a centre party. However, the party has a considerable centre-left wing, that supports eco-friendly politics, a strong pro-European policy and favours centre-left coalitions. The position of the centre-left group within the party has been weakened since the party's participation in the centre-right minority cabinet with the VVD (the first Rutte cabinet), a cabinet that strongly depended on the parliamentary support of the far-right Party for Freedom (PVV). CDA politicians that can be considered centrist or centre-left: Jack Biskop (MP), Ad Koppejan (MP), Kathleen Ferrier (MP; daughter of the late Johan Ferrier, president of Suriname 1975–1980), Dries van Agt (former Prime Minister), Ruud Lubbers (former Prime Minister) and Herman Wijffels (former chairman of the Social Economic Council, former "informateur").In the past Maxime Verhagen, then informal leader of the CDA and deputy Prime Minister, strongly denied the claim that the CDA is a right-wing party. Verhagen made it clear to the media that his party is a centrist and moderate party and that the CDA participates in a centre-right coalition (with the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD) as the right-wing component and the CDA as the centrist component). However, his former colleague in the cabinet, minister of Defence Hans Hillen, was a strong proponent of a conservative CDA.At a congress on 21 January 2012 the party adopted a centrist course, dubbed by former minister of Social Affairs Aart-Jan de Geus as "Radical centrist" "("het radicale midden")". The party explicitly abandoned its former center-right course. Despite of this, the party continued its coalition with the centre-right VVD of Prime Minister Mark Rutte and the Party for Freedom of Geert Wilders until the government collapsed later in the year.The so-called Strategic Council, which was formed in 2011 and headed by former minister Aart-Jan de Geus, that worked on a report to redifine the party course, advised the following:In 2014, Leader Van Haersma Buma announced that the party is now officially in favour of directly elected mayors, although a large majority of its members are opposed to elected mayors.Current members of the House of Representatives since the 2021 election:Seats in the House of Representatives:Current members of the Senate since the 2019 election:The CDA has been a member of the European People's Party (EPP) since its founding in 1976; CDA MEPs sit in the EPP group.Current members of the European Parliament since the 2019 election:4 seats: By far, the CDA has the most members of municipal and provincial councils in the Netherlands. Furthermore, it cooperates in most municipal and provincial governments.The CDA is mainly supported by religious voters, both Catholics and Protestants. These tend to live in rural areas and tend to be elderly. In some periods, however, the CDA has functioned as a centrist party, attracting people from all classes and religions.Geographically, the CDA is particularly strong in the provinces of North Brabant, Limburg and Overijssel and in the Veluwe and the Westland areas. In the 2006 elections the CDA received the highest percentage of votes in the municipality of Tubbergen, Overijssel (66,59% of the vote). The CDA is weaker in the four major cities (Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The Hague and Utrecht) and in Groningen and Drenthe.The youth movement of the CDA is the Christian Democratic Youth Appeal (CDJA). The CDA publishes a monthly magazine, and its scientific bureau publishes the "Christian Democratic Explorations" (Christen-Democratische Verkenningen).As an effect of pillarisation, the CDA still has many personal and ideological ties with religious organisations, such as the broadcasting societies KRO and NCRV, the paper Trouw, the employers organisations NCW and the union CNV.The CDA participates in the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy, a democracy assistance organisation of seven Dutch political parties.The CDA is a member of the European People's Party and the Centrist Democrat International. Within the EPP the CDA belongs to those parties which least favour a cooperation with conservatives.As a large Christian democratic party, the CDA is comparable to other European Christian democratic parties such as Germany's Christian Democratic Union (although it's more moderate). It is the Netherlands' third largest party (after the VVD and the PVV), but it is centrist unlike the British Conservative Party.
|
[
"Piet Bukman",
"Marja van Bijsterveldt",
"Peter van Heeswijk",
"Marnix van Rij",
"Ruth Peetoom",
"Wim van Velzen",
"Hans Helgers",
"Rutger Ploum",
"Hans Huibers",
"Henk Bleker",
"Piet Steenkamp",
"Liesbeth Spies",
"Piet Bukman",
"Marja van Bijsterveldt",
"Peter van Heeswijk",
"Marnix van Rij",
"Ruth Peetoom",
"Hans Helgers",
"Rutger Ploum",
"Hans Huibers",
"Henk Bleker",
"Piet Steenkamp",
"Liesbeth Spies"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal in 03/19/1994?
|
March 19, 1994
|
{
"text": [
"Tineke Lodders",
"Wim van Velzen"
]
}
|
L2_Q273749_P488_3
|
Piet Steenkamp is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Apr, 1975 to Oct, 1980.
Tineke Lodders is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Mar, 1994 to Feb, 1995.
Hans Huibers is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Dec, 2021 to Dec, 2022.
Liesbeth Spies is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Nov, 2010 to Apr, 2011.
Peter van Heeswijk is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Jun, 2007 to Jun, 2010.
Henk Bleker is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Jun, 2010 to Nov, 2010.
Piet Bukman is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Oct, 1980 to Jul, 1986.
Ruth Peetoom is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Apr, 2011 to Feb, 2019.
Hans Helgers is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Feb, 1995 to Feb, 1999.
Marnix van Rij is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Feb, 1999 to Sep, 2001.
Marja van Bijsterveldt is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Nov, 2002 to Feb, 2007.
Wim van Velzen is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Jan, 1987 to Mar, 1994.
Rutger Ploum is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Feb, 2019 to Mar, 2021.
|
Christian Democratic AppealThe Christian Democratic Appeal (, ; CDA) is a Christian-democratic political party in the Netherlands. It was originally formed in 1977 from a confederation of the Catholic People's Party, the Anti-Revolutionary Party and the Christian Historical Union; it has participated in all but three cabinets since it became a unitary party.Health Minister Hugo de Jonge served as Leader of the Christian Democratic Appeal from July 2020 until his resignation the following December. Finance Minister Wopke Hoekstra was then chosen as "lijstrekker" for the 2021 general election, becoming the "de facto" party leader. After the 2017 general election, in which the party won 19 seats (third place), the CDA became a junior coalition partner in the Third Rutte cabinet with the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy, Democrats 66 and Christian Union.Since 1880 the sizeable Catholic and Protestant parties had worked together in the so-called "Coalitie". They shared a common interest in public funding of religious schools. In 1888 they formed the first Christian-democratic government, led by the Anti-Revolutionary Æneas Baron Mackay. The cooperation was not without problems and in 1894 the more anti-papist and aristocratic conservatives left the Protestant Anti-Revolutionary Party, to found the Christian Historical Union (CHU). The main issues dividing Protestants and Catholics was the position of the Dutch Representation at the Holy See and the future of the Dutch Indies.By 1918, there were three major Christian Democratic parties in the Netherlands—the General League of Roman Catholic Caucuses, the Protestant Anti-Revolutionary Party and the Protestant Christian Historical Union. The General League evolved into the Roman Catholic State Party by 1926, and the Catholic People's Party in 1945.From 1918 to 1967, the three Christian Democratic parties had a majority in both houses of the States General, and at least two of them were included in every cabinet. The KVP and its antecedents had been in government without interruption since 1918.In the sixties, Dutch society became more secularised and the pillars faded, and voters began to move away from the three Christian-democratic parties. In the 1963 general election the three parties held 51% of the vote, whilst in 1972 general election they held only 32%. This decline forced the three parties to work closer together. In 1967 the Group of Eighteen was formed: it was a think-tank of six prominent politicians per party that planned the future cooperation of the three parties. In 1968 the three political leaders of the parties (Norbert Schmelzer (KVP), Barend Biesheuvel (ARP) and Jur Mellema (CHU) made a public appearance, stating that the three parties would continue to work together.This caused progressive forces within the three parties, especially the ARP and KVP, to regret their political affiliation. In 1968 they founded the Political Party of Radicals (PPR), a left-wing party that sought cooperation with the Labour Party (PvdA). Locally and provincially however the three parties had long cooperated well, in some areas they formed one Christian-democratic parliamentary party and proposed one list of candidates. In the 1971 general election, the three parties presented a common political program, which lay the foundation for the first Biesheuvel cabinet.After the disastrous elections of 1972 the cooperation was given new momentum. Piet Steenkamp, a member of the Senate for the KVP was appointed chairman of a council which was to lay the foundation for a federation of the three parties, and provide a common manifesto of principles. In 1973 this federation was officially formed, with Steenkamp as chairperson.The cooperation was frustrated by the formation of the Den Uyl cabinet, established by the leader of the social-democratic PvdA and Prime Minister of the Netherlands Joop den Uyl. Den Uyl refused to allow members of the CHU in the cabinet that he would lead. This led to a situation where the CHU, ARP and KVP sat as a single faction in both houses of parliament, but only the KVP and ARP supplied ministers and junior ministers. The cabinet Den Uyl was riddled with political and personal conflicts. Another issue that split the three parties was the place that the Bible would take in the new party.In 1976, the three parties announced that they would field a single list at the 1977 general election under the name Christian Democratic Appeal ("Christen Democratisch Appèl"). The KVP minister of Justice, Dries van Agt, was the top candidate. In the election campaign he made clear the CDA was a centrist party, that would not lean to the left or to the right. The three parties were able to stabilise their proportion of the vote.The election result forced Van Agt to start talks with Den Uyl. Although Van Agt had been Deputy Prime Minister in the cabinet Den Uyl, the two had never gotten along well. The animosity between them frustrated the talks. After more than 300 days of negotiations, they finally officially failed, and Van Agt was able to negotiate a cabinet with the conservative-liberal People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD). The first Van Agt cabinet had a very narrow majority. The unexpected cabinet with the VVD led to split within the newly founded CDA between more progressive and more conservative members. The progressives remained within the party, and were known as loyalists. On 11 October 1980, the three original parties ceased to exist and the CDA was founded as a unitary party. After the 1981 general election, the VVD and the CDA lost their majority, and the CDA was forced to cooperate with the PvdA. Den Uyl became deputy prime minister under van Agt. The second Van Agt cabinet was troubled by ideological and personal conflicts, and fell after one year.After the 1982 general election, the new CDA leader, Ruud Lubbers (formerly of the KVP), formed a majority coalition with the VVD. The first Lubbers cabinet set an ambitious reform program in motion, which included budget cuts, reform of the old age and disability pensions and liberalisation of public services. Lubbers was reelected in 1986 and in 1989. In 1989 however, the CDA only garnered a minimal majority with the VVD, which they had also gradually fallen out with during the previous cabinet, leading the CDA to instead cooperate with the PvdA in the new government. In the third Lubbers cabinet, a CDA-PvdA coalition, the ambitious reform project was continued, with some adaptations and protests from the PvdA.The 1994 general election was fraught with problems for the CDA: personal conflicts between retiring prime minister Lubbers and "lijsttrekker" Elco Brinkman, a lack of support for the reforms of old age and disability pensions, and the perceived arrogance of the CDA caused a dramatic defeat at the polls. A new coalition was formed between PvdA and the liberal parties VVD and Democrats 66 (D66), consigning the CDA to opposition for the first time ever. It was also the first government without any Christian Democratic ministers since 1918. The party was marred by subsequent internal battles over leadership. The party also reflected on its principals: the party began to orient itself more toward communitarian ideals.During the tumultuous 2002 general election, which saw the murder of far-right politician Pim Fortuyn, many people voted for the CDA, hoping that it could bring some stability to Dutch politics. The CDA led the first Balkenende cabinet, which included the VVD and the Pim Fortuyn List (LPF). This cabinet fell due to internal struggles within the LPF. After the 2003 general election, the Christian Democrats were forced to begin cabinet negotiations with the PvdA. Personal animosity between Balkenende and the leader of the PvdA, Wouter Bos, frustrated these negotiations. Balkenende eventually formed a coalition with the VVD and D66. The coalition proposed an ambitious program of reforms, including more restrictive immigration laws, democratisation of political institutions and reforms of the system of social security and labour laws.After the 2006 general election the CDA changed their course radically: they formed a new fourth cabinet Balkenende still led by Balkenende, but now with the PvdA and the Christian Union (CU). The cabinet was more progressive, entailing increased government spending funded by higher taxes.In the 2010 general election the CDA lost half of its seats and came in fourth place after VVD, PvdA and the Party for Freedom (PVV). Balkenende announced his resignation and stayed prime minister until the formation and inauguration of the Rutte cabinet.After the fall of the short-lived first Rutte cabinet in 2012, in which the CDA participated as junior coalition partners to the VVD, the party announced a leadership election. On 18 May 2012 the party announced that the leadership elections were won by Sybrand van Haersma Buma. He received more than 50 percent of the votes. The popular Mona Keijzer, the rising star within the party, received 26% of the votes and announced that she would closely collaborate with Van Haersma Buma during the election campaign prior to the Dutch general election on 12 September 2012. In that election, the CDA suffered considerable losses, falling to 13 seats. The party was excluded from the second Rutte cabinet—only the second time in its history that the party has not been in government. At the municipal elections of 19 March 2014 the CDA won 18% of all the votes and remained the largest party in Dutch municipalities.In the 2017 general election, the CDA gained six seats to become the third largest party. It continued to remain in government as part of the third Rutte cabinet, with the VVD, D66 and CU.On 19 March 2021, chairman Rutger Ploum resigned after the party looked to have lost 4 out 19 seats in the 2021 general election.The CDA is a Christian democratic party, but Christian values are only seen as one source of inspiration for individual members of the States General. The party also has Jewish, Muslim and Hindu members of parliament and favours the integration of minorities into Dutch culture.The party has four main ideals: stewardship, solidarity, shared responsibility and public justice. Shared responsibility refers to the way society should be organised: not one organisation should control all society, instead the state, the market, and social institutions, like churches and unions should work together. This is called sphere sovereignty, a core concept of Neo-Calvinist political philosophy. Furthermore, this refers to the way the state should be organised. Not one level of the state should have total control; instead, responsibility should be shared between local, provincial, national and European governments. This is called subsidiarity in Catholic political thought. With stewardship the Christian Democrats refer to the way the planet ought to be treated: the Earth is a gift from God. Therefore, we should try to preserve our environment.Practically, this means the CDA is a centre party. However, the party has a considerable centre-left wing, that supports eco-friendly politics, a strong pro-European policy and favours centre-left coalitions. The position of the centre-left group within the party has been weakened since the party's participation in the centre-right minority cabinet with the VVD (the first Rutte cabinet), a cabinet that strongly depended on the parliamentary support of the far-right Party for Freedom (PVV). CDA politicians that can be considered centrist or centre-left: Jack Biskop (MP), Ad Koppejan (MP), Kathleen Ferrier (MP; daughter of the late Johan Ferrier, president of Suriname 1975–1980), Dries van Agt (former Prime Minister), Ruud Lubbers (former Prime Minister) and Herman Wijffels (former chairman of the Social Economic Council, former "informateur").In the past Maxime Verhagen, then informal leader of the CDA and deputy Prime Minister, strongly denied the claim that the CDA is a right-wing party. Verhagen made it clear to the media that his party is a centrist and moderate party and that the CDA participates in a centre-right coalition (with the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD) as the right-wing component and the CDA as the centrist component). However, his former colleague in the cabinet, minister of Defence Hans Hillen, was a strong proponent of a conservative CDA.At a congress on 21 January 2012 the party adopted a centrist course, dubbed by former minister of Social Affairs Aart-Jan de Geus as "Radical centrist" "("het radicale midden")". The party explicitly abandoned its former center-right course. Despite of this, the party continued its coalition with the centre-right VVD of Prime Minister Mark Rutte and the Party for Freedom of Geert Wilders until the government collapsed later in the year.The so-called Strategic Council, which was formed in 2011 and headed by former minister Aart-Jan de Geus, that worked on a report to redifine the party course, advised the following:In 2014, Leader Van Haersma Buma announced that the party is now officially in favour of directly elected mayors, although a large majority of its members are opposed to elected mayors.Current members of the House of Representatives since the 2021 election:Seats in the House of Representatives:Current members of the Senate since the 2019 election:The CDA has been a member of the European People's Party (EPP) since its founding in 1976; CDA MEPs sit in the EPP group.Current members of the European Parliament since the 2019 election:4 seats: By far, the CDA has the most members of municipal and provincial councils in the Netherlands. Furthermore, it cooperates in most municipal and provincial governments.The CDA is mainly supported by religious voters, both Catholics and Protestants. These tend to live in rural areas and tend to be elderly. In some periods, however, the CDA has functioned as a centrist party, attracting people from all classes and religions.Geographically, the CDA is particularly strong in the provinces of North Brabant, Limburg and Overijssel and in the Veluwe and the Westland areas. In the 2006 elections the CDA received the highest percentage of votes in the municipality of Tubbergen, Overijssel (66,59% of the vote). The CDA is weaker in the four major cities (Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The Hague and Utrecht) and in Groningen and Drenthe.The youth movement of the CDA is the Christian Democratic Youth Appeal (CDJA). The CDA publishes a monthly magazine, and its scientific bureau publishes the "Christian Democratic Explorations" (Christen-Democratische Verkenningen).As an effect of pillarisation, the CDA still has many personal and ideological ties with religious organisations, such as the broadcasting societies KRO and NCRV, the paper Trouw, the employers organisations NCW and the union CNV.The CDA participates in the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy, a democracy assistance organisation of seven Dutch political parties.The CDA is a member of the European People's Party and the Centrist Democrat International. Within the EPP the CDA belongs to those parties which least favour a cooperation with conservatives.As a large Christian democratic party, the CDA is comparable to other European Christian democratic parties such as Germany's Christian Democratic Union (although it's more moderate). It is the Netherlands' third largest party (after the VVD and the PVV), but it is centrist unlike the British Conservative Party.
|
[
"Piet Bukman",
"Marja van Bijsterveldt",
"Peter van Heeswijk",
"Marnix van Rij",
"Ruth Peetoom",
"Wim van Velzen",
"Hans Helgers",
"Rutger Ploum",
"Hans Huibers",
"Henk Bleker",
"Piet Steenkamp",
"Liesbeth Spies",
"Piet Bukman",
"Marja van Bijsterveldt",
"Peter van Heeswijk",
"Marnix van Rij",
"Ruth Peetoom",
"Hans Helgers",
"Rutger Ploum",
"Hans Huibers",
"Henk Bleker",
"Piet Steenkamp",
"Liesbeth Spies"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal in 19-Mar-199419-March-1994?
|
March 19, 1994
|
{
"text": [
"Tineke Lodders",
"Wim van Velzen"
]
}
|
L2_Q273749_P488_3
|
Piet Steenkamp is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Apr, 1975 to Oct, 1980.
Tineke Lodders is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Mar, 1994 to Feb, 1995.
Hans Huibers is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Dec, 2021 to Dec, 2022.
Liesbeth Spies is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Nov, 2010 to Apr, 2011.
Peter van Heeswijk is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Jun, 2007 to Jun, 2010.
Henk Bleker is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Jun, 2010 to Nov, 2010.
Piet Bukman is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Oct, 1980 to Jul, 1986.
Ruth Peetoom is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Apr, 2011 to Feb, 2019.
Hans Helgers is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Feb, 1995 to Feb, 1999.
Marnix van Rij is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Feb, 1999 to Sep, 2001.
Marja van Bijsterveldt is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Nov, 2002 to Feb, 2007.
Wim van Velzen is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Jan, 1987 to Mar, 1994.
Rutger Ploum is the chair of Christian Democratic Appeal from Feb, 2019 to Mar, 2021.
|
Christian Democratic AppealThe Christian Democratic Appeal (, ; CDA) is a Christian-democratic political party in the Netherlands. It was originally formed in 1977 from a confederation of the Catholic People's Party, the Anti-Revolutionary Party and the Christian Historical Union; it has participated in all but three cabinets since it became a unitary party.Health Minister Hugo de Jonge served as Leader of the Christian Democratic Appeal from July 2020 until his resignation the following December. Finance Minister Wopke Hoekstra was then chosen as "lijstrekker" for the 2021 general election, becoming the "de facto" party leader. After the 2017 general election, in which the party won 19 seats (third place), the CDA became a junior coalition partner in the Third Rutte cabinet with the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy, Democrats 66 and Christian Union.Since 1880 the sizeable Catholic and Protestant parties had worked together in the so-called "Coalitie". They shared a common interest in public funding of religious schools. In 1888 they formed the first Christian-democratic government, led by the Anti-Revolutionary Æneas Baron Mackay. The cooperation was not without problems and in 1894 the more anti-papist and aristocratic conservatives left the Protestant Anti-Revolutionary Party, to found the Christian Historical Union (CHU). The main issues dividing Protestants and Catholics was the position of the Dutch Representation at the Holy See and the future of the Dutch Indies.By 1918, there were three major Christian Democratic parties in the Netherlands—the General League of Roman Catholic Caucuses, the Protestant Anti-Revolutionary Party and the Protestant Christian Historical Union. The General League evolved into the Roman Catholic State Party by 1926, and the Catholic People's Party in 1945.From 1918 to 1967, the three Christian Democratic parties had a majority in both houses of the States General, and at least two of them were included in every cabinet. The KVP and its antecedents had been in government without interruption since 1918.In the sixties, Dutch society became more secularised and the pillars faded, and voters began to move away from the three Christian-democratic parties. In the 1963 general election the three parties held 51% of the vote, whilst in 1972 general election they held only 32%. This decline forced the three parties to work closer together. In 1967 the Group of Eighteen was formed: it was a think-tank of six prominent politicians per party that planned the future cooperation of the three parties. In 1968 the three political leaders of the parties (Norbert Schmelzer (KVP), Barend Biesheuvel (ARP) and Jur Mellema (CHU) made a public appearance, stating that the three parties would continue to work together.This caused progressive forces within the three parties, especially the ARP and KVP, to regret their political affiliation. In 1968 they founded the Political Party of Radicals (PPR), a left-wing party that sought cooperation with the Labour Party (PvdA). Locally and provincially however the three parties had long cooperated well, in some areas they formed one Christian-democratic parliamentary party and proposed one list of candidates. In the 1971 general election, the three parties presented a common political program, which lay the foundation for the first Biesheuvel cabinet.After the disastrous elections of 1972 the cooperation was given new momentum. Piet Steenkamp, a member of the Senate for the KVP was appointed chairman of a council which was to lay the foundation for a federation of the three parties, and provide a common manifesto of principles. In 1973 this federation was officially formed, with Steenkamp as chairperson.The cooperation was frustrated by the formation of the Den Uyl cabinet, established by the leader of the social-democratic PvdA and Prime Minister of the Netherlands Joop den Uyl. Den Uyl refused to allow members of the CHU in the cabinet that he would lead. This led to a situation where the CHU, ARP and KVP sat as a single faction in both houses of parliament, but only the KVP and ARP supplied ministers and junior ministers. The cabinet Den Uyl was riddled with political and personal conflicts. Another issue that split the three parties was the place that the Bible would take in the new party.In 1976, the three parties announced that they would field a single list at the 1977 general election under the name Christian Democratic Appeal ("Christen Democratisch Appèl"). The KVP minister of Justice, Dries van Agt, was the top candidate. In the election campaign he made clear the CDA was a centrist party, that would not lean to the left or to the right. The three parties were able to stabilise their proportion of the vote.The election result forced Van Agt to start talks with Den Uyl. Although Van Agt had been Deputy Prime Minister in the cabinet Den Uyl, the two had never gotten along well. The animosity between them frustrated the talks. After more than 300 days of negotiations, they finally officially failed, and Van Agt was able to negotiate a cabinet with the conservative-liberal People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD). The first Van Agt cabinet had a very narrow majority. The unexpected cabinet with the VVD led to split within the newly founded CDA between more progressive and more conservative members. The progressives remained within the party, and were known as loyalists. On 11 October 1980, the three original parties ceased to exist and the CDA was founded as a unitary party. After the 1981 general election, the VVD and the CDA lost their majority, and the CDA was forced to cooperate with the PvdA. Den Uyl became deputy prime minister under van Agt. The second Van Agt cabinet was troubled by ideological and personal conflicts, and fell after one year.After the 1982 general election, the new CDA leader, Ruud Lubbers (formerly of the KVP), formed a majority coalition with the VVD. The first Lubbers cabinet set an ambitious reform program in motion, which included budget cuts, reform of the old age and disability pensions and liberalisation of public services. Lubbers was reelected in 1986 and in 1989. In 1989 however, the CDA only garnered a minimal majority with the VVD, which they had also gradually fallen out with during the previous cabinet, leading the CDA to instead cooperate with the PvdA in the new government. In the third Lubbers cabinet, a CDA-PvdA coalition, the ambitious reform project was continued, with some adaptations and protests from the PvdA.The 1994 general election was fraught with problems for the CDA: personal conflicts between retiring prime minister Lubbers and "lijsttrekker" Elco Brinkman, a lack of support for the reforms of old age and disability pensions, and the perceived arrogance of the CDA caused a dramatic defeat at the polls. A new coalition was formed between PvdA and the liberal parties VVD and Democrats 66 (D66), consigning the CDA to opposition for the first time ever. It was also the first government without any Christian Democratic ministers since 1918. The party was marred by subsequent internal battles over leadership. The party also reflected on its principals: the party began to orient itself more toward communitarian ideals.During the tumultuous 2002 general election, which saw the murder of far-right politician Pim Fortuyn, many people voted for the CDA, hoping that it could bring some stability to Dutch politics. The CDA led the first Balkenende cabinet, which included the VVD and the Pim Fortuyn List (LPF). This cabinet fell due to internal struggles within the LPF. After the 2003 general election, the Christian Democrats were forced to begin cabinet negotiations with the PvdA. Personal animosity between Balkenende and the leader of the PvdA, Wouter Bos, frustrated these negotiations. Balkenende eventually formed a coalition with the VVD and D66. The coalition proposed an ambitious program of reforms, including more restrictive immigration laws, democratisation of political institutions and reforms of the system of social security and labour laws.After the 2006 general election the CDA changed their course radically: they formed a new fourth cabinet Balkenende still led by Balkenende, but now with the PvdA and the Christian Union (CU). The cabinet was more progressive, entailing increased government spending funded by higher taxes.In the 2010 general election the CDA lost half of its seats and came in fourth place after VVD, PvdA and the Party for Freedom (PVV). Balkenende announced his resignation and stayed prime minister until the formation and inauguration of the Rutte cabinet.After the fall of the short-lived first Rutte cabinet in 2012, in which the CDA participated as junior coalition partners to the VVD, the party announced a leadership election. On 18 May 2012 the party announced that the leadership elections were won by Sybrand van Haersma Buma. He received more than 50 percent of the votes. The popular Mona Keijzer, the rising star within the party, received 26% of the votes and announced that she would closely collaborate with Van Haersma Buma during the election campaign prior to the Dutch general election on 12 September 2012. In that election, the CDA suffered considerable losses, falling to 13 seats. The party was excluded from the second Rutte cabinet—only the second time in its history that the party has not been in government. At the municipal elections of 19 March 2014 the CDA won 18% of all the votes and remained the largest party in Dutch municipalities.In the 2017 general election, the CDA gained six seats to become the third largest party. It continued to remain in government as part of the third Rutte cabinet, with the VVD, D66 and CU.On 19 March 2021, chairman Rutger Ploum resigned after the party looked to have lost 4 out 19 seats in the 2021 general election.The CDA is a Christian democratic party, but Christian values are only seen as one source of inspiration for individual members of the States General. The party also has Jewish, Muslim and Hindu members of parliament and favours the integration of minorities into Dutch culture.The party has four main ideals: stewardship, solidarity, shared responsibility and public justice. Shared responsibility refers to the way society should be organised: not one organisation should control all society, instead the state, the market, and social institutions, like churches and unions should work together. This is called sphere sovereignty, a core concept of Neo-Calvinist political philosophy. Furthermore, this refers to the way the state should be organised. Not one level of the state should have total control; instead, responsibility should be shared between local, provincial, national and European governments. This is called subsidiarity in Catholic political thought. With stewardship the Christian Democrats refer to the way the planet ought to be treated: the Earth is a gift from God. Therefore, we should try to preserve our environment.Practically, this means the CDA is a centre party. However, the party has a considerable centre-left wing, that supports eco-friendly politics, a strong pro-European policy and favours centre-left coalitions. The position of the centre-left group within the party has been weakened since the party's participation in the centre-right minority cabinet with the VVD (the first Rutte cabinet), a cabinet that strongly depended on the parliamentary support of the far-right Party for Freedom (PVV). CDA politicians that can be considered centrist or centre-left: Jack Biskop (MP), Ad Koppejan (MP), Kathleen Ferrier (MP; daughter of the late Johan Ferrier, president of Suriname 1975–1980), Dries van Agt (former Prime Minister), Ruud Lubbers (former Prime Minister) and Herman Wijffels (former chairman of the Social Economic Council, former "informateur").In the past Maxime Verhagen, then informal leader of the CDA and deputy Prime Minister, strongly denied the claim that the CDA is a right-wing party. Verhagen made it clear to the media that his party is a centrist and moderate party and that the CDA participates in a centre-right coalition (with the People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD) as the right-wing component and the CDA as the centrist component). However, his former colleague in the cabinet, minister of Defence Hans Hillen, was a strong proponent of a conservative CDA.At a congress on 21 January 2012 the party adopted a centrist course, dubbed by former minister of Social Affairs Aart-Jan de Geus as "Radical centrist" "("het radicale midden")". The party explicitly abandoned its former center-right course. Despite of this, the party continued its coalition with the centre-right VVD of Prime Minister Mark Rutte and the Party for Freedom of Geert Wilders until the government collapsed later in the year.The so-called Strategic Council, which was formed in 2011 and headed by former minister Aart-Jan de Geus, that worked on a report to redifine the party course, advised the following:In 2014, Leader Van Haersma Buma announced that the party is now officially in favour of directly elected mayors, although a large majority of its members are opposed to elected mayors.Current members of the House of Representatives since the 2021 election:Seats in the House of Representatives:Current members of the Senate since the 2019 election:The CDA has been a member of the European People's Party (EPP) since its founding in 1976; CDA MEPs sit in the EPP group.Current members of the European Parliament since the 2019 election:4 seats: By far, the CDA has the most members of municipal and provincial councils in the Netherlands. Furthermore, it cooperates in most municipal and provincial governments.The CDA is mainly supported by religious voters, both Catholics and Protestants. These tend to live in rural areas and tend to be elderly. In some periods, however, the CDA has functioned as a centrist party, attracting people from all classes and religions.Geographically, the CDA is particularly strong in the provinces of North Brabant, Limburg and Overijssel and in the Veluwe and the Westland areas. In the 2006 elections the CDA received the highest percentage of votes in the municipality of Tubbergen, Overijssel (66,59% of the vote). The CDA is weaker in the four major cities (Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The Hague and Utrecht) and in Groningen and Drenthe.The youth movement of the CDA is the Christian Democratic Youth Appeal (CDJA). The CDA publishes a monthly magazine, and its scientific bureau publishes the "Christian Democratic Explorations" (Christen-Democratische Verkenningen).As an effect of pillarisation, the CDA still has many personal and ideological ties with religious organisations, such as the broadcasting societies KRO and NCRV, the paper Trouw, the employers organisations NCW and the union CNV.The CDA participates in the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy, a democracy assistance organisation of seven Dutch political parties.The CDA is a member of the European People's Party and the Centrist Democrat International. Within the EPP the CDA belongs to those parties which least favour a cooperation with conservatives.As a large Christian democratic party, the CDA is comparable to other European Christian democratic parties such as Germany's Christian Democratic Union (although it's more moderate). It is the Netherlands' third largest party (after the VVD and the PVV), but it is centrist unlike the British Conservative Party.
|
[
"Piet Bukman",
"Marja van Bijsterveldt",
"Peter van Heeswijk",
"Marnix van Rij",
"Ruth Peetoom",
"Wim van Velzen",
"Hans Helgers",
"Rutger Ploum",
"Hans Huibers",
"Henk Bleker",
"Piet Steenkamp",
"Liesbeth Spies",
"Piet Bukman",
"Marja van Bijsterveldt",
"Peter van Heeswijk",
"Marnix van Rij",
"Ruth Peetoom",
"Hans Helgers",
"Rutger Ploum",
"Hans Huibers",
"Henk Bleker",
"Piet Steenkamp",
"Liesbeth Spies"
] |
|
Who was the chair of National Capital Planning Commission in May, 2001?
|
May 21, 2001
|
{
"text": [
"Richard L. Friedman"
]
}
|
L2_Q6971257_P488_10
|
Ben Reifel is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1972.
Edgar Jadwin is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1926 to Jan, 1929.
Preston Bryant is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Sep, 2009 to Jan, 2019.
William Wurster is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1950.
Richard L. Friedman is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Dec, 2000 to Jun, 2001.
Frederic Adrian Delano is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1942.
Harland Bartholomew is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1960.
William Hans Press is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1974.
Harvey Gantt is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Apr, 1995 to Dec, 2000.
Joseph D. Lohman is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1953.
L. Heisler Ball is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from May, 1924 to May, 1924.
Ulysses S. Grant III is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1949.
|
National Capital Planning CommissionThe National Capital Planning Commission (NCPC) is a U.S. government agency that provides planning guidance for Washington, D.C., and the surrounding National Capital Region. Through its planning policies and review of development proposals, the Commission seeks to protect and enhance the extraordinary resources of the national capital.The 12-member commission includes three presidential appointees, of which one must be from Virginia and one from Maryland, the mayor of Washington, D.C., the chairman of the Council of the District of Columbia, two mayoral appointees, and the chairmen of the House and Senate committees with review authority over the District. Other commission members include the heads of the three major land holding agencies, which are the Department of Defense, the Department of the Interior, and the General Services Administration. The Commission is supported by a professional staff of planners, architects, urban designers, historic preservation officers, among others.Congress established the "National Capital Park Commission" in 1924 to acquire parkland for the capital in order to preserve forests and natural scenery in and about Washington to prevent pollution of Rock Creek and the Potomac and Anacostia Rivers, and to provide for the comprehensive development of the nation's park system. Two years later, Congress renamed the agency the "National Capital Park and Planning Commission" and gave it the additional responsibility of comprehensive planning for the Washington region. Among its early members was noted Philadelphia architect Clarence C. Zantzinger.The 1952 Capital Planning Act gave the commission its current name and the responsibility for preservation of important natural and historic sites in the area.The Home Rule Act of 1973 gave some of the commission's local planning authority to the District of Columbia government. The commission remains the planning authority of federally owned land and buildings in the region. In addition, NCPC plays an advisory role to the District in certain land use decisions.NCPC operates under many laws and authorities that guide the agency’s work. These include the National Capital Planning Act, Height of Buildings Act of 1910, Commemorative Works Act, District of Columbia Zoning Act, Foreign Missions Act, International Centers Act, NEPA, Home Rule Act, and the Capper Crampton Act.NCPC principle responsibilities include:NCPC often works in partnership with other federal and District agencies such as the National Park Service, U.S. Commission of Fine Arts, District Office of Planning, and District Department of Transportation.As part of its long-range planning responsibilities, NCPC produced a visionary blueprint for the nation’s capital. The 1997 plan "Extending the Legacy: Planning America's Capital" for the 21st century redefines Washington's monumental core and encourages the location of new museums, memorials, and federal office buildings in all quadrants of the city.The "Memorials and Museums Master Plan" advances the vision for Washington's monumental core expressed in NCPC's "Extending the Legacy". It identifies 100 potential sites for future museums and memorials and provides general guidelines, siting criteria, and implementation strategies.The "Monumental Core Framework Plan: Connecting New Destinations with the National Mall" received unanimous approval from the Commission during its April 2009 meeting. The plan, a joint product of NCPC and the U.S. Commission of Fine Arts, aims to create vibrant and accessible destinations in the federal precincts surrounding the National Mall. It plans to reclaim Washington's waterfront, especially the Anacostia waterfront."CapitalSpace" is the first comprehensive planning analysis of Washington’s parks and open space in almost 40 years. The 2009 plan is a joint initiative of NCPC, the National Park Service and the District of Columbia. The six "big ideas" of the CapitalSpace plan includes linking Fort Circle Parks, improving playfields, enhancing center city parks, improving public schoolyards, enhancing natural areas and transforming small parks.Representing the United States capital, NCPC is a founding member of Capitals Alliance, an international forum of planners and designers in capital cities around the world.NCPC also hosts multiple international delegations every year from planners to academia to visitors.Commission meetings are open to the public. In addition, the public may comment on NCPC plans and activities.
|
[
"Preston Bryant",
"Joseph D. Lohman",
"Frederic Adrian Delano",
"Ben Reifel",
"William Wurster",
"Harland Bartholomew",
"Ulysses S. Grant III",
"William Hans Press",
"Harvey Gantt",
"L. Heisler Ball",
"Edgar Jadwin"
] |
|
Who was the chair of National Capital Planning Commission in 2001-05-21?
|
May 21, 2001
|
{
"text": [
"Richard L. Friedman"
]
}
|
L2_Q6971257_P488_10
|
Ben Reifel is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1972.
Edgar Jadwin is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1926 to Jan, 1929.
Preston Bryant is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Sep, 2009 to Jan, 2019.
William Wurster is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1950.
Richard L. Friedman is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Dec, 2000 to Jun, 2001.
Frederic Adrian Delano is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1942.
Harland Bartholomew is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1960.
William Hans Press is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1974.
Harvey Gantt is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Apr, 1995 to Dec, 2000.
Joseph D. Lohman is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1953.
L. Heisler Ball is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from May, 1924 to May, 1924.
Ulysses S. Grant III is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1949.
|
National Capital Planning CommissionThe National Capital Planning Commission (NCPC) is a U.S. government agency that provides planning guidance for Washington, D.C., and the surrounding National Capital Region. Through its planning policies and review of development proposals, the Commission seeks to protect and enhance the extraordinary resources of the national capital.The 12-member commission includes three presidential appointees, of which one must be from Virginia and one from Maryland, the mayor of Washington, D.C., the chairman of the Council of the District of Columbia, two mayoral appointees, and the chairmen of the House and Senate committees with review authority over the District. Other commission members include the heads of the three major land holding agencies, which are the Department of Defense, the Department of the Interior, and the General Services Administration. The Commission is supported by a professional staff of planners, architects, urban designers, historic preservation officers, among others.Congress established the "National Capital Park Commission" in 1924 to acquire parkland for the capital in order to preserve forests and natural scenery in and about Washington to prevent pollution of Rock Creek and the Potomac and Anacostia Rivers, and to provide for the comprehensive development of the nation's park system. Two years later, Congress renamed the agency the "National Capital Park and Planning Commission" and gave it the additional responsibility of comprehensive planning for the Washington region. Among its early members was noted Philadelphia architect Clarence C. Zantzinger.The 1952 Capital Planning Act gave the commission its current name and the responsibility for preservation of important natural and historic sites in the area.The Home Rule Act of 1973 gave some of the commission's local planning authority to the District of Columbia government. The commission remains the planning authority of federally owned land and buildings in the region. In addition, NCPC plays an advisory role to the District in certain land use decisions.NCPC operates under many laws and authorities that guide the agency’s work. These include the National Capital Planning Act, Height of Buildings Act of 1910, Commemorative Works Act, District of Columbia Zoning Act, Foreign Missions Act, International Centers Act, NEPA, Home Rule Act, and the Capper Crampton Act.NCPC principle responsibilities include:NCPC often works in partnership with other federal and District agencies such as the National Park Service, U.S. Commission of Fine Arts, District Office of Planning, and District Department of Transportation.As part of its long-range planning responsibilities, NCPC produced a visionary blueprint for the nation’s capital. The 1997 plan "Extending the Legacy: Planning America's Capital" for the 21st century redefines Washington's monumental core and encourages the location of new museums, memorials, and federal office buildings in all quadrants of the city.The "Memorials and Museums Master Plan" advances the vision for Washington's monumental core expressed in NCPC's "Extending the Legacy". It identifies 100 potential sites for future museums and memorials and provides general guidelines, siting criteria, and implementation strategies.The "Monumental Core Framework Plan: Connecting New Destinations with the National Mall" received unanimous approval from the Commission during its April 2009 meeting. The plan, a joint product of NCPC and the U.S. Commission of Fine Arts, aims to create vibrant and accessible destinations in the federal precincts surrounding the National Mall. It plans to reclaim Washington's waterfront, especially the Anacostia waterfront."CapitalSpace" is the first comprehensive planning analysis of Washington’s parks and open space in almost 40 years. The 2009 plan is a joint initiative of NCPC, the National Park Service and the District of Columbia. The six "big ideas" of the CapitalSpace plan includes linking Fort Circle Parks, improving playfields, enhancing center city parks, improving public schoolyards, enhancing natural areas and transforming small parks.Representing the United States capital, NCPC is a founding member of Capitals Alliance, an international forum of planners and designers in capital cities around the world.NCPC also hosts multiple international delegations every year from planners to academia to visitors.Commission meetings are open to the public. In addition, the public may comment on NCPC plans and activities.
|
[
"Preston Bryant",
"Joseph D. Lohman",
"Frederic Adrian Delano",
"Ben Reifel",
"William Wurster",
"Harland Bartholomew",
"Ulysses S. Grant III",
"William Hans Press",
"Harvey Gantt",
"L. Heisler Ball",
"Edgar Jadwin"
] |
|
Who was the chair of National Capital Planning Commission in 21/05/2001?
|
May 21, 2001
|
{
"text": [
"Richard L. Friedman"
]
}
|
L2_Q6971257_P488_10
|
Ben Reifel is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1972.
Edgar Jadwin is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1926 to Jan, 1929.
Preston Bryant is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Sep, 2009 to Jan, 2019.
William Wurster is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1950.
Richard L. Friedman is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Dec, 2000 to Jun, 2001.
Frederic Adrian Delano is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1942.
Harland Bartholomew is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1960.
William Hans Press is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1974.
Harvey Gantt is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Apr, 1995 to Dec, 2000.
Joseph D. Lohman is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1953.
L. Heisler Ball is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from May, 1924 to May, 1924.
Ulysses S. Grant III is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1949.
|
National Capital Planning CommissionThe National Capital Planning Commission (NCPC) is a U.S. government agency that provides planning guidance for Washington, D.C., and the surrounding National Capital Region. Through its planning policies and review of development proposals, the Commission seeks to protect and enhance the extraordinary resources of the national capital.The 12-member commission includes three presidential appointees, of which one must be from Virginia and one from Maryland, the mayor of Washington, D.C., the chairman of the Council of the District of Columbia, two mayoral appointees, and the chairmen of the House and Senate committees with review authority over the District. Other commission members include the heads of the three major land holding agencies, which are the Department of Defense, the Department of the Interior, and the General Services Administration. The Commission is supported by a professional staff of planners, architects, urban designers, historic preservation officers, among others.Congress established the "National Capital Park Commission" in 1924 to acquire parkland for the capital in order to preserve forests and natural scenery in and about Washington to prevent pollution of Rock Creek and the Potomac and Anacostia Rivers, and to provide for the comprehensive development of the nation's park system. Two years later, Congress renamed the agency the "National Capital Park and Planning Commission" and gave it the additional responsibility of comprehensive planning for the Washington region. Among its early members was noted Philadelphia architect Clarence C. Zantzinger.The 1952 Capital Planning Act gave the commission its current name and the responsibility for preservation of important natural and historic sites in the area.The Home Rule Act of 1973 gave some of the commission's local planning authority to the District of Columbia government. The commission remains the planning authority of federally owned land and buildings in the region. In addition, NCPC plays an advisory role to the District in certain land use decisions.NCPC operates under many laws and authorities that guide the agency’s work. These include the National Capital Planning Act, Height of Buildings Act of 1910, Commemorative Works Act, District of Columbia Zoning Act, Foreign Missions Act, International Centers Act, NEPA, Home Rule Act, and the Capper Crampton Act.NCPC principle responsibilities include:NCPC often works in partnership with other federal and District agencies such as the National Park Service, U.S. Commission of Fine Arts, District Office of Planning, and District Department of Transportation.As part of its long-range planning responsibilities, NCPC produced a visionary blueprint for the nation’s capital. The 1997 plan "Extending the Legacy: Planning America's Capital" for the 21st century redefines Washington's monumental core and encourages the location of new museums, memorials, and federal office buildings in all quadrants of the city.The "Memorials and Museums Master Plan" advances the vision for Washington's monumental core expressed in NCPC's "Extending the Legacy". It identifies 100 potential sites for future museums and memorials and provides general guidelines, siting criteria, and implementation strategies.The "Monumental Core Framework Plan: Connecting New Destinations with the National Mall" received unanimous approval from the Commission during its April 2009 meeting. The plan, a joint product of NCPC and the U.S. Commission of Fine Arts, aims to create vibrant and accessible destinations in the federal precincts surrounding the National Mall. It plans to reclaim Washington's waterfront, especially the Anacostia waterfront."CapitalSpace" is the first comprehensive planning analysis of Washington’s parks and open space in almost 40 years. The 2009 plan is a joint initiative of NCPC, the National Park Service and the District of Columbia. The six "big ideas" of the CapitalSpace plan includes linking Fort Circle Parks, improving playfields, enhancing center city parks, improving public schoolyards, enhancing natural areas and transforming small parks.Representing the United States capital, NCPC is a founding member of Capitals Alliance, an international forum of planners and designers in capital cities around the world.NCPC also hosts multiple international delegations every year from planners to academia to visitors.Commission meetings are open to the public. In addition, the public may comment on NCPC plans and activities.
|
[
"Preston Bryant",
"Joseph D. Lohman",
"Frederic Adrian Delano",
"Ben Reifel",
"William Wurster",
"Harland Bartholomew",
"Ulysses S. Grant III",
"William Hans Press",
"Harvey Gantt",
"L. Heisler Ball",
"Edgar Jadwin"
] |
|
Who was the chair of National Capital Planning Commission in May 21, 2001?
|
May 21, 2001
|
{
"text": [
"Richard L. Friedman"
]
}
|
L2_Q6971257_P488_10
|
Ben Reifel is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1972.
Edgar Jadwin is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1926 to Jan, 1929.
Preston Bryant is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Sep, 2009 to Jan, 2019.
William Wurster is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1950.
Richard L. Friedman is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Dec, 2000 to Jun, 2001.
Frederic Adrian Delano is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1942.
Harland Bartholomew is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1960.
William Hans Press is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1974.
Harvey Gantt is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Apr, 1995 to Dec, 2000.
Joseph D. Lohman is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1953.
L. Heisler Ball is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from May, 1924 to May, 1924.
Ulysses S. Grant III is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1949.
|
National Capital Planning CommissionThe National Capital Planning Commission (NCPC) is a U.S. government agency that provides planning guidance for Washington, D.C., and the surrounding National Capital Region. Through its planning policies and review of development proposals, the Commission seeks to protect and enhance the extraordinary resources of the national capital.The 12-member commission includes three presidential appointees, of which one must be from Virginia and one from Maryland, the mayor of Washington, D.C., the chairman of the Council of the District of Columbia, two mayoral appointees, and the chairmen of the House and Senate committees with review authority over the District. Other commission members include the heads of the three major land holding agencies, which are the Department of Defense, the Department of the Interior, and the General Services Administration. The Commission is supported by a professional staff of planners, architects, urban designers, historic preservation officers, among others.Congress established the "National Capital Park Commission" in 1924 to acquire parkland for the capital in order to preserve forests and natural scenery in and about Washington to prevent pollution of Rock Creek and the Potomac and Anacostia Rivers, and to provide for the comprehensive development of the nation's park system. Two years later, Congress renamed the agency the "National Capital Park and Planning Commission" and gave it the additional responsibility of comprehensive planning for the Washington region. Among its early members was noted Philadelphia architect Clarence C. Zantzinger.The 1952 Capital Planning Act gave the commission its current name and the responsibility for preservation of important natural and historic sites in the area.The Home Rule Act of 1973 gave some of the commission's local planning authority to the District of Columbia government. The commission remains the planning authority of federally owned land and buildings in the region. In addition, NCPC plays an advisory role to the District in certain land use decisions.NCPC operates under many laws and authorities that guide the agency’s work. These include the National Capital Planning Act, Height of Buildings Act of 1910, Commemorative Works Act, District of Columbia Zoning Act, Foreign Missions Act, International Centers Act, NEPA, Home Rule Act, and the Capper Crampton Act.NCPC principle responsibilities include:NCPC often works in partnership with other federal and District agencies such as the National Park Service, U.S. Commission of Fine Arts, District Office of Planning, and District Department of Transportation.As part of its long-range planning responsibilities, NCPC produced a visionary blueprint for the nation’s capital. The 1997 plan "Extending the Legacy: Planning America's Capital" for the 21st century redefines Washington's monumental core and encourages the location of new museums, memorials, and federal office buildings in all quadrants of the city.The "Memorials and Museums Master Plan" advances the vision for Washington's monumental core expressed in NCPC's "Extending the Legacy". It identifies 100 potential sites for future museums and memorials and provides general guidelines, siting criteria, and implementation strategies.The "Monumental Core Framework Plan: Connecting New Destinations with the National Mall" received unanimous approval from the Commission during its April 2009 meeting. The plan, a joint product of NCPC and the U.S. Commission of Fine Arts, aims to create vibrant and accessible destinations in the federal precincts surrounding the National Mall. It plans to reclaim Washington's waterfront, especially the Anacostia waterfront."CapitalSpace" is the first comprehensive planning analysis of Washington’s parks and open space in almost 40 years. The 2009 plan is a joint initiative of NCPC, the National Park Service and the District of Columbia. The six "big ideas" of the CapitalSpace plan includes linking Fort Circle Parks, improving playfields, enhancing center city parks, improving public schoolyards, enhancing natural areas and transforming small parks.Representing the United States capital, NCPC is a founding member of Capitals Alliance, an international forum of planners and designers in capital cities around the world.NCPC also hosts multiple international delegations every year from planners to academia to visitors.Commission meetings are open to the public. In addition, the public may comment on NCPC plans and activities.
|
[
"Preston Bryant",
"Joseph D. Lohman",
"Frederic Adrian Delano",
"Ben Reifel",
"William Wurster",
"Harland Bartholomew",
"Ulysses S. Grant III",
"William Hans Press",
"Harvey Gantt",
"L. Heisler Ball",
"Edgar Jadwin"
] |
|
Who was the chair of National Capital Planning Commission in 05/21/2001?
|
May 21, 2001
|
{
"text": [
"Richard L. Friedman"
]
}
|
L2_Q6971257_P488_10
|
Ben Reifel is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1972.
Edgar Jadwin is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1926 to Jan, 1929.
Preston Bryant is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Sep, 2009 to Jan, 2019.
William Wurster is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1950.
Richard L. Friedman is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Dec, 2000 to Jun, 2001.
Frederic Adrian Delano is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1942.
Harland Bartholomew is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1960.
William Hans Press is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1974.
Harvey Gantt is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Apr, 1995 to Dec, 2000.
Joseph D. Lohman is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1953.
L. Heisler Ball is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from May, 1924 to May, 1924.
Ulysses S. Grant III is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1949.
|
National Capital Planning CommissionThe National Capital Planning Commission (NCPC) is a U.S. government agency that provides planning guidance for Washington, D.C., and the surrounding National Capital Region. Through its planning policies and review of development proposals, the Commission seeks to protect and enhance the extraordinary resources of the national capital.The 12-member commission includes three presidential appointees, of which one must be from Virginia and one from Maryland, the mayor of Washington, D.C., the chairman of the Council of the District of Columbia, two mayoral appointees, and the chairmen of the House and Senate committees with review authority over the District. Other commission members include the heads of the three major land holding agencies, which are the Department of Defense, the Department of the Interior, and the General Services Administration. The Commission is supported by a professional staff of planners, architects, urban designers, historic preservation officers, among others.Congress established the "National Capital Park Commission" in 1924 to acquire parkland for the capital in order to preserve forests and natural scenery in and about Washington to prevent pollution of Rock Creek and the Potomac and Anacostia Rivers, and to provide for the comprehensive development of the nation's park system. Two years later, Congress renamed the agency the "National Capital Park and Planning Commission" and gave it the additional responsibility of comprehensive planning for the Washington region. Among its early members was noted Philadelphia architect Clarence C. Zantzinger.The 1952 Capital Planning Act gave the commission its current name and the responsibility for preservation of important natural and historic sites in the area.The Home Rule Act of 1973 gave some of the commission's local planning authority to the District of Columbia government. The commission remains the planning authority of federally owned land and buildings in the region. In addition, NCPC plays an advisory role to the District in certain land use decisions.NCPC operates under many laws and authorities that guide the agency’s work. These include the National Capital Planning Act, Height of Buildings Act of 1910, Commemorative Works Act, District of Columbia Zoning Act, Foreign Missions Act, International Centers Act, NEPA, Home Rule Act, and the Capper Crampton Act.NCPC principle responsibilities include:NCPC often works in partnership with other federal and District agencies such as the National Park Service, U.S. Commission of Fine Arts, District Office of Planning, and District Department of Transportation.As part of its long-range planning responsibilities, NCPC produced a visionary blueprint for the nation’s capital. The 1997 plan "Extending the Legacy: Planning America's Capital" for the 21st century redefines Washington's monumental core and encourages the location of new museums, memorials, and federal office buildings in all quadrants of the city.The "Memorials and Museums Master Plan" advances the vision for Washington's monumental core expressed in NCPC's "Extending the Legacy". It identifies 100 potential sites for future museums and memorials and provides general guidelines, siting criteria, and implementation strategies.The "Monumental Core Framework Plan: Connecting New Destinations with the National Mall" received unanimous approval from the Commission during its April 2009 meeting. The plan, a joint product of NCPC and the U.S. Commission of Fine Arts, aims to create vibrant and accessible destinations in the federal precincts surrounding the National Mall. It plans to reclaim Washington's waterfront, especially the Anacostia waterfront."CapitalSpace" is the first comprehensive planning analysis of Washington’s parks and open space in almost 40 years. The 2009 plan is a joint initiative of NCPC, the National Park Service and the District of Columbia. The six "big ideas" of the CapitalSpace plan includes linking Fort Circle Parks, improving playfields, enhancing center city parks, improving public schoolyards, enhancing natural areas and transforming small parks.Representing the United States capital, NCPC is a founding member of Capitals Alliance, an international forum of planners and designers in capital cities around the world.NCPC also hosts multiple international delegations every year from planners to academia to visitors.Commission meetings are open to the public. In addition, the public may comment on NCPC plans and activities.
|
[
"Preston Bryant",
"Joseph D. Lohman",
"Frederic Adrian Delano",
"Ben Reifel",
"William Wurster",
"Harland Bartholomew",
"Ulysses S. Grant III",
"William Hans Press",
"Harvey Gantt",
"L. Heisler Ball",
"Edgar Jadwin"
] |
|
Who was the chair of National Capital Planning Commission in 21-May-200121-May-2001?
|
May 21, 2001
|
{
"text": [
"Richard L. Friedman"
]
}
|
L2_Q6971257_P488_10
|
Ben Reifel is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1972.
Edgar Jadwin is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1926 to Jan, 1929.
Preston Bryant is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Sep, 2009 to Jan, 2019.
William Wurster is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1949 to Jan, 1950.
Richard L. Friedman is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Dec, 2000 to Jun, 2001.
Frederic Adrian Delano is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1942.
Harland Bartholomew is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1960.
William Hans Press is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1974.
Harvey Gantt is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Apr, 1995 to Dec, 2000.
Joseph D. Lohman is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1953.
L. Heisler Ball is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from May, 1924 to May, 1924.
Ulysses S. Grant III is the chair of National Capital Planning Commission from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1949.
|
National Capital Planning CommissionThe National Capital Planning Commission (NCPC) is a U.S. government agency that provides planning guidance for Washington, D.C., and the surrounding National Capital Region. Through its planning policies and review of development proposals, the Commission seeks to protect and enhance the extraordinary resources of the national capital.The 12-member commission includes three presidential appointees, of which one must be from Virginia and one from Maryland, the mayor of Washington, D.C., the chairman of the Council of the District of Columbia, two mayoral appointees, and the chairmen of the House and Senate committees with review authority over the District. Other commission members include the heads of the three major land holding agencies, which are the Department of Defense, the Department of the Interior, and the General Services Administration. The Commission is supported by a professional staff of planners, architects, urban designers, historic preservation officers, among others.Congress established the "National Capital Park Commission" in 1924 to acquire parkland for the capital in order to preserve forests and natural scenery in and about Washington to prevent pollution of Rock Creek and the Potomac and Anacostia Rivers, and to provide for the comprehensive development of the nation's park system. Two years later, Congress renamed the agency the "National Capital Park and Planning Commission" and gave it the additional responsibility of comprehensive planning for the Washington region. Among its early members was noted Philadelphia architect Clarence C. Zantzinger.The 1952 Capital Planning Act gave the commission its current name and the responsibility for preservation of important natural and historic sites in the area.The Home Rule Act of 1973 gave some of the commission's local planning authority to the District of Columbia government. The commission remains the planning authority of federally owned land and buildings in the region. In addition, NCPC plays an advisory role to the District in certain land use decisions.NCPC operates under many laws and authorities that guide the agency’s work. These include the National Capital Planning Act, Height of Buildings Act of 1910, Commemorative Works Act, District of Columbia Zoning Act, Foreign Missions Act, International Centers Act, NEPA, Home Rule Act, and the Capper Crampton Act.NCPC principle responsibilities include:NCPC often works in partnership with other federal and District agencies such as the National Park Service, U.S. Commission of Fine Arts, District Office of Planning, and District Department of Transportation.As part of its long-range planning responsibilities, NCPC produced a visionary blueprint for the nation’s capital. The 1997 plan "Extending the Legacy: Planning America's Capital" for the 21st century redefines Washington's monumental core and encourages the location of new museums, memorials, and federal office buildings in all quadrants of the city.The "Memorials and Museums Master Plan" advances the vision for Washington's monumental core expressed in NCPC's "Extending the Legacy". It identifies 100 potential sites for future museums and memorials and provides general guidelines, siting criteria, and implementation strategies.The "Monumental Core Framework Plan: Connecting New Destinations with the National Mall" received unanimous approval from the Commission during its April 2009 meeting. The plan, a joint product of NCPC and the U.S. Commission of Fine Arts, aims to create vibrant and accessible destinations in the federal precincts surrounding the National Mall. It plans to reclaim Washington's waterfront, especially the Anacostia waterfront."CapitalSpace" is the first comprehensive planning analysis of Washington’s parks and open space in almost 40 years. The 2009 plan is a joint initiative of NCPC, the National Park Service and the District of Columbia. The six "big ideas" of the CapitalSpace plan includes linking Fort Circle Parks, improving playfields, enhancing center city parks, improving public schoolyards, enhancing natural areas and transforming small parks.Representing the United States capital, NCPC is a founding member of Capitals Alliance, an international forum of planners and designers in capital cities around the world.NCPC also hosts multiple international delegations every year from planners to academia to visitors.Commission meetings are open to the public. In addition, the public may comment on NCPC plans and activities.
|
[
"Preston Bryant",
"Joseph D. Lohman",
"Frederic Adrian Delano",
"Ben Reifel",
"William Wurster",
"Harland Bartholomew",
"Ulysses S. Grant III",
"William Hans Press",
"Harvey Gantt",
"L. Heisler Ball",
"Edgar Jadwin"
] |
|
Which position did Charles Baring Wall hold in Aug, 1831?
|
August 12, 1831
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q21165490_P39_4
|
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1819 to Feb, 1820.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1835 to Jul, 1837.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Oct, 1853.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Aug, 1831 to Dec, 1832.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831.
|
Charles Baring WallCharles Baring Wall (1795 – 14 October 1853) was at various stages throughout the 19th century the Member of Parliament for Guildford, Wareham, Weymouth and Salisbury. Wall was initially a Conservative but shifted to the Whigs as an MP for Guildford. He then belonged to the Peelite faction and died while MP for Salisbury.He was the son of Charles Wall and Harriet Baring. His maternal grandfather was Sir Francis Baring, 1st Baronet. He was educated at Eton College and Christ Church, Oxford.He did not marry. His property included the Norman Court estate, straddling the Hampshire/Wiltshire border.
|
[
"Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Charles Baring Wall hold in 1831-08-12?
|
August 12, 1831
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q21165490_P39_4
|
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1819 to Feb, 1820.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1835 to Jul, 1837.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Oct, 1853.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Aug, 1831 to Dec, 1832.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831.
|
Charles Baring WallCharles Baring Wall (1795 – 14 October 1853) was at various stages throughout the 19th century the Member of Parliament for Guildford, Wareham, Weymouth and Salisbury. Wall was initially a Conservative but shifted to the Whigs as an MP for Guildford. He then belonged to the Peelite faction and died while MP for Salisbury.He was the son of Charles Wall and Harriet Baring. His maternal grandfather was Sir Francis Baring, 1st Baronet. He was educated at Eton College and Christ Church, Oxford.He did not marry. His property included the Norman Court estate, straddling the Hampshire/Wiltshire border.
|
[
"Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Charles Baring Wall hold in 12/08/1831?
|
August 12, 1831
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q21165490_P39_4
|
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1819 to Feb, 1820.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1835 to Jul, 1837.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Oct, 1853.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Aug, 1831 to Dec, 1832.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831.
|
Charles Baring WallCharles Baring Wall (1795 – 14 October 1853) was at various stages throughout the 19th century the Member of Parliament for Guildford, Wareham, Weymouth and Salisbury. Wall was initially a Conservative but shifted to the Whigs as an MP for Guildford. He then belonged to the Peelite faction and died while MP for Salisbury.He was the son of Charles Wall and Harriet Baring. His maternal grandfather was Sir Francis Baring, 1st Baronet. He was educated at Eton College and Christ Church, Oxford.He did not marry. His property included the Norman Court estate, straddling the Hampshire/Wiltshire border.
|
[
"Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Charles Baring Wall hold in Aug 12, 1831?
|
August 12, 1831
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q21165490_P39_4
|
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1819 to Feb, 1820.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1835 to Jul, 1837.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Oct, 1853.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Aug, 1831 to Dec, 1832.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831.
|
Charles Baring WallCharles Baring Wall (1795 – 14 October 1853) was at various stages throughout the 19th century the Member of Parliament for Guildford, Wareham, Weymouth and Salisbury. Wall was initially a Conservative but shifted to the Whigs as an MP for Guildford. He then belonged to the Peelite faction and died while MP for Salisbury.He was the son of Charles Wall and Harriet Baring. His maternal grandfather was Sir Francis Baring, 1st Baronet. He was educated at Eton College and Christ Church, Oxford.He did not marry. His property included the Norman Court estate, straddling the Hampshire/Wiltshire border.
|
[
"Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Charles Baring Wall hold in 08/12/1831?
|
August 12, 1831
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q21165490_P39_4
|
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1819 to Feb, 1820.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1835 to Jul, 1837.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Oct, 1853.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Aug, 1831 to Dec, 1832.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831.
|
Charles Baring WallCharles Baring Wall (1795 – 14 October 1853) was at various stages throughout the 19th century the Member of Parliament for Guildford, Wareham, Weymouth and Salisbury. Wall was initially a Conservative but shifted to the Whigs as an MP for Guildford. He then belonged to the Peelite faction and died while MP for Salisbury.He was the son of Charles Wall and Harriet Baring. His maternal grandfather was Sir Francis Baring, 1st Baronet. He was educated at Eton College and Christ Church, Oxford.He did not marry. His property included the Norman Court estate, straddling the Hampshire/Wiltshire border.
|
[
"Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Charles Baring Wall hold in 12-Aug-183112-August-1831?
|
August 12, 1831
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q21165490_P39_4
|
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1819 to Feb, 1820.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1835 to Jul, 1837.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Oct, 1853.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1826 to Jul, 1830.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1820 to Jun, 1826.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 10th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Aug, 1831 to Dec, 1832.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1832 to Dec, 1834.
Charles Baring Wall holds the position of Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1830 to Apr, 1831.
|
Charles Baring WallCharles Baring Wall (1795 – 14 October 1853) was at various stages throughout the 19th century the Member of Parliament for Guildford, Wareham, Weymouth and Salisbury. Wall was initially a Conservative but shifted to the Whigs as an MP for Guildford. He then belonged to the Peelite faction and died while MP for Salisbury.He was the son of Charles Wall and Harriet Baring. His maternal grandfather was Sir Francis Baring, 1st Baronet. He was educated at Eton College and Christ Church, Oxford.He did not marry. His property included the Norman Court estate, straddling the Hampshire/Wiltshire border.
|
[
"Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 11th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 9th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 8th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities in Jun, 1976?
|
June 01, 1976
|
{
"text": [
"Pietro Blayer"
]
}
|
L2_Q620027_P488_0
|
Pietro Blayer is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1978.
Tullia Zevi is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1998.
Noemi Di Segni is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Amos Luzzatto is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2006.
Renzo Gattegna is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2016.
|
Union of Italian Jewish CommunitiesThe Union of Italian Jewish Communities (Italian: "Unione delle comunità ebraiche italiane", UCEI) is a national association that represents over twenty Jewish community associations in Italy. It was founded in 1911 as the "Comitato delle università israelitiche", which became the "Consorzio delle comunità israelitiche italiane" in 1920 and the "Unione delle comunità israelitiche italiane" in 1930. The current name was adopted in 1987.
|
[
"Noemi Di Segni",
"Renzo Gattegna",
"Tullia Zevi",
"Amos Luzzatto"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities in 1976-06-01?
|
June 01, 1976
|
{
"text": [
"Pietro Blayer"
]
}
|
L2_Q620027_P488_0
|
Pietro Blayer is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1978.
Tullia Zevi is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1998.
Noemi Di Segni is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Amos Luzzatto is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2006.
Renzo Gattegna is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2016.
|
Union of Italian Jewish CommunitiesThe Union of Italian Jewish Communities (Italian: "Unione delle comunità ebraiche italiane", UCEI) is a national association that represents over twenty Jewish community associations in Italy. It was founded in 1911 as the "Comitato delle università israelitiche", which became the "Consorzio delle comunità israelitiche italiane" in 1920 and the "Unione delle comunità israelitiche italiane" in 1930. The current name was adopted in 1987.
|
[
"Noemi Di Segni",
"Renzo Gattegna",
"Tullia Zevi",
"Amos Luzzatto"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities in 01/06/1976?
|
June 01, 1976
|
{
"text": [
"Pietro Blayer"
]
}
|
L2_Q620027_P488_0
|
Pietro Blayer is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1978.
Tullia Zevi is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1998.
Noemi Di Segni is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Amos Luzzatto is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2006.
Renzo Gattegna is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2016.
|
Union of Italian Jewish CommunitiesThe Union of Italian Jewish Communities (Italian: "Unione delle comunità ebraiche italiane", UCEI) is a national association that represents over twenty Jewish community associations in Italy. It was founded in 1911 as the "Comitato delle università israelitiche", which became the "Consorzio delle comunità israelitiche italiane" in 1920 and the "Unione delle comunità israelitiche italiane" in 1930. The current name was adopted in 1987.
|
[
"Noemi Di Segni",
"Renzo Gattegna",
"Tullia Zevi",
"Amos Luzzatto"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities in Jun 01, 1976?
|
June 01, 1976
|
{
"text": [
"Pietro Blayer"
]
}
|
L2_Q620027_P488_0
|
Pietro Blayer is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1978.
Tullia Zevi is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1998.
Noemi Di Segni is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Amos Luzzatto is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2006.
Renzo Gattegna is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2016.
|
Union of Italian Jewish CommunitiesThe Union of Italian Jewish Communities (Italian: "Unione delle comunità ebraiche italiane", UCEI) is a national association that represents over twenty Jewish community associations in Italy. It was founded in 1911 as the "Comitato delle università israelitiche", which became the "Consorzio delle comunità israelitiche italiane" in 1920 and the "Unione delle comunità israelitiche italiane" in 1930. The current name was adopted in 1987.
|
[
"Noemi Di Segni",
"Renzo Gattegna",
"Tullia Zevi",
"Amos Luzzatto"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities in 06/01/1976?
|
June 01, 1976
|
{
"text": [
"Pietro Blayer"
]
}
|
L2_Q620027_P488_0
|
Pietro Blayer is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1978.
Tullia Zevi is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1998.
Noemi Di Segni is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Amos Luzzatto is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2006.
Renzo Gattegna is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2016.
|
Union of Italian Jewish CommunitiesThe Union of Italian Jewish Communities (Italian: "Unione delle comunità ebraiche italiane", UCEI) is a national association that represents over twenty Jewish community associations in Italy. It was founded in 1911 as the "Comitato delle università israelitiche", which became the "Consorzio delle comunità israelitiche italiane" in 1920 and the "Unione delle comunità israelitiche italiane" in 1930. The current name was adopted in 1987.
|
[
"Noemi Di Segni",
"Renzo Gattegna",
"Tullia Zevi",
"Amos Luzzatto"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities in 01-Jun-197601-June-1976?
|
June 01, 1976
|
{
"text": [
"Pietro Blayer"
]
}
|
L2_Q620027_P488_0
|
Pietro Blayer is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1978.
Tullia Zevi is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1998.
Noemi Di Segni is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Amos Luzzatto is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2006.
Renzo Gattegna is the chair of Union of Italian Jewish Communities from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2016.
|
Union of Italian Jewish CommunitiesThe Union of Italian Jewish Communities (Italian: "Unione delle comunità ebraiche italiane", UCEI) is a national association that represents over twenty Jewish community associations in Italy. It was founded in 1911 as the "Comitato delle università israelitiche", which became the "Consorzio delle comunità israelitiche italiane" in 1920 and the "Unione delle comunità israelitiche italiane" in 1930. The current name was adopted in 1987.
|
[
"Noemi Di Segni",
"Renzo Gattegna",
"Tullia Zevi",
"Amos Luzzatto"
] |
|
Who was the head of Mouchin in Jul, 1825?
|
July 27, 1825
|
{
"text": [
"Pierre Hubert Devaux"
]
}
|
L2_Q1164922_P6_5
|
Louis Bulteau is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1855 to Oct, 1870.
Jacques Mahiez is the head of the government of Mouchin from Mar, 1977 to Mar, 2008.
Jean Danna is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1947 to Mar, 1971.
Nicolle Varlet is the head of the government of Mouchin from Oct, 1870 to Jan, 1915.
Jules Lecouffe is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1935.
Pierre Hubert Devaux is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jul, 1824 to Jan, 1830.
Joseph Marie-Ange Le Sart is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1807 to Jan, 1824.
André Clenquet is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jul, 1795 to Jul, 1800.
Pierre-François Madoux is the head of the government of Mouchin from Nov, 1791 to Jan, 1792.
Christian Devaux is the head of the government of Mouchin from Mar, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Jacques Bulteau is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1792 to Jul, 1795.
Jacques Hyacinthe Bulteau is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1790 to Nov, 1791.
Ferdinand Puche is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1929.
Léon Deroubaix is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1915 to Jan, 1919.
|
MouchinMouchin () is a commune in the Nord department in northern France.
|
[
"Nicolle Varlet",
"Jacques Mahiez",
"Louis Bulteau",
"Jean Danna",
"Joseph Marie-Ange Le Sart",
"Pierre-François Madoux",
"Jacques Bulteau",
"Léon Deroubaix",
"Jules Lecouffe",
"Christian Devaux",
"Ferdinand Puche",
"Jacques Hyacinthe Bulteau",
"André Clenquet"
] |
|
Who was the head of Mouchin in 1825-07-27?
|
July 27, 1825
|
{
"text": [
"Pierre Hubert Devaux"
]
}
|
L2_Q1164922_P6_5
|
Louis Bulteau is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1855 to Oct, 1870.
Jacques Mahiez is the head of the government of Mouchin from Mar, 1977 to Mar, 2008.
Jean Danna is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1947 to Mar, 1971.
Nicolle Varlet is the head of the government of Mouchin from Oct, 1870 to Jan, 1915.
Jules Lecouffe is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1935.
Pierre Hubert Devaux is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jul, 1824 to Jan, 1830.
Joseph Marie-Ange Le Sart is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1807 to Jan, 1824.
André Clenquet is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jul, 1795 to Jul, 1800.
Pierre-François Madoux is the head of the government of Mouchin from Nov, 1791 to Jan, 1792.
Christian Devaux is the head of the government of Mouchin from Mar, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Jacques Bulteau is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1792 to Jul, 1795.
Jacques Hyacinthe Bulteau is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1790 to Nov, 1791.
Ferdinand Puche is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1929.
Léon Deroubaix is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1915 to Jan, 1919.
|
MouchinMouchin () is a commune in the Nord department in northern France.
|
[
"Nicolle Varlet",
"Jacques Mahiez",
"Louis Bulteau",
"Jean Danna",
"Joseph Marie-Ange Le Sart",
"Pierre-François Madoux",
"Jacques Bulteau",
"Léon Deroubaix",
"Jules Lecouffe",
"Christian Devaux",
"Ferdinand Puche",
"Jacques Hyacinthe Bulteau",
"André Clenquet"
] |
|
Who was the head of Mouchin in 27/07/1825?
|
July 27, 1825
|
{
"text": [
"Pierre Hubert Devaux"
]
}
|
L2_Q1164922_P6_5
|
Louis Bulteau is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1855 to Oct, 1870.
Jacques Mahiez is the head of the government of Mouchin from Mar, 1977 to Mar, 2008.
Jean Danna is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1947 to Mar, 1971.
Nicolle Varlet is the head of the government of Mouchin from Oct, 1870 to Jan, 1915.
Jules Lecouffe is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1935.
Pierre Hubert Devaux is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jul, 1824 to Jan, 1830.
Joseph Marie-Ange Le Sart is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1807 to Jan, 1824.
André Clenquet is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jul, 1795 to Jul, 1800.
Pierre-François Madoux is the head of the government of Mouchin from Nov, 1791 to Jan, 1792.
Christian Devaux is the head of the government of Mouchin from Mar, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Jacques Bulteau is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1792 to Jul, 1795.
Jacques Hyacinthe Bulteau is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1790 to Nov, 1791.
Ferdinand Puche is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1929.
Léon Deroubaix is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1915 to Jan, 1919.
|
MouchinMouchin () is a commune in the Nord department in northern France.
|
[
"Nicolle Varlet",
"Jacques Mahiez",
"Louis Bulteau",
"Jean Danna",
"Joseph Marie-Ange Le Sart",
"Pierre-François Madoux",
"Jacques Bulteau",
"Léon Deroubaix",
"Jules Lecouffe",
"Christian Devaux",
"Ferdinand Puche",
"Jacques Hyacinthe Bulteau",
"André Clenquet"
] |
|
Who was the head of Mouchin in Jul 27, 1825?
|
July 27, 1825
|
{
"text": [
"Pierre Hubert Devaux"
]
}
|
L2_Q1164922_P6_5
|
Louis Bulteau is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1855 to Oct, 1870.
Jacques Mahiez is the head of the government of Mouchin from Mar, 1977 to Mar, 2008.
Jean Danna is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1947 to Mar, 1971.
Nicolle Varlet is the head of the government of Mouchin from Oct, 1870 to Jan, 1915.
Jules Lecouffe is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1935.
Pierre Hubert Devaux is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jul, 1824 to Jan, 1830.
Joseph Marie-Ange Le Sart is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1807 to Jan, 1824.
André Clenquet is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jul, 1795 to Jul, 1800.
Pierre-François Madoux is the head of the government of Mouchin from Nov, 1791 to Jan, 1792.
Christian Devaux is the head of the government of Mouchin from Mar, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Jacques Bulteau is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1792 to Jul, 1795.
Jacques Hyacinthe Bulteau is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1790 to Nov, 1791.
Ferdinand Puche is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1929.
Léon Deroubaix is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1915 to Jan, 1919.
|
MouchinMouchin () is a commune in the Nord department in northern France.
|
[
"Nicolle Varlet",
"Jacques Mahiez",
"Louis Bulteau",
"Jean Danna",
"Joseph Marie-Ange Le Sart",
"Pierre-François Madoux",
"Jacques Bulteau",
"Léon Deroubaix",
"Jules Lecouffe",
"Christian Devaux",
"Ferdinand Puche",
"Jacques Hyacinthe Bulteau",
"André Clenquet"
] |
|
Who was the head of Mouchin in 07/27/1825?
|
July 27, 1825
|
{
"text": [
"Pierre Hubert Devaux"
]
}
|
L2_Q1164922_P6_5
|
Louis Bulteau is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1855 to Oct, 1870.
Jacques Mahiez is the head of the government of Mouchin from Mar, 1977 to Mar, 2008.
Jean Danna is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1947 to Mar, 1971.
Nicolle Varlet is the head of the government of Mouchin from Oct, 1870 to Jan, 1915.
Jules Lecouffe is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1935.
Pierre Hubert Devaux is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jul, 1824 to Jan, 1830.
Joseph Marie-Ange Le Sart is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1807 to Jan, 1824.
André Clenquet is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jul, 1795 to Jul, 1800.
Pierre-François Madoux is the head of the government of Mouchin from Nov, 1791 to Jan, 1792.
Christian Devaux is the head of the government of Mouchin from Mar, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Jacques Bulteau is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1792 to Jul, 1795.
Jacques Hyacinthe Bulteau is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1790 to Nov, 1791.
Ferdinand Puche is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1929.
Léon Deroubaix is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1915 to Jan, 1919.
|
MouchinMouchin () is a commune in the Nord department in northern France.
|
[
"Nicolle Varlet",
"Jacques Mahiez",
"Louis Bulteau",
"Jean Danna",
"Joseph Marie-Ange Le Sart",
"Pierre-François Madoux",
"Jacques Bulteau",
"Léon Deroubaix",
"Jules Lecouffe",
"Christian Devaux",
"Ferdinand Puche",
"Jacques Hyacinthe Bulteau",
"André Clenquet"
] |
|
Who was the head of Mouchin in 27-Jul-182527-July-1825?
|
July 27, 1825
|
{
"text": [
"Pierre Hubert Devaux"
]
}
|
L2_Q1164922_P6_5
|
Louis Bulteau is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1855 to Oct, 1870.
Jacques Mahiez is the head of the government of Mouchin from Mar, 1977 to Mar, 2008.
Jean Danna is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1947 to Mar, 1971.
Nicolle Varlet is the head of the government of Mouchin from Oct, 1870 to Jan, 1915.
Jules Lecouffe is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1935.
Pierre Hubert Devaux is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jul, 1824 to Jan, 1830.
Joseph Marie-Ange Le Sart is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1807 to Jan, 1824.
André Clenquet is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jul, 1795 to Jul, 1800.
Pierre-François Madoux is the head of the government of Mouchin from Nov, 1791 to Jan, 1792.
Christian Devaux is the head of the government of Mouchin from Mar, 2014 to Dec, 2022.
Jacques Bulteau is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1792 to Jul, 1795.
Jacques Hyacinthe Bulteau is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1790 to Nov, 1791.
Ferdinand Puche is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1929.
Léon Deroubaix is the head of the government of Mouchin from Jan, 1915 to Jan, 1919.
|
MouchinMouchin () is a commune in the Nord department in northern France.
|
[
"Nicolle Varlet",
"Jacques Mahiez",
"Louis Bulteau",
"Jean Danna",
"Joseph Marie-Ange Le Sart",
"Pierre-François Madoux",
"Jacques Bulteau",
"Léon Deroubaix",
"Jules Lecouffe",
"Christian Devaux",
"Ferdinand Puche",
"Jacques Hyacinthe Bulteau",
"André Clenquet"
] |
|
Which employer did Glenn Greenwald work for in Dec, 2014?
|
December 23, 2014
|
{
"text": [
"The Intercept"
]
}
|
L2_Q5568842_P108_3
|
Glenn Greenwald works for Salon from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2012.
Glenn Greenwald works for The Guardian from Aug, 2012 to Oct, 2013.
Glenn Greenwald works for Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
Glenn Greenwald works for The Intercept from Feb, 2014 to Oct, 2020.
|
Glenn GreenwaldGlenn Edward Greenwald (born March 6, 1967) is an American journalist, author, and lawyer. In 1996, he founded his own law firm, which concentrated on First Amendment litigation. He began blogging on national security issues in October 2005, while he was becoming increasingly concerned with what he viewed to be attacks on civil liberties by the George W. Bush Administration in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks. He became a vocal critic of the Iraq War and has maintained a critical position of American foreign policy.Greenwald started contributing to "Salon" in 2007, and to "The Guardian" in 2012. In June 2013, while at "The Guardian", he began publishing a series of reports detailing previously unknown information about American and British global surveillance programs based on classified documents provided by Edward Snowden. His work contributed to "The Guardian" and "The Washington Post" winning a Pulitzer Prize, and he won the 2013 George Polk Award along with three other reporters, including Laura Poitras. In 2014, Greenwald, Poitras, and Jeremy Scahill launched "The Intercept", for which he was co-founding editor until he resigned in October 2020. Greenwald subsequently started publishing on Substack, an online newsletter-based journalism platform. Greenwald was born in New York City to Arlene and Daniel Greenwald. Greenwald's family moved to Lauderdale Lakes, Florida when he was an infant. His parents are Jewish and they and his grandparents tried to introduce him to Judaism, but he grew up without practicing an organized religion, did not have a bar mitzvah, and has said his "moral precepts aren't informed in any way by religious doctrine". Greenwald attended Nova Middle School and Nova High School in Davie, Florida. He received a BA in philosophy from George Washington University in 1990 and a JD from New York University School of Law in 1994.Greenwald practiced law in the litigation department at Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz from 1994 to 1995. In 1996, he co-founded his own litigation firm, Greenwald Christoph & Holland (later renamed Greenwald Christoph PC), where he litigated cases concerning issues of U.S. constitutional law and civil rights. He worked "pro bono" much of the time, and his cases included representing white supremacist Matthew Hale in Illinois and the neo-nazi National Alliance.About his work in First Amendment speech cases, Greenwald told "Rolling Stone" magazine in 2013, "to me, it's a heroic attribute to be so committed to a principle that you apply it not when it's easy ... not when it supports your position, not when it protects people you like, but when it defends and protects people that you hate".Later, according to Greenwald, "I decided voluntarily to wind down my practice in 2005 because I could, and because, after ten years, I was bored with litigating full-time and wanted to do other things which I thought were more engaging and could make more of an impact, including political writing."In October 2005, he began his blog "Unclaimed Territory" focusing on the investigation pertaining to the Plame affair, the CIA leak grand jury investigation, the federal indictment of Scooter Libby and the NSA warrantless surveillance (2001–07) controversy. In April 2006, the blog received the 2005 Koufax Award for "Best New Blog". According to Sean Wilentz in the "New Statesman", Greenwald "seemed to take pride in attacking Republicans and Democrats alike".In February 2007, Greenwald became a contributing writer for the "Salon" website, and the new column and blog superseded "Unclaimed Territory", although "Salon" featured hyperlinks to it in Greenwald's dedicated biographical section.Among the frequent topics of his "Salon" articles were the investigation of the 2001 anthrax attacks and the candidacy of former CIA official John O. Brennan for the jobs of either Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (D/CIA) or the next Director of National Intelligence (DNI) after the election of Barack Obama. Brennan withdrew his name from consideration for the post after opposition centered in liberal blogs and led by Greenwald.In a 2010 article for "Salon", Greenwald described U.S. Army Private Chelsea Manning as "a whistle-blower acting with the noblest of motives" and "a national hero similar to Daniel Ellsberg". In an article for "The Raw Story" published in 2011, Greenwald criticized the prison conditions in which Manning was held after her arrest by military authorities. Greenwald was described by Rachel Maddow during his period writing for "Salon" as "the American left’s most fearless political commentator."It was announced in July 2012 that Greenwald was joining the American wing of Britain's "Guardian" newspaper, to contribute a weekly column and a daily blog. Greenwald wrote on "Salon" that the move offered him "the opportunity to reach a new audience, to further internationalize my readership, and to be re-invigorated by a different environment" as reasons for the move.On June 5, 2013, Greenwald reported on the top-secret United States Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court order requiring Verizon to provide the National Security Agency with telephone metadata for all calls between the U.S. and abroad, as well as all domestic calls.On October 15, 2013, Greenwald announced, and "The Guardian" confirmed, that he was leaving the newspaper to pursue a "once-in-a-career dream journalistic opportunity that no journalist could possibly decline".Financial backing for "The Intercept" was provided by eBay founder Pierre Omidyar. Omidyar told media critic Jay Rosen that the decision was fueled by his "rising concern about press freedoms in the United States and around the world". Greenwald, along with his colleagues Laura Poitras and Jeremy Scahill, initially were working on creating a platform online to support independent journalism, when they were approached by Omidyar who was hoping to establish his own media organization. That news organization, First Look Media, launched its first online publication, "The Intercept", on February 10, 2014. Greenwald initially served as editor, alongside Poitras and Scahill. The organization is incorporated as a 501(c)(3) tax-exempt charitable entity."The Intercept" was in contact during the 2016 presidential campaign with Guccifer 2.0, who relayed some of the material about Hillary Clinton, gathered via a data breach, to Greenwald. The Grugq, a counterintelligence specialist, reported in October 2016: ""The Intercept" was both aware that the e-mails were from Guccifer 2.0, that Guccifer 2.0 has been attributed to Russian intelligence services, and that there is significant public evidence supporting this attribution."According to Simon van Zuylen-Wood writing for "New York" magazine in early 2018, Greenwald has "repositioned himself as a bomb-throwing media critic" since the Snowden revelations. By 2019, he was serving as an "Intercept" columnist without any control over the site's news reporting.On October 29, 2020, Greenwald resigned from "The Intercept", giving his reasons as political censorship and contractual breaches by the editors, who he said had prevented him from reporting on allegations concerning Joe Biden's conduct with regard to China and Ukraine and had demanded that he not publish the article in any other publication. Betsy Reed, the editor-in-chief, disputed Greenwald's accusations and claims of censorship, and accused him of presenting dubious claims by the Trump campaign as journalism. Greenwald said he would begin publishing his work on Substack, and had begun "exploring the possibility of creating a new media outlet." After resigning from "The Intercept", Greenwald published his article about Biden and his correspondence with the editors of "The Intercept" on his Substack page.Greenwald's first book, "How Would a Patriot Act? Defending American Values From a President Run Amok" was published by Working Assets in 2006. It was a "New York Times" bestseller, and ranked No. 1 on Amazon.com, both before its publication (due to orders based on attention from 'UT' readers and other bloggers) and for several days after its release, ending its first week at #293."A Tragic Legacy", his next book, examined the presidency of George W. Bush. Published in hardback by Crown (a division of Random House) on June 26, 2007, and reprinted in a paperback edition by Three Rivers Press on April 8, 2008, it was a "New York Times" Best Seller. "Great American Hypocrites: Toppling the Big Myths of Republican Politics", was also first published by Random House in April 2008. "With Liberty and Justice for Some: How the Law Is Used to Destroy Equality and Protect the Powerful", was released by Metropolitan Books in October 2011 and "No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. Surveillance State", was released in May 2014. The latter work spent six weeks on "The New York Times" Best Seller list, and was named one of the ten Best Non-Fiction Books of 2014 by "The Christian Science Monitor".Greenwald wrote the book "Securing Democracy: My Fight for Press Freedom and Justice in Brazil" as a follow up to "No Place to Hide". It will be published by Haymarket Books on 6 April 2021. It describes his publication in 2019 of leaked telephone calls, audio and text messages related to Operation Car Wash and the retaliation he received from the Bolsonaro government.Greenwald was initially contacted anonymously in late 2012 by Edward Snowden, a former contractor for the U.S. National Security Agency, who said he held "sensitive documents" that he wished to share. Greenwald found the measures that Snowden asked him to take to secure their communications too annoying to employ. Snowden then contacted documentary filmmaker Laura Poitras about a month later in January 2013.According to "The Guardian", Snowden was attracted to Greenwald and Poitras by a "Salon" article written by Greenwald detailing how Poitras' films had made her a "target of the government". Greenwald began working with Snowden in either February or in April, after Poitras asked Greenwald to meet her in New York City, at which point Snowden began providing documents to them both.As part of the global surveillance disclosure, the first of Snowden's documents were published on June 5, 2013, in "The Guardian" in an article by Greenwald. Greenwald said that Snowden's documents exposed the "scale of domestic surveillance under Obama".The series on which Greenwald worked contributed to "The Guardian" (alongside "The Washington Post") winning the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service in 2014.Greenwald's work on the Snowden story was featured in the documentary "Citizenfour", which won the 2014 Academy Award for Best Documentary Feature. Greenwald appeared on-stage with director Laura Poitras and Snowden's girlfriend, Lindsay Mills, when the Oscar was given. In the 2016 Oliver Stone feature film "Snowden", Greenwald was played by actor Zachary Quinto.In a statement delivered before the National Congress of Brazil in early August 2013, Greenwald testified that the U.S. government had used counter-terrorism as a pretext for clandestine surveillance in order to compete with other countries in the "business, industrial and economic fields".On December 18, 2013, Greenwald told the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs of the European Parliament that "most governments around the world are not only turning their backs on Edward Snowden but also on their ethical responsibilities". Speaking via a video link, Greenwald said that, "It is the UK through their interception of underwater fibre optic cables, that is a primary threat to the privacy of European citizens when it comes to their telephone and emails". In a statement given to the European Parliament, Greenwald said:On June 9, 2019, Greenwald and journalists from investigative journalism magazine "The Intercept Brasil" where he was an editor, released several messages exchanged via Telegram between members of the investigation team of Operation Car Wash. The messages implicated members of Brazil's judiciary system and of the Operação Lava-Jato taskforce, including former judge and Minister of Justice Sérgio Moro, and lead prosecutor Deltan Dallagnol, in the violation of legal and ethical procedures during the investigation, trial and arrest of former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, with the alleged objective of preventing him from running for a third term in the 2018 Brazilian general election, among other crimes. Following the leak, "Folha de São Paulo" and "Veja" confirmed the authenticity of the messages and worked in partnership with "The Intercept Brasil" to sort the remaining material in their possession before releasing it.On July 23, Brazilian Federal Police announced that they had arrested and were investigating Araraquara hacker Walter Delgatti Neto for breaking into the authorities' Telegram accounts. Neto confessed to the hack and to having given copies of the chat logs to Greenwald. Police said the attack had been accomplished by abusing Telegram's phone number verification and exploiting vulnerabilities in voicemail technology in use in Brazil by using a spoofed phone number. "The Intercept" neither confirmed nor denied Neto being their source, citing freedom of the press provisions of the 1988 Brazilian Constitution.Greenwald faced death threats and homophobic harassment from Bolsonaro supporters due to his reporting on the Telegram messages. A "New York Times" profile by Ernesto Londoño about Greenwald and his husband David Miranda, a left-wing congressman, described how the couple became targets of homophobia from Bolsonaro supporters as a result of the reporting. "The Washington Post" reported that Greenwald had been targeted with fiscal investigations by the Bolsonaro government, allegedly as retaliation for the reporting, and AP called Greenwald's reporting "the first test case for a free press" under Bolsonaro. In November 2019, Greenwald wrote in "The New York Times" that he was assaulted on air.In reporting on retaliation against Greenwald from the Bolsonaro government and its supporters, "The Guardian" said the articles published by Greenwald and "The Intercept" "have had an explosive impact on Brazilian politics and dominated headlines for weeks", adding that the exposés "appeared to show prosecutors in the sweeping Operation Car Wash corruption inquiry colluding with Sérgio Moro, the judge who became a hero in Brazil for jailing powerful businessmen, middlemen and politicians."On August 9, after President Bolsonaro threatened to imprison Greenwald for this reporting, Supreme Court justice Gilmar Mendes ruled that any investigation of Greenwald in connection with the reporting would be illegal under the Brazilian constitution, citing press freedom as a "pillar of democracy".In November 2019, Brazilian columnist Augusto Nunes physically attacked Greenwald during a joint appearance on a Brazilian radio program. Immediately prior to the attack, Nunes had argued that a family judge ought to take away Greenwald's adopted children, prompting Greenwald to call him a "coward." Two of Jair Bolsonaro's sons praised Nunes' actions, while former presidential candidate Ciro Gomes defended Greenwald.In January 2020, Greenwald was charged by Brazilian prosecutors with cybercrimes, in a move that Trevor Timm in "The Guardian" described as retaliation for his reporting. "The Canary" website described the charges as "ominously similar to the indictment of Julian Assange" and quoted Max Blumenthal and Jen Robinson as remarking on the similarity of the two sets of charges. Greenwald received support from "The New York Times" which published an editorial stating "Mr. Greenwald's articles did what a free press is supposed to do: They revealed a painful truth about those in power". The Freedom of the Press Foundation made a statement asking the Brazilian government to "halt its persecution of Greenwald". In February 2020, a federal judge dismissed the charges against Greenwald, citing a ruling from Supreme Court justice Gilmar Mendes that shielded him.In his 2006 book "How a Patriot Would Act?", Greenwald wrote that he was politically apathetic at the time of the Iraq War and accepted the Bush administration's judgement that "American security really would be enhanced by the invasion of this sovereign country". In 2013, Greenwald added that he did not have a platform or role in politics at the time of the Iraq War and that he "never once wrote in favor of the Iraq War or argued for it in any way, shape or form". Writing in "The Daily Banter", Ben Cohen said that Greenwald "can't lecture people who initially supported the Iraq war then turned against it when he did exactly the same thing".Greenwald is critical of actions jointly supported by Democrats and Republicans, writing in 2010: "The worst and most tyrannical government actions in Washington are equally supported on a fully bipartisan basis." In the preface to his first book, "How Would a Patriot Act?" (2006), Greenwald described his 'pre-political' self as neither liberal nor conservative as a whole, voting neither for George W. Bush nor for any of his rivals (indeed, not voting at all).Bush's election to the U.S. presidency "changed" Greenwald's previous uninvolved political attitude toward the electoral process "completely", and in 2006 he wrote:"Over the past five years, a creeping extremism has taken hold of our federal government, and it is threatening to radically alter our system of government and who we are as a nation. This extremism is neither conservative nor liberal in nature, but is instead driven by theories of unlimited presidential power that are wholly alien, and antithetical, to the core political values that have governed this country since its founding"; for, "the fact that this seizure of ever-expanding presidential power is largely justified through endless, rank fear-mongering—fear of terrorists, specifically—means that not only our system of government is radically changing, but so, too, are our national character, our national identity, and what it means to be American."Believing that "It is incumbent upon all Americans who believe in that system, bequeathed to us by the founders, to defend it when it is under assault and in jeopardy. And today it is", he said: "I did not arrive at these conclusions eagerly or because I was predisposed by any previous partisan viewpoint. Quite the contrary."Resistant to applying ideological labels to himself, he emphasized that he is a strong advocate for U.S. constitutional "balance of powers" and for constitutionally protected civil and political rights in his writings and public appearances.Greenwald frequently writes about the War on Drugs and criminal justice reform. He is a member of the advisory board of the Brazil chapter of Law Enforcement Action Partnership. Greenwald was also the author of a 2009 white paper published by the libertarian "Cato Institute" entitled, "Drug Decriminalization in Portugal: Lessons for Creating Fair and Successful Drug Policies", exploring the role of drug policy of Portugal.He criticized the policies of the Bush administration and those who supported it, arguing that most of the American "Corporate News Media" excused Bush's policies and echoed the administration's positions rather than asking hard questions. Greenwald accused mainstream U.S. media of "spreading patriotic state propaganda".Regarding civil liberties during the Obama presidency, he elaborated on his conception of change when he said, "I think the only means of true political change will come from people working outside of that [two-party electoral] system to undermine it, and subvert it, and weaken it, and destroy it; not try to work within it to change it." He raised money for Russ Feingold's 2010 Senate re-election bid, Bill Halter's 2010 primary challenge to Democratic Sen. Blanche Lincoln, as well as several Congressional candidates in 2012 described as "unique".According to Greenwald, the emergence of ISIS is a direct consequence of the Iraq War and NATO-led military intervention in Libya. Greenwald has been critical of U.S. and UK involvement in the Saudi Arabian-led intervention in Yemen. He wrote in October 2016: "The atrocities committed by the Saudis would have been impossible without their steadfast, aggressive support."Greenwald has criticized some of the policies of the Trump administration. He said: "I think the Trump White House lies more often. I think it lies more readily. I think it lies more blatantly."During the Trump administration Greenwald became a prominent critic of the Democratic Party, alleging a double standard in their foreign policy. He said that "Democrats didn't care when Obama hugged Saudi despots, and now they pretend to care when Trump embraces Saudi despots or Egyptian ones." Greenwald said that choosing between Trump and "whatever you want to call it. Call it the deep state, call it the national security blob, call it the CIA and the Pentagon", is like choosing between "Bashar al-Assad or al-Qaida or ISIS [in Syria] once the ordinary people of the Syrian revolution got defeated."He expressed skepticism of the James Clapper-led US intelligence community's assessment that Russia's government interfered in the 2016 presidential election. Regardless of the accuracy of the assessment, Greenwald has doubted its significance, stating "This is stuff we do to them, and have done to them for decades, and still continue to do." In December 2018, he said: "I do regard the Mueller indictment as some evidence, not conclusive, but at least some evidence finally that the Russians are involved, but that doesn’t say the extent to which Putin was involved, let alone the extent to which Trump officials are criminally implicated."Greenwald sees Democrats' rhetoric on Russia as a more serious problem, characterizing it as "unhinged". According to Greenwald, "the effect is a constant ratcheting up of tensions between two nuclear-armed powers whose nuclear systems are still on hair-trigger alert and capable of catastrophic responses based on misunderstanding and misperception." Greenwald also wrote that the "East Coast newsmagazines" are "feeding Democrats the often xenophobic, hysterical Russophobia for which they have a seemingly insatiable craving." During a July 2018 panel on "fake news" held by Russian government outlet RT in Moscow and hosted by editor-in-chief Margarita Simonyan, Greenwald argued that the Democrats' focus on Russian interference in the 2016 election is motivated by a need to rationalize Clinton's loss. He told "The New Yorker" in August 2018 "'Let’s just get along with the Russians' has been turned into something treasonous". Of Trump, he commented: "Even if he has weird dealings with Russia, I still think it’s in everybody’s interest not to teach an entire new generation of people, becoming interested in politics for the first time, that the Russians are demons." He said that both Trump and Jill Stein were being "vilified for advocating ways to reduce U.S./Russian tensions" and told "Democracy Now!" that the Putin–Trump summit in Helsinki in July 2018 was an "excellent idea" because "90 percent of the world’s nuclear weapons are in the hands of two countries—the United States and Russia—and having them speak and get along is much better than having them isolate one another and increase the risk of not just intentional conflict, but misperception and miscommunication".Susan Hennessey, an NSA lawyer at the time of Snowden's NSA revelations, told Marcy Wheeler writing for "The New Republic" in January 2018, that Greenwald was only relaying "surface commentary" rather than evidence for or against Russian interference in the 2016 election. Tamsin Shaw wrote in "The New York Review of Books" in September 2018: "Greenwald has repeatedly, in the face of overwhelming evidence to the contrary, decried as Russophobia the findings that Putin ordered interference in the 2016 US presidential election".Greenwald remained doubtful of assertions that the Trump presidential campaign worked with the Russians after the release of the letter about the Mueller's findings from attorney general William Barr in late March 2019. He called the investigation "a scam and a fraud from the beginning" in an appearance on "Democracy Now!". Greenwald told Tucker Carlson on Fox News: "Let me just say, [MSNBC] should have their top host on primetime go before the cameras and hang their head in shame and apologize for lying to people for three straight years, exploiting their fears to great profit". He said he is formally banned from appearing on MSNBC, citing confirmations from two unnamed producers for the network, for his criticisms of its coverage of Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election. MSNBC stated it has not barred Greenwald from appearing on its programs.After the release of Special Counsel Robert Mueller's report, on April 22 he wrote that the press continued to report that Trump's campaign conspired with Russia during the 2016 presidential campaign. In January 2020, Greenwald described the various assertions regarding Russian influence on American politics as "At the very best, ... wildly exaggerated hysteria and the kind of jingoistic fear-mongering that’s plagued U.S Politics since the end of WWII".Greenwald has criticized the Israeli government, including its foreign policy, influence on U.S. politics and the Israeli occupation of the West Bank. In May 2016, Greenwald condemned "The New York Times" for an alleged "cowardice" on Israel, accusing it of "journalistic malfeasance".In an exchange with Greenwald in February 2019, Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn., tweeted, "It's all about the Benjamins baby", suggesting that money rather than principle motivated US politicians' support for Israel. Omar also wrote that the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) pays US politicians to take pro-Israel stances. Many Democratic and Republican leadersincluding House Speaker Nancy Pelosicondemned the tweet, which they said perpetuated an antisemitic stereotype of Jewish money and influence fueling American politicians' support of Israel. Greenwald defended Omar, saying that "we’re not allowed to talk about ... well-organized and well-financed lobby that ensures a bipartisan consensus in support of U.S. defense of Israel, that the minute that you mention that lobby, you get attacked as being anti-Semitic, which is what happened to Congresswoman Omar."In a November 2018 "Guardian" article Luke Harding and Dan Collyns cited anonymous sources which stated that Trump's former campaign manager Paul Manafort held secret meetings with WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange inside the Ecuadorian embassy in London in 2013, 2015, and 2016. Greenwald said that if Manafort had entered the Ecuadorian consulate there would be evidence from the surrounding cameras. Greenwald, a former contributor to "The Guardian", stated that the paper "has such a pervasive and unprofessionally personal hatred for Julian Assange that it has frequently dispensed with all journalistic standards in order to malign him."Greenwald criticized the government's decision to charge Assange under the Espionage Act of 1917 for his role in the 2010 publication of the Iraq War documents leak. Greenwald wrote in "The Washington Post": "The Trump administration has undoubtedly calculated that Assange’s uniquely unpopular status across the political spectrum [in the United States] makes him the ideal test case for creating a precedent that criminalizes the defining attributes of investigative journalism."Greenwald is vegan and is known for his reporting on animal welfare. In 2019, he introduced a new video series about animal rights, factory farms, and the agriculture industry. He has worked with Wayne Hsiung and other animal rights activists from Direct Action Everywhere (DxE) to expose gruesome and filthy conditions on turkey farms owned by Norbest in Utah, and the laying of criminal charges against the activists by prosecutors in Sanpete County, Utah. He has reported on the mass culling of pigs in Iowa by means of ventilation shutdown due to falling demand, in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic. His investigations have exposed how the animal agriculture industry routinely engages in "campaigns of surveillance, reputation destruction, and other forms of retaliation against industry critics and animal rights activists" through organizations that represent the industry, such as the Animal Agriculture Alliance.In October 2018, Greenwald said that Bolsonaro was "often depicted wrongly in the Western media as being Brazil's Trump, and he's actually much closer to say Filipino President Duterte or even the Egyptian dictator General el-Sisi in terms of what he believes and what he's probably capable of carrying out."Greenwald said that Bolsonaro could be a "good partner" for President Trump "If you think that the U.S. should go back to kind of the Monroe Doctrine as [National Security Adviser] John Bolton talked openly about, and ruling Latin America, and U.S. interests".Greenwald has faced death threats and homophobic harassment from Bolsonaro supporters due to his reporting on leaked Telegram messages about Brazil's Operation Car Wash and Bolsonaro's justice minister Sérgio Moro. President Bolsonaro threatened Greenwald with possible imprisonment. The Brazilian Association of Investigative Journalism condemned Bolsonaro's threats.In January 2020, Brazilian federal prosecutors charged Greenwald with cybercrimes, alleging he was part of a "criminal organization" that hacked into the cellphones of prosecutors and other public officials in 2019. Prosecutors said he played a "clear role in facilitating the commission of a crime" by, for example, encouraging hackers to delete archives in order to cover their tracks. Greenwald, who was not detained, called the charges "an obvious attempt to attack a free press in retaliation for the revelations we reported about Minister of Justice Sérgio Moro and the Bolsonaro government." In February 2020, a federal judge dismissed the charges against Greenwald, citing a ruling from Supreme Court justice Gilmar Mendes that shielded him.In 2005, Greenwald criticized illegal immigration, saying that it would result in a "parade of evils". He has since disavowed that belief.Greenwald has been placed on numerous "top 50" and "top 25" lists of columnists in the United States. In June 2012, "Newsweek" magazine named him one of America's Top Ten Opinionists, saying that "a righteous, controlled, and razor-sharp fury runs through a great deal" of his writing, and: "His independent persuasion can make him a danger or an asset to both sides of the aisle."According to Nate Anderson, writing in "Ars Technica" around 2010 or 2011, Aaron Barr of HBGary and Team Themis planned to damage Greenwald's career in response to a potential dump of Bank of America documents by WikiLeaks, saying that "Without the support of people like Glenn WikiLeaks would fold."Josh Voorhees, writing for "Slate", reported that in 2013 congressman Peter King (R-NY) suggested Greenwald should be arrested for his reporting on the NSA PRISM program and NSA leaker Edward Snowden. Journalist Andrew Ross Sorkin said "I would arrest [Snowden] and now I'd almost arrest Glenn Greenwald", but later made an apology for his statement, which Greenwald accepted.Journalist David Gregory accused Greenwald of aiding and abetting Snowden, before asking, "Why shouldn't you, Mr. Greenwald, be charged with a crime?"In a 2013 interview with Martha Raddatz of ABC News, Greenwald said that members of Congress are not being told "the most basic information about what NSA is doing and spying on American citizens and what the FISA court has been doing in terms of declaring some of some of this illegal, some of it legal." Another participant was Rep. Dutch Ruppersberger (D-MD), who at the time was the ranking member of the United States House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence ("House Intelligence Committee"). He responded: "We have rules as far as the committee and what you can have and what you cannot have. However, based on that, that statement I just made, is that since this incident occurred with Snowden, we've had three different hearings for members of our Democratic Caucus, and the Republican Caucus ... what we're trying to do now is to get the American public to know more about what's going on." Rep. King, who was also a guest on "This Week" as a ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee, stated: "[T]o me it's unprecedented to have all of these top people from an administration during this time of crisis still come in and answer question after question after question. So anyone who says that Congress is somehow being stonewalled is just wrong and [the question] is generally, I think, raised by people who are trying to make a name for themselves."In a February 2014 interview, Greenwald said he believed he risked detention if he reentered the U.S., but insisted that he would "force the issue" on principle, and return for the "many reasons" he had to visit, including if he won a prestigious award of which he was rumoured to be the winner. Later that month, it was announced that he was, in fact, among the recipients of the 2013 Polk Awards, to be conferred April 11, 2014 in Manhattan. In a subsequent interview, Greenwald stated he would attend the ceremony, and added: "I absolutely refuse to be exiled from my own country for the crime of doing journalism and I'm going to force the issue just on principle. And I think going back for a ceremony like the Polk Awards or other forms of journalistic awards would be a really good symbolic test of having to put the government in the position of having to arrest journalists who are coming back to the US to receive awards for the journalism they have done." On April 11, Greenwald and Laura Poitras accepted the Polk Award in Manhattan. Their entry into the United States was trouble-free and they traveled with an ACLU attorney and a German journalist "to document any unpleasant surprises". Accepting the award, Greenwald said he was "happy to see a table full of "Guardian" editors and journalists, whose role in this story is much more integral than the publicity generally recognizes". On April 14, the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service was awarded jointly to "The Guardian" and "The Washington Post" for revelation of widespread secret surveillance by the NSA. Greenwald, along with Laura Poitras and Ewen MacAskill, had contributed to "The Guardian"′s reporting.In 2014, Sean Wilentz in "The New Republic", commented that some of Greenwald's opinions are where both meet, the far-left and far-right. In a 2017 article in "The Independent", Brian Dean wrote: "Greenwald has been critical of Trump, but is perceived by many as someone who spends far more time criticising 'Dems' and 'liberals' (analysis of his Twitter account tends to give this impression)." Simon van Zuylen-Wood in a 2018 piece for "New York" magazine entitled "Does Glenn Greenwald Know More Than Robert Mueller?" described "a new-seeming category of Russia-skeptic firebrands sometimes called the alt-left." In February 2019, Max Boot wrote in "The Washington Post": "Indeed, it’s often hard to tell the extremists apart. Anti-vaccine activists come from both the far left and the far right — and while most of those who defend President Trump's dealings with Russia are on the right, some, such as Glenn Greenwald and Stephen F. Cohen, are on the left." In a May 2019 "Haaretz" article, Alexander Reid Ross described Tucker Carlson's and Glenn Greenwald's positions as being a "crossover between leftists and the far-right in defense of Syria's Bashar Assad, to dismiss charges of Russian interference in U.S. elections and to boost Russian geopolitics". In November 2019, Tulsi Gabbard’s lawyers sent a letter to Hillary Clinton accusing her of defamation and demanding an apology for comments Clinton had made in October. Greenwald tweeted that "It's way past time that Democrats who recklessly accuse their critics of being Kremlin assets and agents be held accountable for their slander". In response Nancy leTourneau wrote that Greenwald was "one of the far left who is defending Gabbard".In 2005, a 37-year old Greenwald left his law practice in New York and took a long vacation to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, where he met 19-year old David Miranda, an orphan who lived in a slum. Days after they met, the couple decided to move in together, and wed shortly thereafter. Miranda now serves as a Congressman with the left-wing PSOL party. The couple live in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.In 2017, Greenwald and Miranda announced that they had adopted two children, siblings, from Maceió, a city in Northeastern Brazil. Greenwald and Miranda have 24 rescue dogs. In March 2017, Greenwald announced plans to build a shelter with Miranda for stray pets in Brazil that would be staffed by homeless people. In March 2018, Greenwald tweeted videos showing the shelter operating.Greenwald and Miranda were close personal friends of Brazilian human rights advocate and politician Marielle Franco, known for criticism of police tactics and corruption, who was fatally shot by unknown assailants. A "New York Times" profile described how Greenwald's reporting on high-level Bolsonaro officials and Miranda's outspoken opposition in Congress turned them into primary targets of Bolsonaro's administration.Greenwald does not participate in any organized religion. He has said he believes in "the spiritual and mystical part of the world" and that yoga is "like a bridge into that, like a window into it." Greenwald has also been critical of the New Atheist movement, in particular, Sam Harris and others critical of Islam.Greenwald received, together with Amy Goodman, the first Izzy Award for special achievement in independent media, in 2009, and the 2010 Online Journalism Award for Best Commentary for his investigative work on the conditions of Chelsea Manning.His reporting on the National Security Agency (NSA) won numerous other awards around the world, including top investigative journalism prizes from the George Polk Award for National Security Reporting, the 2013 Online Journalism Awards, the Esso Award for Excellence in Reporting in Brazil for his articles in "O Globo" on NSA mass surveillance of Brazilians (becoming the first foreigner to win the award), the 2013 Libertad de Expresion Internacional award from Argentinian magazine "Perfil", and the 2013 Pioneer Award from the Electronic Frontier Foundation. The team that Greenwald led at "The Guardian" was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service for their reporting on the NSA. Foreign Policy Magazine then named him one of the top 100 Global Thinkers of 2013.In 2014 Greenwald received the Geschwister-Scholl-Preis, an annual German literary award, for the German edition of "No Place to Hide". Greenwald was also named the 2014 recipient of the McGill Medal for Journalistic Courage from the Grady College of Journalism and Mass Communication of the University of Georgia.
|
[
"Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz",
"Salon",
"The Guardian"
] |
|
Which employer did Glenn Greenwald work for in 2014-12-23?
|
December 23, 2014
|
{
"text": [
"The Intercept"
]
}
|
L2_Q5568842_P108_3
|
Glenn Greenwald works for Salon from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2012.
Glenn Greenwald works for The Guardian from Aug, 2012 to Oct, 2013.
Glenn Greenwald works for Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
Glenn Greenwald works for The Intercept from Feb, 2014 to Oct, 2020.
|
Glenn GreenwaldGlenn Edward Greenwald (born March 6, 1967) is an American journalist, author, and lawyer. In 1996, he founded his own law firm, which concentrated on First Amendment litigation. He began blogging on national security issues in October 2005, while he was becoming increasingly concerned with what he viewed to be attacks on civil liberties by the George W. Bush Administration in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks. He became a vocal critic of the Iraq War and has maintained a critical position of American foreign policy.Greenwald started contributing to "Salon" in 2007, and to "The Guardian" in 2012. In June 2013, while at "The Guardian", he began publishing a series of reports detailing previously unknown information about American and British global surveillance programs based on classified documents provided by Edward Snowden. His work contributed to "The Guardian" and "The Washington Post" winning a Pulitzer Prize, and he won the 2013 George Polk Award along with three other reporters, including Laura Poitras. In 2014, Greenwald, Poitras, and Jeremy Scahill launched "The Intercept", for which he was co-founding editor until he resigned in October 2020. Greenwald subsequently started publishing on Substack, an online newsletter-based journalism platform. Greenwald was born in New York City to Arlene and Daniel Greenwald. Greenwald's family moved to Lauderdale Lakes, Florida when he was an infant. His parents are Jewish and they and his grandparents tried to introduce him to Judaism, but he grew up without practicing an organized religion, did not have a bar mitzvah, and has said his "moral precepts aren't informed in any way by religious doctrine". Greenwald attended Nova Middle School and Nova High School in Davie, Florida. He received a BA in philosophy from George Washington University in 1990 and a JD from New York University School of Law in 1994.Greenwald practiced law in the litigation department at Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz from 1994 to 1995. In 1996, he co-founded his own litigation firm, Greenwald Christoph & Holland (later renamed Greenwald Christoph PC), where he litigated cases concerning issues of U.S. constitutional law and civil rights. He worked "pro bono" much of the time, and his cases included representing white supremacist Matthew Hale in Illinois and the neo-nazi National Alliance.About his work in First Amendment speech cases, Greenwald told "Rolling Stone" magazine in 2013, "to me, it's a heroic attribute to be so committed to a principle that you apply it not when it's easy ... not when it supports your position, not when it protects people you like, but when it defends and protects people that you hate".Later, according to Greenwald, "I decided voluntarily to wind down my practice in 2005 because I could, and because, after ten years, I was bored with litigating full-time and wanted to do other things which I thought were more engaging and could make more of an impact, including political writing."In October 2005, he began his blog "Unclaimed Territory" focusing on the investigation pertaining to the Plame affair, the CIA leak grand jury investigation, the federal indictment of Scooter Libby and the NSA warrantless surveillance (2001–07) controversy. In April 2006, the blog received the 2005 Koufax Award for "Best New Blog". According to Sean Wilentz in the "New Statesman", Greenwald "seemed to take pride in attacking Republicans and Democrats alike".In February 2007, Greenwald became a contributing writer for the "Salon" website, and the new column and blog superseded "Unclaimed Territory", although "Salon" featured hyperlinks to it in Greenwald's dedicated biographical section.Among the frequent topics of his "Salon" articles were the investigation of the 2001 anthrax attacks and the candidacy of former CIA official John O. Brennan for the jobs of either Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (D/CIA) or the next Director of National Intelligence (DNI) after the election of Barack Obama. Brennan withdrew his name from consideration for the post after opposition centered in liberal blogs and led by Greenwald.In a 2010 article for "Salon", Greenwald described U.S. Army Private Chelsea Manning as "a whistle-blower acting with the noblest of motives" and "a national hero similar to Daniel Ellsberg". In an article for "The Raw Story" published in 2011, Greenwald criticized the prison conditions in which Manning was held after her arrest by military authorities. Greenwald was described by Rachel Maddow during his period writing for "Salon" as "the American left’s most fearless political commentator."It was announced in July 2012 that Greenwald was joining the American wing of Britain's "Guardian" newspaper, to contribute a weekly column and a daily blog. Greenwald wrote on "Salon" that the move offered him "the opportunity to reach a new audience, to further internationalize my readership, and to be re-invigorated by a different environment" as reasons for the move.On June 5, 2013, Greenwald reported on the top-secret United States Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court order requiring Verizon to provide the National Security Agency with telephone metadata for all calls between the U.S. and abroad, as well as all domestic calls.On October 15, 2013, Greenwald announced, and "The Guardian" confirmed, that he was leaving the newspaper to pursue a "once-in-a-career dream journalistic opportunity that no journalist could possibly decline".Financial backing for "The Intercept" was provided by eBay founder Pierre Omidyar. Omidyar told media critic Jay Rosen that the decision was fueled by his "rising concern about press freedoms in the United States and around the world". Greenwald, along with his colleagues Laura Poitras and Jeremy Scahill, initially were working on creating a platform online to support independent journalism, when they were approached by Omidyar who was hoping to establish his own media organization. That news organization, First Look Media, launched its first online publication, "The Intercept", on February 10, 2014. Greenwald initially served as editor, alongside Poitras and Scahill. The organization is incorporated as a 501(c)(3) tax-exempt charitable entity."The Intercept" was in contact during the 2016 presidential campaign with Guccifer 2.0, who relayed some of the material about Hillary Clinton, gathered via a data breach, to Greenwald. The Grugq, a counterintelligence specialist, reported in October 2016: ""The Intercept" was both aware that the e-mails were from Guccifer 2.0, that Guccifer 2.0 has been attributed to Russian intelligence services, and that there is significant public evidence supporting this attribution."According to Simon van Zuylen-Wood writing for "New York" magazine in early 2018, Greenwald has "repositioned himself as a bomb-throwing media critic" since the Snowden revelations. By 2019, he was serving as an "Intercept" columnist without any control over the site's news reporting.On October 29, 2020, Greenwald resigned from "The Intercept", giving his reasons as political censorship and contractual breaches by the editors, who he said had prevented him from reporting on allegations concerning Joe Biden's conduct with regard to China and Ukraine and had demanded that he not publish the article in any other publication. Betsy Reed, the editor-in-chief, disputed Greenwald's accusations and claims of censorship, and accused him of presenting dubious claims by the Trump campaign as journalism. Greenwald said he would begin publishing his work on Substack, and had begun "exploring the possibility of creating a new media outlet." After resigning from "The Intercept", Greenwald published his article about Biden and his correspondence with the editors of "The Intercept" on his Substack page.Greenwald's first book, "How Would a Patriot Act? Defending American Values From a President Run Amok" was published by Working Assets in 2006. It was a "New York Times" bestseller, and ranked No. 1 on Amazon.com, both before its publication (due to orders based on attention from 'UT' readers and other bloggers) and for several days after its release, ending its first week at #293."A Tragic Legacy", his next book, examined the presidency of George W. Bush. Published in hardback by Crown (a division of Random House) on June 26, 2007, and reprinted in a paperback edition by Three Rivers Press on April 8, 2008, it was a "New York Times" Best Seller. "Great American Hypocrites: Toppling the Big Myths of Republican Politics", was also first published by Random House in April 2008. "With Liberty and Justice for Some: How the Law Is Used to Destroy Equality and Protect the Powerful", was released by Metropolitan Books in October 2011 and "No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. Surveillance State", was released in May 2014. The latter work spent six weeks on "The New York Times" Best Seller list, and was named one of the ten Best Non-Fiction Books of 2014 by "The Christian Science Monitor".Greenwald wrote the book "Securing Democracy: My Fight for Press Freedom and Justice in Brazil" as a follow up to "No Place to Hide". It will be published by Haymarket Books on 6 April 2021. It describes his publication in 2019 of leaked telephone calls, audio and text messages related to Operation Car Wash and the retaliation he received from the Bolsonaro government.Greenwald was initially contacted anonymously in late 2012 by Edward Snowden, a former contractor for the U.S. National Security Agency, who said he held "sensitive documents" that he wished to share. Greenwald found the measures that Snowden asked him to take to secure their communications too annoying to employ. Snowden then contacted documentary filmmaker Laura Poitras about a month later in January 2013.According to "The Guardian", Snowden was attracted to Greenwald and Poitras by a "Salon" article written by Greenwald detailing how Poitras' films had made her a "target of the government". Greenwald began working with Snowden in either February or in April, after Poitras asked Greenwald to meet her in New York City, at which point Snowden began providing documents to them both.As part of the global surveillance disclosure, the first of Snowden's documents were published on June 5, 2013, in "The Guardian" in an article by Greenwald. Greenwald said that Snowden's documents exposed the "scale of domestic surveillance under Obama".The series on which Greenwald worked contributed to "The Guardian" (alongside "The Washington Post") winning the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service in 2014.Greenwald's work on the Snowden story was featured in the documentary "Citizenfour", which won the 2014 Academy Award for Best Documentary Feature. Greenwald appeared on-stage with director Laura Poitras and Snowden's girlfriend, Lindsay Mills, when the Oscar was given. In the 2016 Oliver Stone feature film "Snowden", Greenwald was played by actor Zachary Quinto.In a statement delivered before the National Congress of Brazil in early August 2013, Greenwald testified that the U.S. government had used counter-terrorism as a pretext for clandestine surveillance in order to compete with other countries in the "business, industrial and economic fields".On December 18, 2013, Greenwald told the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs of the European Parliament that "most governments around the world are not only turning their backs on Edward Snowden but also on their ethical responsibilities". Speaking via a video link, Greenwald said that, "It is the UK through their interception of underwater fibre optic cables, that is a primary threat to the privacy of European citizens when it comes to their telephone and emails". In a statement given to the European Parliament, Greenwald said:On June 9, 2019, Greenwald and journalists from investigative journalism magazine "The Intercept Brasil" where he was an editor, released several messages exchanged via Telegram between members of the investigation team of Operation Car Wash. The messages implicated members of Brazil's judiciary system and of the Operação Lava-Jato taskforce, including former judge and Minister of Justice Sérgio Moro, and lead prosecutor Deltan Dallagnol, in the violation of legal and ethical procedures during the investigation, trial and arrest of former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, with the alleged objective of preventing him from running for a third term in the 2018 Brazilian general election, among other crimes. Following the leak, "Folha de São Paulo" and "Veja" confirmed the authenticity of the messages and worked in partnership with "The Intercept Brasil" to sort the remaining material in their possession before releasing it.On July 23, Brazilian Federal Police announced that they had arrested and were investigating Araraquara hacker Walter Delgatti Neto for breaking into the authorities' Telegram accounts. Neto confessed to the hack and to having given copies of the chat logs to Greenwald. Police said the attack had been accomplished by abusing Telegram's phone number verification and exploiting vulnerabilities in voicemail technology in use in Brazil by using a spoofed phone number. "The Intercept" neither confirmed nor denied Neto being their source, citing freedom of the press provisions of the 1988 Brazilian Constitution.Greenwald faced death threats and homophobic harassment from Bolsonaro supporters due to his reporting on the Telegram messages. A "New York Times" profile by Ernesto Londoño about Greenwald and his husband David Miranda, a left-wing congressman, described how the couple became targets of homophobia from Bolsonaro supporters as a result of the reporting. "The Washington Post" reported that Greenwald had been targeted with fiscal investigations by the Bolsonaro government, allegedly as retaliation for the reporting, and AP called Greenwald's reporting "the first test case for a free press" under Bolsonaro. In November 2019, Greenwald wrote in "The New York Times" that he was assaulted on air.In reporting on retaliation against Greenwald from the Bolsonaro government and its supporters, "The Guardian" said the articles published by Greenwald and "The Intercept" "have had an explosive impact on Brazilian politics and dominated headlines for weeks", adding that the exposés "appeared to show prosecutors in the sweeping Operation Car Wash corruption inquiry colluding with Sérgio Moro, the judge who became a hero in Brazil for jailing powerful businessmen, middlemen and politicians."On August 9, after President Bolsonaro threatened to imprison Greenwald for this reporting, Supreme Court justice Gilmar Mendes ruled that any investigation of Greenwald in connection with the reporting would be illegal under the Brazilian constitution, citing press freedom as a "pillar of democracy".In November 2019, Brazilian columnist Augusto Nunes physically attacked Greenwald during a joint appearance on a Brazilian radio program. Immediately prior to the attack, Nunes had argued that a family judge ought to take away Greenwald's adopted children, prompting Greenwald to call him a "coward." Two of Jair Bolsonaro's sons praised Nunes' actions, while former presidential candidate Ciro Gomes defended Greenwald.In January 2020, Greenwald was charged by Brazilian prosecutors with cybercrimes, in a move that Trevor Timm in "The Guardian" described as retaliation for his reporting. "The Canary" website described the charges as "ominously similar to the indictment of Julian Assange" and quoted Max Blumenthal and Jen Robinson as remarking on the similarity of the two sets of charges. Greenwald received support from "The New York Times" which published an editorial stating "Mr. Greenwald's articles did what a free press is supposed to do: They revealed a painful truth about those in power". The Freedom of the Press Foundation made a statement asking the Brazilian government to "halt its persecution of Greenwald". In February 2020, a federal judge dismissed the charges against Greenwald, citing a ruling from Supreme Court justice Gilmar Mendes that shielded him.In his 2006 book "How a Patriot Would Act?", Greenwald wrote that he was politically apathetic at the time of the Iraq War and accepted the Bush administration's judgement that "American security really would be enhanced by the invasion of this sovereign country". In 2013, Greenwald added that he did not have a platform or role in politics at the time of the Iraq War and that he "never once wrote in favor of the Iraq War or argued for it in any way, shape or form". Writing in "The Daily Banter", Ben Cohen said that Greenwald "can't lecture people who initially supported the Iraq war then turned against it when he did exactly the same thing".Greenwald is critical of actions jointly supported by Democrats and Republicans, writing in 2010: "The worst and most tyrannical government actions in Washington are equally supported on a fully bipartisan basis." In the preface to his first book, "How Would a Patriot Act?" (2006), Greenwald described his 'pre-political' self as neither liberal nor conservative as a whole, voting neither for George W. Bush nor for any of his rivals (indeed, not voting at all).Bush's election to the U.S. presidency "changed" Greenwald's previous uninvolved political attitude toward the electoral process "completely", and in 2006 he wrote:"Over the past five years, a creeping extremism has taken hold of our federal government, and it is threatening to radically alter our system of government and who we are as a nation. This extremism is neither conservative nor liberal in nature, but is instead driven by theories of unlimited presidential power that are wholly alien, and antithetical, to the core political values that have governed this country since its founding"; for, "the fact that this seizure of ever-expanding presidential power is largely justified through endless, rank fear-mongering—fear of terrorists, specifically—means that not only our system of government is radically changing, but so, too, are our national character, our national identity, and what it means to be American."Believing that "It is incumbent upon all Americans who believe in that system, bequeathed to us by the founders, to defend it when it is under assault and in jeopardy. And today it is", he said: "I did not arrive at these conclusions eagerly or because I was predisposed by any previous partisan viewpoint. Quite the contrary."Resistant to applying ideological labels to himself, he emphasized that he is a strong advocate for U.S. constitutional "balance of powers" and for constitutionally protected civil and political rights in his writings and public appearances.Greenwald frequently writes about the War on Drugs and criminal justice reform. He is a member of the advisory board of the Brazil chapter of Law Enforcement Action Partnership. Greenwald was also the author of a 2009 white paper published by the libertarian "Cato Institute" entitled, "Drug Decriminalization in Portugal: Lessons for Creating Fair and Successful Drug Policies", exploring the role of drug policy of Portugal.He criticized the policies of the Bush administration and those who supported it, arguing that most of the American "Corporate News Media" excused Bush's policies and echoed the administration's positions rather than asking hard questions. Greenwald accused mainstream U.S. media of "spreading patriotic state propaganda".Regarding civil liberties during the Obama presidency, he elaborated on his conception of change when he said, "I think the only means of true political change will come from people working outside of that [two-party electoral] system to undermine it, and subvert it, and weaken it, and destroy it; not try to work within it to change it." He raised money for Russ Feingold's 2010 Senate re-election bid, Bill Halter's 2010 primary challenge to Democratic Sen. Blanche Lincoln, as well as several Congressional candidates in 2012 described as "unique".According to Greenwald, the emergence of ISIS is a direct consequence of the Iraq War and NATO-led military intervention in Libya. Greenwald has been critical of U.S. and UK involvement in the Saudi Arabian-led intervention in Yemen. He wrote in October 2016: "The atrocities committed by the Saudis would have been impossible without their steadfast, aggressive support."Greenwald has criticized some of the policies of the Trump administration. He said: "I think the Trump White House lies more often. I think it lies more readily. I think it lies more blatantly."During the Trump administration Greenwald became a prominent critic of the Democratic Party, alleging a double standard in their foreign policy. He said that "Democrats didn't care when Obama hugged Saudi despots, and now they pretend to care when Trump embraces Saudi despots or Egyptian ones." Greenwald said that choosing between Trump and "whatever you want to call it. Call it the deep state, call it the national security blob, call it the CIA and the Pentagon", is like choosing between "Bashar al-Assad or al-Qaida or ISIS [in Syria] once the ordinary people of the Syrian revolution got defeated."He expressed skepticism of the James Clapper-led US intelligence community's assessment that Russia's government interfered in the 2016 presidential election. Regardless of the accuracy of the assessment, Greenwald has doubted its significance, stating "This is stuff we do to them, and have done to them for decades, and still continue to do." In December 2018, he said: "I do regard the Mueller indictment as some evidence, not conclusive, but at least some evidence finally that the Russians are involved, but that doesn’t say the extent to which Putin was involved, let alone the extent to which Trump officials are criminally implicated."Greenwald sees Democrats' rhetoric on Russia as a more serious problem, characterizing it as "unhinged". According to Greenwald, "the effect is a constant ratcheting up of tensions between two nuclear-armed powers whose nuclear systems are still on hair-trigger alert and capable of catastrophic responses based on misunderstanding and misperception." Greenwald also wrote that the "East Coast newsmagazines" are "feeding Democrats the often xenophobic, hysterical Russophobia for which they have a seemingly insatiable craving." During a July 2018 panel on "fake news" held by Russian government outlet RT in Moscow and hosted by editor-in-chief Margarita Simonyan, Greenwald argued that the Democrats' focus on Russian interference in the 2016 election is motivated by a need to rationalize Clinton's loss. He told "The New Yorker" in August 2018 "'Let’s just get along with the Russians' has been turned into something treasonous". Of Trump, he commented: "Even if he has weird dealings with Russia, I still think it’s in everybody’s interest not to teach an entire new generation of people, becoming interested in politics for the first time, that the Russians are demons." He said that both Trump and Jill Stein were being "vilified for advocating ways to reduce U.S./Russian tensions" and told "Democracy Now!" that the Putin–Trump summit in Helsinki in July 2018 was an "excellent idea" because "90 percent of the world’s nuclear weapons are in the hands of two countries—the United States and Russia—and having them speak and get along is much better than having them isolate one another and increase the risk of not just intentional conflict, but misperception and miscommunication".Susan Hennessey, an NSA lawyer at the time of Snowden's NSA revelations, told Marcy Wheeler writing for "The New Republic" in January 2018, that Greenwald was only relaying "surface commentary" rather than evidence for or against Russian interference in the 2016 election. Tamsin Shaw wrote in "The New York Review of Books" in September 2018: "Greenwald has repeatedly, in the face of overwhelming evidence to the contrary, decried as Russophobia the findings that Putin ordered interference in the 2016 US presidential election".Greenwald remained doubtful of assertions that the Trump presidential campaign worked with the Russians after the release of the letter about the Mueller's findings from attorney general William Barr in late March 2019. He called the investigation "a scam and a fraud from the beginning" in an appearance on "Democracy Now!". Greenwald told Tucker Carlson on Fox News: "Let me just say, [MSNBC] should have their top host on primetime go before the cameras and hang their head in shame and apologize for lying to people for three straight years, exploiting their fears to great profit". He said he is formally banned from appearing on MSNBC, citing confirmations from two unnamed producers for the network, for his criticisms of its coverage of Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election. MSNBC stated it has not barred Greenwald from appearing on its programs.After the release of Special Counsel Robert Mueller's report, on April 22 he wrote that the press continued to report that Trump's campaign conspired with Russia during the 2016 presidential campaign. In January 2020, Greenwald described the various assertions regarding Russian influence on American politics as "At the very best, ... wildly exaggerated hysteria and the kind of jingoistic fear-mongering that’s plagued U.S Politics since the end of WWII".Greenwald has criticized the Israeli government, including its foreign policy, influence on U.S. politics and the Israeli occupation of the West Bank. In May 2016, Greenwald condemned "The New York Times" for an alleged "cowardice" on Israel, accusing it of "journalistic malfeasance".In an exchange with Greenwald in February 2019, Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn., tweeted, "It's all about the Benjamins baby", suggesting that money rather than principle motivated US politicians' support for Israel. Omar also wrote that the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) pays US politicians to take pro-Israel stances. Many Democratic and Republican leadersincluding House Speaker Nancy Pelosicondemned the tweet, which they said perpetuated an antisemitic stereotype of Jewish money and influence fueling American politicians' support of Israel. Greenwald defended Omar, saying that "we’re not allowed to talk about ... well-organized and well-financed lobby that ensures a bipartisan consensus in support of U.S. defense of Israel, that the minute that you mention that lobby, you get attacked as being anti-Semitic, which is what happened to Congresswoman Omar."In a November 2018 "Guardian" article Luke Harding and Dan Collyns cited anonymous sources which stated that Trump's former campaign manager Paul Manafort held secret meetings with WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange inside the Ecuadorian embassy in London in 2013, 2015, and 2016. Greenwald said that if Manafort had entered the Ecuadorian consulate there would be evidence from the surrounding cameras. Greenwald, a former contributor to "The Guardian", stated that the paper "has such a pervasive and unprofessionally personal hatred for Julian Assange that it has frequently dispensed with all journalistic standards in order to malign him."Greenwald criticized the government's decision to charge Assange under the Espionage Act of 1917 for his role in the 2010 publication of the Iraq War documents leak. Greenwald wrote in "The Washington Post": "The Trump administration has undoubtedly calculated that Assange’s uniquely unpopular status across the political spectrum [in the United States] makes him the ideal test case for creating a precedent that criminalizes the defining attributes of investigative journalism."Greenwald is vegan and is known for his reporting on animal welfare. In 2019, he introduced a new video series about animal rights, factory farms, and the agriculture industry. He has worked with Wayne Hsiung and other animal rights activists from Direct Action Everywhere (DxE) to expose gruesome and filthy conditions on turkey farms owned by Norbest in Utah, and the laying of criminal charges against the activists by prosecutors in Sanpete County, Utah. He has reported on the mass culling of pigs in Iowa by means of ventilation shutdown due to falling demand, in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic. His investigations have exposed how the animal agriculture industry routinely engages in "campaigns of surveillance, reputation destruction, and other forms of retaliation against industry critics and animal rights activists" through organizations that represent the industry, such as the Animal Agriculture Alliance.In October 2018, Greenwald said that Bolsonaro was "often depicted wrongly in the Western media as being Brazil's Trump, and he's actually much closer to say Filipino President Duterte or even the Egyptian dictator General el-Sisi in terms of what he believes and what he's probably capable of carrying out."Greenwald said that Bolsonaro could be a "good partner" for President Trump "If you think that the U.S. should go back to kind of the Monroe Doctrine as [National Security Adviser] John Bolton talked openly about, and ruling Latin America, and U.S. interests".Greenwald has faced death threats and homophobic harassment from Bolsonaro supporters due to his reporting on leaked Telegram messages about Brazil's Operation Car Wash and Bolsonaro's justice minister Sérgio Moro. President Bolsonaro threatened Greenwald with possible imprisonment. The Brazilian Association of Investigative Journalism condemned Bolsonaro's threats.In January 2020, Brazilian federal prosecutors charged Greenwald with cybercrimes, alleging he was part of a "criminal organization" that hacked into the cellphones of prosecutors and other public officials in 2019. Prosecutors said he played a "clear role in facilitating the commission of a crime" by, for example, encouraging hackers to delete archives in order to cover their tracks. Greenwald, who was not detained, called the charges "an obvious attempt to attack a free press in retaliation for the revelations we reported about Minister of Justice Sérgio Moro and the Bolsonaro government." In February 2020, a federal judge dismissed the charges against Greenwald, citing a ruling from Supreme Court justice Gilmar Mendes that shielded him.In 2005, Greenwald criticized illegal immigration, saying that it would result in a "parade of evils". He has since disavowed that belief.Greenwald has been placed on numerous "top 50" and "top 25" lists of columnists in the United States. In June 2012, "Newsweek" magazine named him one of America's Top Ten Opinionists, saying that "a righteous, controlled, and razor-sharp fury runs through a great deal" of his writing, and: "His independent persuasion can make him a danger or an asset to both sides of the aisle."According to Nate Anderson, writing in "Ars Technica" around 2010 or 2011, Aaron Barr of HBGary and Team Themis planned to damage Greenwald's career in response to a potential dump of Bank of America documents by WikiLeaks, saying that "Without the support of people like Glenn WikiLeaks would fold."Josh Voorhees, writing for "Slate", reported that in 2013 congressman Peter King (R-NY) suggested Greenwald should be arrested for his reporting on the NSA PRISM program and NSA leaker Edward Snowden. Journalist Andrew Ross Sorkin said "I would arrest [Snowden] and now I'd almost arrest Glenn Greenwald", but later made an apology for his statement, which Greenwald accepted.Journalist David Gregory accused Greenwald of aiding and abetting Snowden, before asking, "Why shouldn't you, Mr. Greenwald, be charged with a crime?"In a 2013 interview with Martha Raddatz of ABC News, Greenwald said that members of Congress are not being told "the most basic information about what NSA is doing and spying on American citizens and what the FISA court has been doing in terms of declaring some of some of this illegal, some of it legal." Another participant was Rep. Dutch Ruppersberger (D-MD), who at the time was the ranking member of the United States House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence ("House Intelligence Committee"). He responded: "We have rules as far as the committee and what you can have and what you cannot have. However, based on that, that statement I just made, is that since this incident occurred with Snowden, we've had three different hearings for members of our Democratic Caucus, and the Republican Caucus ... what we're trying to do now is to get the American public to know more about what's going on." Rep. King, who was also a guest on "This Week" as a ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee, stated: "[T]o me it's unprecedented to have all of these top people from an administration during this time of crisis still come in and answer question after question after question. So anyone who says that Congress is somehow being stonewalled is just wrong and [the question] is generally, I think, raised by people who are trying to make a name for themselves."In a February 2014 interview, Greenwald said he believed he risked detention if he reentered the U.S., but insisted that he would "force the issue" on principle, and return for the "many reasons" he had to visit, including if he won a prestigious award of which he was rumoured to be the winner. Later that month, it was announced that he was, in fact, among the recipients of the 2013 Polk Awards, to be conferred April 11, 2014 in Manhattan. In a subsequent interview, Greenwald stated he would attend the ceremony, and added: "I absolutely refuse to be exiled from my own country for the crime of doing journalism and I'm going to force the issue just on principle. And I think going back for a ceremony like the Polk Awards or other forms of journalistic awards would be a really good symbolic test of having to put the government in the position of having to arrest journalists who are coming back to the US to receive awards for the journalism they have done." On April 11, Greenwald and Laura Poitras accepted the Polk Award in Manhattan. Their entry into the United States was trouble-free and they traveled with an ACLU attorney and a German journalist "to document any unpleasant surprises". Accepting the award, Greenwald said he was "happy to see a table full of "Guardian" editors and journalists, whose role in this story is much more integral than the publicity generally recognizes". On April 14, the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service was awarded jointly to "The Guardian" and "The Washington Post" for revelation of widespread secret surveillance by the NSA. Greenwald, along with Laura Poitras and Ewen MacAskill, had contributed to "The Guardian"′s reporting.In 2014, Sean Wilentz in "The New Republic", commented that some of Greenwald's opinions are where both meet, the far-left and far-right. In a 2017 article in "The Independent", Brian Dean wrote: "Greenwald has been critical of Trump, but is perceived by many as someone who spends far more time criticising 'Dems' and 'liberals' (analysis of his Twitter account tends to give this impression)." Simon van Zuylen-Wood in a 2018 piece for "New York" magazine entitled "Does Glenn Greenwald Know More Than Robert Mueller?" described "a new-seeming category of Russia-skeptic firebrands sometimes called the alt-left." In February 2019, Max Boot wrote in "The Washington Post": "Indeed, it’s often hard to tell the extremists apart. Anti-vaccine activists come from both the far left and the far right — and while most of those who defend President Trump's dealings with Russia are on the right, some, such as Glenn Greenwald and Stephen F. Cohen, are on the left." In a May 2019 "Haaretz" article, Alexander Reid Ross described Tucker Carlson's and Glenn Greenwald's positions as being a "crossover between leftists and the far-right in defense of Syria's Bashar Assad, to dismiss charges of Russian interference in U.S. elections and to boost Russian geopolitics". In November 2019, Tulsi Gabbard’s lawyers sent a letter to Hillary Clinton accusing her of defamation and demanding an apology for comments Clinton had made in October. Greenwald tweeted that "It's way past time that Democrats who recklessly accuse their critics of being Kremlin assets and agents be held accountable for their slander". In response Nancy leTourneau wrote that Greenwald was "one of the far left who is defending Gabbard".In 2005, a 37-year old Greenwald left his law practice in New York and took a long vacation to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, where he met 19-year old David Miranda, an orphan who lived in a slum. Days after they met, the couple decided to move in together, and wed shortly thereafter. Miranda now serves as a Congressman with the left-wing PSOL party. The couple live in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.In 2017, Greenwald and Miranda announced that they had adopted two children, siblings, from Maceió, a city in Northeastern Brazil. Greenwald and Miranda have 24 rescue dogs. In March 2017, Greenwald announced plans to build a shelter with Miranda for stray pets in Brazil that would be staffed by homeless people. In March 2018, Greenwald tweeted videos showing the shelter operating.Greenwald and Miranda were close personal friends of Brazilian human rights advocate and politician Marielle Franco, known for criticism of police tactics and corruption, who was fatally shot by unknown assailants. A "New York Times" profile described how Greenwald's reporting on high-level Bolsonaro officials and Miranda's outspoken opposition in Congress turned them into primary targets of Bolsonaro's administration.Greenwald does not participate in any organized religion. He has said he believes in "the spiritual and mystical part of the world" and that yoga is "like a bridge into that, like a window into it." Greenwald has also been critical of the New Atheist movement, in particular, Sam Harris and others critical of Islam.Greenwald received, together with Amy Goodman, the first Izzy Award for special achievement in independent media, in 2009, and the 2010 Online Journalism Award for Best Commentary for his investigative work on the conditions of Chelsea Manning.His reporting on the National Security Agency (NSA) won numerous other awards around the world, including top investigative journalism prizes from the George Polk Award for National Security Reporting, the 2013 Online Journalism Awards, the Esso Award for Excellence in Reporting in Brazil for his articles in "O Globo" on NSA mass surveillance of Brazilians (becoming the first foreigner to win the award), the 2013 Libertad de Expresion Internacional award from Argentinian magazine "Perfil", and the 2013 Pioneer Award from the Electronic Frontier Foundation. The team that Greenwald led at "The Guardian" was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service for their reporting on the NSA. Foreign Policy Magazine then named him one of the top 100 Global Thinkers of 2013.In 2014 Greenwald received the Geschwister-Scholl-Preis, an annual German literary award, for the German edition of "No Place to Hide". Greenwald was also named the 2014 recipient of the McGill Medal for Journalistic Courage from the Grady College of Journalism and Mass Communication of the University of Georgia.
|
[
"Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz",
"Salon",
"The Guardian"
] |
|
Which employer did Glenn Greenwald work for in 23/12/2014?
|
December 23, 2014
|
{
"text": [
"The Intercept"
]
}
|
L2_Q5568842_P108_3
|
Glenn Greenwald works for Salon from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2012.
Glenn Greenwald works for The Guardian from Aug, 2012 to Oct, 2013.
Glenn Greenwald works for Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
Glenn Greenwald works for The Intercept from Feb, 2014 to Oct, 2020.
|
Glenn GreenwaldGlenn Edward Greenwald (born March 6, 1967) is an American journalist, author, and lawyer. In 1996, he founded his own law firm, which concentrated on First Amendment litigation. He began blogging on national security issues in October 2005, while he was becoming increasingly concerned with what he viewed to be attacks on civil liberties by the George W. Bush Administration in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks. He became a vocal critic of the Iraq War and has maintained a critical position of American foreign policy.Greenwald started contributing to "Salon" in 2007, and to "The Guardian" in 2012. In June 2013, while at "The Guardian", he began publishing a series of reports detailing previously unknown information about American and British global surveillance programs based on classified documents provided by Edward Snowden. His work contributed to "The Guardian" and "The Washington Post" winning a Pulitzer Prize, and he won the 2013 George Polk Award along with three other reporters, including Laura Poitras. In 2014, Greenwald, Poitras, and Jeremy Scahill launched "The Intercept", for which he was co-founding editor until he resigned in October 2020. Greenwald subsequently started publishing on Substack, an online newsletter-based journalism platform. Greenwald was born in New York City to Arlene and Daniel Greenwald. Greenwald's family moved to Lauderdale Lakes, Florida when he was an infant. His parents are Jewish and they and his grandparents tried to introduce him to Judaism, but he grew up without practicing an organized religion, did not have a bar mitzvah, and has said his "moral precepts aren't informed in any way by religious doctrine". Greenwald attended Nova Middle School and Nova High School in Davie, Florida. He received a BA in philosophy from George Washington University in 1990 and a JD from New York University School of Law in 1994.Greenwald practiced law in the litigation department at Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz from 1994 to 1995. In 1996, he co-founded his own litigation firm, Greenwald Christoph & Holland (later renamed Greenwald Christoph PC), where he litigated cases concerning issues of U.S. constitutional law and civil rights. He worked "pro bono" much of the time, and his cases included representing white supremacist Matthew Hale in Illinois and the neo-nazi National Alliance.About his work in First Amendment speech cases, Greenwald told "Rolling Stone" magazine in 2013, "to me, it's a heroic attribute to be so committed to a principle that you apply it not when it's easy ... not when it supports your position, not when it protects people you like, but when it defends and protects people that you hate".Later, according to Greenwald, "I decided voluntarily to wind down my practice in 2005 because I could, and because, after ten years, I was bored with litigating full-time and wanted to do other things which I thought were more engaging and could make more of an impact, including political writing."In October 2005, he began his blog "Unclaimed Territory" focusing on the investigation pertaining to the Plame affair, the CIA leak grand jury investigation, the federal indictment of Scooter Libby and the NSA warrantless surveillance (2001–07) controversy. In April 2006, the blog received the 2005 Koufax Award for "Best New Blog". According to Sean Wilentz in the "New Statesman", Greenwald "seemed to take pride in attacking Republicans and Democrats alike".In February 2007, Greenwald became a contributing writer for the "Salon" website, and the new column and blog superseded "Unclaimed Territory", although "Salon" featured hyperlinks to it in Greenwald's dedicated biographical section.Among the frequent topics of his "Salon" articles were the investigation of the 2001 anthrax attacks and the candidacy of former CIA official John O. Brennan for the jobs of either Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (D/CIA) or the next Director of National Intelligence (DNI) after the election of Barack Obama. Brennan withdrew his name from consideration for the post after opposition centered in liberal blogs and led by Greenwald.In a 2010 article for "Salon", Greenwald described U.S. Army Private Chelsea Manning as "a whistle-blower acting with the noblest of motives" and "a national hero similar to Daniel Ellsberg". In an article for "The Raw Story" published in 2011, Greenwald criticized the prison conditions in which Manning was held after her arrest by military authorities. Greenwald was described by Rachel Maddow during his period writing for "Salon" as "the American left’s most fearless political commentator."It was announced in July 2012 that Greenwald was joining the American wing of Britain's "Guardian" newspaper, to contribute a weekly column and a daily blog. Greenwald wrote on "Salon" that the move offered him "the opportunity to reach a new audience, to further internationalize my readership, and to be re-invigorated by a different environment" as reasons for the move.On June 5, 2013, Greenwald reported on the top-secret United States Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court order requiring Verizon to provide the National Security Agency with telephone metadata for all calls between the U.S. and abroad, as well as all domestic calls.On October 15, 2013, Greenwald announced, and "The Guardian" confirmed, that he was leaving the newspaper to pursue a "once-in-a-career dream journalistic opportunity that no journalist could possibly decline".Financial backing for "The Intercept" was provided by eBay founder Pierre Omidyar. Omidyar told media critic Jay Rosen that the decision was fueled by his "rising concern about press freedoms in the United States and around the world". Greenwald, along with his colleagues Laura Poitras and Jeremy Scahill, initially were working on creating a platform online to support independent journalism, when they were approached by Omidyar who was hoping to establish his own media organization. That news organization, First Look Media, launched its first online publication, "The Intercept", on February 10, 2014. Greenwald initially served as editor, alongside Poitras and Scahill. The organization is incorporated as a 501(c)(3) tax-exempt charitable entity."The Intercept" was in contact during the 2016 presidential campaign with Guccifer 2.0, who relayed some of the material about Hillary Clinton, gathered via a data breach, to Greenwald. The Grugq, a counterintelligence specialist, reported in October 2016: ""The Intercept" was both aware that the e-mails were from Guccifer 2.0, that Guccifer 2.0 has been attributed to Russian intelligence services, and that there is significant public evidence supporting this attribution."According to Simon van Zuylen-Wood writing for "New York" magazine in early 2018, Greenwald has "repositioned himself as a bomb-throwing media critic" since the Snowden revelations. By 2019, he was serving as an "Intercept" columnist without any control over the site's news reporting.On October 29, 2020, Greenwald resigned from "The Intercept", giving his reasons as political censorship and contractual breaches by the editors, who he said had prevented him from reporting on allegations concerning Joe Biden's conduct with regard to China and Ukraine and had demanded that he not publish the article in any other publication. Betsy Reed, the editor-in-chief, disputed Greenwald's accusations and claims of censorship, and accused him of presenting dubious claims by the Trump campaign as journalism. Greenwald said he would begin publishing his work on Substack, and had begun "exploring the possibility of creating a new media outlet." After resigning from "The Intercept", Greenwald published his article about Biden and his correspondence with the editors of "The Intercept" on his Substack page.Greenwald's first book, "How Would a Patriot Act? Defending American Values From a President Run Amok" was published by Working Assets in 2006. It was a "New York Times" bestseller, and ranked No. 1 on Amazon.com, both before its publication (due to orders based on attention from 'UT' readers and other bloggers) and for several days after its release, ending its first week at #293."A Tragic Legacy", his next book, examined the presidency of George W. Bush. Published in hardback by Crown (a division of Random House) on June 26, 2007, and reprinted in a paperback edition by Three Rivers Press on April 8, 2008, it was a "New York Times" Best Seller. "Great American Hypocrites: Toppling the Big Myths of Republican Politics", was also first published by Random House in April 2008. "With Liberty and Justice for Some: How the Law Is Used to Destroy Equality and Protect the Powerful", was released by Metropolitan Books in October 2011 and "No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. Surveillance State", was released in May 2014. The latter work spent six weeks on "The New York Times" Best Seller list, and was named one of the ten Best Non-Fiction Books of 2014 by "The Christian Science Monitor".Greenwald wrote the book "Securing Democracy: My Fight for Press Freedom and Justice in Brazil" as a follow up to "No Place to Hide". It will be published by Haymarket Books on 6 April 2021. It describes his publication in 2019 of leaked telephone calls, audio and text messages related to Operation Car Wash and the retaliation he received from the Bolsonaro government.Greenwald was initially contacted anonymously in late 2012 by Edward Snowden, a former contractor for the U.S. National Security Agency, who said he held "sensitive documents" that he wished to share. Greenwald found the measures that Snowden asked him to take to secure their communications too annoying to employ. Snowden then contacted documentary filmmaker Laura Poitras about a month later in January 2013.According to "The Guardian", Snowden was attracted to Greenwald and Poitras by a "Salon" article written by Greenwald detailing how Poitras' films had made her a "target of the government". Greenwald began working with Snowden in either February or in April, after Poitras asked Greenwald to meet her in New York City, at which point Snowden began providing documents to them both.As part of the global surveillance disclosure, the first of Snowden's documents were published on June 5, 2013, in "The Guardian" in an article by Greenwald. Greenwald said that Snowden's documents exposed the "scale of domestic surveillance under Obama".The series on which Greenwald worked contributed to "The Guardian" (alongside "The Washington Post") winning the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service in 2014.Greenwald's work on the Snowden story was featured in the documentary "Citizenfour", which won the 2014 Academy Award for Best Documentary Feature. Greenwald appeared on-stage with director Laura Poitras and Snowden's girlfriend, Lindsay Mills, when the Oscar was given. In the 2016 Oliver Stone feature film "Snowden", Greenwald was played by actor Zachary Quinto.In a statement delivered before the National Congress of Brazil in early August 2013, Greenwald testified that the U.S. government had used counter-terrorism as a pretext for clandestine surveillance in order to compete with other countries in the "business, industrial and economic fields".On December 18, 2013, Greenwald told the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs of the European Parliament that "most governments around the world are not only turning their backs on Edward Snowden but also on their ethical responsibilities". Speaking via a video link, Greenwald said that, "It is the UK through their interception of underwater fibre optic cables, that is a primary threat to the privacy of European citizens when it comes to their telephone and emails". In a statement given to the European Parliament, Greenwald said:On June 9, 2019, Greenwald and journalists from investigative journalism magazine "The Intercept Brasil" where he was an editor, released several messages exchanged via Telegram between members of the investigation team of Operation Car Wash. The messages implicated members of Brazil's judiciary system and of the Operação Lava-Jato taskforce, including former judge and Minister of Justice Sérgio Moro, and lead prosecutor Deltan Dallagnol, in the violation of legal and ethical procedures during the investigation, trial and arrest of former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, with the alleged objective of preventing him from running for a third term in the 2018 Brazilian general election, among other crimes. Following the leak, "Folha de São Paulo" and "Veja" confirmed the authenticity of the messages and worked in partnership with "The Intercept Brasil" to sort the remaining material in their possession before releasing it.On July 23, Brazilian Federal Police announced that they had arrested and were investigating Araraquara hacker Walter Delgatti Neto for breaking into the authorities' Telegram accounts. Neto confessed to the hack and to having given copies of the chat logs to Greenwald. Police said the attack had been accomplished by abusing Telegram's phone number verification and exploiting vulnerabilities in voicemail technology in use in Brazil by using a spoofed phone number. "The Intercept" neither confirmed nor denied Neto being their source, citing freedom of the press provisions of the 1988 Brazilian Constitution.Greenwald faced death threats and homophobic harassment from Bolsonaro supporters due to his reporting on the Telegram messages. A "New York Times" profile by Ernesto Londoño about Greenwald and his husband David Miranda, a left-wing congressman, described how the couple became targets of homophobia from Bolsonaro supporters as a result of the reporting. "The Washington Post" reported that Greenwald had been targeted with fiscal investigations by the Bolsonaro government, allegedly as retaliation for the reporting, and AP called Greenwald's reporting "the first test case for a free press" under Bolsonaro. In November 2019, Greenwald wrote in "The New York Times" that he was assaulted on air.In reporting on retaliation against Greenwald from the Bolsonaro government and its supporters, "The Guardian" said the articles published by Greenwald and "The Intercept" "have had an explosive impact on Brazilian politics and dominated headlines for weeks", adding that the exposés "appeared to show prosecutors in the sweeping Operation Car Wash corruption inquiry colluding with Sérgio Moro, the judge who became a hero in Brazil for jailing powerful businessmen, middlemen and politicians."On August 9, after President Bolsonaro threatened to imprison Greenwald for this reporting, Supreme Court justice Gilmar Mendes ruled that any investigation of Greenwald in connection with the reporting would be illegal under the Brazilian constitution, citing press freedom as a "pillar of democracy".In November 2019, Brazilian columnist Augusto Nunes physically attacked Greenwald during a joint appearance on a Brazilian radio program. Immediately prior to the attack, Nunes had argued that a family judge ought to take away Greenwald's adopted children, prompting Greenwald to call him a "coward." Two of Jair Bolsonaro's sons praised Nunes' actions, while former presidential candidate Ciro Gomes defended Greenwald.In January 2020, Greenwald was charged by Brazilian prosecutors with cybercrimes, in a move that Trevor Timm in "The Guardian" described as retaliation for his reporting. "The Canary" website described the charges as "ominously similar to the indictment of Julian Assange" and quoted Max Blumenthal and Jen Robinson as remarking on the similarity of the two sets of charges. Greenwald received support from "The New York Times" which published an editorial stating "Mr. Greenwald's articles did what a free press is supposed to do: They revealed a painful truth about those in power". The Freedom of the Press Foundation made a statement asking the Brazilian government to "halt its persecution of Greenwald". In February 2020, a federal judge dismissed the charges against Greenwald, citing a ruling from Supreme Court justice Gilmar Mendes that shielded him.In his 2006 book "How a Patriot Would Act?", Greenwald wrote that he was politically apathetic at the time of the Iraq War and accepted the Bush administration's judgement that "American security really would be enhanced by the invasion of this sovereign country". In 2013, Greenwald added that he did not have a platform or role in politics at the time of the Iraq War and that he "never once wrote in favor of the Iraq War or argued for it in any way, shape or form". Writing in "The Daily Banter", Ben Cohen said that Greenwald "can't lecture people who initially supported the Iraq war then turned against it when he did exactly the same thing".Greenwald is critical of actions jointly supported by Democrats and Republicans, writing in 2010: "The worst and most tyrannical government actions in Washington are equally supported on a fully bipartisan basis." In the preface to his first book, "How Would a Patriot Act?" (2006), Greenwald described his 'pre-political' self as neither liberal nor conservative as a whole, voting neither for George W. Bush nor for any of his rivals (indeed, not voting at all).Bush's election to the U.S. presidency "changed" Greenwald's previous uninvolved political attitude toward the electoral process "completely", and in 2006 he wrote:"Over the past five years, a creeping extremism has taken hold of our federal government, and it is threatening to radically alter our system of government and who we are as a nation. This extremism is neither conservative nor liberal in nature, but is instead driven by theories of unlimited presidential power that are wholly alien, and antithetical, to the core political values that have governed this country since its founding"; for, "the fact that this seizure of ever-expanding presidential power is largely justified through endless, rank fear-mongering—fear of terrorists, specifically—means that not only our system of government is radically changing, but so, too, are our national character, our national identity, and what it means to be American."Believing that "It is incumbent upon all Americans who believe in that system, bequeathed to us by the founders, to defend it when it is under assault and in jeopardy. And today it is", he said: "I did not arrive at these conclusions eagerly or because I was predisposed by any previous partisan viewpoint. Quite the contrary."Resistant to applying ideological labels to himself, he emphasized that he is a strong advocate for U.S. constitutional "balance of powers" and for constitutionally protected civil and political rights in his writings and public appearances.Greenwald frequently writes about the War on Drugs and criminal justice reform. He is a member of the advisory board of the Brazil chapter of Law Enforcement Action Partnership. Greenwald was also the author of a 2009 white paper published by the libertarian "Cato Institute" entitled, "Drug Decriminalization in Portugal: Lessons for Creating Fair and Successful Drug Policies", exploring the role of drug policy of Portugal.He criticized the policies of the Bush administration and those who supported it, arguing that most of the American "Corporate News Media" excused Bush's policies and echoed the administration's positions rather than asking hard questions. Greenwald accused mainstream U.S. media of "spreading patriotic state propaganda".Regarding civil liberties during the Obama presidency, he elaborated on his conception of change when he said, "I think the only means of true political change will come from people working outside of that [two-party electoral] system to undermine it, and subvert it, and weaken it, and destroy it; not try to work within it to change it." He raised money for Russ Feingold's 2010 Senate re-election bid, Bill Halter's 2010 primary challenge to Democratic Sen. Blanche Lincoln, as well as several Congressional candidates in 2012 described as "unique".According to Greenwald, the emergence of ISIS is a direct consequence of the Iraq War and NATO-led military intervention in Libya. Greenwald has been critical of U.S. and UK involvement in the Saudi Arabian-led intervention in Yemen. He wrote in October 2016: "The atrocities committed by the Saudis would have been impossible without their steadfast, aggressive support."Greenwald has criticized some of the policies of the Trump administration. He said: "I think the Trump White House lies more often. I think it lies more readily. I think it lies more blatantly."During the Trump administration Greenwald became a prominent critic of the Democratic Party, alleging a double standard in their foreign policy. He said that "Democrats didn't care when Obama hugged Saudi despots, and now they pretend to care when Trump embraces Saudi despots or Egyptian ones." Greenwald said that choosing between Trump and "whatever you want to call it. Call it the deep state, call it the national security blob, call it the CIA and the Pentagon", is like choosing between "Bashar al-Assad or al-Qaida or ISIS [in Syria] once the ordinary people of the Syrian revolution got defeated."He expressed skepticism of the James Clapper-led US intelligence community's assessment that Russia's government interfered in the 2016 presidential election. Regardless of the accuracy of the assessment, Greenwald has doubted its significance, stating "This is stuff we do to them, and have done to them for decades, and still continue to do." In December 2018, he said: "I do regard the Mueller indictment as some evidence, not conclusive, but at least some evidence finally that the Russians are involved, but that doesn’t say the extent to which Putin was involved, let alone the extent to which Trump officials are criminally implicated."Greenwald sees Democrats' rhetoric on Russia as a more serious problem, characterizing it as "unhinged". According to Greenwald, "the effect is a constant ratcheting up of tensions between two nuclear-armed powers whose nuclear systems are still on hair-trigger alert and capable of catastrophic responses based on misunderstanding and misperception." Greenwald also wrote that the "East Coast newsmagazines" are "feeding Democrats the often xenophobic, hysterical Russophobia for which they have a seemingly insatiable craving." During a July 2018 panel on "fake news" held by Russian government outlet RT in Moscow and hosted by editor-in-chief Margarita Simonyan, Greenwald argued that the Democrats' focus on Russian interference in the 2016 election is motivated by a need to rationalize Clinton's loss. He told "The New Yorker" in August 2018 "'Let’s just get along with the Russians' has been turned into something treasonous". Of Trump, he commented: "Even if he has weird dealings with Russia, I still think it’s in everybody’s interest not to teach an entire new generation of people, becoming interested in politics for the first time, that the Russians are demons." He said that both Trump and Jill Stein were being "vilified for advocating ways to reduce U.S./Russian tensions" and told "Democracy Now!" that the Putin–Trump summit in Helsinki in July 2018 was an "excellent idea" because "90 percent of the world’s nuclear weapons are in the hands of two countries—the United States and Russia—and having them speak and get along is much better than having them isolate one another and increase the risk of not just intentional conflict, but misperception and miscommunication".Susan Hennessey, an NSA lawyer at the time of Snowden's NSA revelations, told Marcy Wheeler writing for "The New Republic" in January 2018, that Greenwald was only relaying "surface commentary" rather than evidence for or against Russian interference in the 2016 election. Tamsin Shaw wrote in "The New York Review of Books" in September 2018: "Greenwald has repeatedly, in the face of overwhelming evidence to the contrary, decried as Russophobia the findings that Putin ordered interference in the 2016 US presidential election".Greenwald remained doubtful of assertions that the Trump presidential campaign worked with the Russians after the release of the letter about the Mueller's findings from attorney general William Barr in late March 2019. He called the investigation "a scam and a fraud from the beginning" in an appearance on "Democracy Now!". Greenwald told Tucker Carlson on Fox News: "Let me just say, [MSNBC] should have their top host on primetime go before the cameras and hang their head in shame and apologize for lying to people for three straight years, exploiting their fears to great profit". He said he is formally banned from appearing on MSNBC, citing confirmations from two unnamed producers for the network, for his criticisms of its coverage of Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election. MSNBC stated it has not barred Greenwald from appearing on its programs.After the release of Special Counsel Robert Mueller's report, on April 22 he wrote that the press continued to report that Trump's campaign conspired with Russia during the 2016 presidential campaign. In January 2020, Greenwald described the various assertions regarding Russian influence on American politics as "At the very best, ... wildly exaggerated hysteria and the kind of jingoistic fear-mongering that’s plagued U.S Politics since the end of WWII".Greenwald has criticized the Israeli government, including its foreign policy, influence on U.S. politics and the Israeli occupation of the West Bank. In May 2016, Greenwald condemned "The New York Times" for an alleged "cowardice" on Israel, accusing it of "journalistic malfeasance".In an exchange with Greenwald in February 2019, Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn., tweeted, "It's all about the Benjamins baby", suggesting that money rather than principle motivated US politicians' support for Israel. Omar also wrote that the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) pays US politicians to take pro-Israel stances. Many Democratic and Republican leadersincluding House Speaker Nancy Pelosicondemned the tweet, which they said perpetuated an antisemitic stereotype of Jewish money and influence fueling American politicians' support of Israel. Greenwald defended Omar, saying that "we’re not allowed to talk about ... well-organized and well-financed lobby that ensures a bipartisan consensus in support of U.S. defense of Israel, that the minute that you mention that lobby, you get attacked as being anti-Semitic, which is what happened to Congresswoman Omar."In a November 2018 "Guardian" article Luke Harding and Dan Collyns cited anonymous sources which stated that Trump's former campaign manager Paul Manafort held secret meetings with WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange inside the Ecuadorian embassy in London in 2013, 2015, and 2016. Greenwald said that if Manafort had entered the Ecuadorian consulate there would be evidence from the surrounding cameras. Greenwald, a former contributor to "The Guardian", stated that the paper "has such a pervasive and unprofessionally personal hatred for Julian Assange that it has frequently dispensed with all journalistic standards in order to malign him."Greenwald criticized the government's decision to charge Assange under the Espionage Act of 1917 for his role in the 2010 publication of the Iraq War documents leak. Greenwald wrote in "The Washington Post": "The Trump administration has undoubtedly calculated that Assange’s uniquely unpopular status across the political spectrum [in the United States] makes him the ideal test case for creating a precedent that criminalizes the defining attributes of investigative journalism."Greenwald is vegan and is known for his reporting on animal welfare. In 2019, he introduced a new video series about animal rights, factory farms, and the agriculture industry. He has worked with Wayne Hsiung and other animal rights activists from Direct Action Everywhere (DxE) to expose gruesome and filthy conditions on turkey farms owned by Norbest in Utah, and the laying of criminal charges against the activists by prosecutors in Sanpete County, Utah. He has reported on the mass culling of pigs in Iowa by means of ventilation shutdown due to falling demand, in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic. His investigations have exposed how the animal agriculture industry routinely engages in "campaigns of surveillance, reputation destruction, and other forms of retaliation against industry critics and animal rights activists" through organizations that represent the industry, such as the Animal Agriculture Alliance.In October 2018, Greenwald said that Bolsonaro was "often depicted wrongly in the Western media as being Brazil's Trump, and he's actually much closer to say Filipino President Duterte or even the Egyptian dictator General el-Sisi in terms of what he believes and what he's probably capable of carrying out."Greenwald said that Bolsonaro could be a "good partner" for President Trump "If you think that the U.S. should go back to kind of the Monroe Doctrine as [National Security Adviser] John Bolton talked openly about, and ruling Latin America, and U.S. interests".Greenwald has faced death threats and homophobic harassment from Bolsonaro supporters due to his reporting on leaked Telegram messages about Brazil's Operation Car Wash and Bolsonaro's justice minister Sérgio Moro. President Bolsonaro threatened Greenwald with possible imprisonment. The Brazilian Association of Investigative Journalism condemned Bolsonaro's threats.In January 2020, Brazilian federal prosecutors charged Greenwald with cybercrimes, alleging he was part of a "criminal organization" that hacked into the cellphones of prosecutors and other public officials in 2019. Prosecutors said he played a "clear role in facilitating the commission of a crime" by, for example, encouraging hackers to delete archives in order to cover their tracks. Greenwald, who was not detained, called the charges "an obvious attempt to attack a free press in retaliation for the revelations we reported about Minister of Justice Sérgio Moro and the Bolsonaro government." In February 2020, a federal judge dismissed the charges against Greenwald, citing a ruling from Supreme Court justice Gilmar Mendes that shielded him.In 2005, Greenwald criticized illegal immigration, saying that it would result in a "parade of evils". He has since disavowed that belief.Greenwald has been placed on numerous "top 50" and "top 25" lists of columnists in the United States. In June 2012, "Newsweek" magazine named him one of America's Top Ten Opinionists, saying that "a righteous, controlled, and razor-sharp fury runs through a great deal" of his writing, and: "His independent persuasion can make him a danger or an asset to both sides of the aisle."According to Nate Anderson, writing in "Ars Technica" around 2010 or 2011, Aaron Barr of HBGary and Team Themis planned to damage Greenwald's career in response to a potential dump of Bank of America documents by WikiLeaks, saying that "Without the support of people like Glenn WikiLeaks would fold."Josh Voorhees, writing for "Slate", reported that in 2013 congressman Peter King (R-NY) suggested Greenwald should be arrested for his reporting on the NSA PRISM program and NSA leaker Edward Snowden. Journalist Andrew Ross Sorkin said "I would arrest [Snowden] and now I'd almost arrest Glenn Greenwald", but later made an apology for his statement, which Greenwald accepted.Journalist David Gregory accused Greenwald of aiding and abetting Snowden, before asking, "Why shouldn't you, Mr. Greenwald, be charged with a crime?"In a 2013 interview with Martha Raddatz of ABC News, Greenwald said that members of Congress are not being told "the most basic information about what NSA is doing and spying on American citizens and what the FISA court has been doing in terms of declaring some of some of this illegal, some of it legal." Another participant was Rep. Dutch Ruppersberger (D-MD), who at the time was the ranking member of the United States House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence ("House Intelligence Committee"). He responded: "We have rules as far as the committee and what you can have and what you cannot have. However, based on that, that statement I just made, is that since this incident occurred with Snowden, we've had three different hearings for members of our Democratic Caucus, and the Republican Caucus ... what we're trying to do now is to get the American public to know more about what's going on." Rep. King, who was also a guest on "This Week" as a ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee, stated: "[T]o me it's unprecedented to have all of these top people from an administration during this time of crisis still come in and answer question after question after question. So anyone who says that Congress is somehow being stonewalled is just wrong and [the question] is generally, I think, raised by people who are trying to make a name for themselves."In a February 2014 interview, Greenwald said he believed he risked detention if he reentered the U.S., but insisted that he would "force the issue" on principle, and return for the "many reasons" he had to visit, including if he won a prestigious award of which he was rumoured to be the winner. Later that month, it was announced that he was, in fact, among the recipients of the 2013 Polk Awards, to be conferred April 11, 2014 in Manhattan. In a subsequent interview, Greenwald stated he would attend the ceremony, and added: "I absolutely refuse to be exiled from my own country for the crime of doing journalism and I'm going to force the issue just on principle. And I think going back for a ceremony like the Polk Awards or other forms of journalistic awards would be a really good symbolic test of having to put the government in the position of having to arrest journalists who are coming back to the US to receive awards for the journalism they have done." On April 11, Greenwald and Laura Poitras accepted the Polk Award in Manhattan. Their entry into the United States was trouble-free and they traveled with an ACLU attorney and a German journalist "to document any unpleasant surprises". Accepting the award, Greenwald said he was "happy to see a table full of "Guardian" editors and journalists, whose role in this story is much more integral than the publicity generally recognizes". On April 14, the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service was awarded jointly to "The Guardian" and "The Washington Post" for revelation of widespread secret surveillance by the NSA. Greenwald, along with Laura Poitras and Ewen MacAskill, had contributed to "The Guardian"′s reporting.In 2014, Sean Wilentz in "The New Republic", commented that some of Greenwald's opinions are where both meet, the far-left and far-right. In a 2017 article in "The Independent", Brian Dean wrote: "Greenwald has been critical of Trump, but is perceived by many as someone who spends far more time criticising 'Dems' and 'liberals' (analysis of his Twitter account tends to give this impression)." Simon van Zuylen-Wood in a 2018 piece for "New York" magazine entitled "Does Glenn Greenwald Know More Than Robert Mueller?" described "a new-seeming category of Russia-skeptic firebrands sometimes called the alt-left." In February 2019, Max Boot wrote in "The Washington Post": "Indeed, it’s often hard to tell the extremists apart. Anti-vaccine activists come from both the far left and the far right — and while most of those who defend President Trump's dealings with Russia are on the right, some, such as Glenn Greenwald and Stephen F. Cohen, are on the left." In a May 2019 "Haaretz" article, Alexander Reid Ross described Tucker Carlson's and Glenn Greenwald's positions as being a "crossover between leftists and the far-right in defense of Syria's Bashar Assad, to dismiss charges of Russian interference in U.S. elections and to boost Russian geopolitics". In November 2019, Tulsi Gabbard’s lawyers sent a letter to Hillary Clinton accusing her of defamation and demanding an apology for comments Clinton had made in October. Greenwald tweeted that "It's way past time that Democrats who recklessly accuse their critics of being Kremlin assets and agents be held accountable for their slander". In response Nancy leTourneau wrote that Greenwald was "one of the far left who is defending Gabbard".In 2005, a 37-year old Greenwald left his law practice in New York and took a long vacation to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, where he met 19-year old David Miranda, an orphan who lived in a slum. Days after they met, the couple decided to move in together, and wed shortly thereafter. Miranda now serves as a Congressman with the left-wing PSOL party. The couple live in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.In 2017, Greenwald and Miranda announced that they had adopted two children, siblings, from Maceió, a city in Northeastern Brazil. Greenwald and Miranda have 24 rescue dogs. In March 2017, Greenwald announced plans to build a shelter with Miranda for stray pets in Brazil that would be staffed by homeless people. In March 2018, Greenwald tweeted videos showing the shelter operating.Greenwald and Miranda were close personal friends of Brazilian human rights advocate and politician Marielle Franco, known for criticism of police tactics and corruption, who was fatally shot by unknown assailants. A "New York Times" profile described how Greenwald's reporting on high-level Bolsonaro officials and Miranda's outspoken opposition in Congress turned them into primary targets of Bolsonaro's administration.Greenwald does not participate in any organized religion. He has said he believes in "the spiritual and mystical part of the world" and that yoga is "like a bridge into that, like a window into it." Greenwald has also been critical of the New Atheist movement, in particular, Sam Harris and others critical of Islam.Greenwald received, together with Amy Goodman, the first Izzy Award for special achievement in independent media, in 2009, and the 2010 Online Journalism Award for Best Commentary for his investigative work on the conditions of Chelsea Manning.His reporting on the National Security Agency (NSA) won numerous other awards around the world, including top investigative journalism prizes from the George Polk Award for National Security Reporting, the 2013 Online Journalism Awards, the Esso Award for Excellence in Reporting in Brazil for his articles in "O Globo" on NSA mass surveillance of Brazilians (becoming the first foreigner to win the award), the 2013 Libertad de Expresion Internacional award from Argentinian magazine "Perfil", and the 2013 Pioneer Award from the Electronic Frontier Foundation. The team that Greenwald led at "The Guardian" was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service for their reporting on the NSA. Foreign Policy Magazine then named him one of the top 100 Global Thinkers of 2013.In 2014 Greenwald received the Geschwister-Scholl-Preis, an annual German literary award, for the German edition of "No Place to Hide". Greenwald was also named the 2014 recipient of the McGill Medal for Journalistic Courage from the Grady College of Journalism and Mass Communication of the University of Georgia.
|
[
"Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz",
"Salon",
"The Guardian"
] |
|
Which employer did Glenn Greenwald work for in Dec 23, 2014?
|
December 23, 2014
|
{
"text": [
"The Intercept"
]
}
|
L2_Q5568842_P108_3
|
Glenn Greenwald works for Salon from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2012.
Glenn Greenwald works for The Guardian from Aug, 2012 to Oct, 2013.
Glenn Greenwald works for Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
Glenn Greenwald works for The Intercept from Feb, 2014 to Oct, 2020.
|
Glenn GreenwaldGlenn Edward Greenwald (born March 6, 1967) is an American journalist, author, and lawyer. In 1996, he founded his own law firm, which concentrated on First Amendment litigation. He began blogging on national security issues in October 2005, while he was becoming increasingly concerned with what he viewed to be attacks on civil liberties by the George W. Bush Administration in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks. He became a vocal critic of the Iraq War and has maintained a critical position of American foreign policy.Greenwald started contributing to "Salon" in 2007, and to "The Guardian" in 2012. In June 2013, while at "The Guardian", he began publishing a series of reports detailing previously unknown information about American and British global surveillance programs based on classified documents provided by Edward Snowden. His work contributed to "The Guardian" and "The Washington Post" winning a Pulitzer Prize, and he won the 2013 George Polk Award along with three other reporters, including Laura Poitras. In 2014, Greenwald, Poitras, and Jeremy Scahill launched "The Intercept", for which he was co-founding editor until he resigned in October 2020. Greenwald subsequently started publishing on Substack, an online newsletter-based journalism platform. Greenwald was born in New York City to Arlene and Daniel Greenwald. Greenwald's family moved to Lauderdale Lakes, Florida when he was an infant. His parents are Jewish and they and his grandparents tried to introduce him to Judaism, but he grew up without practicing an organized religion, did not have a bar mitzvah, and has said his "moral precepts aren't informed in any way by religious doctrine". Greenwald attended Nova Middle School and Nova High School in Davie, Florida. He received a BA in philosophy from George Washington University in 1990 and a JD from New York University School of Law in 1994.Greenwald practiced law in the litigation department at Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz from 1994 to 1995. In 1996, he co-founded his own litigation firm, Greenwald Christoph & Holland (later renamed Greenwald Christoph PC), where he litigated cases concerning issues of U.S. constitutional law and civil rights. He worked "pro bono" much of the time, and his cases included representing white supremacist Matthew Hale in Illinois and the neo-nazi National Alliance.About his work in First Amendment speech cases, Greenwald told "Rolling Stone" magazine in 2013, "to me, it's a heroic attribute to be so committed to a principle that you apply it not when it's easy ... not when it supports your position, not when it protects people you like, but when it defends and protects people that you hate".Later, according to Greenwald, "I decided voluntarily to wind down my practice in 2005 because I could, and because, after ten years, I was bored with litigating full-time and wanted to do other things which I thought were more engaging and could make more of an impact, including political writing."In October 2005, he began his blog "Unclaimed Territory" focusing on the investigation pertaining to the Plame affair, the CIA leak grand jury investigation, the federal indictment of Scooter Libby and the NSA warrantless surveillance (2001–07) controversy. In April 2006, the blog received the 2005 Koufax Award for "Best New Blog". According to Sean Wilentz in the "New Statesman", Greenwald "seemed to take pride in attacking Republicans and Democrats alike".In February 2007, Greenwald became a contributing writer for the "Salon" website, and the new column and blog superseded "Unclaimed Territory", although "Salon" featured hyperlinks to it in Greenwald's dedicated biographical section.Among the frequent topics of his "Salon" articles were the investigation of the 2001 anthrax attacks and the candidacy of former CIA official John O. Brennan for the jobs of either Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (D/CIA) or the next Director of National Intelligence (DNI) after the election of Barack Obama. Brennan withdrew his name from consideration for the post after opposition centered in liberal blogs and led by Greenwald.In a 2010 article for "Salon", Greenwald described U.S. Army Private Chelsea Manning as "a whistle-blower acting with the noblest of motives" and "a national hero similar to Daniel Ellsberg". In an article for "The Raw Story" published in 2011, Greenwald criticized the prison conditions in which Manning was held after her arrest by military authorities. Greenwald was described by Rachel Maddow during his period writing for "Salon" as "the American left’s most fearless political commentator."It was announced in July 2012 that Greenwald was joining the American wing of Britain's "Guardian" newspaper, to contribute a weekly column and a daily blog. Greenwald wrote on "Salon" that the move offered him "the opportunity to reach a new audience, to further internationalize my readership, and to be re-invigorated by a different environment" as reasons for the move.On June 5, 2013, Greenwald reported on the top-secret United States Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court order requiring Verizon to provide the National Security Agency with telephone metadata for all calls between the U.S. and abroad, as well as all domestic calls.On October 15, 2013, Greenwald announced, and "The Guardian" confirmed, that he was leaving the newspaper to pursue a "once-in-a-career dream journalistic opportunity that no journalist could possibly decline".Financial backing for "The Intercept" was provided by eBay founder Pierre Omidyar. Omidyar told media critic Jay Rosen that the decision was fueled by his "rising concern about press freedoms in the United States and around the world". Greenwald, along with his colleagues Laura Poitras and Jeremy Scahill, initially were working on creating a platform online to support independent journalism, when they were approached by Omidyar who was hoping to establish his own media organization. That news organization, First Look Media, launched its first online publication, "The Intercept", on February 10, 2014. Greenwald initially served as editor, alongside Poitras and Scahill. The organization is incorporated as a 501(c)(3) tax-exempt charitable entity."The Intercept" was in contact during the 2016 presidential campaign with Guccifer 2.0, who relayed some of the material about Hillary Clinton, gathered via a data breach, to Greenwald. The Grugq, a counterintelligence specialist, reported in October 2016: ""The Intercept" was both aware that the e-mails were from Guccifer 2.0, that Guccifer 2.0 has been attributed to Russian intelligence services, and that there is significant public evidence supporting this attribution."According to Simon van Zuylen-Wood writing for "New York" magazine in early 2018, Greenwald has "repositioned himself as a bomb-throwing media critic" since the Snowden revelations. By 2019, he was serving as an "Intercept" columnist without any control over the site's news reporting.On October 29, 2020, Greenwald resigned from "The Intercept", giving his reasons as political censorship and contractual breaches by the editors, who he said had prevented him from reporting on allegations concerning Joe Biden's conduct with regard to China and Ukraine and had demanded that he not publish the article in any other publication. Betsy Reed, the editor-in-chief, disputed Greenwald's accusations and claims of censorship, and accused him of presenting dubious claims by the Trump campaign as journalism. Greenwald said he would begin publishing his work on Substack, and had begun "exploring the possibility of creating a new media outlet." After resigning from "The Intercept", Greenwald published his article about Biden and his correspondence with the editors of "The Intercept" on his Substack page.Greenwald's first book, "How Would a Patriot Act? Defending American Values From a President Run Amok" was published by Working Assets in 2006. It was a "New York Times" bestseller, and ranked No. 1 on Amazon.com, both before its publication (due to orders based on attention from 'UT' readers and other bloggers) and for several days after its release, ending its first week at #293."A Tragic Legacy", his next book, examined the presidency of George W. Bush. Published in hardback by Crown (a division of Random House) on June 26, 2007, and reprinted in a paperback edition by Three Rivers Press on April 8, 2008, it was a "New York Times" Best Seller. "Great American Hypocrites: Toppling the Big Myths of Republican Politics", was also first published by Random House in April 2008. "With Liberty and Justice for Some: How the Law Is Used to Destroy Equality and Protect the Powerful", was released by Metropolitan Books in October 2011 and "No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. Surveillance State", was released in May 2014. The latter work spent six weeks on "The New York Times" Best Seller list, and was named one of the ten Best Non-Fiction Books of 2014 by "The Christian Science Monitor".Greenwald wrote the book "Securing Democracy: My Fight for Press Freedom and Justice in Brazil" as a follow up to "No Place to Hide". It will be published by Haymarket Books on 6 April 2021. It describes his publication in 2019 of leaked telephone calls, audio and text messages related to Operation Car Wash and the retaliation he received from the Bolsonaro government.Greenwald was initially contacted anonymously in late 2012 by Edward Snowden, a former contractor for the U.S. National Security Agency, who said he held "sensitive documents" that he wished to share. Greenwald found the measures that Snowden asked him to take to secure their communications too annoying to employ. Snowden then contacted documentary filmmaker Laura Poitras about a month later in January 2013.According to "The Guardian", Snowden was attracted to Greenwald and Poitras by a "Salon" article written by Greenwald detailing how Poitras' films had made her a "target of the government". Greenwald began working with Snowden in either February or in April, after Poitras asked Greenwald to meet her in New York City, at which point Snowden began providing documents to them both.As part of the global surveillance disclosure, the first of Snowden's documents were published on June 5, 2013, in "The Guardian" in an article by Greenwald. Greenwald said that Snowden's documents exposed the "scale of domestic surveillance under Obama".The series on which Greenwald worked contributed to "The Guardian" (alongside "The Washington Post") winning the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service in 2014.Greenwald's work on the Snowden story was featured in the documentary "Citizenfour", which won the 2014 Academy Award for Best Documentary Feature. Greenwald appeared on-stage with director Laura Poitras and Snowden's girlfriend, Lindsay Mills, when the Oscar was given. In the 2016 Oliver Stone feature film "Snowden", Greenwald was played by actor Zachary Quinto.In a statement delivered before the National Congress of Brazil in early August 2013, Greenwald testified that the U.S. government had used counter-terrorism as a pretext for clandestine surveillance in order to compete with other countries in the "business, industrial and economic fields".On December 18, 2013, Greenwald told the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs of the European Parliament that "most governments around the world are not only turning their backs on Edward Snowden but also on their ethical responsibilities". Speaking via a video link, Greenwald said that, "It is the UK through their interception of underwater fibre optic cables, that is a primary threat to the privacy of European citizens when it comes to their telephone and emails". In a statement given to the European Parliament, Greenwald said:On June 9, 2019, Greenwald and journalists from investigative journalism magazine "The Intercept Brasil" where he was an editor, released several messages exchanged via Telegram between members of the investigation team of Operation Car Wash. The messages implicated members of Brazil's judiciary system and of the Operação Lava-Jato taskforce, including former judge and Minister of Justice Sérgio Moro, and lead prosecutor Deltan Dallagnol, in the violation of legal and ethical procedures during the investigation, trial and arrest of former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, with the alleged objective of preventing him from running for a third term in the 2018 Brazilian general election, among other crimes. Following the leak, "Folha de São Paulo" and "Veja" confirmed the authenticity of the messages and worked in partnership with "The Intercept Brasil" to sort the remaining material in their possession before releasing it.On July 23, Brazilian Federal Police announced that they had arrested and were investigating Araraquara hacker Walter Delgatti Neto for breaking into the authorities' Telegram accounts. Neto confessed to the hack and to having given copies of the chat logs to Greenwald. Police said the attack had been accomplished by abusing Telegram's phone number verification and exploiting vulnerabilities in voicemail technology in use in Brazil by using a spoofed phone number. "The Intercept" neither confirmed nor denied Neto being their source, citing freedom of the press provisions of the 1988 Brazilian Constitution.Greenwald faced death threats and homophobic harassment from Bolsonaro supporters due to his reporting on the Telegram messages. A "New York Times" profile by Ernesto Londoño about Greenwald and his husband David Miranda, a left-wing congressman, described how the couple became targets of homophobia from Bolsonaro supporters as a result of the reporting. "The Washington Post" reported that Greenwald had been targeted with fiscal investigations by the Bolsonaro government, allegedly as retaliation for the reporting, and AP called Greenwald's reporting "the first test case for a free press" under Bolsonaro. In November 2019, Greenwald wrote in "The New York Times" that he was assaulted on air.In reporting on retaliation against Greenwald from the Bolsonaro government and its supporters, "The Guardian" said the articles published by Greenwald and "The Intercept" "have had an explosive impact on Brazilian politics and dominated headlines for weeks", adding that the exposés "appeared to show prosecutors in the sweeping Operation Car Wash corruption inquiry colluding with Sérgio Moro, the judge who became a hero in Brazil for jailing powerful businessmen, middlemen and politicians."On August 9, after President Bolsonaro threatened to imprison Greenwald for this reporting, Supreme Court justice Gilmar Mendes ruled that any investigation of Greenwald in connection with the reporting would be illegal under the Brazilian constitution, citing press freedom as a "pillar of democracy".In November 2019, Brazilian columnist Augusto Nunes physically attacked Greenwald during a joint appearance on a Brazilian radio program. Immediately prior to the attack, Nunes had argued that a family judge ought to take away Greenwald's adopted children, prompting Greenwald to call him a "coward." Two of Jair Bolsonaro's sons praised Nunes' actions, while former presidential candidate Ciro Gomes defended Greenwald.In January 2020, Greenwald was charged by Brazilian prosecutors with cybercrimes, in a move that Trevor Timm in "The Guardian" described as retaliation for his reporting. "The Canary" website described the charges as "ominously similar to the indictment of Julian Assange" and quoted Max Blumenthal and Jen Robinson as remarking on the similarity of the two sets of charges. Greenwald received support from "The New York Times" which published an editorial stating "Mr. Greenwald's articles did what a free press is supposed to do: They revealed a painful truth about those in power". The Freedom of the Press Foundation made a statement asking the Brazilian government to "halt its persecution of Greenwald". In February 2020, a federal judge dismissed the charges against Greenwald, citing a ruling from Supreme Court justice Gilmar Mendes that shielded him.In his 2006 book "How a Patriot Would Act?", Greenwald wrote that he was politically apathetic at the time of the Iraq War and accepted the Bush administration's judgement that "American security really would be enhanced by the invasion of this sovereign country". In 2013, Greenwald added that he did not have a platform or role in politics at the time of the Iraq War and that he "never once wrote in favor of the Iraq War or argued for it in any way, shape or form". Writing in "The Daily Banter", Ben Cohen said that Greenwald "can't lecture people who initially supported the Iraq war then turned against it when he did exactly the same thing".Greenwald is critical of actions jointly supported by Democrats and Republicans, writing in 2010: "The worst and most tyrannical government actions in Washington are equally supported on a fully bipartisan basis." In the preface to his first book, "How Would a Patriot Act?" (2006), Greenwald described his 'pre-political' self as neither liberal nor conservative as a whole, voting neither for George W. Bush nor for any of his rivals (indeed, not voting at all).Bush's election to the U.S. presidency "changed" Greenwald's previous uninvolved political attitude toward the electoral process "completely", and in 2006 he wrote:"Over the past five years, a creeping extremism has taken hold of our federal government, and it is threatening to radically alter our system of government and who we are as a nation. This extremism is neither conservative nor liberal in nature, but is instead driven by theories of unlimited presidential power that are wholly alien, and antithetical, to the core political values that have governed this country since its founding"; for, "the fact that this seizure of ever-expanding presidential power is largely justified through endless, rank fear-mongering—fear of terrorists, specifically—means that not only our system of government is radically changing, but so, too, are our national character, our national identity, and what it means to be American."Believing that "It is incumbent upon all Americans who believe in that system, bequeathed to us by the founders, to defend it when it is under assault and in jeopardy. And today it is", he said: "I did not arrive at these conclusions eagerly or because I was predisposed by any previous partisan viewpoint. Quite the contrary."Resistant to applying ideological labels to himself, he emphasized that he is a strong advocate for U.S. constitutional "balance of powers" and for constitutionally protected civil and political rights in his writings and public appearances.Greenwald frequently writes about the War on Drugs and criminal justice reform. He is a member of the advisory board of the Brazil chapter of Law Enforcement Action Partnership. Greenwald was also the author of a 2009 white paper published by the libertarian "Cato Institute" entitled, "Drug Decriminalization in Portugal: Lessons for Creating Fair and Successful Drug Policies", exploring the role of drug policy of Portugal.He criticized the policies of the Bush administration and those who supported it, arguing that most of the American "Corporate News Media" excused Bush's policies and echoed the administration's positions rather than asking hard questions. Greenwald accused mainstream U.S. media of "spreading patriotic state propaganda".Regarding civil liberties during the Obama presidency, he elaborated on his conception of change when he said, "I think the only means of true political change will come from people working outside of that [two-party electoral] system to undermine it, and subvert it, and weaken it, and destroy it; not try to work within it to change it." He raised money for Russ Feingold's 2010 Senate re-election bid, Bill Halter's 2010 primary challenge to Democratic Sen. Blanche Lincoln, as well as several Congressional candidates in 2012 described as "unique".According to Greenwald, the emergence of ISIS is a direct consequence of the Iraq War and NATO-led military intervention in Libya. Greenwald has been critical of U.S. and UK involvement in the Saudi Arabian-led intervention in Yemen. He wrote in October 2016: "The atrocities committed by the Saudis would have been impossible without their steadfast, aggressive support."Greenwald has criticized some of the policies of the Trump administration. He said: "I think the Trump White House lies more often. I think it lies more readily. I think it lies more blatantly."During the Trump administration Greenwald became a prominent critic of the Democratic Party, alleging a double standard in their foreign policy. He said that "Democrats didn't care when Obama hugged Saudi despots, and now they pretend to care when Trump embraces Saudi despots or Egyptian ones." Greenwald said that choosing between Trump and "whatever you want to call it. Call it the deep state, call it the national security blob, call it the CIA and the Pentagon", is like choosing between "Bashar al-Assad or al-Qaida or ISIS [in Syria] once the ordinary people of the Syrian revolution got defeated."He expressed skepticism of the James Clapper-led US intelligence community's assessment that Russia's government interfered in the 2016 presidential election. Regardless of the accuracy of the assessment, Greenwald has doubted its significance, stating "This is stuff we do to them, and have done to them for decades, and still continue to do." In December 2018, he said: "I do regard the Mueller indictment as some evidence, not conclusive, but at least some evidence finally that the Russians are involved, but that doesn’t say the extent to which Putin was involved, let alone the extent to which Trump officials are criminally implicated."Greenwald sees Democrats' rhetoric on Russia as a more serious problem, characterizing it as "unhinged". According to Greenwald, "the effect is a constant ratcheting up of tensions between two nuclear-armed powers whose nuclear systems are still on hair-trigger alert and capable of catastrophic responses based on misunderstanding and misperception." Greenwald also wrote that the "East Coast newsmagazines" are "feeding Democrats the often xenophobic, hysterical Russophobia for which they have a seemingly insatiable craving." During a July 2018 panel on "fake news" held by Russian government outlet RT in Moscow and hosted by editor-in-chief Margarita Simonyan, Greenwald argued that the Democrats' focus on Russian interference in the 2016 election is motivated by a need to rationalize Clinton's loss. He told "The New Yorker" in August 2018 "'Let’s just get along with the Russians' has been turned into something treasonous". Of Trump, he commented: "Even if he has weird dealings with Russia, I still think it’s in everybody’s interest not to teach an entire new generation of people, becoming interested in politics for the first time, that the Russians are demons." He said that both Trump and Jill Stein were being "vilified for advocating ways to reduce U.S./Russian tensions" and told "Democracy Now!" that the Putin–Trump summit in Helsinki in July 2018 was an "excellent idea" because "90 percent of the world’s nuclear weapons are in the hands of two countries—the United States and Russia—and having them speak and get along is much better than having them isolate one another and increase the risk of not just intentional conflict, but misperception and miscommunication".Susan Hennessey, an NSA lawyer at the time of Snowden's NSA revelations, told Marcy Wheeler writing for "The New Republic" in January 2018, that Greenwald was only relaying "surface commentary" rather than evidence for or against Russian interference in the 2016 election. Tamsin Shaw wrote in "The New York Review of Books" in September 2018: "Greenwald has repeatedly, in the face of overwhelming evidence to the contrary, decried as Russophobia the findings that Putin ordered interference in the 2016 US presidential election".Greenwald remained doubtful of assertions that the Trump presidential campaign worked with the Russians after the release of the letter about the Mueller's findings from attorney general William Barr in late March 2019. He called the investigation "a scam and a fraud from the beginning" in an appearance on "Democracy Now!". Greenwald told Tucker Carlson on Fox News: "Let me just say, [MSNBC] should have their top host on primetime go before the cameras and hang their head in shame and apologize for lying to people for three straight years, exploiting their fears to great profit". He said he is formally banned from appearing on MSNBC, citing confirmations from two unnamed producers for the network, for his criticisms of its coverage of Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election. MSNBC stated it has not barred Greenwald from appearing on its programs.After the release of Special Counsel Robert Mueller's report, on April 22 he wrote that the press continued to report that Trump's campaign conspired with Russia during the 2016 presidential campaign. In January 2020, Greenwald described the various assertions regarding Russian influence on American politics as "At the very best, ... wildly exaggerated hysteria and the kind of jingoistic fear-mongering that’s plagued U.S Politics since the end of WWII".Greenwald has criticized the Israeli government, including its foreign policy, influence on U.S. politics and the Israeli occupation of the West Bank. In May 2016, Greenwald condemned "The New York Times" for an alleged "cowardice" on Israel, accusing it of "journalistic malfeasance".In an exchange with Greenwald in February 2019, Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn., tweeted, "It's all about the Benjamins baby", suggesting that money rather than principle motivated US politicians' support for Israel. Omar also wrote that the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) pays US politicians to take pro-Israel stances. Many Democratic and Republican leadersincluding House Speaker Nancy Pelosicondemned the tweet, which they said perpetuated an antisemitic stereotype of Jewish money and influence fueling American politicians' support of Israel. Greenwald defended Omar, saying that "we’re not allowed to talk about ... well-organized and well-financed lobby that ensures a bipartisan consensus in support of U.S. defense of Israel, that the minute that you mention that lobby, you get attacked as being anti-Semitic, which is what happened to Congresswoman Omar."In a November 2018 "Guardian" article Luke Harding and Dan Collyns cited anonymous sources which stated that Trump's former campaign manager Paul Manafort held secret meetings with WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange inside the Ecuadorian embassy in London in 2013, 2015, and 2016. Greenwald said that if Manafort had entered the Ecuadorian consulate there would be evidence from the surrounding cameras. Greenwald, a former contributor to "The Guardian", stated that the paper "has such a pervasive and unprofessionally personal hatred for Julian Assange that it has frequently dispensed with all journalistic standards in order to malign him."Greenwald criticized the government's decision to charge Assange under the Espionage Act of 1917 for his role in the 2010 publication of the Iraq War documents leak. Greenwald wrote in "The Washington Post": "The Trump administration has undoubtedly calculated that Assange’s uniquely unpopular status across the political spectrum [in the United States] makes him the ideal test case for creating a precedent that criminalizes the defining attributes of investigative journalism."Greenwald is vegan and is known for his reporting on animal welfare. In 2019, he introduced a new video series about animal rights, factory farms, and the agriculture industry. He has worked with Wayne Hsiung and other animal rights activists from Direct Action Everywhere (DxE) to expose gruesome and filthy conditions on turkey farms owned by Norbest in Utah, and the laying of criminal charges against the activists by prosecutors in Sanpete County, Utah. He has reported on the mass culling of pigs in Iowa by means of ventilation shutdown due to falling demand, in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic. His investigations have exposed how the animal agriculture industry routinely engages in "campaigns of surveillance, reputation destruction, and other forms of retaliation against industry critics and animal rights activists" through organizations that represent the industry, such as the Animal Agriculture Alliance.In October 2018, Greenwald said that Bolsonaro was "often depicted wrongly in the Western media as being Brazil's Trump, and he's actually much closer to say Filipino President Duterte or even the Egyptian dictator General el-Sisi in terms of what he believes and what he's probably capable of carrying out."Greenwald said that Bolsonaro could be a "good partner" for President Trump "If you think that the U.S. should go back to kind of the Monroe Doctrine as [National Security Adviser] John Bolton talked openly about, and ruling Latin America, and U.S. interests".Greenwald has faced death threats and homophobic harassment from Bolsonaro supporters due to his reporting on leaked Telegram messages about Brazil's Operation Car Wash and Bolsonaro's justice minister Sérgio Moro. President Bolsonaro threatened Greenwald with possible imprisonment. The Brazilian Association of Investigative Journalism condemned Bolsonaro's threats.In January 2020, Brazilian federal prosecutors charged Greenwald with cybercrimes, alleging he was part of a "criminal organization" that hacked into the cellphones of prosecutors and other public officials in 2019. Prosecutors said he played a "clear role in facilitating the commission of a crime" by, for example, encouraging hackers to delete archives in order to cover their tracks. Greenwald, who was not detained, called the charges "an obvious attempt to attack a free press in retaliation for the revelations we reported about Minister of Justice Sérgio Moro and the Bolsonaro government." In February 2020, a federal judge dismissed the charges against Greenwald, citing a ruling from Supreme Court justice Gilmar Mendes that shielded him.In 2005, Greenwald criticized illegal immigration, saying that it would result in a "parade of evils". He has since disavowed that belief.Greenwald has been placed on numerous "top 50" and "top 25" lists of columnists in the United States. In June 2012, "Newsweek" magazine named him one of America's Top Ten Opinionists, saying that "a righteous, controlled, and razor-sharp fury runs through a great deal" of his writing, and: "His independent persuasion can make him a danger or an asset to both sides of the aisle."According to Nate Anderson, writing in "Ars Technica" around 2010 or 2011, Aaron Barr of HBGary and Team Themis planned to damage Greenwald's career in response to a potential dump of Bank of America documents by WikiLeaks, saying that "Without the support of people like Glenn WikiLeaks would fold."Josh Voorhees, writing for "Slate", reported that in 2013 congressman Peter King (R-NY) suggested Greenwald should be arrested for his reporting on the NSA PRISM program and NSA leaker Edward Snowden. Journalist Andrew Ross Sorkin said "I would arrest [Snowden] and now I'd almost arrest Glenn Greenwald", but later made an apology for his statement, which Greenwald accepted.Journalist David Gregory accused Greenwald of aiding and abetting Snowden, before asking, "Why shouldn't you, Mr. Greenwald, be charged with a crime?"In a 2013 interview with Martha Raddatz of ABC News, Greenwald said that members of Congress are not being told "the most basic information about what NSA is doing and spying on American citizens and what the FISA court has been doing in terms of declaring some of some of this illegal, some of it legal." Another participant was Rep. Dutch Ruppersberger (D-MD), who at the time was the ranking member of the United States House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence ("House Intelligence Committee"). He responded: "We have rules as far as the committee and what you can have and what you cannot have. However, based on that, that statement I just made, is that since this incident occurred with Snowden, we've had three different hearings for members of our Democratic Caucus, and the Republican Caucus ... what we're trying to do now is to get the American public to know more about what's going on." Rep. King, who was also a guest on "This Week" as a ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee, stated: "[T]o me it's unprecedented to have all of these top people from an administration during this time of crisis still come in and answer question after question after question. So anyone who says that Congress is somehow being stonewalled is just wrong and [the question] is generally, I think, raised by people who are trying to make a name for themselves."In a February 2014 interview, Greenwald said he believed he risked detention if he reentered the U.S., but insisted that he would "force the issue" on principle, and return for the "many reasons" he had to visit, including if he won a prestigious award of which he was rumoured to be the winner. Later that month, it was announced that he was, in fact, among the recipients of the 2013 Polk Awards, to be conferred April 11, 2014 in Manhattan. In a subsequent interview, Greenwald stated he would attend the ceremony, and added: "I absolutely refuse to be exiled from my own country for the crime of doing journalism and I'm going to force the issue just on principle. And I think going back for a ceremony like the Polk Awards or other forms of journalistic awards would be a really good symbolic test of having to put the government in the position of having to arrest journalists who are coming back to the US to receive awards for the journalism they have done." On April 11, Greenwald and Laura Poitras accepted the Polk Award in Manhattan. Their entry into the United States was trouble-free and they traveled with an ACLU attorney and a German journalist "to document any unpleasant surprises". Accepting the award, Greenwald said he was "happy to see a table full of "Guardian" editors and journalists, whose role in this story is much more integral than the publicity generally recognizes". On April 14, the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service was awarded jointly to "The Guardian" and "The Washington Post" for revelation of widespread secret surveillance by the NSA. Greenwald, along with Laura Poitras and Ewen MacAskill, had contributed to "The Guardian"′s reporting.In 2014, Sean Wilentz in "The New Republic", commented that some of Greenwald's opinions are where both meet, the far-left and far-right. In a 2017 article in "The Independent", Brian Dean wrote: "Greenwald has been critical of Trump, but is perceived by many as someone who spends far more time criticising 'Dems' and 'liberals' (analysis of his Twitter account tends to give this impression)." Simon van Zuylen-Wood in a 2018 piece for "New York" magazine entitled "Does Glenn Greenwald Know More Than Robert Mueller?" described "a new-seeming category of Russia-skeptic firebrands sometimes called the alt-left." In February 2019, Max Boot wrote in "The Washington Post": "Indeed, it’s often hard to tell the extremists apart. Anti-vaccine activists come from both the far left and the far right — and while most of those who defend President Trump's dealings with Russia are on the right, some, such as Glenn Greenwald and Stephen F. Cohen, are on the left." In a May 2019 "Haaretz" article, Alexander Reid Ross described Tucker Carlson's and Glenn Greenwald's positions as being a "crossover between leftists and the far-right in defense of Syria's Bashar Assad, to dismiss charges of Russian interference in U.S. elections and to boost Russian geopolitics". In November 2019, Tulsi Gabbard’s lawyers sent a letter to Hillary Clinton accusing her of defamation and demanding an apology for comments Clinton had made in October. Greenwald tweeted that "It's way past time that Democrats who recklessly accuse their critics of being Kremlin assets and agents be held accountable for their slander". In response Nancy leTourneau wrote that Greenwald was "one of the far left who is defending Gabbard".In 2005, a 37-year old Greenwald left his law practice in New York and took a long vacation to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, where he met 19-year old David Miranda, an orphan who lived in a slum. Days after they met, the couple decided to move in together, and wed shortly thereafter. Miranda now serves as a Congressman with the left-wing PSOL party. The couple live in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.In 2017, Greenwald and Miranda announced that they had adopted two children, siblings, from Maceió, a city in Northeastern Brazil. Greenwald and Miranda have 24 rescue dogs. In March 2017, Greenwald announced plans to build a shelter with Miranda for stray pets in Brazil that would be staffed by homeless people. In March 2018, Greenwald tweeted videos showing the shelter operating.Greenwald and Miranda were close personal friends of Brazilian human rights advocate and politician Marielle Franco, known for criticism of police tactics and corruption, who was fatally shot by unknown assailants. A "New York Times" profile described how Greenwald's reporting on high-level Bolsonaro officials and Miranda's outspoken opposition in Congress turned them into primary targets of Bolsonaro's administration.Greenwald does not participate in any organized religion. He has said he believes in "the spiritual and mystical part of the world" and that yoga is "like a bridge into that, like a window into it." Greenwald has also been critical of the New Atheist movement, in particular, Sam Harris and others critical of Islam.Greenwald received, together with Amy Goodman, the first Izzy Award for special achievement in independent media, in 2009, and the 2010 Online Journalism Award for Best Commentary for his investigative work on the conditions of Chelsea Manning.His reporting on the National Security Agency (NSA) won numerous other awards around the world, including top investigative journalism prizes from the George Polk Award for National Security Reporting, the 2013 Online Journalism Awards, the Esso Award for Excellence in Reporting in Brazil for his articles in "O Globo" on NSA mass surveillance of Brazilians (becoming the first foreigner to win the award), the 2013 Libertad de Expresion Internacional award from Argentinian magazine "Perfil", and the 2013 Pioneer Award from the Electronic Frontier Foundation. The team that Greenwald led at "The Guardian" was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service for their reporting on the NSA. Foreign Policy Magazine then named him one of the top 100 Global Thinkers of 2013.In 2014 Greenwald received the Geschwister-Scholl-Preis, an annual German literary award, for the German edition of "No Place to Hide". Greenwald was also named the 2014 recipient of the McGill Medal for Journalistic Courage from the Grady College of Journalism and Mass Communication of the University of Georgia.
|
[
"Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz",
"Salon",
"The Guardian"
] |
|
Which employer did Glenn Greenwald work for in 12/23/2014?
|
December 23, 2014
|
{
"text": [
"The Intercept"
]
}
|
L2_Q5568842_P108_3
|
Glenn Greenwald works for Salon from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2012.
Glenn Greenwald works for The Guardian from Aug, 2012 to Oct, 2013.
Glenn Greenwald works for Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
Glenn Greenwald works for The Intercept from Feb, 2014 to Oct, 2020.
|
Glenn GreenwaldGlenn Edward Greenwald (born March 6, 1967) is an American journalist, author, and lawyer. In 1996, he founded his own law firm, which concentrated on First Amendment litigation. He began blogging on national security issues in October 2005, while he was becoming increasingly concerned with what he viewed to be attacks on civil liberties by the George W. Bush Administration in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks. He became a vocal critic of the Iraq War and has maintained a critical position of American foreign policy.Greenwald started contributing to "Salon" in 2007, and to "The Guardian" in 2012. In June 2013, while at "The Guardian", he began publishing a series of reports detailing previously unknown information about American and British global surveillance programs based on classified documents provided by Edward Snowden. His work contributed to "The Guardian" and "The Washington Post" winning a Pulitzer Prize, and he won the 2013 George Polk Award along with three other reporters, including Laura Poitras. In 2014, Greenwald, Poitras, and Jeremy Scahill launched "The Intercept", for which he was co-founding editor until he resigned in October 2020. Greenwald subsequently started publishing on Substack, an online newsletter-based journalism platform. Greenwald was born in New York City to Arlene and Daniel Greenwald. Greenwald's family moved to Lauderdale Lakes, Florida when he was an infant. His parents are Jewish and they and his grandparents tried to introduce him to Judaism, but he grew up without practicing an organized religion, did not have a bar mitzvah, and has said his "moral precepts aren't informed in any way by religious doctrine". Greenwald attended Nova Middle School and Nova High School in Davie, Florida. He received a BA in philosophy from George Washington University in 1990 and a JD from New York University School of Law in 1994.Greenwald practiced law in the litigation department at Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz from 1994 to 1995. In 1996, he co-founded his own litigation firm, Greenwald Christoph & Holland (later renamed Greenwald Christoph PC), where he litigated cases concerning issues of U.S. constitutional law and civil rights. He worked "pro bono" much of the time, and his cases included representing white supremacist Matthew Hale in Illinois and the neo-nazi National Alliance.About his work in First Amendment speech cases, Greenwald told "Rolling Stone" magazine in 2013, "to me, it's a heroic attribute to be so committed to a principle that you apply it not when it's easy ... not when it supports your position, not when it protects people you like, but when it defends and protects people that you hate".Later, according to Greenwald, "I decided voluntarily to wind down my practice in 2005 because I could, and because, after ten years, I was bored with litigating full-time and wanted to do other things which I thought were more engaging and could make more of an impact, including political writing."In October 2005, he began his blog "Unclaimed Territory" focusing on the investigation pertaining to the Plame affair, the CIA leak grand jury investigation, the federal indictment of Scooter Libby and the NSA warrantless surveillance (2001–07) controversy. In April 2006, the blog received the 2005 Koufax Award for "Best New Blog". According to Sean Wilentz in the "New Statesman", Greenwald "seemed to take pride in attacking Republicans and Democrats alike".In February 2007, Greenwald became a contributing writer for the "Salon" website, and the new column and blog superseded "Unclaimed Territory", although "Salon" featured hyperlinks to it in Greenwald's dedicated biographical section.Among the frequent topics of his "Salon" articles were the investigation of the 2001 anthrax attacks and the candidacy of former CIA official John O. Brennan for the jobs of either Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (D/CIA) or the next Director of National Intelligence (DNI) after the election of Barack Obama. Brennan withdrew his name from consideration for the post after opposition centered in liberal blogs and led by Greenwald.In a 2010 article for "Salon", Greenwald described U.S. Army Private Chelsea Manning as "a whistle-blower acting with the noblest of motives" and "a national hero similar to Daniel Ellsberg". In an article for "The Raw Story" published in 2011, Greenwald criticized the prison conditions in which Manning was held after her arrest by military authorities. Greenwald was described by Rachel Maddow during his period writing for "Salon" as "the American left’s most fearless political commentator."It was announced in July 2012 that Greenwald was joining the American wing of Britain's "Guardian" newspaper, to contribute a weekly column and a daily blog. Greenwald wrote on "Salon" that the move offered him "the opportunity to reach a new audience, to further internationalize my readership, and to be re-invigorated by a different environment" as reasons for the move.On June 5, 2013, Greenwald reported on the top-secret United States Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court order requiring Verizon to provide the National Security Agency with telephone metadata for all calls between the U.S. and abroad, as well as all domestic calls.On October 15, 2013, Greenwald announced, and "The Guardian" confirmed, that he was leaving the newspaper to pursue a "once-in-a-career dream journalistic opportunity that no journalist could possibly decline".Financial backing for "The Intercept" was provided by eBay founder Pierre Omidyar. Omidyar told media critic Jay Rosen that the decision was fueled by his "rising concern about press freedoms in the United States and around the world". Greenwald, along with his colleagues Laura Poitras and Jeremy Scahill, initially were working on creating a platform online to support independent journalism, when they were approached by Omidyar who was hoping to establish his own media organization. That news organization, First Look Media, launched its first online publication, "The Intercept", on February 10, 2014. Greenwald initially served as editor, alongside Poitras and Scahill. The organization is incorporated as a 501(c)(3) tax-exempt charitable entity."The Intercept" was in contact during the 2016 presidential campaign with Guccifer 2.0, who relayed some of the material about Hillary Clinton, gathered via a data breach, to Greenwald. The Grugq, a counterintelligence specialist, reported in October 2016: ""The Intercept" was both aware that the e-mails were from Guccifer 2.0, that Guccifer 2.0 has been attributed to Russian intelligence services, and that there is significant public evidence supporting this attribution."According to Simon van Zuylen-Wood writing for "New York" magazine in early 2018, Greenwald has "repositioned himself as a bomb-throwing media critic" since the Snowden revelations. By 2019, he was serving as an "Intercept" columnist without any control over the site's news reporting.On October 29, 2020, Greenwald resigned from "The Intercept", giving his reasons as political censorship and contractual breaches by the editors, who he said had prevented him from reporting on allegations concerning Joe Biden's conduct with regard to China and Ukraine and had demanded that he not publish the article in any other publication. Betsy Reed, the editor-in-chief, disputed Greenwald's accusations and claims of censorship, and accused him of presenting dubious claims by the Trump campaign as journalism. Greenwald said he would begin publishing his work on Substack, and had begun "exploring the possibility of creating a new media outlet." After resigning from "The Intercept", Greenwald published his article about Biden and his correspondence with the editors of "The Intercept" on his Substack page.Greenwald's first book, "How Would a Patriot Act? Defending American Values From a President Run Amok" was published by Working Assets in 2006. It was a "New York Times" bestseller, and ranked No. 1 on Amazon.com, both before its publication (due to orders based on attention from 'UT' readers and other bloggers) and for several days after its release, ending its first week at #293."A Tragic Legacy", his next book, examined the presidency of George W. Bush. Published in hardback by Crown (a division of Random House) on June 26, 2007, and reprinted in a paperback edition by Three Rivers Press on April 8, 2008, it was a "New York Times" Best Seller. "Great American Hypocrites: Toppling the Big Myths of Republican Politics", was also first published by Random House in April 2008. "With Liberty and Justice for Some: How the Law Is Used to Destroy Equality and Protect the Powerful", was released by Metropolitan Books in October 2011 and "No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. Surveillance State", was released in May 2014. The latter work spent six weeks on "The New York Times" Best Seller list, and was named one of the ten Best Non-Fiction Books of 2014 by "The Christian Science Monitor".Greenwald wrote the book "Securing Democracy: My Fight for Press Freedom and Justice in Brazil" as a follow up to "No Place to Hide". It will be published by Haymarket Books on 6 April 2021. It describes his publication in 2019 of leaked telephone calls, audio and text messages related to Operation Car Wash and the retaliation he received from the Bolsonaro government.Greenwald was initially contacted anonymously in late 2012 by Edward Snowden, a former contractor for the U.S. National Security Agency, who said he held "sensitive documents" that he wished to share. Greenwald found the measures that Snowden asked him to take to secure their communications too annoying to employ. Snowden then contacted documentary filmmaker Laura Poitras about a month later in January 2013.According to "The Guardian", Snowden was attracted to Greenwald and Poitras by a "Salon" article written by Greenwald detailing how Poitras' films had made her a "target of the government". Greenwald began working with Snowden in either February or in April, after Poitras asked Greenwald to meet her in New York City, at which point Snowden began providing documents to them both.As part of the global surveillance disclosure, the first of Snowden's documents were published on June 5, 2013, in "The Guardian" in an article by Greenwald. Greenwald said that Snowden's documents exposed the "scale of domestic surveillance under Obama".The series on which Greenwald worked contributed to "The Guardian" (alongside "The Washington Post") winning the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service in 2014.Greenwald's work on the Snowden story was featured in the documentary "Citizenfour", which won the 2014 Academy Award for Best Documentary Feature. Greenwald appeared on-stage with director Laura Poitras and Snowden's girlfriend, Lindsay Mills, when the Oscar was given. In the 2016 Oliver Stone feature film "Snowden", Greenwald was played by actor Zachary Quinto.In a statement delivered before the National Congress of Brazil in early August 2013, Greenwald testified that the U.S. government had used counter-terrorism as a pretext for clandestine surveillance in order to compete with other countries in the "business, industrial and economic fields".On December 18, 2013, Greenwald told the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs of the European Parliament that "most governments around the world are not only turning their backs on Edward Snowden but also on their ethical responsibilities". Speaking via a video link, Greenwald said that, "It is the UK through their interception of underwater fibre optic cables, that is a primary threat to the privacy of European citizens when it comes to their telephone and emails". In a statement given to the European Parliament, Greenwald said:On June 9, 2019, Greenwald and journalists from investigative journalism magazine "The Intercept Brasil" where he was an editor, released several messages exchanged via Telegram between members of the investigation team of Operation Car Wash. The messages implicated members of Brazil's judiciary system and of the Operação Lava-Jato taskforce, including former judge and Minister of Justice Sérgio Moro, and lead prosecutor Deltan Dallagnol, in the violation of legal and ethical procedures during the investigation, trial and arrest of former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, with the alleged objective of preventing him from running for a third term in the 2018 Brazilian general election, among other crimes. Following the leak, "Folha de São Paulo" and "Veja" confirmed the authenticity of the messages and worked in partnership with "The Intercept Brasil" to sort the remaining material in their possession before releasing it.On July 23, Brazilian Federal Police announced that they had arrested and were investigating Araraquara hacker Walter Delgatti Neto for breaking into the authorities' Telegram accounts. Neto confessed to the hack and to having given copies of the chat logs to Greenwald. Police said the attack had been accomplished by abusing Telegram's phone number verification and exploiting vulnerabilities in voicemail technology in use in Brazil by using a spoofed phone number. "The Intercept" neither confirmed nor denied Neto being their source, citing freedom of the press provisions of the 1988 Brazilian Constitution.Greenwald faced death threats and homophobic harassment from Bolsonaro supporters due to his reporting on the Telegram messages. A "New York Times" profile by Ernesto Londoño about Greenwald and his husband David Miranda, a left-wing congressman, described how the couple became targets of homophobia from Bolsonaro supporters as a result of the reporting. "The Washington Post" reported that Greenwald had been targeted with fiscal investigations by the Bolsonaro government, allegedly as retaliation for the reporting, and AP called Greenwald's reporting "the first test case for a free press" under Bolsonaro. In November 2019, Greenwald wrote in "The New York Times" that he was assaulted on air.In reporting on retaliation against Greenwald from the Bolsonaro government and its supporters, "The Guardian" said the articles published by Greenwald and "The Intercept" "have had an explosive impact on Brazilian politics and dominated headlines for weeks", adding that the exposés "appeared to show prosecutors in the sweeping Operation Car Wash corruption inquiry colluding with Sérgio Moro, the judge who became a hero in Brazil for jailing powerful businessmen, middlemen and politicians."On August 9, after President Bolsonaro threatened to imprison Greenwald for this reporting, Supreme Court justice Gilmar Mendes ruled that any investigation of Greenwald in connection with the reporting would be illegal under the Brazilian constitution, citing press freedom as a "pillar of democracy".In November 2019, Brazilian columnist Augusto Nunes physically attacked Greenwald during a joint appearance on a Brazilian radio program. Immediately prior to the attack, Nunes had argued that a family judge ought to take away Greenwald's adopted children, prompting Greenwald to call him a "coward." Two of Jair Bolsonaro's sons praised Nunes' actions, while former presidential candidate Ciro Gomes defended Greenwald.In January 2020, Greenwald was charged by Brazilian prosecutors with cybercrimes, in a move that Trevor Timm in "The Guardian" described as retaliation for his reporting. "The Canary" website described the charges as "ominously similar to the indictment of Julian Assange" and quoted Max Blumenthal and Jen Robinson as remarking on the similarity of the two sets of charges. Greenwald received support from "The New York Times" which published an editorial stating "Mr. Greenwald's articles did what a free press is supposed to do: They revealed a painful truth about those in power". The Freedom of the Press Foundation made a statement asking the Brazilian government to "halt its persecution of Greenwald". In February 2020, a federal judge dismissed the charges against Greenwald, citing a ruling from Supreme Court justice Gilmar Mendes that shielded him.In his 2006 book "How a Patriot Would Act?", Greenwald wrote that he was politically apathetic at the time of the Iraq War and accepted the Bush administration's judgement that "American security really would be enhanced by the invasion of this sovereign country". In 2013, Greenwald added that he did not have a platform or role in politics at the time of the Iraq War and that he "never once wrote in favor of the Iraq War or argued for it in any way, shape or form". Writing in "The Daily Banter", Ben Cohen said that Greenwald "can't lecture people who initially supported the Iraq war then turned against it when he did exactly the same thing".Greenwald is critical of actions jointly supported by Democrats and Republicans, writing in 2010: "The worst and most tyrannical government actions in Washington are equally supported on a fully bipartisan basis." In the preface to his first book, "How Would a Patriot Act?" (2006), Greenwald described his 'pre-political' self as neither liberal nor conservative as a whole, voting neither for George W. Bush nor for any of his rivals (indeed, not voting at all).Bush's election to the U.S. presidency "changed" Greenwald's previous uninvolved political attitude toward the electoral process "completely", and in 2006 he wrote:"Over the past five years, a creeping extremism has taken hold of our federal government, and it is threatening to radically alter our system of government and who we are as a nation. This extremism is neither conservative nor liberal in nature, but is instead driven by theories of unlimited presidential power that are wholly alien, and antithetical, to the core political values that have governed this country since its founding"; for, "the fact that this seizure of ever-expanding presidential power is largely justified through endless, rank fear-mongering—fear of terrorists, specifically—means that not only our system of government is radically changing, but so, too, are our national character, our national identity, and what it means to be American."Believing that "It is incumbent upon all Americans who believe in that system, bequeathed to us by the founders, to defend it when it is under assault and in jeopardy. And today it is", he said: "I did not arrive at these conclusions eagerly or because I was predisposed by any previous partisan viewpoint. Quite the contrary."Resistant to applying ideological labels to himself, he emphasized that he is a strong advocate for U.S. constitutional "balance of powers" and for constitutionally protected civil and political rights in his writings and public appearances.Greenwald frequently writes about the War on Drugs and criminal justice reform. He is a member of the advisory board of the Brazil chapter of Law Enforcement Action Partnership. Greenwald was also the author of a 2009 white paper published by the libertarian "Cato Institute" entitled, "Drug Decriminalization in Portugal: Lessons for Creating Fair and Successful Drug Policies", exploring the role of drug policy of Portugal.He criticized the policies of the Bush administration and those who supported it, arguing that most of the American "Corporate News Media" excused Bush's policies and echoed the administration's positions rather than asking hard questions. Greenwald accused mainstream U.S. media of "spreading patriotic state propaganda".Regarding civil liberties during the Obama presidency, he elaborated on his conception of change when he said, "I think the only means of true political change will come from people working outside of that [two-party electoral] system to undermine it, and subvert it, and weaken it, and destroy it; not try to work within it to change it." He raised money for Russ Feingold's 2010 Senate re-election bid, Bill Halter's 2010 primary challenge to Democratic Sen. Blanche Lincoln, as well as several Congressional candidates in 2012 described as "unique".According to Greenwald, the emergence of ISIS is a direct consequence of the Iraq War and NATO-led military intervention in Libya. Greenwald has been critical of U.S. and UK involvement in the Saudi Arabian-led intervention in Yemen. He wrote in October 2016: "The atrocities committed by the Saudis would have been impossible without their steadfast, aggressive support."Greenwald has criticized some of the policies of the Trump administration. He said: "I think the Trump White House lies more often. I think it lies more readily. I think it lies more blatantly."During the Trump administration Greenwald became a prominent critic of the Democratic Party, alleging a double standard in their foreign policy. He said that "Democrats didn't care when Obama hugged Saudi despots, and now they pretend to care when Trump embraces Saudi despots or Egyptian ones." Greenwald said that choosing between Trump and "whatever you want to call it. Call it the deep state, call it the national security blob, call it the CIA and the Pentagon", is like choosing between "Bashar al-Assad or al-Qaida or ISIS [in Syria] once the ordinary people of the Syrian revolution got defeated."He expressed skepticism of the James Clapper-led US intelligence community's assessment that Russia's government interfered in the 2016 presidential election. Regardless of the accuracy of the assessment, Greenwald has doubted its significance, stating "This is stuff we do to them, and have done to them for decades, and still continue to do." In December 2018, he said: "I do regard the Mueller indictment as some evidence, not conclusive, but at least some evidence finally that the Russians are involved, but that doesn’t say the extent to which Putin was involved, let alone the extent to which Trump officials are criminally implicated."Greenwald sees Democrats' rhetoric on Russia as a more serious problem, characterizing it as "unhinged". According to Greenwald, "the effect is a constant ratcheting up of tensions between two nuclear-armed powers whose nuclear systems are still on hair-trigger alert and capable of catastrophic responses based on misunderstanding and misperception." Greenwald also wrote that the "East Coast newsmagazines" are "feeding Democrats the often xenophobic, hysterical Russophobia for which they have a seemingly insatiable craving." During a July 2018 panel on "fake news" held by Russian government outlet RT in Moscow and hosted by editor-in-chief Margarita Simonyan, Greenwald argued that the Democrats' focus on Russian interference in the 2016 election is motivated by a need to rationalize Clinton's loss. He told "The New Yorker" in August 2018 "'Let’s just get along with the Russians' has been turned into something treasonous". Of Trump, he commented: "Even if he has weird dealings with Russia, I still think it’s in everybody’s interest not to teach an entire new generation of people, becoming interested in politics for the first time, that the Russians are demons." He said that both Trump and Jill Stein were being "vilified for advocating ways to reduce U.S./Russian tensions" and told "Democracy Now!" that the Putin–Trump summit in Helsinki in July 2018 was an "excellent idea" because "90 percent of the world’s nuclear weapons are in the hands of two countries—the United States and Russia—and having them speak and get along is much better than having them isolate one another and increase the risk of not just intentional conflict, but misperception and miscommunication".Susan Hennessey, an NSA lawyer at the time of Snowden's NSA revelations, told Marcy Wheeler writing for "The New Republic" in January 2018, that Greenwald was only relaying "surface commentary" rather than evidence for or against Russian interference in the 2016 election. Tamsin Shaw wrote in "The New York Review of Books" in September 2018: "Greenwald has repeatedly, in the face of overwhelming evidence to the contrary, decried as Russophobia the findings that Putin ordered interference in the 2016 US presidential election".Greenwald remained doubtful of assertions that the Trump presidential campaign worked with the Russians after the release of the letter about the Mueller's findings from attorney general William Barr in late March 2019. He called the investigation "a scam and a fraud from the beginning" in an appearance on "Democracy Now!". Greenwald told Tucker Carlson on Fox News: "Let me just say, [MSNBC] should have their top host on primetime go before the cameras and hang their head in shame and apologize for lying to people for three straight years, exploiting their fears to great profit". He said he is formally banned from appearing on MSNBC, citing confirmations from two unnamed producers for the network, for his criticisms of its coverage of Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election. MSNBC stated it has not barred Greenwald from appearing on its programs.After the release of Special Counsel Robert Mueller's report, on April 22 he wrote that the press continued to report that Trump's campaign conspired with Russia during the 2016 presidential campaign. In January 2020, Greenwald described the various assertions regarding Russian influence on American politics as "At the very best, ... wildly exaggerated hysteria and the kind of jingoistic fear-mongering that’s plagued U.S Politics since the end of WWII".Greenwald has criticized the Israeli government, including its foreign policy, influence on U.S. politics and the Israeli occupation of the West Bank. In May 2016, Greenwald condemned "The New York Times" for an alleged "cowardice" on Israel, accusing it of "journalistic malfeasance".In an exchange with Greenwald in February 2019, Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn., tweeted, "It's all about the Benjamins baby", suggesting that money rather than principle motivated US politicians' support for Israel. Omar also wrote that the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) pays US politicians to take pro-Israel stances. Many Democratic and Republican leadersincluding House Speaker Nancy Pelosicondemned the tweet, which they said perpetuated an antisemitic stereotype of Jewish money and influence fueling American politicians' support of Israel. Greenwald defended Omar, saying that "we’re not allowed to talk about ... well-organized and well-financed lobby that ensures a bipartisan consensus in support of U.S. defense of Israel, that the minute that you mention that lobby, you get attacked as being anti-Semitic, which is what happened to Congresswoman Omar."In a November 2018 "Guardian" article Luke Harding and Dan Collyns cited anonymous sources which stated that Trump's former campaign manager Paul Manafort held secret meetings with WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange inside the Ecuadorian embassy in London in 2013, 2015, and 2016. Greenwald said that if Manafort had entered the Ecuadorian consulate there would be evidence from the surrounding cameras. Greenwald, a former contributor to "The Guardian", stated that the paper "has such a pervasive and unprofessionally personal hatred for Julian Assange that it has frequently dispensed with all journalistic standards in order to malign him."Greenwald criticized the government's decision to charge Assange under the Espionage Act of 1917 for his role in the 2010 publication of the Iraq War documents leak. Greenwald wrote in "The Washington Post": "The Trump administration has undoubtedly calculated that Assange’s uniquely unpopular status across the political spectrum [in the United States] makes him the ideal test case for creating a precedent that criminalizes the defining attributes of investigative journalism."Greenwald is vegan and is known for his reporting on animal welfare. In 2019, he introduced a new video series about animal rights, factory farms, and the agriculture industry. He has worked with Wayne Hsiung and other animal rights activists from Direct Action Everywhere (DxE) to expose gruesome and filthy conditions on turkey farms owned by Norbest in Utah, and the laying of criminal charges against the activists by prosecutors in Sanpete County, Utah. He has reported on the mass culling of pigs in Iowa by means of ventilation shutdown due to falling demand, in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic. His investigations have exposed how the animal agriculture industry routinely engages in "campaigns of surveillance, reputation destruction, and other forms of retaliation against industry critics and animal rights activists" through organizations that represent the industry, such as the Animal Agriculture Alliance.In October 2018, Greenwald said that Bolsonaro was "often depicted wrongly in the Western media as being Brazil's Trump, and he's actually much closer to say Filipino President Duterte or even the Egyptian dictator General el-Sisi in terms of what he believes and what he's probably capable of carrying out."Greenwald said that Bolsonaro could be a "good partner" for President Trump "If you think that the U.S. should go back to kind of the Monroe Doctrine as [National Security Adviser] John Bolton talked openly about, and ruling Latin America, and U.S. interests".Greenwald has faced death threats and homophobic harassment from Bolsonaro supporters due to his reporting on leaked Telegram messages about Brazil's Operation Car Wash and Bolsonaro's justice minister Sérgio Moro. President Bolsonaro threatened Greenwald with possible imprisonment. The Brazilian Association of Investigative Journalism condemned Bolsonaro's threats.In January 2020, Brazilian federal prosecutors charged Greenwald with cybercrimes, alleging he was part of a "criminal organization" that hacked into the cellphones of prosecutors and other public officials in 2019. Prosecutors said he played a "clear role in facilitating the commission of a crime" by, for example, encouraging hackers to delete archives in order to cover their tracks. Greenwald, who was not detained, called the charges "an obvious attempt to attack a free press in retaliation for the revelations we reported about Minister of Justice Sérgio Moro and the Bolsonaro government." In February 2020, a federal judge dismissed the charges against Greenwald, citing a ruling from Supreme Court justice Gilmar Mendes that shielded him.In 2005, Greenwald criticized illegal immigration, saying that it would result in a "parade of evils". He has since disavowed that belief.Greenwald has been placed on numerous "top 50" and "top 25" lists of columnists in the United States. In June 2012, "Newsweek" magazine named him one of America's Top Ten Opinionists, saying that "a righteous, controlled, and razor-sharp fury runs through a great deal" of his writing, and: "His independent persuasion can make him a danger or an asset to both sides of the aisle."According to Nate Anderson, writing in "Ars Technica" around 2010 or 2011, Aaron Barr of HBGary and Team Themis planned to damage Greenwald's career in response to a potential dump of Bank of America documents by WikiLeaks, saying that "Without the support of people like Glenn WikiLeaks would fold."Josh Voorhees, writing for "Slate", reported that in 2013 congressman Peter King (R-NY) suggested Greenwald should be arrested for his reporting on the NSA PRISM program and NSA leaker Edward Snowden. Journalist Andrew Ross Sorkin said "I would arrest [Snowden] and now I'd almost arrest Glenn Greenwald", but later made an apology for his statement, which Greenwald accepted.Journalist David Gregory accused Greenwald of aiding and abetting Snowden, before asking, "Why shouldn't you, Mr. Greenwald, be charged with a crime?"In a 2013 interview with Martha Raddatz of ABC News, Greenwald said that members of Congress are not being told "the most basic information about what NSA is doing and spying on American citizens and what the FISA court has been doing in terms of declaring some of some of this illegal, some of it legal." Another participant was Rep. Dutch Ruppersberger (D-MD), who at the time was the ranking member of the United States House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence ("House Intelligence Committee"). He responded: "We have rules as far as the committee and what you can have and what you cannot have. However, based on that, that statement I just made, is that since this incident occurred with Snowden, we've had three different hearings for members of our Democratic Caucus, and the Republican Caucus ... what we're trying to do now is to get the American public to know more about what's going on." Rep. King, who was also a guest on "This Week" as a ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee, stated: "[T]o me it's unprecedented to have all of these top people from an administration during this time of crisis still come in and answer question after question after question. So anyone who says that Congress is somehow being stonewalled is just wrong and [the question] is generally, I think, raised by people who are trying to make a name for themselves."In a February 2014 interview, Greenwald said he believed he risked detention if he reentered the U.S., but insisted that he would "force the issue" on principle, and return for the "many reasons" he had to visit, including if he won a prestigious award of which he was rumoured to be the winner. Later that month, it was announced that he was, in fact, among the recipients of the 2013 Polk Awards, to be conferred April 11, 2014 in Manhattan. In a subsequent interview, Greenwald stated he would attend the ceremony, and added: "I absolutely refuse to be exiled from my own country for the crime of doing journalism and I'm going to force the issue just on principle. And I think going back for a ceremony like the Polk Awards or other forms of journalistic awards would be a really good symbolic test of having to put the government in the position of having to arrest journalists who are coming back to the US to receive awards for the journalism they have done." On April 11, Greenwald and Laura Poitras accepted the Polk Award in Manhattan. Their entry into the United States was trouble-free and they traveled with an ACLU attorney and a German journalist "to document any unpleasant surprises". Accepting the award, Greenwald said he was "happy to see a table full of "Guardian" editors and journalists, whose role in this story is much more integral than the publicity generally recognizes". On April 14, the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service was awarded jointly to "The Guardian" and "The Washington Post" for revelation of widespread secret surveillance by the NSA. Greenwald, along with Laura Poitras and Ewen MacAskill, had contributed to "The Guardian"′s reporting.In 2014, Sean Wilentz in "The New Republic", commented that some of Greenwald's opinions are where both meet, the far-left and far-right. In a 2017 article in "The Independent", Brian Dean wrote: "Greenwald has been critical of Trump, but is perceived by many as someone who spends far more time criticising 'Dems' and 'liberals' (analysis of his Twitter account tends to give this impression)." Simon van Zuylen-Wood in a 2018 piece for "New York" magazine entitled "Does Glenn Greenwald Know More Than Robert Mueller?" described "a new-seeming category of Russia-skeptic firebrands sometimes called the alt-left." In February 2019, Max Boot wrote in "The Washington Post": "Indeed, it’s often hard to tell the extremists apart. Anti-vaccine activists come from both the far left and the far right — and while most of those who defend President Trump's dealings with Russia are on the right, some, such as Glenn Greenwald and Stephen F. Cohen, are on the left." In a May 2019 "Haaretz" article, Alexander Reid Ross described Tucker Carlson's and Glenn Greenwald's positions as being a "crossover between leftists and the far-right in defense of Syria's Bashar Assad, to dismiss charges of Russian interference in U.S. elections and to boost Russian geopolitics". In November 2019, Tulsi Gabbard’s lawyers sent a letter to Hillary Clinton accusing her of defamation and demanding an apology for comments Clinton had made in October. Greenwald tweeted that "It's way past time that Democrats who recklessly accuse their critics of being Kremlin assets and agents be held accountable for their slander". In response Nancy leTourneau wrote that Greenwald was "one of the far left who is defending Gabbard".In 2005, a 37-year old Greenwald left his law practice in New York and took a long vacation to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, where he met 19-year old David Miranda, an orphan who lived in a slum. Days after they met, the couple decided to move in together, and wed shortly thereafter. Miranda now serves as a Congressman with the left-wing PSOL party. The couple live in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.In 2017, Greenwald and Miranda announced that they had adopted two children, siblings, from Maceió, a city in Northeastern Brazil. Greenwald and Miranda have 24 rescue dogs. In March 2017, Greenwald announced plans to build a shelter with Miranda for stray pets in Brazil that would be staffed by homeless people. In March 2018, Greenwald tweeted videos showing the shelter operating.Greenwald and Miranda were close personal friends of Brazilian human rights advocate and politician Marielle Franco, known for criticism of police tactics and corruption, who was fatally shot by unknown assailants. A "New York Times" profile described how Greenwald's reporting on high-level Bolsonaro officials and Miranda's outspoken opposition in Congress turned them into primary targets of Bolsonaro's administration.Greenwald does not participate in any organized religion. He has said he believes in "the spiritual and mystical part of the world" and that yoga is "like a bridge into that, like a window into it." Greenwald has also been critical of the New Atheist movement, in particular, Sam Harris and others critical of Islam.Greenwald received, together with Amy Goodman, the first Izzy Award for special achievement in independent media, in 2009, and the 2010 Online Journalism Award for Best Commentary for his investigative work on the conditions of Chelsea Manning.His reporting on the National Security Agency (NSA) won numerous other awards around the world, including top investigative journalism prizes from the George Polk Award for National Security Reporting, the 2013 Online Journalism Awards, the Esso Award for Excellence in Reporting in Brazil for his articles in "O Globo" on NSA mass surveillance of Brazilians (becoming the first foreigner to win the award), the 2013 Libertad de Expresion Internacional award from Argentinian magazine "Perfil", and the 2013 Pioneer Award from the Electronic Frontier Foundation. The team that Greenwald led at "The Guardian" was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service for their reporting on the NSA. Foreign Policy Magazine then named him one of the top 100 Global Thinkers of 2013.In 2014 Greenwald received the Geschwister-Scholl-Preis, an annual German literary award, for the German edition of "No Place to Hide". Greenwald was also named the 2014 recipient of the McGill Medal for Journalistic Courage from the Grady College of Journalism and Mass Communication of the University of Georgia.
|
[
"Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz",
"Salon",
"The Guardian"
] |
|
Which employer did Glenn Greenwald work for in 23-Dec-201423-December-2014?
|
December 23, 2014
|
{
"text": [
"The Intercept"
]
}
|
L2_Q5568842_P108_3
|
Glenn Greenwald works for Salon from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2012.
Glenn Greenwald works for The Guardian from Aug, 2012 to Oct, 2013.
Glenn Greenwald works for Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
Glenn Greenwald works for The Intercept from Feb, 2014 to Oct, 2020.
|
Glenn GreenwaldGlenn Edward Greenwald (born March 6, 1967) is an American journalist, author, and lawyer. In 1996, he founded his own law firm, which concentrated on First Amendment litigation. He began blogging on national security issues in October 2005, while he was becoming increasingly concerned with what he viewed to be attacks on civil liberties by the George W. Bush Administration in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks. He became a vocal critic of the Iraq War and has maintained a critical position of American foreign policy.Greenwald started contributing to "Salon" in 2007, and to "The Guardian" in 2012. In June 2013, while at "The Guardian", he began publishing a series of reports detailing previously unknown information about American and British global surveillance programs based on classified documents provided by Edward Snowden. His work contributed to "The Guardian" and "The Washington Post" winning a Pulitzer Prize, and he won the 2013 George Polk Award along with three other reporters, including Laura Poitras. In 2014, Greenwald, Poitras, and Jeremy Scahill launched "The Intercept", for which he was co-founding editor until he resigned in October 2020. Greenwald subsequently started publishing on Substack, an online newsletter-based journalism platform. Greenwald was born in New York City to Arlene and Daniel Greenwald. Greenwald's family moved to Lauderdale Lakes, Florida when he was an infant. His parents are Jewish and they and his grandparents tried to introduce him to Judaism, but he grew up without practicing an organized religion, did not have a bar mitzvah, and has said his "moral precepts aren't informed in any way by religious doctrine". Greenwald attended Nova Middle School and Nova High School in Davie, Florida. He received a BA in philosophy from George Washington University in 1990 and a JD from New York University School of Law in 1994.Greenwald practiced law in the litigation department at Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz from 1994 to 1995. In 1996, he co-founded his own litigation firm, Greenwald Christoph & Holland (later renamed Greenwald Christoph PC), where he litigated cases concerning issues of U.S. constitutional law and civil rights. He worked "pro bono" much of the time, and his cases included representing white supremacist Matthew Hale in Illinois and the neo-nazi National Alliance.About his work in First Amendment speech cases, Greenwald told "Rolling Stone" magazine in 2013, "to me, it's a heroic attribute to be so committed to a principle that you apply it not when it's easy ... not when it supports your position, not when it protects people you like, but when it defends and protects people that you hate".Later, according to Greenwald, "I decided voluntarily to wind down my practice in 2005 because I could, and because, after ten years, I was bored with litigating full-time and wanted to do other things which I thought were more engaging and could make more of an impact, including political writing."In October 2005, he began his blog "Unclaimed Territory" focusing on the investigation pertaining to the Plame affair, the CIA leak grand jury investigation, the federal indictment of Scooter Libby and the NSA warrantless surveillance (2001–07) controversy. In April 2006, the blog received the 2005 Koufax Award for "Best New Blog". According to Sean Wilentz in the "New Statesman", Greenwald "seemed to take pride in attacking Republicans and Democrats alike".In February 2007, Greenwald became a contributing writer for the "Salon" website, and the new column and blog superseded "Unclaimed Territory", although "Salon" featured hyperlinks to it in Greenwald's dedicated biographical section.Among the frequent topics of his "Salon" articles were the investigation of the 2001 anthrax attacks and the candidacy of former CIA official John O. Brennan for the jobs of either Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (D/CIA) or the next Director of National Intelligence (DNI) after the election of Barack Obama. Brennan withdrew his name from consideration for the post after opposition centered in liberal blogs and led by Greenwald.In a 2010 article for "Salon", Greenwald described U.S. Army Private Chelsea Manning as "a whistle-blower acting with the noblest of motives" and "a national hero similar to Daniel Ellsberg". In an article for "The Raw Story" published in 2011, Greenwald criticized the prison conditions in which Manning was held after her arrest by military authorities. Greenwald was described by Rachel Maddow during his period writing for "Salon" as "the American left’s most fearless political commentator."It was announced in July 2012 that Greenwald was joining the American wing of Britain's "Guardian" newspaper, to contribute a weekly column and a daily blog. Greenwald wrote on "Salon" that the move offered him "the opportunity to reach a new audience, to further internationalize my readership, and to be re-invigorated by a different environment" as reasons for the move.On June 5, 2013, Greenwald reported on the top-secret United States Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court order requiring Verizon to provide the National Security Agency with telephone metadata for all calls between the U.S. and abroad, as well as all domestic calls.On October 15, 2013, Greenwald announced, and "The Guardian" confirmed, that he was leaving the newspaper to pursue a "once-in-a-career dream journalistic opportunity that no journalist could possibly decline".Financial backing for "The Intercept" was provided by eBay founder Pierre Omidyar. Omidyar told media critic Jay Rosen that the decision was fueled by his "rising concern about press freedoms in the United States and around the world". Greenwald, along with his colleagues Laura Poitras and Jeremy Scahill, initially were working on creating a platform online to support independent journalism, when they were approached by Omidyar who was hoping to establish his own media organization. That news organization, First Look Media, launched its first online publication, "The Intercept", on February 10, 2014. Greenwald initially served as editor, alongside Poitras and Scahill. The organization is incorporated as a 501(c)(3) tax-exempt charitable entity."The Intercept" was in contact during the 2016 presidential campaign with Guccifer 2.0, who relayed some of the material about Hillary Clinton, gathered via a data breach, to Greenwald. The Grugq, a counterintelligence specialist, reported in October 2016: ""The Intercept" was both aware that the e-mails were from Guccifer 2.0, that Guccifer 2.0 has been attributed to Russian intelligence services, and that there is significant public evidence supporting this attribution."According to Simon van Zuylen-Wood writing for "New York" magazine in early 2018, Greenwald has "repositioned himself as a bomb-throwing media critic" since the Snowden revelations. By 2019, he was serving as an "Intercept" columnist without any control over the site's news reporting.On October 29, 2020, Greenwald resigned from "The Intercept", giving his reasons as political censorship and contractual breaches by the editors, who he said had prevented him from reporting on allegations concerning Joe Biden's conduct with regard to China and Ukraine and had demanded that he not publish the article in any other publication. Betsy Reed, the editor-in-chief, disputed Greenwald's accusations and claims of censorship, and accused him of presenting dubious claims by the Trump campaign as journalism. Greenwald said he would begin publishing his work on Substack, and had begun "exploring the possibility of creating a new media outlet." After resigning from "The Intercept", Greenwald published his article about Biden and his correspondence with the editors of "The Intercept" on his Substack page.Greenwald's first book, "How Would a Patriot Act? Defending American Values From a President Run Amok" was published by Working Assets in 2006. It was a "New York Times" bestseller, and ranked No. 1 on Amazon.com, both before its publication (due to orders based on attention from 'UT' readers and other bloggers) and for several days after its release, ending its first week at #293."A Tragic Legacy", his next book, examined the presidency of George W. Bush. Published in hardback by Crown (a division of Random House) on June 26, 2007, and reprinted in a paperback edition by Three Rivers Press on April 8, 2008, it was a "New York Times" Best Seller. "Great American Hypocrites: Toppling the Big Myths of Republican Politics", was also first published by Random House in April 2008. "With Liberty and Justice for Some: How the Law Is Used to Destroy Equality and Protect the Powerful", was released by Metropolitan Books in October 2011 and "No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. Surveillance State", was released in May 2014. The latter work spent six weeks on "The New York Times" Best Seller list, and was named one of the ten Best Non-Fiction Books of 2014 by "The Christian Science Monitor".Greenwald wrote the book "Securing Democracy: My Fight for Press Freedom and Justice in Brazil" as a follow up to "No Place to Hide". It will be published by Haymarket Books on 6 April 2021. It describes his publication in 2019 of leaked telephone calls, audio and text messages related to Operation Car Wash and the retaliation he received from the Bolsonaro government.Greenwald was initially contacted anonymously in late 2012 by Edward Snowden, a former contractor for the U.S. National Security Agency, who said he held "sensitive documents" that he wished to share. Greenwald found the measures that Snowden asked him to take to secure their communications too annoying to employ. Snowden then contacted documentary filmmaker Laura Poitras about a month later in January 2013.According to "The Guardian", Snowden was attracted to Greenwald and Poitras by a "Salon" article written by Greenwald detailing how Poitras' films had made her a "target of the government". Greenwald began working with Snowden in either February or in April, after Poitras asked Greenwald to meet her in New York City, at which point Snowden began providing documents to them both.As part of the global surveillance disclosure, the first of Snowden's documents were published on June 5, 2013, in "The Guardian" in an article by Greenwald. Greenwald said that Snowden's documents exposed the "scale of domestic surveillance under Obama".The series on which Greenwald worked contributed to "The Guardian" (alongside "The Washington Post") winning the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service in 2014.Greenwald's work on the Snowden story was featured in the documentary "Citizenfour", which won the 2014 Academy Award for Best Documentary Feature. Greenwald appeared on-stage with director Laura Poitras and Snowden's girlfriend, Lindsay Mills, when the Oscar was given. In the 2016 Oliver Stone feature film "Snowden", Greenwald was played by actor Zachary Quinto.In a statement delivered before the National Congress of Brazil in early August 2013, Greenwald testified that the U.S. government had used counter-terrorism as a pretext for clandestine surveillance in order to compete with other countries in the "business, industrial and economic fields".On December 18, 2013, Greenwald told the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs of the European Parliament that "most governments around the world are not only turning their backs on Edward Snowden but also on their ethical responsibilities". Speaking via a video link, Greenwald said that, "It is the UK through their interception of underwater fibre optic cables, that is a primary threat to the privacy of European citizens when it comes to their telephone and emails". In a statement given to the European Parliament, Greenwald said:On June 9, 2019, Greenwald and journalists from investigative journalism magazine "The Intercept Brasil" where he was an editor, released several messages exchanged via Telegram between members of the investigation team of Operation Car Wash. The messages implicated members of Brazil's judiciary system and of the Operação Lava-Jato taskforce, including former judge and Minister of Justice Sérgio Moro, and lead prosecutor Deltan Dallagnol, in the violation of legal and ethical procedures during the investigation, trial and arrest of former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, with the alleged objective of preventing him from running for a third term in the 2018 Brazilian general election, among other crimes. Following the leak, "Folha de São Paulo" and "Veja" confirmed the authenticity of the messages and worked in partnership with "The Intercept Brasil" to sort the remaining material in their possession before releasing it.On July 23, Brazilian Federal Police announced that they had arrested and were investigating Araraquara hacker Walter Delgatti Neto for breaking into the authorities' Telegram accounts. Neto confessed to the hack and to having given copies of the chat logs to Greenwald. Police said the attack had been accomplished by abusing Telegram's phone number verification and exploiting vulnerabilities in voicemail technology in use in Brazil by using a spoofed phone number. "The Intercept" neither confirmed nor denied Neto being their source, citing freedom of the press provisions of the 1988 Brazilian Constitution.Greenwald faced death threats and homophobic harassment from Bolsonaro supporters due to his reporting on the Telegram messages. A "New York Times" profile by Ernesto Londoño about Greenwald and his husband David Miranda, a left-wing congressman, described how the couple became targets of homophobia from Bolsonaro supporters as a result of the reporting. "The Washington Post" reported that Greenwald had been targeted with fiscal investigations by the Bolsonaro government, allegedly as retaliation for the reporting, and AP called Greenwald's reporting "the first test case for a free press" under Bolsonaro. In November 2019, Greenwald wrote in "The New York Times" that he was assaulted on air.In reporting on retaliation against Greenwald from the Bolsonaro government and its supporters, "The Guardian" said the articles published by Greenwald and "The Intercept" "have had an explosive impact on Brazilian politics and dominated headlines for weeks", adding that the exposés "appeared to show prosecutors in the sweeping Operation Car Wash corruption inquiry colluding with Sérgio Moro, the judge who became a hero in Brazil for jailing powerful businessmen, middlemen and politicians."On August 9, after President Bolsonaro threatened to imprison Greenwald for this reporting, Supreme Court justice Gilmar Mendes ruled that any investigation of Greenwald in connection with the reporting would be illegal under the Brazilian constitution, citing press freedom as a "pillar of democracy".In November 2019, Brazilian columnist Augusto Nunes physically attacked Greenwald during a joint appearance on a Brazilian radio program. Immediately prior to the attack, Nunes had argued that a family judge ought to take away Greenwald's adopted children, prompting Greenwald to call him a "coward." Two of Jair Bolsonaro's sons praised Nunes' actions, while former presidential candidate Ciro Gomes defended Greenwald.In January 2020, Greenwald was charged by Brazilian prosecutors with cybercrimes, in a move that Trevor Timm in "The Guardian" described as retaliation for his reporting. "The Canary" website described the charges as "ominously similar to the indictment of Julian Assange" and quoted Max Blumenthal and Jen Robinson as remarking on the similarity of the two sets of charges. Greenwald received support from "The New York Times" which published an editorial stating "Mr. Greenwald's articles did what a free press is supposed to do: They revealed a painful truth about those in power". The Freedom of the Press Foundation made a statement asking the Brazilian government to "halt its persecution of Greenwald". In February 2020, a federal judge dismissed the charges against Greenwald, citing a ruling from Supreme Court justice Gilmar Mendes that shielded him.In his 2006 book "How a Patriot Would Act?", Greenwald wrote that he was politically apathetic at the time of the Iraq War and accepted the Bush administration's judgement that "American security really would be enhanced by the invasion of this sovereign country". In 2013, Greenwald added that he did not have a platform or role in politics at the time of the Iraq War and that he "never once wrote in favor of the Iraq War or argued for it in any way, shape or form". Writing in "The Daily Banter", Ben Cohen said that Greenwald "can't lecture people who initially supported the Iraq war then turned against it when he did exactly the same thing".Greenwald is critical of actions jointly supported by Democrats and Republicans, writing in 2010: "The worst and most tyrannical government actions in Washington are equally supported on a fully bipartisan basis." In the preface to his first book, "How Would a Patriot Act?" (2006), Greenwald described his 'pre-political' self as neither liberal nor conservative as a whole, voting neither for George W. Bush nor for any of his rivals (indeed, not voting at all).Bush's election to the U.S. presidency "changed" Greenwald's previous uninvolved political attitude toward the electoral process "completely", and in 2006 he wrote:"Over the past five years, a creeping extremism has taken hold of our federal government, and it is threatening to radically alter our system of government and who we are as a nation. This extremism is neither conservative nor liberal in nature, but is instead driven by theories of unlimited presidential power that are wholly alien, and antithetical, to the core political values that have governed this country since its founding"; for, "the fact that this seizure of ever-expanding presidential power is largely justified through endless, rank fear-mongering—fear of terrorists, specifically—means that not only our system of government is radically changing, but so, too, are our national character, our national identity, and what it means to be American."Believing that "It is incumbent upon all Americans who believe in that system, bequeathed to us by the founders, to defend it when it is under assault and in jeopardy. And today it is", he said: "I did not arrive at these conclusions eagerly or because I was predisposed by any previous partisan viewpoint. Quite the contrary."Resistant to applying ideological labels to himself, he emphasized that he is a strong advocate for U.S. constitutional "balance of powers" and for constitutionally protected civil and political rights in his writings and public appearances.Greenwald frequently writes about the War on Drugs and criminal justice reform. He is a member of the advisory board of the Brazil chapter of Law Enforcement Action Partnership. Greenwald was also the author of a 2009 white paper published by the libertarian "Cato Institute" entitled, "Drug Decriminalization in Portugal: Lessons for Creating Fair and Successful Drug Policies", exploring the role of drug policy of Portugal.He criticized the policies of the Bush administration and those who supported it, arguing that most of the American "Corporate News Media" excused Bush's policies and echoed the administration's positions rather than asking hard questions. Greenwald accused mainstream U.S. media of "spreading patriotic state propaganda".Regarding civil liberties during the Obama presidency, he elaborated on his conception of change when he said, "I think the only means of true political change will come from people working outside of that [two-party electoral] system to undermine it, and subvert it, and weaken it, and destroy it; not try to work within it to change it." He raised money for Russ Feingold's 2010 Senate re-election bid, Bill Halter's 2010 primary challenge to Democratic Sen. Blanche Lincoln, as well as several Congressional candidates in 2012 described as "unique".According to Greenwald, the emergence of ISIS is a direct consequence of the Iraq War and NATO-led military intervention in Libya. Greenwald has been critical of U.S. and UK involvement in the Saudi Arabian-led intervention in Yemen. He wrote in October 2016: "The atrocities committed by the Saudis would have been impossible without their steadfast, aggressive support."Greenwald has criticized some of the policies of the Trump administration. He said: "I think the Trump White House lies more often. I think it lies more readily. I think it lies more blatantly."During the Trump administration Greenwald became a prominent critic of the Democratic Party, alleging a double standard in their foreign policy. He said that "Democrats didn't care when Obama hugged Saudi despots, and now they pretend to care when Trump embraces Saudi despots or Egyptian ones." Greenwald said that choosing between Trump and "whatever you want to call it. Call it the deep state, call it the national security blob, call it the CIA and the Pentagon", is like choosing between "Bashar al-Assad or al-Qaida or ISIS [in Syria] once the ordinary people of the Syrian revolution got defeated."He expressed skepticism of the James Clapper-led US intelligence community's assessment that Russia's government interfered in the 2016 presidential election. Regardless of the accuracy of the assessment, Greenwald has doubted its significance, stating "This is stuff we do to them, and have done to them for decades, and still continue to do." In December 2018, he said: "I do regard the Mueller indictment as some evidence, not conclusive, but at least some evidence finally that the Russians are involved, but that doesn’t say the extent to which Putin was involved, let alone the extent to which Trump officials are criminally implicated."Greenwald sees Democrats' rhetoric on Russia as a more serious problem, characterizing it as "unhinged". According to Greenwald, "the effect is a constant ratcheting up of tensions between two nuclear-armed powers whose nuclear systems are still on hair-trigger alert and capable of catastrophic responses based on misunderstanding and misperception." Greenwald also wrote that the "East Coast newsmagazines" are "feeding Democrats the often xenophobic, hysterical Russophobia for which they have a seemingly insatiable craving." During a July 2018 panel on "fake news" held by Russian government outlet RT in Moscow and hosted by editor-in-chief Margarita Simonyan, Greenwald argued that the Democrats' focus on Russian interference in the 2016 election is motivated by a need to rationalize Clinton's loss. He told "The New Yorker" in August 2018 "'Let’s just get along with the Russians' has been turned into something treasonous". Of Trump, he commented: "Even if he has weird dealings with Russia, I still think it’s in everybody’s interest not to teach an entire new generation of people, becoming interested in politics for the first time, that the Russians are demons." He said that both Trump and Jill Stein were being "vilified for advocating ways to reduce U.S./Russian tensions" and told "Democracy Now!" that the Putin–Trump summit in Helsinki in July 2018 was an "excellent idea" because "90 percent of the world’s nuclear weapons are in the hands of two countries—the United States and Russia—and having them speak and get along is much better than having them isolate one another and increase the risk of not just intentional conflict, but misperception and miscommunication".Susan Hennessey, an NSA lawyer at the time of Snowden's NSA revelations, told Marcy Wheeler writing for "The New Republic" in January 2018, that Greenwald was only relaying "surface commentary" rather than evidence for or against Russian interference in the 2016 election. Tamsin Shaw wrote in "The New York Review of Books" in September 2018: "Greenwald has repeatedly, in the face of overwhelming evidence to the contrary, decried as Russophobia the findings that Putin ordered interference in the 2016 US presidential election".Greenwald remained doubtful of assertions that the Trump presidential campaign worked with the Russians after the release of the letter about the Mueller's findings from attorney general William Barr in late March 2019. He called the investigation "a scam and a fraud from the beginning" in an appearance on "Democracy Now!". Greenwald told Tucker Carlson on Fox News: "Let me just say, [MSNBC] should have their top host on primetime go before the cameras and hang their head in shame and apologize for lying to people for three straight years, exploiting their fears to great profit". He said he is formally banned from appearing on MSNBC, citing confirmations from two unnamed producers for the network, for his criticisms of its coverage of Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election. MSNBC stated it has not barred Greenwald from appearing on its programs.After the release of Special Counsel Robert Mueller's report, on April 22 he wrote that the press continued to report that Trump's campaign conspired with Russia during the 2016 presidential campaign. In January 2020, Greenwald described the various assertions regarding Russian influence on American politics as "At the very best, ... wildly exaggerated hysteria and the kind of jingoistic fear-mongering that’s plagued U.S Politics since the end of WWII".Greenwald has criticized the Israeli government, including its foreign policy, influence on U.S. politics and the Israeli occupation of the West Bank. In May 2016, Greenwald condemned "The New York Times" for an alleged "cowardice" on Israel, accusing it of "journalistic malfeasance".In an exchange with Greenwald in February 2019, Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn., tweeted, "It's all about the Benjamins baby", suggesting that money rather than principle motivated US politicians' support for Israel. Omar also wrote that the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) pays US politicians to take pro-Israel stances. Many Democratic and Republican leadersincluding House Speaker Nancy Pelosicondemned the tweet, which they said perpetuated an antisemitic stereotype of Jewish money and influence fueling American politicians' support of Israel. Greenwald defended Omar, saying that "we’re not allowed to talk about ... well-organized and well-financed lobby that ensures a bipartisan consensus in support of U.S. defense of Israel, that the minute that you mention that lobby, you get attacked as being anti-Semitic, which is what happened to Congresswoman Omar."In a November 2018 "Guardian" article Luke Harding and Dan Collyns cited anonymous sources which stated that Trump's former campaign manager Paul Manafort held secret meetings with WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange inside the Ecuadorian embassy in London in 2013, 2015, and 2016. Greenwald said that if Manafort had entered the Ecuadorian consulate there would be evidence from the surrounding cameras. Greenwald, a former contributor to "The Guardian", stated that the paper "has such a pervasive and unprofessionally personal hatred for Julian Assange that it has frequently dispensed with all journalistic standards in order to malign him."Greenwald criticized the government's decision to charge Assange under the Espionage Act of 1917 for his role in the 2010 publication of the Iraq War documents leak. Greenwald wrote in "The Washington Post": "The Trump administration has undoubtedly calculated that Assange’s uniquely unpopular status across the political spectrum [in the United States] makes him the ideal test case for creating a precedent that criminalizes the defining attributes of investigative journalism."Greenwald is vegan and is known for his reporting on animal welfare. In 2019, he introduced a new video series about animal rights, factory farms, and the agriculture industry. He has worked with Wayne Hsiung and other animal rights activists from Direct Action Everywhere (DxE) to expose gruesome and filthy conditions on turkey farms owned by Norbest in Utah, and the laying of criminal charges against the activists by prosecutors in Sanpete County, Utah. He has reported on the mass culling of pigs in Iowa by means of ventilation shutdown due to falling demand, in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic. His investigations have exposed how the animal agriculture industry routinely engages in "campaigns of surveillance, reputation destruction, and other forms of retaliation against industry critics and animal rights activists" through organizations that represent the industry, such as the Animal Agriculture Alliance.In October 2018, Greenwald said that Bolsonaro was "often depicted wrongly in the Western media as being Brazil's Trump, and he's actually much closer to say Filipino President Duterte or even the Egyptian dictator General el-Sisi in terms of what he believes and what he's probably capable of carrying out."Greenwald said that Bolsonaro could be a "good partner" for President Trump "If you think that the U.S. should go back to kind of the Monroe Doctrine as [National Security Adviser] John Bolton talked openly about, and ruling Latin America, and U.S. interests".Greenwald has faced death threats and homophobic harassment from Bolsonaro supporters due to his reporting on leaked Telegram messages about Brazil's Operation Car Wash and Bolsonaro's justice minister Sérgio Moro. President Bolsonaro threatened Greenwald with possible imprisonment. The Brazilian Association of Investigative Journalism condemned Bolsonaro's threats.In January 2020, Brazilian federal prosecutors charged Greenwald with cybercrimes, alleging he was part of a "criminal organization" that hacked into the cellphones of prosecutors and other public officials in 2019. Prosecutors said he played a "clear role in facilitating the commission of a crime" by, for example, encouraging hackers to delete archives in order to cover their tracks. Greenwald, who was not detained, called the charges "an obvious attempt to attack a free press in retaliation for the revelations we reported about Minister of Justice Sérgio Moro and the Bolsonaro government." In February 2020, a federal judge dismissed the charges against Greenwald, citing a ruling from Supreme Court justice Gilmar Mendes that shielded him.In 2005, Greenwald criticized illegal immigration, saying that it would result in a "parade of evils". He has since disavowed that belief.Greenwald has been placed on numerous "top 50" and "top 25" lists of columnists in the United States. In June 2012, "Newsweek" magazine named him one of America's Top Ten Opinionists, saying that "a righteous, controlled, and razor-sharp fury runs through a great deal" of his writing, and: "His independent persuasion can make him a danger or an asset to both sides of the aisle."According to Nate Anderson, writing in "Ars Technica" around 2010 or 2011, Aaron Barr of HBGary and Team Themis planned to damage Greenwald's career in response to a potential dump of Bank of America documents by WikiLeaks, saying that "Without the support of people like Glenn WikiLeaks would fold."Josh Voorhees, writing for "Slate", reported that in 2013 congressman Peter King (R-NY) suggested Greenwald should be arrested for his reporting on the NSA PRISM program and NSA leaker Edward Snowden. Journalist Andrew Ross Sorkin said "I would arrest [Snowden] and now I'd almost arrest Glenn Greenwald", but later made an apology for his statement, which Greenwald accepted.Journalist David Gregory accused Greenwald of aiding and abetting Snowden, before asking, "Why shouldn't you, Mr. Greenwald, be charged with a crime?"In a 2013 interview with Martha Raddatz of ABC News, Greenwald said that members of Congress are not being told "the most basic information about what NSA is doing and spying on American citizens and what the FISA court has been doing in terms of declaring some of some of this illegal, some of it legal." Another participant was Rep. Dutch Ruppersberger (D-MD), who at the time was the ranking member of the United States House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence ("House Intelligence Committee"). He responded: "We have rules as far as the committee and what you can have and what you cannot have. However, based on that, that statement I just made, is that since this incident occurred with Snowden, we've had three different hearings for members of our Democratic Caucus, and the Republican Caucus ... what we're trying to do now is to get the American public to know more about what's going on." Rep. King, who was also a guest on "This Week" as a ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee, stated: "[T]o me it's unprecedented to have all of these top people from an administration during this time of crisis still come in and answer question after question after question. So anyone who says that Congress is somehow being stonewalled is just wrong and [the question] is generally, I think, raised by people who are trying to make a name for themselves."In a February 2014 interview, Greenwald said he believed he risked detention if he reentered the U.S., but insisted that he would "force the issue" on principle, and return for the "many reasons" he had to visit, including if he won a prestigious award of which he was rumoured to be the winner. Later that month, it was announced that he was, in fact, among the recipients of the 2013 Polk Awards, to be conferred April 11, 2014 in Manhattan. In a subsequent interview, Greenwald stated he would attend the ceremony, and added: "I absolutely refuse to be exiled from my own country for the crime of doing journalism and I'm going to force the issue just on principle. And I think going back for a ceremony like the Polk Awards or other forms of journalistic awards would be a really good symbolic test of having to put the government in the position of having to arrest journalists who are coming back to the US to receive awards for the journalism they have done." On April 11, Greenwald and Laura Poitras accepted the Polk Award in Manhattan. Their entry into the United States was trouble-free and they traveled with an ACLU attorney and a German journalist "to document any unpleasant surprises". Accepting the award, Greenwald said he was "happy to see a table full of "Guardian" editors and journalists, whose role in this story is much more integral than the publicity generally recognizes". On April 14, the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service was awarded jointly to "The Guardian" and "The Washington Post" for revelation of widespread secret surveillance by the NSA. Greenwald, along with Laura Poitras and Ewen MacAskill, had contributed to "The Guardian"′s reporting.In 2014, Sean Wilentz in "The New Republic", commented that some of Greenwald's opinions are where both meet, the far-left and far-right. In a 2017 article in "The Independent", Brian Dean wrote: "Greenwald has been critical of Trump, but is perceived by many as someone who spends far more time criticising 'Dems' and 'liberals' (analysis of his Twitter account tends to give this impression)." Simon van Zuylen-Wood in a 2018 piece for "New York" magazine entitled "Does Glenn Greenwald Know More Than Robert Mueller?" described "a new-seeming category of Russia-skeptic firebrands sometimes called the alt-left." In February 2019, Max Boot wrote in "The Washington Post": "Indeed, it’s often hard to tell the extremists apart. Anti-vaccine activists come from both the far left and the far right — and while most of those who defend President Trump's dealings with Russia are on the right, some, such as Glenn Greenwald and Stephen F. Cohen, are on the left." In a May 2019 "Haaretz" article, Alexander Reid Ross described Tucker Carlson's and Glenn Greenwald's positions as being a "crossover between leftists and the far-right in defense of Syria's Bashar Assad, to dismiss charges of Russian interference in U.S. elections and to boost Russian geopolitics". In November 2019, Tulsi Gabbard’s lawyers sent a letter to Hillary Clinton accusing her of defamation and demanding an apology for comments Clinton had made in October. Greenwald tweeted that "It's way past time that Democrats who recklessly accuse their critics of being Kremlin assets and agents be held accountable for their slander". In response Nancy leTourneau wrote that Greenwald was "one of the far left who is defending Gabbard".In 2005, a 37-year old Greenwald left his law practice in New York and took a long vacation to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, where he met 19-year old David Miranda, an orphan who lived in a slum. Days after they met, the couple decided to move in together, and wed shortly thereafter. Miranda now serves as a Congressman with the left-wing PSOL party. The couple live in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.In 2017, Greenwald and Miranda announced that they had adopted two children, siblings, from Maceió, a city in Northeastern Brazil. Greenwald and Miranda have 24 rescue dogs. In March 2017, Greenwald announced plans to build a shelter with Miranda for stray pets in Brazil that would be staffed by homeless people. In March 2018, Greenwald tweeted videos showing the shelter operating.Greenwald and Miranda were close personal friends of Brazilian human rights advocate and politician Marielle Franco, known for criticism of police tactics and corruption, who was fatally shot by unknown assailants. A "New York Times" profile described how Greenwald's reporting on high-level Bolsonaro officials and Miranda's outspoken opposition in Congress turned them into primary targets of Bolsonaro's administration.Greenwald does not participate in any organized religion. He has said he believes in "the spiritual and mystical part of the world" and that yoga is "like a bridge into that, like a window into it." Greenwald has also been critical of the New Atheist movement, in particular, Sam Harris and others critical of Islam.Greenwald received, together with Amy Goodman, the first Izzy Award for special achievement in independent media, in 2009, and the 2010 Online Journalism Award for Best Commentary for his investigative work on the conditions of Chelsea Manning.His reporting on the National Security Agency (NSA) won numerous other awards around the world, including top investigative journalism prizes from the George Polk Award for National Security Reporting, the 2013 Online Journalism Awards, the Esso Award for Excellence in Reporting in Brazil for his articles in "O Globo" on NSA mass surveillance of Brazilians (becoming the first foreigner to win the award), the 2013 Libertad de Expresion Internacional award from Argentinian magazine "Perfil", and the 2013 Pioneer Award from the Electronic Frontier Foundation. The team that Greenwald led at "The Guardian" was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service for their reporting on the NSA. Foreign Policy Magazine then named him one of the top 100 Global Thinkers of 2013.In 2014 Greenwald received the Geschwister-Scholl-Preis, an annual German literary award, for the German edition of "No Place to Hide". Greenwald was also named the 2014 recipient of the McGill Medal for Journalistic Courage from the Grady College of Journalism and Mass Communication of the University of Georgia.
|
[
"Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz",
"Salon",
"The Guardian"
] |
|
Which employer did Maria Klawe work for in Sep, 1988?
|
September 07, 1988
|
{
"text": [
"University of British Columbia"
]
}
|
L2_Q11754_P108_0
|
Maria Klawe works for Princeton University from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2006.
Maria Klawe works for Harvey Mudd College from Jan, 2006 to Dec, 2022.
Maria Klawe works for University of British Columbia from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 2002.
|
Maria KlaweMaria Margaret Klawe ( ; born 1951) is a computer scientist and the fifth president of Harvey Mudd College (since July 1, 2006). Born in Toronto in 1951, she became a naturalized U.S. citizen in 2009. She was previously Dean of the School of Engineering and Applied Science at Princeton University. She is known for her advocacy for women in STEM fields.Klawe was born in Toronto, Ontario. She lived in Scotland from ages 4 to 12, and then returned to Canada, living with her family in Edmonton, Alberta.Klawe studied at the University of Alberta, dropped out to travel the world, and returned to earn her B.Sc. in 1973. She stayed at Alberta for her graduate studies, and in 1977 she earned her Ph.D. there in mathematics. She joined the mathematics faculty at Oakland University as an assistant professor in 1977 but only stayed for a year. She started a second Ph.D., in computer science, at the University of Toronto, but was offered a faculty position there before completing the degree. When she made the decision to get a PhD in computer science she had never studied the subject before. There weren't many undergraduate classes at the time so she enrolled in upper-level courses and studied about 16 hours a day to do well. She spent eight years in industry, serving at IBM's Almaden Research Center in San Jose, California, first as a research scientist, then as manager of the Discrete Mathematics Group and manager of the Mathematics and Related Computer Science Department. She and her husband Nick Pippenger then moved to the University of British Columbia, where she stayed for 15 years and served as head of the Department of Computer Science from 1988 to 1995, vice president of student and academic services from 1995 to 1998, and dean of science from 1998 to 2002.From UBC she moved to Princeton and then Harvey Mudd College, where she is the first woman president. When she arrived at Mudd only about 30% of students and faculty were female. Today about 50% of the students and over 40% of the faculty are female. She became a citizen of the United States on January 29, 2009. Later in 2009, she joined the board of directors of the Microsoft Corporation.Klawe was inducted as a fellow of the Association for Computing Machinery in 1996, a founding fellow of the Canadian Information Processing Society in 2006, a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 2009, a fellow of the American Mathematical Society in 2012, and a fellow of the Association for Women in Mathematics in 2019.She has been awarded honorary doctorates from Ryerson Polytechnic University in 2001, the University of Waterloo in 2003, Queen's University in 2004, Dalhousie University in 2005, Acadia University in 2006, the University of Alberta in 2007, the University of Ottawa in 2008, the University of British Columbia in 2010, the University of Toronto in 2015, Concordia University in 2016, and McGill University in 2018 She was the winner of the 2014 Woman of Vision ABIE Award for Leadership from the Anita Borg Institute.In 2018 she was featured among "America's Top 50 Women In Tech" by Forbes.She also served as the president of the Association for Computing Machinery from 2002 to 2004, and in 2004 won the A. Nico Habermann award.Some of Klawe's best-cited research works concern algorithms for solving geometric optimization problems, distributed leader election, and the art gallery problem, and studies of the effects of gender on electronic game-playing. She founded the Aphasia Project, a collaboration between UBC and Princeton to study aphasia and develop cognitive aids for people suffering from it, after her friend Anita Borg developed brain cancer.Klawe has been heavily involved with increasing the representation of women in STEM fields. While Klawe was the dean at UBC, she became the NSERC-IBM chair for Women in Science and Engineering. She was in charge of increasing female participation in science and engineering. During her five years as the chair appointment she increased female computer science majors from 16% to 27% and increased the number of female computer science faculty from 2 to 7. In 1991, together with Nancy Leveson, she founded CRA-W (The Computing Research Association's Committee on the Status of Women in Computing Research) and served as its first co-chair. She was also a personal friend of Anita Borg and served as the chair of the Board of Trustees of the Anita Borg Institute for Women and Technology from 1996 to 2011. Klawe was a huge advocate for salary negotiation by women, disagreeing with Microsoft's CEO Satya Nadella, when he said "It's not really about asking for a raise, but knowing and having faith that the system will give you the right raise. That might be one of the initial 'super powers,' that quite frankly, women (who) don't ask for a raise have. It's good karma. It will come back."Klawe believes that women should take an entry level computer science course during their first year at college that focuses on portraying the field as fun and engaging rather than trying to convince women to stay. She believes that if programming courses are taken at the middle school level then they have another four years of high school for peer pressure to get them disinterested again." This is what she does at Harvey Mudd. She attributes the lack of women in technical fields due to how the media portrays women. In an interview with PBS she explains how TV shows in the 1970s showed men along with women who had successful careers such as doctors or lawyers and that caused the number of women going into medicine skyrocket. Klawe emphasizes that the introductory courses offered need to be presented in a problem-solving environment, not a competitive one where a few males dominate the conversation. Klawe believes the "testosterone culture" prevents women from continuing on with CS because the males that know everything scare away anyone who is trying to learn. Currently, Klawe is working on helping biology majors learn computer science by working with UCSD to create a biology themed introductory computer science course. Another project she's working on is an online course called MOOC aimed at 10th grade students.Klawe has also exhibited her watercolors.
|
[
"Harvey Mudd College",
"Princeton University"
] |
|
Which employer did Maria Klawe work for in 1988-09-07?
|
September 07, 1988
|
{
"text": [
"University of British Columbia"
]
}
|
L2_Q11754_P108_0
|
Maria Klawe works for Princeton University from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2006.
Maria Klawe works for Harvey Mudd College from Jan, 2006 to Dec, 2022.
Maria Klawe works for University of British Columbia from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 2002.
|
Maria KlaweMaria Margaret Klawe ( ; born 1951) is a computer scientist and the fifth president of Harvey Mudd College (since July 1, 2006). Born in Toronto in 1951, she became a naturalized U.S. citizen in 2009. She was previously Dean of the School of Engineering and Applied Science at Princeton University. She is known for her advocacy for women in STEM fields.Klawe was born in Toronto, Ontario. She lived in Scotland from ages 4 to 12, and then returned to Canada, living with her family in Edmonton, Alberta.Klawe studied at the University of Alberta, dropped out to travel the world, and returned to earn her B.Sc. in 1973. She stayed at Alberta for her graduate studies, and in 1977 she earned her Ph.D. there in mathematics. She joined the mathematics faculty at Oakland University as an assistant professor in 1977 but only stayed for a year. She started a second Ph.D., in computer science, at the University of Toronto, but was offered a faculty position there before completing the degree. When she made the decision to get a PhD in computer science she had never studied the subject before. There weren't many undergraduate classes at the time so she enrolled in upper-level courses and studied about 16 hours a day to do well. She spent eight years in industry, serving at IBM's Almaden Research Center in San Jose, California, first as a research scientist, then as manager of the Discrete Mathematics Group and manager of the Mathematics and Related Computer Science Department. She and her husband Nick Pippenger then moved to the University of British Columbia, where she stayed for 15 years and served as head of the Department of Computer Science from 1988 to 1995, vice president of student and academic services from 1995 to 1998, and dean of science from 1998 to 2002.From UBC she moved to Princeton and then Harvey Mudd College, where she is the first woman president. When she arrived at Mudd only about 30% of students and faculty were female. Today about 50% of the students and over 40% of the faculty are female. She became a citizen of the United States on January 29, 2009. Later in 2009, she joined the board of directors of the Microsoft Corporation.Klawe was inducted as a fellow of the Association for Computing Machinery in 1996, a founding fellow of the Canadian Information Processing Society in 2006, a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 2009, a fellow of the American Mathematical Society in 2012, and a fellow of the Association for Women in Mathematics in 2019.She has been awarded honorary doctorates from Ryerson Polytechnic University in 2001, the University of Waterloo in 2003, Queen's University in 2004, Dalhousie University in 2005, Acadia University in 2006, the University of Alberta in 2007, the University of Ottawa in 2008, the University of British Columbia in 2010, the University of Toronto in 2015, Concordia University in 2016, and McGill University in 2018 She was the winner of the 2014 Woman of Vision ABIE Award for Leadership from the Anita Borg Institute.In 2018 she was featured among "America's Top 50 Women In Tech" by Forbes.She also served as the president of the Association for Computing Machinery from 2002 to 2004, and in 2004 won the A. Nico Habermann award.Some of Klawe's best-cited research works concern algorithms for solving geometric optimization problems, distributed leader election, and the art gallery problem, and studies of the effects of gender on electronic game-playing. She founded the Aphasia Project, a collaboration between UBC and Princeton to study aphasia and develop cognitive aids for people suffering from it, after her friend Anita Borg developed brain cancer.Klawe has been heavily involved with increasing the representation of women in STEM fields. While Klawe was the dean at UBC, she became the NSERC-IBM chair for Women in Science and Engineering. She was in charge of increasing female participation in science and engineering. During her five years as the chair appointment she increased female computer science majors from 16% to 27% and increased the number of female computer science faculty from 2 to 7. In 1991, together with Nancy Leveson, she founded CRA-W (The Computing Research Association's Committee on the Status of Women in Computing Research) and served as its first co-chair. She was also a personal friend of Anita Borg and served as the chair of the Board of Trustees of the Anita Borg Institute for Women and Technology from 1996 to 2011. Klawe was a huge advocate for salary negotiation by women, disagreeing with Microsoft's CEO Satya Nadella, when he said "It's not really about asking for a raise, but knowing and having faith that the system will give you the right raise. That might be one of the initial 'super powers,' that quite frankly, women (who) don't ask for a raise have. It's good karma. It will come back."Klawe believes that women should take an entry level computer science course during their first year at college that focuses on portraying the field as fun and engaging rather than trying to convince women to stay. She believes that if programming courses are taken at the middle school level then they have another four years of high school for peer pressure to get them disinterested again." This is what she does at Harvey Mudd. She attributes the lack of women in technical fields due to how the media portrays women. In an interview with PBS she explains how TV shows in the 1970s showed men along with women who had successful careers such as doctors or lawyers and that caused the number of women going into medicine skyrocket. Klawe emphasizes that the introductory courses offered need to be presented in a problem-solving environment, not a competitive one where a few males dominate the conversation. Klawe believes the "testosterone culture" prevents women from continuing on with CS because the males that know everything scare away anyone who is trying to learn. Currently, Klawe is working on helping biology majors learn computer science by working with UCSD to create a biology themed introductory computer science course. Another project she's working on is an online course called MOOC aimed at 10th grade students.Klawe has also exhibited her watercolors.
|
[
"Harvey Mudd College",
"Princeton University"
] |
|
Which employer did Maria Klawe work for in 07/09/1988?
|
September 07, 1988
|
{
"text": [
"University of British Columbia"
]
}
|
L2_Q11754_P108_0
|
Maria Klawe works for Princeton University from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2006.
Maria Klawe works for Harvey Mudd College from Jan, 2006 to Dec, 2022.
Maria Klawe works for University of British Columbia from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 2002.
|
Maria KlaweMaria Margaret Klawe ( ; born 1951) is a computer scientist and the fifth president of Harvey Mudd College (since July 1, 2006). Born in Toronto in 1951, she became a naturalized U.S. citizen in 2009. She was previously Dean of the School of Engineering and Applied Science at Princeton University. She is known for her advocacy for women in STEM fields.Klawe was born in Toronto, Ontario. She lived in Scotland from ages 4 to 12, and then returned to Canada, living with her family in Edmonton, Alberta.Klawe studied at the University of Alberta, dropped out to travel the world, and returned to earn her B.Sc. in 1973. She stayed at Alberta for her graduate studies, and in 1977 she earned her Ph.D. there in mathematics. She joined the mathematics faculty at Oakland University as an assistant professor in 1977 but only stayed for a year. She started a second Ph.D., in computer science, at the University of Toronto, but was offered a faculty position there before completing the degree. When she made the decision to get a PhD in computer science she had never studied the subject before. There weren't many undergraduate classes at the time so she enrolled in upper-level courses and studied about 16 hours a day to do well. She spent eight years in industry, serving at IBM's Almaden Research Center in San Jose, California, first as a research scientist, then as manager of the Discrete Mathematics Group and manager of the Mathematics and Related Computer Science Department. She and her husband Nick Pippenger then moved to the University of British Columbia, where she stayed for 15 years and served as head of the Department of Computer Science from 1988 to 1995, vice president of student and academic services from 1995 to 1998, and dean of science from 1998 to 2002.From UBC she moved to Princeton and then Harvey Mudd College, where she is the first woman president. When she arrived at Mudd only about 30% of students and faculty were female. Today about 50% of the students and over 40% of the faculty are female. She became a citizen of the United States on January 29, 2009. Later in 2009, she joined the board of directors of the Microsoft Corporation.Klawe was inducted as a fellow of the Association for Computing Machinery in 1996, a founding fellow of the Canadian Information Processing Society in 2006, a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 2009, a fellow of the American Mathematical Society in 2012, and a fellow of the Association for Women in Mathematics in 2019.She has been awarded honorary doctorates from Ryerson Polytechnic University in 2001, the University of Waterloo in 2003, Queen's University in 2004, Dalhousie University in 2005, Acadia University in 2006, the University of Alberta in 2007, the University of Ottawa in 2008, the University of British Columbia in 2010, the University of Toronto in 2015, Concordia University in 2016, and McGill University in 2018 She was the winner of the 2014 Woman of Vision ABIE Award for Leadership from the Anita Borg Institute.In 2018 she was featured among "America's Top 50 Women In Tech" by Forbes.She also served as the president of the Association for Computing Machinery from 2002 to 2004, and in 2004 won the A. Nico Habermann award.Some of Klawe's best-cited research works concern algorithms for solving geometric optimization problems, distributed leader election, and the art gallery problem, and studies of the effects of gender on electronic game-playing. She founded the Aphasia Project, a collaboration between UBC and Princeton to study aphasia and develop cognitive aids for people suffering from it, after her friend Anita Borg developed brain cancer.Klawe has been heavily involved with increasing the representation of women in STEM fields. While Klawe was the dean at UBC, she became the NSERC-IBM chair for Women in Science and Engineering. She was in charge of increasing female participation in science and engineering. During her five years as the chair appointment she increased female computer science majors from 16% to 27% and increased the number of female computer science faculty from 2 to 7. In 1991, together with Nancy Leveson, she founded CRA-W (The Computing Research Association's Committee on the Status of Women in Computing Research) and served as its first co-chair. She was also a personal friend of Anita Borg and served as the chair of the Board of Trustees of the Anita Borg Institute for Women and Technology from 1996 to 2011. Klawe was a huge advocate for salary negotiation by women, disagreeing with Microsoft's CEO Satya Nadella, when he said "It's not really about asking for a raise, but knowing and having faith that the system will give you the right raise. That might be one of the initial 'super powers,' that quite frankly, women (who) don't ask for a raise have. It's good karma. It will come back."Klawe believes that women should take an entry level computer science course during their first year at college that focuses on portraying the field as fun and engaging rather than trying to convince women to stay. She believes that if programming courses are taken at the middle school level then they have another four years of high school for peer pressure to get them disinterested again." This is what she does at Harvey Mudd. She attributes the lack of women in technical fields due to how the media portrays women. In an interview with PBS she explains how TV shows in the 1970s showed men along with women who had successful careers such as doctors or lawyers and that caused the number of women going into medicine skyrocket. Klawe emphasizes that the introductory courses offered need to be presented in a problem-solving environment, not a competitive one where a few males dominate the conversation. Klawe believes the "testosterone culture" prevents women from continuing on with CS because the males that know everything scare away anyone who is trying to learn. Currently, Klawe is working on helping biology majors learn computer science by working with UCSD to create a biology themed introductory computer science course. Another project she's working on is an online course called MOOC aimed at 10th grade students.Klawe has also exhibited her watercolors.
|
[
"Harvey Mudd College",
"Princeton University"
] |
|
Which employer did Maria Klawe work for in Sep 07, 1988?
|
September 07, 1988
|
{
"text": [
"University of British Columbia"
]
}
|
L2_Q11754_P108_0
|
Maria Klawe works for Princeton University from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2006.
Maria Klawe works for Harvey Mudd College from Jan, 2006 to Dec, 2022.
Maria Klawe works for University of British Columbia from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 2002.
|
Maria KlaweMaria Margaret Klawe ( ; born 1951) is a computer scientist and the fifth president of Harvey Mudd College (since July 1, 2006). Born in Toronto in 1951, she became a naturalized U.S. citizen in 2009. She was previously Dean of the School of Engineering and Applied Science at Princeton University. She is known for her advocacy for women in STEM fields.Klawe was born in Toronto, Ontario. She lived in Scotland from ages 4 to 12, and then returned to Canada, living with her family in Edmonton, Alberta.Klawe studied at the University of Alberta, dropped out to travel the world, and returned to earn her B.Sc. in 1973. She stayed at Alberta for her graduate studies, and in 1977 she earned her Ph.D. there in mathematics. She joined the mathematics faculty at Oakland University as an assistant professor in 1977 but only stayed for a year. She started a second Ph.D., in computer science, at the University of Toronto, but was offered a faculty position there before completing the degree. When she made the decision to get a PhD in computer science she had never studied the subject before. There weren't many undergraduate classes at the time so she enrolled in upper-level courses and studied about 16 hours a day to do well. She spent eight years in industry, serving at IBM's Almaden Research Center in San Jose, California, first as a research scientist, then as manager of the Discrete Mathematics Group and manager of the Mathematics and Related Computer Science Department. She and her husband Nick Pippenger then moved to the University of British Columbia, where she stayed for 15 years and served as head of the Department of Computer Science from 1988 to 1995, vice president of student and academic services from 1995 to 1998, and dean of science from 1998 to 2002.From UBC she moved to Princeton and then Harvey Mudd College, where she is the first woman president. When she arrived at Mudd only about 30% of students and faculty were female. Today about 50% of the students and over 40% of the faculty are female. She became a citizen of the United States on January 29, 2009. Later in 2009, she joined the board of directors of the Microsoft Corporation.Klawe was inducted as a fellow of the Association for Computing Machinery in 1996, a founding fellow of the Canadian Information Processing Society in 2006, a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 2009, a fellow of the American Mathematical Society in 2012, and a fellow of the Association for Women in Mathematics in 2019.She has been awarded honorary doctorates from Ryerson Polytechnic University in 2001, the University of Waterloo in 2003, Queen's University in 2004, Dalhousie University in 2005, Acadia University in 2006, the University of Alberta in 2007, the University of Ottawa in 2008, the University of British Columbia in 2010, the University of Toronto in 2015, Concordia University in 2016, and McGill University in 2018 She was the winner of the 2014 Woman of Vision ABIE Award for Leadership from the Anita Borg Institute.In 2018 she was featured among "America's Top 50 Women In Tech" by Forbes.She also served as the president of the Association for Computing Machinery from 2002 to 2004, and in 2004 won the A. Nico Habermann award.Some of Klawe's best-cited research works concern algorithms for solving geometric optimization problems, distributed leader election, and the art gallery problem, and studies of the effects of gender on electronic game-playing. She founded the Aphasia Project, a collaboration between UBC and Princeton to study aphasia and develop cognitive aids for people suffering from it, after her friend Anita Borg developed brain cancer.Klawe has been heavily involved with increasing the representation of women in STEM fields. While Klawe was the dean at UBC, she became the NSERC-IBM chair for Women in Science and Engineering. She was in charge of increasing female participation in science and engineering. During her five years as the chair appointment she increased female computer science majors from 16% to 27% and increased the number of female computer science faculty from 2 to 7. In 1991, together with Nancy Leveson, she founded CRA-W (The Computing Research Association's Committee on the Status of Women in Computing Research) and served as its first co-chair. She was also a personal friend of Anita Borg and served as the chair of the Board of Trustees of the Anita Borg Institute for Women and Technology from 1996 to 2011. Klawe was a huge advocate for salary negotiation by women, disagreeing with Microsoft's CEO Satya Nadella, when he said "It's not really about asking for a raise, but knowing and having faith that the system will give you the right raise. That might be one of the initial 'super powers,' that quite frankly, women (who) don't ask for a raise have. It's good karma. It will come back."Klawe believes that women should take an entry level computer science course during their first year at college that focuses on portraying the field as fun and engaging rather than trying to convince women to stay. She believes that if programming courses are taken at the middle school level then they have another four years of high school for peer pressure to get them disinterested again." This is what she does at Harvey Mudd. She attributes the lack of women in technical fields due to how the media portrays women. In an interview with PBS she explains how TV shows in the 1970s showed men along with women who had successful careers such as doctors or lawyers and that caused the number of women going into medicine skyrocket. Klawe emphasizes that the introductory courses offered need to be presented in a problem-solving environment, not a competitive one where a few males dominate the conversation. Klawe believes the "testosterone culture" prevents women from continuing on with CS because the males that know everything scare away anyone who is trying to learn. Currently, Klawe is working on helping biology majors learn computer science by working with UCSD to create a biology themed introductory computer science course. Another project she's working on is an online course called MOOC aimed at 10th grade students.Klawe has also exhibited her watercolors.
|
[
"Harvey Mudd College",
"Princeton University"
] |
|
Which employer did Maria Klawe work for in 09/07/1988?
|
September 07, 1988
|
{
"text": [
"University of British Columbia"
]
}
|
L2_Q11754_P108_0
|
Maria Klawe works for Princeton University from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2006.
Maria Klawe works for Harvey Mudd College from Jan, 2006 to Dec, 2022.
Maria Klawe works for University of British Columbia from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 2002.
|
Maria KlaweMaria Margaret Klawe ( ; born 1951) is a computer scientist and the fifth president of Harvey Mudd College (since July 1, 2006). Born in Toronto in 1951, she became a naturalized U.S. citizen in 2009. She was previously Dean of the School of Engineering and Applied Science at Princeton University. She is known for her advocacy for women in STEM fields.Klawe was born in Toronto, Ontario. She lived in Scotland from ages 4 to 12, and then returned to Canada, living with her family in Edmonton, Alberta.Klawe studied at the University of Alberta, dropped out to travel the world, and returned to earn her B.Sc. in 1973. She stayed at Alberta for her graduate studies, and in 1977 she earned her Ph.D. there in mathematics. She joined the mathematics faculty at Oakland University as an assistant professor in 1977 but only stayed for a year. She started a second Ph.D., in computer science, at the University of Toronto, but was offered a faculty position there before completing the degree. When she made the decision to get a PhD in computer science she had never studied the subject before. There weren't many undergraduate classes at the time so she enrolled in upper-level courses and studied about 16 hours a day to do well. She spent eight years in industry, serving at IBM's Almaden Research Center in San Jose, California, first as a research scientist, then as manager of the Discrete Mathematics Group and manager of the Mathematics and Related Computer Science Department. She and her husband Nick Pippenger then moved to the University of British Columbia, where she stayed for 15 years and served as head of the Department of Computer Science from 1988 to 1995, vice president of student and academic services from 1995 to 1998, and dean of science from 1998 to 2002.From UBC she moved to Princeton and then Harvey Mudd College, where she is the first woman president. When she arrived at Mudd only about 30% of students and faculty were female. Today about 50% of the students and over 40% of the faculty are female. She became a citizen of the United States on January 29, 2009. Later in 2009, she joined the board of directors of the Microsoft Corporation.Klawe was inducted as a fellow of the Association for Computing Machinery in 1996, a founding fellow of the Canadian Information Processing Society in 2006, a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 2009, a fellow of the American Mathematical Society in 2012, and a fellow of the Association for Women in Mathematics in 2019.She has been awarded honorary doctorates from Ryerson Polytechnic University in 2001, the University of Waterloo in 2003, Queen's University in 2004, Dalhousie University in 2005, Acadia University in 2006, the University of Alberta in 2007, the University of Ottawa in 2008, the University of British Columbia in 2010, the University of Toronto in 2015, Concordia University in 2016, and McGill University in 2018 She was the winner of the 2014 Woman of Vision ABIE Award for Leadership from the Anita Borg Institute.In 2018 she was featured among "America's Top 50 Women In Tech" by Forbes.She also served as the president of the Association for Computing Machinery from 2002 to 2004, and in 2004 won the A. Nico Habermann award.Some of Klawe's best-cited research works concern algorithms for solving geometric optimization problems, distributed leader election, and the art gallery problem, and studies of the effects of gender on electronic game-playing. She founded the Aphasia Project, a collaboration between UBC and Princeton to study aphasia and develop cognitive aids for people suffering from it, after her friend Anita Borg developed brain cancer.Klawe has been heavily involved with increasing the representation of women in STEM fields. While Klawe was the dean at UBC, she became the NSERC-IBM chair for Women in Science and Engineering. She was in charge of increasing female participation in science and engineering. During her five years as the chair appointment she increased female computer science majors from 16% to 27% and increased the number of female computer science faculty from 2 to 7. In 1991, together with Nancy Leveson, she founded CRA-W (The Computing Research Association's Committee on the Status of Women in Computing Research) and served as its first co-chair. She was also a personal friend of Anita Borg and served as the chair of the Board of Trustees of the Anita Borg Institute for Women and Technology from 1996 to 2011. Klawe was a huge advocate for salary negotiation by women, disagreeing with Microsoft's CEO Satya Nadella, when he said "It's not really about asking for a raise, but knowing and having faith that the system will give you the right raise. That might be one of the initial 'super powers,' that quite frankly, women (who) don't ask for a raise have. It's good karma. It will come back."Klawe believes that women should take an entry level computer science course during their first year at college that focuses on portraying the field as fun and engaging rather than trying to convince women to stay. She believes that if programming courses are taken at the middle school level then they have another four years of high school for peer pressure to get them disinterested again." This is what she does at Harvey Mudd. She attributes the lack of women in technical fields due to how the media portrays women. In an interview with PBS she explains how TV shows in the 1970s showed men along with women who had successful careers such as doctors or lawyers and that caused the number of women going into medicine skyrocket. Klawe emphasizes that the introductory courses offered need to be presented in a problem-solving environment, not a competitive one where a few males dominate the conversation. Klawe believes the "testosterone culture" prevents women from continuing on with CS because the males that know everything scare away anyone who is trying to learn. Currently, Klawe is working on helping biology majors learn computer science by working with UCSD to create a biology themed introductory computer science course. Another project she's working on is an online course called MOOC aimed at 10th grade students.Klawe has also exhibited her watercolors.
|
[
"Harvey Mudd College",
"Princeton University"
] |
|
Which employer did Maria Klawe work for in 07-Sep-198807-September-1988?
|
September 07, 1988
|
{
"text": [
"University of British Columbia"
]
}
|
L2_Q11754_P108_0
|
Maria Klawe works for Princeton University from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2006.
Maria Klawe works for Harvey Mudd College from Jan, 2006 to Dec, 2022.
Maria Klawe works for University of British Columbia from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 2002.
|
Maria KlaweMaria Margaret Klawe ( ; born 1951) is a computer scientist and the fifth president of Harvey Mudd College (since July 1, 2006). Born in Toronto in 1951, she became a naturalized U.S. citizen in 2009. She was previously Dean of the School of Engineering and Applied Science at Princeton University. She is known for her advocacy for women in STEM fields.Klawe was born in Toronto, Ontario. She lived in Scotland from ages 4 to 12, and then returned to Canada, living with her family in Edmonton, Alberta.Klawe studied at the University of Alberta, dropped out to travel the world, and returned to earn her B.Sc. in 1973. She stayed at Alberta for her graduate studies, and in 1977 she earned her Ph.D. there in mathematics. She joined the mathematics faculty at Oakland University as an assistant professor in 1977 but only stayed for a year. She started a second Ph.D., in computer science, at the University of Toronto, but was offered a faculty position there before completing the degree. When she made the decision to get a PhD in computer science she had never studied the subject before. There weren't many undergraduate classes at the time so she enrolled in upper-level courses and studied about 16 hours a day to do well. She spent eight years in industry, serving at IBM's Almaden Research Center in San Jose, California, first as a research scientist, then as manager of the Discrete Mathematics Group and manager of the Mathematics and Related Computer Science Department. She and her husband Nick Pippenger then moved to the University of British Columbia, where she stayed for 15 years and served as head of the Department of Computer Science from 1988 to 1995, vice president of student and academic services from 1995 to 1998, and dean of science from 1998 to 2002.From UBC she moved to Princeton and then Harvey Mudd College, where she is the first woman president. When she arrived at Mudd only about 30% of students and faculty were female. Today about 50% of the students and over 40% of the faculty are female. She became a citizen of the United States on January 29, 2009. Later in 2009, she joined the board of directors of the Microsoft Corporation.Klawe was inducted as a fellow of the Association for Computing Machinery in 1996, a founding fellow of the Canadian Information Processing Society in 2006, a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 2009, a fellow of the American Mathematical Society in 2012, and a fellow of the Association for Women in Mathematics in 2019.She has been awarded honorary doctorates from Ryerson Polytechnic University in 2001, the University of Waterloo in 2003, Queen's University in 2004, Dalhousie University in 2005, Acadia University in 2006, the University of Alberta in 2007, the University of Ottawa in 2008, the University of British Columbia in 2010, the University of Toronto in 2015, Concordia University in 2016, and McGill University in 2018 She was the winner of the 2014 Woman of Vision ABIE Award for Leadership from the Anita Borg Institute.In 2018 she was featured among "America's Top 50 Women In Tech" by Forbes.She also served as the president of the Association for Computing Machinery from 2002 to 2004, and in 2004 won the A. Nico Habermann award.Some of Klawe's best-cited research works concern algorithms for solving geometric optimization problems, distributed leader election, and the art gallery problem, and studies of the effects of gender on electronic game-playing. She founded the Aphasia Project, a collaboration between UBC and Princeton to study aphasia and develop cognitive aids for people suffering from it, after her friend Anita Borg developed brain cancer.Klawe has been heavily involved with increasing the representation of women in STEM fields. While Klawe was the dean at UBC, she became the NSERC-IBM chair for Women in Science and Engineering. She was in charge of increasing female participation in science and engineering. During her five years as the chair appointment she increased female computer science majors from 16% to 27% and increased the number of female computer science faculty from 2 to 7. In 1991, together with Nancy Leveson, she founded CRA-W (The Computing Research Association's Committee on the Status of Women in Computing Research) and served as its first co-chair. She was also a personal friend of Anita Borg and served as the chair of the Board of Trustees of the Anita Borg Institute for Women and Technology from 1996 to 2011. Klawe was a huge advocate for salary negotiation by women, disagreeing with Microsoft's CEO Satya Nadella, when he said "It's not really about asking for a raise, but knowing and having faith that the system will give you the right raise. That might be one of the initial 'super powers,' that quite frankly, women (who) don't ask for a raise have. It's good karma. It will come back."Klawe believes that women should take an entry level computer science course during their first year at college that focuses on portraying the field as fun and engaging rather than trying to convince women to stay. She believes that if programming courses are taken at the middle school level then they have another four years of high school for peer pressure to get them disinterested again." This is what she does at Harvey Mudd. She attributes the lack of women in technical fields due to how the media portrays women. In an interview with PBS she explains how TV shows in the 1970s showed men along with women who had successful careers such as doctors or lawyers and that caused the number of women going into medicine skyrocket. Klawe emphasizes that the introductory courses offered need to be presented in a problem-solving environment, not a competitive one where a few males dominate the conversation. Klawe believes the "testosterone culture" prevents women from continuing on with CS because the males that know everything scare away anyone who is trying to learn. Currently, Klawe is working on helping biology majors learn computer science by working with UCSD to create a biology themed introductory computer science course. Another project she's working on is an online course called MOOC aimed at 10th grade students.Klawe has also exhibited her watercolors.
|
[
"Harvey Mudd College",
"Princeton University"
] |
|
Which position did John Bowring hold in Jul, 1848?
|
July 23, 1848
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q332508_P39_2
|
John Bowring holds the position of Governor of Hong Kong from Apr, 1854 to Sep, 1859.
John Bowring holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jan, 1849.
John Bowring holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1835 to Jul, 1837.
John Bowring holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847.
|
John BowringSir John Bowring (Chinese translated name: 寶寧, 寶靈 (for Mandarin speakers) or 包令 (for Cantonese)) (Thai: พระยาสยามมานุกูลกิจ สยามมิตรมหายศ) (17 October 1792 – 23 November 1872) was an English political economist, traveller, writer, literary translator, polyglot and the fourth Governor of Hong Kong.Bowring was born in Exeter of Charles Bowring (1769–1856), a wool merchant whose main market was China, from an old Unitarian family, and Sarah Jane Anne (d. 1828), the daughter of Thomas Lane, vicar of St Ives, Cornwall. His last formal education was at a Unitarian school in Moretonhampstead and he started work in his father's business at age 13. Bowring at one stage wished to become a Unitarian minister. Espousal of Unitarian faith was illegal in Britain until Bowring had turned 21.Bowring acquired first experiences in trade as a contract provider to the British army during the Peninsular War in the early 1810s, initially for four years from 1811 as a clerk at Milford & Co. where he began picking up a variety of languages. His experiences in Spain fed a healthy skepticism towards the administrative capabilities of the British military. He travelled extensively and was imprisoned in Boulogne-sur-Mer for six weeks in 1822 for suspected spying (though merely carrying papers for the Portuguese envoy to Paris).He incorporated Bowring & Co. with a partner in 1818 to sell herrings to Spain (including Gibraltar by a subsidiary) and France and to buy wine from Spain. It was during this period that he came to know Jeremy Bentham, and later became his friend. He did not, however, share Bentham's contempt for "belles lettres". He was a diligent student of literature and foreign languages, especially those of Eastern Europe. He somehow found time to write 88 hymns during this time, most published between 1823 and 1825.Failure of his business in 1827, amidst his Greek revolution financing adventure, left him reliant on Bentham's charity and seeking a new, literary direction. Bentham's personal secretary at the time, John Neal, labeled Bowring a "meddling, gossiping, sly, and treacherous man" and charged him with deceiving investors in his Greek adventure and mismanaging Bentham's funds for Bowring's own prestige with the "Westminster Review" and an early public gymnasium.Bowring had begun contributing to the newly founded "Westminster Review" and had been appointed its editor by Bentham in 1825. By his contributions to the "Review" he attained considerable repute as a political economist and parliamentary reformer. He advocated in its pages the cause of free trade long before it was popularized by Richard Cobden and John Bright, co-founders of the Anti-Corn Law League in Manchester in 1838.He pleaded earnestly on behalf of parliamentary reform, Catholic emancipation, and popular education. Bentham failed in an attempt to have Bowring appointed professor of English or History at University College London in 1827 but, after Bowring visited the Netherlands in 1828, the University of Groningen conferred on him the degree of doctor of laws in February the next year for his "Sketches of the Language and Literature of Holland." In 1830, he was in Denmark, preparing for the publication of a collection of Scandinavian poetry. As a member of the 1831 Royal Commission, he advocated strict parliamentary control on public expenditure, and considered the ensuing reform one of his main achievements. Till 1832, he was Foreign Secretary of the British and Foreign Unitarian Association.Bowring was appointed Jeremy Bentham's literary executor a week before the latter's 1832 death in his arms, and was charged with the task of preparing a collected edition of his works. The appointment was challenged by a nephew but Bowring prevailed in court. The work appeared in eleven volumes in 1843, notably omitting Bentham's most controversial works on female sexuality and homosexuality.Free trade took on the dimensions of faith to Bowring who, in 1841, quipped, "Jesus Christ is free trade and free trade is Jesus Christ", adding, in response to consternation at the proposition, that it was "intimitely associated with religious truth and the exercise of religious principles".Through Bentham connections and in spite of his radicalism, Bowring was appointed to carry out investigations of the national accounting systems of the Netherlands and France in 1832 by the government and House of Commons, respectively. The mark left by his work in France was not welcomed by all; as one commentator remarked,Yet his work was so highly regarded by the Whig government that he was then appointed secretary of the Royal Commission on the Public Accounts. He had made his name as something of an expert on government accounting. He stood the same year for the newly created industrial constituency of Blackburn but was unsuccessful.In 1835, Bowring entered parliament as member for Kilmarnock Burghs; and in the following year he was appointed head of a government commission to be sent to France to inquire into the actual state of commerce between the two countries. After losing his seat in 1837, he was busied in further economic investigations in Egypt, Syria, Switzerland, Italy, and some of the states in Imperial Germany. The results of these missions appeared in a series of reports laid before the House of Commons and even a paper delivered to the British Association of Science with his observations on containment of the plague in the Levant. He also spoke out passionately for equal rights for women and the abolition of slavery.On a still narrow, landed constituency, Bowring, campaigning on a radical and, to Marx and Engels, inconsistent platform of free trade and Chartism, secured a seat in parliament in 1841, as member for Bolton, perhaps England's constituency most affected by industrial upheaval and riven by deep social unrest bordering on revolution. In the House, he campaigned for free trade, adoption of the Charter, repeal of the Corn Laws, improved administration of the Poor Law, open borders, abolition of the death penalty, and an end to flogging in the Army and payments to Church of England prelates.During this busy period he found leisure for literature, and published in 1843 a translation of the "Manuscript of the Queen's Court", a collection of Czech medieval poetry, later considered false by Czech poet Václav Hanka. In 1846 he became President of the Mazzinian People's International League.Without inherited wealth, or salary as MP for Bolton, Bowring sought to sustain his political career by investing heavily in the south Wales iron industry from 1843. Following huge demand for iron rails brought about by parliament's approval of massive railway building from 1844 to 1846, Bowring led a small group of wealthy London merchants and bankers as Chairman of the Llynvi Iron Company and established a large integrated ironworks at Maesteg in Glamorgan during 1845–46. He installed his brother, Charles, as Resident Director and lost no time in naming the district around his ironworks, Bowrington. He gained a reputation in the Maesteg district as an enlightened employer, one contemporary commenting that 'he gave the poor their rights and carried away their blessing'.In 1845 he became Chairman of the London and Blackwall Railway, the world's first steam-powered urban passenger railway and the precursor of the whole London Rail system.Bowring distinguished himself as an advocate of decimal currency. On 27 April 1847, he addressed the House of Commons on the merits of decimalisation. He agreed to a compromise that directly led to the issue of the florin (one-tenth of a pound sterling), introduced as a first step in 1848 and more generally in 1849. He lost his seat in 1849 but went on to publish a work entitled "The Decimal System in Numbers, Coins and Accounts" in 1854.The trade depression of the late 1840s caused the failure of his venture in south Wales in 1848 and wiped out his capital, forcing Bowring into paid employment. His business failure led directly to his acceptance of Palmerston's offer of the consulship at Canton.By 1847, Bowring had assembled an impressive array of credentials: honorary diplomas from universities in Holland and Italy, fellowships of the Linnaean Society of London and Paris, the Historical Institute of the Scandinavian and Icelandic Societies, the Royal Institute of the Netherlands, the Royal Society of Hungary, the Royal Society of Copenhagen, and of the Frisian and Athenian Societies. Numerous translations and works on foreign languages, politics and economy had been published. His zeal in Parliament and standing as a literary man were well known.In 1849, he was appointed British consul at Canton (today's Guangzhou), and superintendent of trade in China. Arriving on HMS "Medea" on 12 April 1849, he took up the post in which he was to remain for four years the next day. His son John Charles had preceded him to China, arriving in Hong Kong in 1842, had been appointed Justice of the Peace and was at one point a partner in Jardines.Bowring was quickly appalled by endemic corruption and frustrated by finding himself powerless in the face of Chinese breaches of the Treaty of Nanking and refusal to receive him at the diplomatic level or permit him to travel to Peking, and by his being subordinate to the Governor of Hong Kong who knew nothing of his difficulties.For almost a year from 1852 to 1853, he acted as Britain's Plenipotentiary and Superintendent of Trade and Governor of Hong Kong in the absence on leave of Sir George Bonham, who he was later to succeed.Bowring was instrumental in the formation in 1855 of the Board of Inspectors established under the Qing Customs House, operated by the British to gather statistics on trade on behalf of the Qing government and, later, as the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Service, to collect all customs duties, a vital reform which brought an end to the corruption of government officials and led modernisation of China's international trade. Concerned for the welfare of coolies being exported to Australia, California, Cuba and the West Indies, and disturbed by the coolie revolt in Amoy in May 1852, Bowring tightened enforcement of the Passenger Act so as to improve coolie transportation conditions and ensure their voluntariness.The newly knighted Bowring received his appointment as Governor of Hong Kong and her Majesty's Plenipotentiary and Chief Superintendent of British Trade in China on 10 January 1854. He arrived in Hong Kong and was sworn in on 13 April 1854, in the midst of the Taiping Rebellion occupying the attentions of his primary protagonists and the Crimean War distracting his masters. He was appointed over strong objections from opponents in London. Fellow Unitarian Harriet Martineau had warned that Bowring was "no fit representative of Government, and no safe guardian of British interests", that he was dangerous and would lead Britain into war with China, and that he should be recalled. Her pleas went unheeded.Bowring was an extremely industrious reformist governor. He allowed the Chinese citizens in Hong Kong to serve as jurors in trials and become lawyers. He is credited with establishing Hong Kong's first commercial public water supply system. He developed the eastern Wan Chai area at a river mouth near Happy Valley and Victoria Harbour by elongating the river as a canal, the area being named Bowring City (Bowrington). By instituting the Buildings and Nuisances Ordinance, No. 8 of 1856, in the face of stiff opposition, Bowring ensured the safer design of all future construction projects in the colony. He sought to abolish monopolies.Bowring was impressed by the yawning gulf of misunderstanding between the expatriate and Chinese communities, writing, "We rule them in ignorance and they submit in blindness." Notwithstanding, in 1856, Bowring went so far as to attempt democratic reform. He proposed that the constitution of the Legislative Council be changed to increase membership to 13 members, of whom five be elected by landowners enjoying rents exceeding 10 pounds, but this was rejected by Henry Labouchère of the Colonial Office on the basis that Chinese residents were "deficient in the essential elements of morality on which social order rests". The constituency would only have amounted to 141 qualified electors, in any event.He was equally impressed by the dearth of expenditure on education, noting that 70 times more was provided for policing than for instruction of the populace, so he rapidly brought in an inspectorate of schools, training for teachers and opening of schools. Student number increased nearly ten-fold.He became embroiled in numerous conflicts and disputes, not least of which was a struggle for dominance with Lieutenant Governor William Caine, which went all the way back to the Colonial Office for resolution. He won. He was faulted for failing to prevent a scandalous action in slander, in 1856, by the assistant magistrate W. H. Mitchell against his attorney-general T. Chisholm Anstey over what was essentially a misapprehension of fact but which was thought "unique in all the scandals of modern government of the Colonies or of English Course of Justice".A Qing-sponsored campaign of civil disruption, threatening the very survival of the British administration, culminated in the arsenic poisoning incident of 15 January 1857 in which 10 pounds of arsenic was mixed in the flour of the colony's principal bakery, poisoning many hundreds, killing Bowring's wife and debilitating him for at least a year. This was a turning point for Bowring who, cornered, all but abandoned his liberality in favour of sharply curtailed civil liberties. He bemoaned:It is a perplexing position to know that a price is set on our heads, that our servants cannot be trusted, that a premium is offered to any incendiary who will set fire to our dwellings, to any murderer who will poison or destroy us. ... We have many grievances to redress, and I will try to redress them; many securities to obtain, and I mean to obtain them. ... many unfortunate wretches of all nations (as the hatred of the Chinese is indiscriminating) have been seized, decaptitated; and their heads have been exposed on the walls of Canton, their assailants having been largely rewarded; ... All this is sufficiently horrible ... we shall exact indemnities for the past, and obtain securities for the future. We shall not crouch before assassination and incendiarism ... I did all that depended upon me to promote conciliation and establish peace. ... but every effort I made was treated with scorn and repulsion. The forbearance with which the Chinese have been treated has been wholly misunderstood by them, and attributed to our apprehensions of their great power, and awe of the majesty of the 'Son of Heaven'. So they have disregarded the most solemn engagements of treaties, and looked upon us as 'barbarians,' ... I doubt not that Government, Parliament, and public opinion will go with us in this great struggle, ...In 1855, Bowring experienced a reception in Siam that could not have stood in starker contrast to Peking's constant intransigence. He was welcomed like foreign royalty, showered with pomp (including a 21-gun salute), and his determination to forge a trade accord was met with the open-minded and intelligent interest of King Mongkut. Negotiations were buoyed by the cordiality between Mongkut and Bowring and an agreement was reached on 17 April 1855, now commonly referred to as the Bowring Treaty. Bowring held Mongkut in high regard and that the feeling was mutual and enduring was confirmed by his 1867 appointment as Siam's ambassador to the courts of Europe. Bowring's delight in this "remarkable" monarch has been seen by at least one commentator as a possible encouragement to his frustration with Peking and rash handling of the "Arrow" affair.In October 1856, a dispute broke out with the Canton vice-consul Ye over the Chinese crew of a small British-flagged trading vessel, the "Arrow". Bowring saw the argument as an opportunity to wring from the Chinese the free access to Canton which had been promised in the Treaty of Nanking but so far denied. The irritation caused by his "spirited" or high-handed policy led to the Second Opium War (1856–1860). Martineau put the war down to the "incompetence and self-seeking rashness of one vain man".It was under Bowring that the colony's first ever bilingual English-Chinese law, "An Ordinance for licensing and regulating the sale of prepared opium" (Ordinance No. 2 of 1858), appeared on its statute books.In April the same year, Bowring was the subject of scandal when the case of criminal libel against the editor of the "Daily Press", Yorick J Murrow, came to trial. Murrow had written of Bowring's having taken numerous steps to favour the trade of his son's firm, Messrs Jardine, Matheson & Co., enriching it as a result. Murrow, having been found guilty by the jury, emerged from six months' imprisonment to take up precisely where he left off, vilifying Bowring from his press. The scandal was rekindled in December when Murrow brought an ultimately unsuccessful suit in damages against Bowring in connection with his imprisonment.A commission of inquiry into accusations of corruption, operating brothels and associating with leading underworld figures laid by Attorney-General Anstey against Registrar-General Daniel R Caldwell scandalised the administration. During the course of its proceedings Anstey had opportunity to viciously accuse William Thomas Bridges, one-time acting Attorney-General and constant favourite of Bowring, for receiving stolen goods under the guise of running a money-lending operation from the ground floor of his residence, collecting debts at extortionate rates. The charges found unproved, Caldwell was exonerated and Anstey suspended, and Bridges later to be appointed acting Colonial Secretary by Bowring, but suspicions remained and Bowring's administration had been ruined.In mourning for the recent loss of his wife to the arsenic poisoning, Bowring made an official tour of the Philippines, sailing on the steam-powered paddle frigate "Magicienne" on 29 November 1858, returning seven weeks later.Stripped of his diplomatic and trade powers, weakened by the effects of the arsenic, and seeing his administration torn apart by anti-corruption inquiries in a campaign launched by him, Bowring's work in Hong Kong ended in May 1859. His parting sentiment was that "a year of great embarrassment ... unhappy misunderstandings among officials, fomented by passionate partisanship and by a reckless and slanderous press, made the conduct of public affairs one of extreme difficulty." He plunged into writing a 434-page account of his Philippines sojourn which was published the same year.His last employment by the British government was as a commissioner to Italy in 1861, to report on British commercial relations with the new kingdom. Bowring subsequently accepted the appointment of minister plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary from the Hawaiian government to the courts of Europe, and in this capacity negotiated treaties with Belgium, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain and Switzerland.Bowring was an accomplished polyglot and claimed he knew 200 languages of which he could speak 100. Many of his contemporaries and subsequent biographers thought otherwise. His chief literary work was the translation of the folk-songs of most European nations, although he also wrote original poems and hymns, and books or pamphlets on political and economic subjects. The first fruits of his study of foreign literature appeared in "Specimens of the Russian Poets" (1821–1823). These were followed by "Batavian Anthology" (1824), "Ancient Poetry and Romances of Spain" (1824), "Specimens of the Polish Poets", and "Serbian Popular Poetry", both in 1827, and "Poetry of the Magyars" (1830).Bowring's 88 published hymns include "God is love: his mercy brightens", "In the Cross of Christ I glory", and "Watchman, tell us of the night"."In the Cross" and "Watchman", both from his privately published collection "Hymns" (1825), are still used in many churches. The American composer Charles Ives used part of "Watchman, Tell Us of the Night" in the opening movement of his Fourth Symphony.Selected publications: Bowring married twice. By his first wife, Maria (1793/94–1858), whom he married in 1818 after moving to London, he had five sons and four daughters (Maria, John, Frederick, Lewin, Edgar, Charles, Edith, Emily, and Gertrude). She died in September 1858, a victim of the arsenic poisoning of the bread supply in Hong Kong during the Second Opium War sparked by her husband.Bowring married his second wife, Deborah Castle (1816–1902), in 1860; they had no children. Deborah, Lady Bowring died in Exeter in July 1902. She was a prominent Unitarian Christian and supporter of the women's suffrage movement.John Bowring died on 23 November 1872, aged 80.Bowring is credited with popularising Samuel Taylor Coleridge's "Kubla Khan or a Vision in a Dream" which had been disparaged by the critics and discarded soon after first publication.In the mid-19th century a district of the Llynfi Valley, Glamorgan, south Wales was known as Bowrington as it was built up when John Bowring was chairman of the local iron company. Bowring's ironworks community later became part of the Maesteg Urban District. The name was revived in the 1980s when a shopping development in Maesteg was called the Bowrington Arcade.Bowring Road, Ramsey, Isle of Man, was named for him in appreciation of his support of universal suffrage for the House of Keys and his efforts to liberalise trade with the island.As the 4th Governor, several places in Hong Kong came to be named after him:He was also responsible for the establishment of the Botanic Gardens in Hong Kong, the most indelible mark he made on the colony.Two species of lizards, "Hemidactylus bowringii" and "Subdoluseps bowringii", are named in honour of either John Bowring or his son John Charles Bowring.Actress Susannah York was the great-great-granddaughter of Bowring.Journalist and historian Philip Bowring is a descendant of Bowring's great uncle Nathaniel. He is a crucial source here, as author of less-than-whole-life biography "Free Trade's First Missionary".
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[
"Governor of Hong Kong",
"Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
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Which position did John Bowring hold in 1848-07-23?
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July 23, 1848
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{
"text": [
"Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
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L2_Q332508_P39_2
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John Bowring holds the position of Governor of Hong Kong from Apr, 1854 to Sep, 1859.
John Bowring holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jan, 1849.
John Bowring holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1835 to Jul, 1837.
John Bowring holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847.
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John BowringSir John Bowring (Chinese translated name: 寶寧, 寶靈 (for Mandarin speakers) or 包令 (for Cantonese)) (Thai: พระยาสยามมานุกูลกิจ สยามมิตรมหายศ) (17 October 1792 – 23 November 1872) was an English political economist, traveller, writer, literary translator, polyglot and the fourth Governor of Hong Kong.Bowring was born in Exeter of Charles Bowring (1769–1856), a wool merchant whose main market was China, from an old Unitarian family, and Sarah Jane Anne (d. 1828), the daughter of Thomas Lane, vicar of St Ives, Cornwall. His last formal education was at a Unitarian school in Moretonhampstead and he started work in his father's business at age 13. Bowring at one stage wished to become a Unitarian minister. Espousal of Unitarian faith was illegal in Britain until Bowring had turned 21.Bowring acquired first experiences in trade as a contract provider to the British army during the Peninsular War in the early 1810s, initially for four years from 1811 as a clerk at Milford & Co. where he began picking up a variety of languages. His experiences in Spain fed a healthy skepticism towards the administrative capabilities of the British military. He travelled extensively and was imprisoned in Boulogne-sur-Mer for six weeks in 1822 for suspected spying (though merely carrying papers for the Portuguese envoy to Paris).He incorporated Bowring & Co. with a partner in 1818 to sell herrings to Spain (including Gibraltar by a subsidiary) and France and to buy wine from Spain. It was during this period that he came to know Jeremy Bentham, and later became his friend. He did not, however, share Bentham's contempt for "belles lettres". He was a diligent student of literature and foreign languages, especially those of Eastern Europe. He somehow found time to write 88 hymns during this time, most published between 1823 and 1825.Failure of his business in 1827, amidst his Greek revolution financing adventure, left him reliant on Bentham's charity and seeking a new, literary direction. Bentham's personal secretary at the time, John Neal, labeled Bowring a "meddling, gossiping, sly, and treacherous man" and charged him with deceiving investors in his Greek adventure and mismanaging Bentham's funds for Bowring's own prestige with the "Westminster Review" and an early public gymnasium.Bowring had begun contributing to the newly founded "Westminster Review" and had been appointed its editor by Bentham in 1825. By his contributions to the "Review" he attained considerable repute as a political economist and parliamentary reformer. He advocated in its pages the cause of free trade long before it was popularized by Richard Cobden and John Bright, co-founders of the Anti-Corn Law League in Manchester in 1838.He pleaded earnestly on behalf of parliamentary reform, Catholic emancipation, and popular education. Bentham failed in an attempt to have Bowring appointed professor of English or History at University College London in 1827 but, after Bowring visited the Netherlands in 1828, the University of Groningen conferred on him the degree of doctor of laws in February the next year for his "Sketches of the Language and Literature of Holland." In 1830, he was in Denmark, preparing for the publication of a collection of Scandinavian poetry. As a member of the 1831 Royal Commission, he advocated strict parliamentary control on public expenditure, and considered the ensuing reform one of his main achievements. Till 1832, he was Foreign Secretary of the British and Foreign Unitarian Association.Bowring was appointed Jeremy Bentham's literary executor a week before the latter's 1832 death in his arms, and was charged with the task of preparing a collected edition of his works. The appointment was challenged by a nephew but Bowring prevailed in court. The work appeared in eleven volumes in 1843, notably omitting Bentham's most controversial works on female sexuality and homosexuality.Free trade took on the dimensions of faith to Bowring who, in 1841, quipped, "Jesus Christ is free trade and free trade is Jesus Christ", adding, in response to consternation at the proposition, that it was "intimitely associated with religious truth and the exercise of religious principles".Through Bentham connections and in spite of his radicalism, Bowring was appointed to carry out investigations of the national accounting systems of the Netherlands and France in 1832 by the government and House of Commons, respectively. The mark left by his work in France was not welcomed by all; as one commentator remarked,Yet his work was so highly regarded by the Whig government that he was then appointed secretary of the Royal Commission on the Public Accounts. He had made his name as something of an expert on government accounting. He stood the same year for the newly created industrial constituency of Blackburn but was unsuccessful.In 1835, Bowring entered parliament as member for Kilmarnock Burghs; and in the following year he was appointed head of a government commission to be sent to France to inquire into the actual state of commerce between the two countries. After losing his seat in 1837, he was busied in further economic investigations in Egypt, Syria, Switzerland, Italy, and some of the states in Imperial Germany. The results of these missions appeared in a series of reports laid before the House of Commons and even a paper delivered to the British Association of Science with his observations on containment of the plague in the Levant. He also spoke out passionately for equal rights for women and the abolition of slavery.On a still narrow, landed constituency, Bowring, campaigning on a radical and, to Marx and Engels, inconsistent platform of free trade and Chartism, secured a seat in parliament in 1841, as member for Bolton, perhaps England's constituency most affected by industrial upheaval and riven by deep social unrest bordering on revolution. In the House, he campaigned for free trade, adoption of the Charter, repeal of the Corn Laws, improved administration of the Poor Law, open borders, abolition of the death penalty, and an end to flogging in the Army and payments to Church of England prelates.During this busy period he found leisure for literature, and published in 1843 a translation of the "Manuscript of the Queen's Court", a collection of Czech medieval poetry, later considered false by Czech poet Václav Hanka. In 1846 he became President of the Mazzinian People's International League.Without inherited wealth, or salary as MP for Bolton, Bowring sought to sustain his political career by investing heavily in the south Wales iron industry from 1843. Following huge demand for iron rails brought about by parliament's approval of massive railway building from 1844 to 1846, Bowring led a small group of wealthy London merchants and bankers as Chairman of the Llynvi Iron Company and established a large integrated ironworks at Maesteg in Glamorgan during 1845–46. He installed his brother, Charles, as Resident Director and lost no time in naming the district around his ironworks, Bowrington. He gained a reputation in the Maesteg district as an enlightened employer, one contemporary commenting that 'he gave the poor their rights and carried away their blessing'.In 1845 he became Chairman of the London and Blackwall Railway, the world's first steam-powered urban passenger railway and the precursor of the whole London Rail system.Bowring distinguished himself as an advocate of decimal currency. On 27 April 1847, he addressed the House of Commons on the merits of decimalisation. He agreed to a compromise that directly led to the issue of the florin (one-tenth of a pound sterling), introduced as a first step in 1848 and more generally in 1849. He lost his seat in 1849 but went on to publish a work entitled "The Decimal System in Numbers, Coins and Accounts" in 1854.The trade depression of the late 1840s caused the failure of his venture in south Wales in 1848 and wiped out his capital, forcing Bowring into paid employment. His business failure led directly to his acceptance of Palmerston's offer of the consulship at Canton.By 1847, Bowring had assembled an impressive array of credentials: honorary diplomas from universities in Holland and Italy, fellowships of the Linnaean Society of London and Paris, the Historical Institute of the Scandinavian and Icelandic Societies, the Royal Institute of the Netherlands, the Royal Society of Hungary, the Royal Society of Copenhagen, and of the Frisian and Athenian Societies. Numerous translations and works on foreign languages, politics and economy had been published. His zeal in Parliament and standing as a literary man were well known.In 1849, he was appointed British consul at Canton (today's Guangzhou), and superintendent of trade in China. Arriving on HMS "Medea" on 12 April 1849, he took up the post in which he was to remain for four years the next day. His son John Charles had preceded him to China, arriving in Hong Kong in 1842, had been appointed Justice of the Peace and was at one point a partner in Jardines.Bowring was quickly appalled by endemic corruption and frustrated by finding himself powerless in the face of Chinese breaches of the Treaty of Nanking and refusal to receive him at the diplomatic level or permit him to travel to Peking, and by his being subordinate to the Governor of Hong Kong who knew nothing of his difficulties.For almost a year from 1852 to 1853, he acted as Britain's Plenipotentiary and Superintendent of Trade and Governor of Hong Kong in the absence on leave of Sir George Bonham, who he was later to succeed.Bowring was instrumental in the formation in 1855 of the Board of Inspectors established under the Qing Customs House, operated by the British to gather statistics on trade on behalf of the Qing government and, later, as the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Service, to collect all customs duties, a vital reform which brought an end to the corruption of government officials and led modernisation of China's international trade. Concerned for the welfare of coolies being exported to Australia, California, Cuba and the West Indies, and disturbed by the coolie revolt in Amoy in May 1852, Bowring tightened enforcement of the Passenger Act so as to improve coolie transportation conditions and ensure their voluntariness.The newly knighted Bowring received his appointment as Governor of Hong Kong and her Majesty's Plenipotentiary and Chief Superintendent of British Trade in China on 10 January 1854. He arrived in Hong Kong and was sworn in on 13 April 1854, in the midst of the Taiping Rebellion occupying the attentions of his primary protagonists and the Crimean War distracting his masters. He was appointed over strong objections from opponents in London. Fellow Unitarian Harriet Martineau had warned that Bowring was "no fit representative of Government, and no safe guardian of British interests", that he was dangerous and would lead Britain into war with China, and that he should be recalled. Her pleas went unheeded.Bowring was an extremely industrious reformist governor. He allowed the Chinese citizens in Hong Kong to serve as jurors in trials and become lawyers. He is credited with establishing Hong Kong's first commercial public water supply system. He developed the eastern Wan Chai area at a river mouth near Happy Valley and Victoria Harbour by elongating the river as a canal, the area being named Bowring City (Bowrington). By instituting the Buildings and Nuisances Ordinance, No. 8 of 1856, in the face of stiff opposition, Bowring ensured the safer design of all future construction projects in the colony. He sought to abolish monopolies.Bowring was impressed by the yawning gulf of misunderstanding between the expatriate and Chinese communities, writing, "We rule them in ignorance and they submit in blindness." Notwithstanding, in 1856, Bowring went so far as to attempt democratic reform. He proposed that the constitution of the Legislative Council be changed to increase membership to 13 members, of whom five be elected by landowners enjoying rents exceeding 10 pounds, but this was rejected by Henry Labouchère of the Colonial Office on the basis that Chinese residents were "deficient in the essential elements of morality on which social order rests". The constituency would only have amounted to 141 qualified electors, in any event.He was equally impressed by the dearth of expenditure on education, noting that 70 times more was provided for policing than for instruction of the populace, so he rapidly brought in an inspectorate of schools, training for teachers and opening of schools. Student number increased nearly ten-fold.He became embroiled in numerous conflicts and disputes, not least of which was a struggle for dominance with Lieutenant Governor William Caine, which went all the way back to the Colonial Office for resolution. He won. He was faulted for failing to prevent a scandalous action in slander, in 1856, by the assistant magistrate W. H. Mitchell against his attorney-general T. Chisholm Anstey over what was essentially a misapprehension of fact but which was thought "unique in all the scandals of modern government of the Colonies or of English Course of Justice".A Qing-sponsored campaign of civil disruption, threatening the very survival of the British administration, culminated in the arsenic poisoning incident of 15 January 1857 in which 10 pounds of arsenic was mixed in the flour of the colony's principal bakery, poisoning many hundreds, killing Bowring's wife and debilitating him for at least a year. This was a turning point for Bowring who, cornered, all but abandoned his liberality in favour of sharply curtailed civil liberties. He bemoaned:It is a perplexing position to know that a price is set on our heads, that our servants cannot be trusted, that a premium is offered to any incendiary who will set fire to our dwellings, to any murderer who will poison or destroy us. ... We have many grievances to redress, and I will try to redress them; many securities to obtain, and I mean to obtain them. ... many unfortunate wretches of all nations (as the hatred of the Chinese is indiscriminating) have been seized, decaptitated; and their heads have been exposed on the walls of Canton, their assailants having been largely rewarded; ... All this is sufficiently horrible ... we shall exact indemnities for the past, and obtain securities for the future. We shall not crouch before assassination and incendiarism ... I did all that depended upon me to promote conciliation and establish peace. ... but every effort I made was treated with scorn and repulsion. The forbearance with which the Chinese have been treated has been wholly misunderstood by them, and attributed to our apprehensions of their great power, and awe of the majesty of the 'Son of Heaven'. So they have disregarded the most solemn engagements of treaties, and looked upon us as 'barbarians,' ... I doubt not that Government, Parliament, and public opinion will go with us in this great struggle, ...In 1855, Bowring experienced a reception in Siam that could not have stood in starker contrast to Peking's constant intransigence. He was welcomed like foreign royalty, showered with pomp (including a 21-gun salute), and his determination to forge a trade accord was met with the open-minded and intelligent interest of King Mongkut. Negotiations were buoyed by the cordiality between Mongkut and Bowring and an agreement was reached on 17 April 1855, now commonly referred to as the Bowring Treaty. Bowring held Mongkut in high regard and that the feeling was mutual and enduring was confirmed by his 1867 appointment as Siam's ambassador to the courts of Europe. Bowring's delight in this "remarkable" monarch has been seen by at least one commentator as a possible encouragement to his frustration with Peking and rash handling of the "Arrow" affair.In October 1856, a dispute broke out with the Canton vice-consul Ye over the Chinese crew of a small British-flagged trading vessel, the "Arrow". Bowring saw the argument as an opportunity to wring from the Chinese the free access to Canton which had been promised in the Treaty of Nanking but so far denied. The irritation caused by his "spirited" or high-handed policy led to the Second Opium War (1856–1860). Martineau put the war down to the "incompetence and self-seeking rashness of one vain man".It was under Bowring that the colony's first ever bilingual English-Chinese law, "An Ordinance for licensing and regulating the sale of prepared opium" (Ordinance No. 2 of 1858), appeared on its statute books.In April the same year, Bowring was the subject of scandal when the case of criminal libel against the editor of the "Daily Press", Yorick J Murrow, came to trial. Murrow had written of Bowring's having taken numerous steps to favour the trade of his son's firm, Messrs Jardine, Matheson & Co., enriching it as a result. Murrow, having been found guilty by the jury, emerged from six months' imprisonment to take up precisely where he left off, vilifying Bowring from his press. The scandal was rekindled in December when Murrow brought an ultimately unsuccessful suit in damages against Bowring in connection with his imprisonment.A commission of inquiry into accusations of corruption, operating brothels and associating with leading underworld figures laid by Attorney-General Anstey against Registrar-General Daniel R Caldwell scandalised the administration. During the course of its proceedings Anstey had opportunity to viciously accuse William Thomas Bridges, one-time acting Attorney-General and constant favourite of Bowring, for receiving stolen goods under the guise of running a money-lending operation from the ground floor of his residence, collecting debts at extortionate rates. The charges found unproved, Caldwell was exonerated and Anstey suspended, and Bridges later to be appointed acting Colonial Secretary by Bowring, but suspicions remained and Bowring's administration had been ruined.In mourning for the recent loss of his wife to the arsenic poisoning, Bowring made an official tour of the Philippines, sailing on the steam-powered paddle frigate "Magicienne" on 29 November 1858, returning seven weeks later.Stripped of his diplomatic and trade powers, weakened by the effects of the arsenic, and seeing his administration torn apart by anti-corruption inquiries in a campaign launched by him, Bowring's work in Hong Kong ended in May 1859. His parting sentiment was that "a year of great embarrassment ... unhappy misunderstandings among officials, fomented by passionate partisanship and by a reckless and slanderous press, made the conduct of public affairs one of extreme difficulty." He plunged into writing a 434-page account of his Philippines sojourn which was published the same year.His last employment by the British government was as a commissioner to Italy in 1861, to report on British commercial relations with the new kingdom. Bowring subsequently accepted the appointment of minister plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary from the Hawaiian government to the courts of Europe, and in this capacity negotiated treaties with Belgium, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain and Switzerland.Bowring was an accomplished polyglot and claimed he knew 200 languages of which he could speak 100. Many of his contemporaries and subsequent biographers thought otherwise. His chief literary work was the translation of the folk-songs of most European nations, although he also wrote original poems and hymns, and books or pamphlets on political and economic subjects. The first fruits of his study of foreign literature appeared in "Specimens of the Russian Poets" (1821–1823). These were followed by "Batavian Anthology" (1824), "Ancient Poetry and Romances of Spain" (1824), "Specimens of the Polish Poets", and "Serbian Popular Poetry", both in 1827, and "Poetry of the Magyars" (1830).Bowring's 88 published hymns include "God is love: his mercy brightens", "In the Cross of Christ I glory", and "Watchman, tell us of the night"."In the Cross" and "Watchman", both from his privately published collection "Hymns" (1825), are still used in many churches. The American composer Charles Ives used part of "Watchman, Tell Us of the Night" in the opening movement of his Fourth Symphony.Selected publications: Bowring married twice. By his first wife, Maria (1793/94–1858), whom he married in 1818 after moving to London, he had five sons and four daughters (Maria, John, Frederick, Lewin, Edgar, Charles, Edith, Emily, and Gertrude). She died in September 1858, a victim of the arsenic poisoning of the bread supply in Hong Kong during the Second Opium War sparked by her husband.Bowring married his second wife, Deborah Castle (1816–1902), in 1860; they had no children. Deborah, Lady Bowring died in Exeter in July 1902. She was a prominent Unitarian Christian and supporter of the women's suffrage movement.John Bowring died on 23 November 1872, aged 80.Bowring is credited with popularising Samuel Taylor Coleridge's "Kubla Khan or a Vision in a Dream" which had been disparaged by the critics and discarded soon after first publication.In the mid-19th century a district of the Llynfi Valley, Glamorgan, south Wales was known as Bowrington as it was built up when John Bowring was chairman of the local iron company. Bowring's ironworks community later became part of the Maesteg Urban District. The name was revived in the 1980s when a shopping development in Maesteg was called the Bowrington Arcade.Bowring Road, Ramsey, Isle of Man, was named for him in appreciation of his support of universal suffrage for the House of Keys and his efforts to liberalise trade with the island.As the 4th Governor, several places in Hong Kong came to be named after him:He was also responsible for the establishment of the Botanic Gardens in Hong Kong, the most indelible mark he made on the colony.Two species of lizards, "Hemidactylus bowringii" and "Subdoluseps bowringii", are named in honour of either John Bowring or his son John Charles Bowring.Actress Susannah York was the great-great-granddaughter of Bowring.Journalist and historian Philip Bowring is a descendant of Bowring's great uncle Nathaniel. He is a crucial source here, as author of less-than-whole-life biography "Free Trade's First Missionary".
|
[
"Governor of Hong Kong",
"Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did John Bowring hold in 23/07/1848?
|
July 23, 1848
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q332508_P39_2
|
John Bowring holds the position of Governor of Hong Kong from Apr, 1854 to Sep, 1859.
John Bowring holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jan, 1849.
John Bowring holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1835 to Jul, 1837.
John Bowring holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847.
|
John BowringSir John Bowring (Chinese translated name: 寶寧, 寶靈 (for Mandarin speakers) or 包令 (for Cantonese)) (Thai: พระยาสยามมานุกูลกิจ สยามมิตรมหายศ) (17 October 1792 – 23 November 1872) was an English political economist, traveller, writer, literary translator, polyglot and the fourth Governor of Hong Kong.Bowring was born in Exeter of Charles Bowring (1769–1856), a wool merchant whose main market was China, from an old Unitarian family, and Sarah Jane Anne (d. 1828), the daughter of Thomas Lane, vicar of St Ives, Cornwall. His last formal education was at a Unitarian school in Moretonhampstead and he started work in his father's business at age 13. Bowring at one stage wished to become a Unitarian minister. Espousal of Unitarian faith was illegal in Britain until Bowring had turned 21.Bowring acquired first experiences in trade as a contract provider to the British army during the Peninsular War in the early 1810s, initially for four years from 1811 as a clerk at Milford & Co. where he began picking up a variety of languages. His experiences in Spain fed a healthy skepticism towards the administrative capabilities of the British military. He travelled extensively and was imprisoned in Boulogne-sur-Mer for six weeks in 1822 for suspected spying (though merely carrying papers for the Portuguese envoy to Paris).He incorporated Bowring & Co. with a partner in 1818 to sell herrings to Spain (including Gibraltar by a subsidiary) and France and to buy wine from Spain. It was during this period that he came to know Jeremy Bentham, and later became his friend. He did not, however, share Bentham's contempt for "belles lettres". He was a diligent student of literature and foreign languages, especially those of Eastern Europe. He somehow found time to write 88 hymns during this time, most published between 1823 and 1825.Failure of his business in 1827, amidst his Greek revolution financing adventure, left him reliant on Bentham's charity and seeking a new, literary direction. Bentham's personal secretary at the time, John Neal, labeled Bowring a "meddling, gossiping, sly, and treacherous man" and charged him with deceiving investors in his Greek adventure and mismanaging Bentham's funds for Bowring's own prestige with the "Westminster Review" and an early public gymnasium.Bowring had begun contributing to the newly founded "Westminster Review" and had been appointed its editor by Bentham in 1825. By his contributions to the "Review" he attained considerable repute as a political economist and parliamentary reformer. He advocated in its pages the cause of free trade long before it was popularized by Richard Cobden and John Bright, co-founders of the Anti-Corn Law League in Manchester in 1838.He pleaded earnestly on behalf of parliamentary reform, Catholic emancipation, and popular education. Bentham failed in an attempt to have Bowring appointed professor of English or History at University College London in 1827 but, after Bowring visited the Netherlands in 1828, the University of Groningen conferred on him the degree of doctor of laws in February the next year for his "Sketches of the Language and Literature of Holland." In 1830, he was in Denmark, preparing for the publication of a collection of Scandinavian poetry. As a member of the 1831 Royal Commission, he advocated strict parliamentary control on public expenditure, and considered the ensuing reform one of his main achievements. Till 1832, he was Foreign Secretary of the British and Foreign Unitarian Association.Bowring was appointed Jeremy Bentham's literary executor a week before the latter's 1832 death in his arms, and was charged with the task of preparing a collected edition of his works. The appointment was challenged by a nephew but Bowring prevailed in court. The work appeared in eleven volumes in 1843, notably omitting Bentham's most controversial works on female sexuality and homosexuality.Free trade took on the dimensions of faith to Bowring who, in 1841, quipped, "Jesus Christ is free trade and free trade is Jesus Christ", adding, in response to consternation at the proposition, that it was "intimitely associated with religious truth and the exercise of religious principles".Through Bentham connections and in spite of his radicalism, Bowring was appointed to carry out investigations of the national accounting systems of the Netherlands and France in 1832 by the government and House of Commons, respectively. The mark left by his work in France was not welcomed by all; as one commentator remarked,Yet his work was so highly regarded by the Whig government that he was then appointed secretary of the Royal Commission on the Public Accounts. He had made his name as something of an expert on government accounting. He stood the same year for the newly created industrial constituency of Blackburn but was unsuccessful.In 1835, Bowring entered parliament as member for Kilmarnock Burghs; and in the following year he was appointed head of a government commission to be sent to France to inquire into the actual state of commerce between the two countries. After losing his seat in 1837, he was busied in further economic investigations in Egypt, Syria, Switzerland, Italy, and some of the states in Imperial Germany. The results of these missions appeared in a series of reports laid before the House of Commons and even a paper delivered to the British Association of Science with his observations on containment of the plague in the Levant. He also spoke out passionately for equal rights for women and the abolition of slavery.On a still narrow, landed constituency, Bowring, campaigning on a radical and, to Marx and Engels, inconsistent platform of free trade and Chartism, secured a seat in parliament in 1841, as member for Bolton, perhaps England's constituency most affected by industrial upheaval and riven by deep social unrest bordering on revolution. In the House, he campaigned for free trade, adoption of the Charter, repeal of the Corn Laws, improved administration of the Poor Law, open borders, abolition of the death penalty, and an end to flogging in the Army and payments to Church of England prelates.During this busy period he found leisure for literature, and published in 1843 a translation of the "Manuscript of the Queen's Court", a collection of Czech medieval poetry, later considered false by Czech poet Václav Hanka. In 1846 he became President of the Mazzinian People's International League.Without inherited wealth, or salary as MP for Bolton, Bowring sought to sustain his political career by investing heavily in the south Wales iron industry from 1843. Following huge demand for iron rails brought about by parliament's approval of massive railway building from 1844 to 1846, Bowring led a small group of wealthy London merchants and bankers as Chairman of the Llynvi Iron Company and established a large integrated ironworks at Maesteg in Glamorgan during 1845–46. He installed his brother, Charles, as Resident Director and lost no time in naming the district around his ironworks, Bowrington. He gained a reputation in the Maesteg district as an enlightened employer, one contemporary commenting that 'he gave the poor their rights and carried away their blessing'.In 1845 he became Chairman of the London and Blackwall Railway, the world's first steam-powered urban passenger railway and the precursor of the whole London Rail system.Bowring distinguished himself as an advocate of decimal currency. On 27 April 1847, he addressed the House of Commons on the merits of decimalisation. He agreed to a compromise that directly led to the issue of the florin (one-tenth of a pound sterling), introduced as a first step in 1848 and more generally in 1849. He lost his seat in 1849 but went on to publish a work entitled "The Decimal System in Numbers, Coins and Accounts" in 1854.The trade depression of the late 1840s caused the failure of his venture in south Wales in 1848 and wiped out his capital, forcing Bowring into paid employment. His business failure led directly to his acceptance of Palmerston's offer of the consulship at Canton.By 1847, Bowring had assembled an impressive array of credentials: honorary diplomas from universities in Holland and Italy, fellowships of the Linnaean Society of London and Paris, the Historical Institute of the Scandinavian and Icelandic Societies, the Royal Institute of the Netherlands, the Royal Society of Hungary, the Royal Society of Copenhagen, and of the Frisian and Athenian Societies. Numerous translations and works on foreign languages, politics and economy had been published. His zeal in Parliament and standing as a literary man were well known.In 1849, he was appointed British consul at Canton (today's Guangzhou), and superintendent of trade in China. Arriving on HMS "Medea" on 12 April 1849, he took up the post in which he was to remain for four years the next day. His son John Charles had preceded him to China, arriving in Hong Kong in 1842, had been appointed Justice of the Peace and was at one point a partner in Jardines.Bowring was quickly appalled by endemic corruption and frustrated by finding himself powerless in the face of Chinese breaches of the Treaty of Nanking and refusal to receive him at the diplomatic level or permit him to travel to Peking, and by his being subordinate to the Governor of Hong Kong who knew nothing of his difficulties.For almost a year from 1852 to 1853, he acted as Britain's Plenipotentiary and Superintendent of Trade and Governor of Hong Kong in the absence on leave of Sir George Bonham, who he was later to succeed.Bowring was instrumental in the formation in 1855 of the Board of Inspectors established under the Qing Customs House, operated by the British to gather statistics on trade on behalf of the Qing government and, later, as the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Service, to collect all customs duties, a vital reform which brought an end to the corruption of government officials and led modernisation of China's international trade. Concerned for the welfare of coolies being exported to Australia, California, Cuba and the West Indies, and disturbed by the coolie revolt in Amoy in May 1852, Bowring tightened enforcement of the Passenger Act so as to improve coolie transportation conditions and ensure their voluntariness.The newly knighted Bowring received his appointment as Governor of Hong Kong and her Majesty's Plenipotentiary and Chief Superintendent of British Trade in China on 10 January 1854. He arrived in Hong Kong and was sworn in on 13 April 1854, in the midst of the Taiping Rebellion occupying the attentions of his primary protagonists and the Crimean War distracting his masters. He was appointed over strong objections from opponents in London. Fellow Unitarian Harriet Martineau had warned that Bowring was "no fit representative of Government, and no safe guardian of British interests", that he was dangerous and would lead Britain into war with China, and that he should be recalled. Her pleas went unheeded.Bowring was an extremely industrious reformist governor. He allowed the Chinese citizens in Hong Kong to serve as jurors in trials and become lawyers. He is credited with establishing Hong Kong's first commercial public water supply system. He developed the eastern Wan Chai area at a river mouth near Happy Valley and Victoria Harbour by elongating the river as a canal, the area being named Bowring City (Bowrington). By instituting the Buildings and Nuisances Ordinance, No. 8 of 1856, in the face of stiff opposition, Bowring ensured the safer design of all future construction projects in the colony. He sought to abolish monopolies.Bowring was impressed by the yawning gulf of misunderstanding between the expatriate and Chinese communities, writing, "We rule them in ignorance and they submit in blindness." Notwithstanding, in 1856, Bowring went so far as to attempt democratic reform. He proposed that the constitution of the Legislative Council be changed to increase membership to 13 members, of whom five be elected by landowners enjoying rents exceeding 10 pounds, but this was rejected by Henry Labouchère of the Colonial Office on the basis that Chinese residents were "deficient in the essential elements of morality on which social order rests". The constituency would only have amounted to 141 qualified electors, in any event.He was equally impressed by the dearth of expenditure on education, noting that 70 times more was provided for policing than for instruction of the populace, so he rapidly brought in an inspectorate of schools, training for teachers and opening of schools. Student number increased nearly ten-fold.He became embroiled in numerous conflicts and disputes, not least of which was a struggle for dominance with Lieutenant Governor William Caine, which went all the way back to the Colonial Office for resolution. He won. He was faulted for failing to prevent a scandalous action in slander, in 1856, by the assistant magistrate W. H. Mitchell against his attorney-general T. Chisholm Anstey over what was essentially a misapprehension of fact but which was thought "unique in all the scandals of modern government of the Colonies or of English Course of Justice".A Qing-sponsored campaign of civil disruption, threatening the very survival of the British administration, culminated in the arsenic poisoning incident of 15 January 1857 in which 10 pounds of arsenic was mixed in the flour of the colony's principal bakery, poisoning many hundreds, killing Bowring's wife and debilitating him for at least a year. This was a turning point for Bowring who, cornered, all but abandoned his liberality in favour of sharply curtailed civil liberties. He bemoaned:It is a perplexing position to know that a price is set on our heads, that our servants cannot be trusted, that a premium is offered to any incendiary who will set fire to our dwellings, to any murderer who will poison or destroy us. ... We have many grievances to redress, and I will try to redress them; many securities to obtain, and I mean to obtain them. ... many unfortunate wretches of all nations (as the hatred of the Chinese is indiscriminating) have been seized, decaptitated; and their heads have been exposed on the walls of Canton, their assailants having been largely rewarded; ... All this is sufficiently horrible ... we shall exact indemnities for the past, and obtain securities for the future. We shall not crouch before assassination and incendiarism ... I did all that depended upon me to promote conciliation and establish peace. ... but every effort I made was treated with scorn and repulsion. The forbearance with which the Chinese have been treated has been wholly misunderstood by them, and attributed to our apprehensions of their great power, and awe of the majesty of the 'Son of Heaven'. So they have disregarded the most solemn engagements of treaties, and looked upon us as 'barbarians,' ... I doubt not that Government, Parliament, and public opinion will go with us in this great struggle, ...In 1855, Bowring experienced a reception in Siam that could not have stood in starker contrast to Peking's constant intransigence. He was welcomed like foreign royalty, showered with pomp (including a 21-gun salute), and his determination to forge a trade accord was met with the open-minded and intelligent interest of King Mongkut. Negotiations were buoyed by the cordiality between Mongkut and Bowring and an agreement was reached on 17 April 1855, now commonly referred to as the Bowring Treaty. Bowring held Mongkut in high regard and that the feeling was mutual and enduring was confirmed by his 1867 appointment as Siam's ambassador to the courts of Europe. Bowring's delight in this "remarkable" monarch has been seen by at least one commentator as a possible encouragement to his frustration with Peking and rash handling of the "Arrow" affair.In October 1856, a dispute broke out with the Canton vice-consul Ye over the Chinese crew of a small British-flagged trading vessel, the "Arrow". Bowring saw the argument as an opportunity to wring from the Chinese the free access to Canton which had been promised in the Treaty of Nanking but so far denied. The irritation caused by his "spirited" or high-handed policy led to the Second Opium War (1856–1860). Martineau put the war down to the "incompetence and self-seeking rashness of one vain man".It was under Bowring that the colony's first ever bilingual English-Chinese law, "An Ordinance for licensing and regulating the sale of prepared opium" (Ordinance No. 2 of 1858), appeared on its statute books.In April the same year, Bowring was the subject of scandal when the case of criminal libel against the editor of the "Daily Press", Yorick J Murrow, came to trial. Murrow had written of Bowring's having taken numerous steps to favour the trade of his son's firm, Messrs Jardine, Matheson & Co., enriching it as a result. Murrow, having been found guilty by the jury, emerged from six months' imprisonment to take up precisely where he left off, vilifying Bowring from his press. The scandal was rekindled in December when Murrow brought an ultimately unsuccessful suit in damages against Bowring in connection with his imprisonment.A commission of inquiry into accusations of corruption, operating brothels and associating with leading underworld figures laid by Attorney-General Anstey against Registrar-General Daniel R Caldwell scandalised the administration. During the course of its proceedings Anstey had opportunity to viciously accuse William Thomas Bridges, one-time acting Attorney-General and constant favourite of Bowring, for receiving stolen goods under the guise of running a money-lending operation from the ground floor of his residence, collecting debts at extortionate rates. The charges found unproved, Caldwell was exonerated and Anstey suspended, and Bridges later to be appointed acting Colonial Secretary by Bowring, but suspicions remained and Bowring's administration had been ruined.In mourning for the recent loss of his wife to the arsenic poisoning, Bowring made an official tour of the Philippines, sailing on the steam-powered paddle frigate "Magicienne" on 29 November 1858, returning seven weeks later.Stripped of his diplomatic and trade powers, weakened by the effects of the arsenic, and seeing his administration torn apart by anti-corruption inquiries in a campaign launched by him, Bowring's work in Hong Kong ended in May 1859. His parting sentiment was that "a year of great embarrassment ... unhappy misunderstandings among officials, fomented by passionate partisanship and by a reckless and slanderous press, made the conduct of public affairs one of extreme difficulty." He plunged into writing a 434-page account of his Philippines sojourn which was published the same year.His last employment by the British government was as a commissioner to Italy in 1861, to report on British commercial relations with the new kingdom. Bowring subsequently accepted the appointment of minister plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary from the Hawaiian government to the courts of Europe, and in this capacity negotiated treaties with Belgium, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain and Switzerland.Bowring was an accomplished polyglot and claimed he knew 200 languages of which he could speak 100. Many of his contemporaries and subsequent biographers thought otherwise. His chief literary work was the translation of the folk-songs of most European nations, although he also wrote original poems and hymns, and books or pamphlets on political and economic subjects. The first fruits of his study of foreign literature appeared in "Specimens of the Russian Poets" (1821–1823). These were followed by "Batavian Anthology" (1824), "Ancient Poetry and Romances of Spain" (1824), "Specimens of the Polish Poets", and "Serbian Popular Poetry", both in 1827, and "Poetry of the Magyars" (1830).Bowring's 88 published hymns include "God is love: his mercy brightens", "In the Cross of Christ I glory", and "Watchman, tell us of the night"."In the Cross" and "Watchman", both from his privately published collection "Hymns" (1825), are still used in many churches. The American composer Charles Ives used part of "Watchman, Tell Us of the Night" in the opening movement of his Fourth Symphony.Selected publications: Bowring married twice. By his first wife, Maria (1793/94–1858), whom he married in 1818 after moving to London, he had five sons and four daughters (Maria, John, Frederick, Lewin, Edgar, Charles, Edith, Emily, and Gertrude). She died in September 1858, a victim of the arsenic poisoning of the bread supply in Hong Kong during the Second Opium War sparked by her husband.Bowring married his second wife, Deborah Castle (1816–1902), in 1860; they had no children. Deborah, Lady Bowring died in Exeter in July 1902. She was a prominent Unitarian Christian and supporter of the women's suffrage movement.John Bowring died on 23 November 1872, aged 80.Bowring is credited with popularising Samuel Taylor Coleridge's "Kubla Khan or a Vision in a Dream" which had been disparaged by the critics and discarded soon after first publication.In the mid-19th century a district of the Llynfi Valley, Glamorgan, south Wales was known as Bowrington as it was built up when John Bowring was chairman of the local iron company. Bowring's ironworks community later became part of the Maesteg Urban District. The name was revived in the 1980s when a shopping development in Maesteg was called the Bowrington Arcade.Bowring Road, Ramsey, Isle of Man, was named for him in appreciation of his support of universal suffrage for the House of Keys and his efforts to liberalise trade with the island.As the 4th Governor, several places in Hong Kong came to be named after him:He was also responsible for the establishment of the Botanic Gardens in Hong Kong, the most indelible mark he made on the colony.Two species of lizards, "Hemidactylus bowringii" and "Subdoluseps bowringii", are named in honour of either John Bowring or his son John Charles Bowring.Actress Susannah York was the great-great-granddaughter of Bowring.Journalist and historian Philip Bowring is a descendant of Bowring's great uncle Nathaniel. He is a crucial source here, as author of less-than-whole-life biography "Free Trade's First Missionary".
|
[
"Governor of Hong Kong",
"Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did John Bowring hold in Jul 23, 1848?
|
July 23, 1848
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q332508_P39_2
|
John Bowring holds the position of Governor of Hong Kong from Apr, 1854 to Sep, 1859.
John Bowring holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jan, 1849.
John Bowring holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1835 to Jul, 1837.
John Bowring holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847.
|
John BowringSir John Bowring (Chinese translated name: 寶寧, 寶靈 (for Mandarin speakers) or 包令 (for Cantonese)) (Thai: พระยาสยามมานุกูลกิจ สยามมิตรมหายศ) (17 October 1792 – 23 November 1872) was an English political economist, traveller, writer, literary translator, polyglot and the fourth Governor of Hong Kong.Bowring was born in Exeter of Charles Bowring (1769–1856), a wool merchant whose main market was China, from an old Unitarian family, and Sarah Jane Anne (d. 1828), the daughter of Thomas Lane, vicar of St Ives, Cornwall. His last formal education was at a Unitarian school in Moretonhampstead and he started work in his father's business at age 13. Bowring at one stage wished to become a Unitarian minister. Espousal of Unitarian faith was illegal in Britain until Bowring had turned 21.Bowring acquired first experiences in trade as a contract provider to the British army during the Peninsular War in the early 1810s, initially for four years from 1811 as a clerk at Milford & Co. where he began picking up a variety of languages. His experiences in Spain fed a healthy skepticism towards the administrative capabilities of the British military. He travelled extensively and was imprisoned in Boulogne-sur-Mer for six weeks in 1822 for suspected spying (though merely carrying papers for the Portuguese envoy to Paris).He incorporated Bowring & Co. with a partner in 1818 to sell herrings to Spain (including Gibraltar by a subsidiary) and France and to buy wine from Spain. It was during this period that he came to know Jeremy Bentham, and later became his friend. He did not, however, share Bentham's contempt for "belles lettres". He was a diligent student of literature and foreign languages, especially those of Eastern Europe. He somehow found time to write 88 hymns during this time, most published between 1823 and 1825.Failure of his business in 1827, amidst his Greek revolution financing adventure, left him reliant on Bentham's charity and seeking a new, literary direction. Bentham's personal secretary at the time, John Neal, labeled Bowring a "meddling, gossiping, sly, and treacherous man" and charged him with deceiving investors in his Greek adventure and mismanaging Bentham's funds for Bowring's own prestige with the "Westminster Review" and an early public gymnasium.Bowring had begun contributing to the newly founded "Westminster Review" and had been appointed its editor by Bentham in 1825. By his contributions to the "Review" he attained considerable repute as a political economist and parliamentary reformer. He advocated in its pages the cause of free trade long before it was popularized by Richard Cobden and John Bright, co-founders of the Anti-Corn Law League in Manchester in 1838.He pleaded earnestly on behalf of parliamentary reform, Catholic emancipation, and popular education. Bentham failed in an attempt to have Bowring appointed professor of English or History at University College London in 1827 but, after Bowring visited the Netherlands in 1828, the University of Groningen conferred on him the degree of doctor of laws in February the next year for his "Sketches of the Language and Literature of Holland." In 1830, he was in Denmark, preparing for the publication of a collection of Scandinavian poetry. As a member of the 1831 Royal Commission, he advocated strict parliamentary control on public expenditure, and considered the ensuing reform one of his main achievements. Till 1832, he was Foreign Secretary of the British and Foreign Unitarian Association.Bowring was appointed Jeremy Bentham's literary executor a week before the latter's 1832 death in his arms, and was charged with the task of preparing a collected edition of his works. The appointment was challenged by a nephew but Bowring prevailed in court. The work appeared in eleven volumes in 1843, notably omitting Bentham's most controversial works on female sexuality and homosexuality.Free trade took on the dimensions of faith to Bowring who, in 1841, quipped, "Jesus Christ is free trade and free trade is Jesus Christ", adding, in response to consternation at the proposition, that it was "intimitely associated with religious truth and the exercise of religious principles".Through Bentham connections and in spite of his radicalism, Bowring was appointed to carry out investigations of the national accounting systems of the Netherlands and France in 1832 by the government and House of Commons, respectively. The mark left by his work in France was not welcomed by all; as one commentator remarked,Yet his work was so highly regarded by the Whig government that he was then appointed secretary of the Royal Commission on the Public Accounts. He had made his name as something of an expert on government accounting. He stood the same year for the newly created industrial constituency of Blackburn but was unsuccessful.In 1835, Bowring entered parliament as member for Kilmarnock Burghs; and in the following year he was appointed head of a government commission to be sent to France to inquire into the actual state of commerce between the two countries. After losing his seat in 1837, he was busied in further economic investigations in Egypt, Syria, Switzerland, Italy, and some of the states in Imperial Germany. The results of these missions appeared in a series of reports laid before the House of Commons and even a paper delivered to the British Association of Science with his observations on containment of the plague in the Levant. He also spoke out passionately for equal rights for women and the abolition of slavery.On a still narrow, landed constituency, Bowring, campaigning on a radical and, to Marx and Engels, inconsistent platform of free trade and Chartism, secured a seat in parliament in 1841, as member for Bolton, perhaps England's constituency most affected by industrial upheaval and riven by deep social unrest bordering on revolution. In the House, he campaigned for free trade, adoption of the Charter, repeal of the Corn Laws, improved administration of the Poor Law, open borders, abolition of the death penalty, and an end to flogging in the Army and payments to Church of England prelates.During this busy period he found leisure for literature, and published in 1843 a translation of the "Manuscript of the Queen's Court", a collection of Czech medieval poetry, later considered false by Czech poet Václav Hanka. In 1846 he became President of the Mazzinian People's International League.Without inherited wealth, or salary as MP for Bolton, Bowring sought to sustain his political career by investing heavily in the south Wales iron industry from 1843. Following huge demand for iron rails brought about by parliament's approval of massive railway building from 1844 to 1846, Bowring led a small group of wealthy London merchants and bankers as Chairman of the Llynvi Iron Company and established a large integrated ironworks at Maesteg in Glamorgan during 1845–46. He installed his brother, Charles, as Resident Director and lost no time in naming the district around his ironworks, Bowrington. He gained a reputation in the Maesteg district as an enlightened employer, one contemporary commenting that 'he gave the poor their rights and carried away their blessing'.In 1845 he became Chairman of the London and Blackwall Railway, the world's first steam-powered urban passenger railway and the precursor of the whole London Rail system.Bowring distinguished himself as an advocate of decimal currency. On 27 April 1847, he addressed the House of Commons on the merits of decimalisation. He agreed to a compromise that directly led to the issue of the florin (one-tenth of a pound sterling), introduced as a first step in 1848 and more generally in 1849. He lost his seat in 1849 but went on to publish a work entitled "The Decimal System in Numbers, Coins and Accounts" in 1854.The trade depression of the late 1840s caused the failure of his venture in south Wales in 1848 and wiped out his capital, forcing Bowring into paid employment. His business failure led directly to his acceptance of Palmerston's offer of the consulship at Canton.By 1847, Bowring had assembled an impressive array of credentials: honorary diplomas from universities in Holland and Italy, fellowships of the Linnaean Society of London and Paris, the Historical Institute of the Scandinavian and Icelandic Societies, the Royal Institute of the Netherlands, the Royal Society of Hungary, the Royal Society of Copenhagen, and of the Frisian and Athenian Societies. Numerous translations and works on foreign languages, politics and economy had been published. His zeal in Parliament and standing as a literary man were well known.In 1849, he was appointed British consul at Canton (today's Guangzhou), and superintendent of trade in China. Arriving on HMS "Medea" on 12 April 1849, he took up the post in which he was to remain for four years the next day. His son John Charles had preceded him to China, arriving in Hong Kong in 1842, had been appointed Justice of the Peace and was at one point a partner in Jardines.Bowring was quickly appalled by endemic corruption and frustrated by finding himself powerless in the face of Chinese breaches of the Treaty of Nanking and refusal to receive him at the diplomatic level or permit him to travel to Peking, and by his being subordinate to the Governor of Hong Kong who knew nothing of his difficulties.For almost a year from 1852 to 1853, he acted as Britain's Plenipotentiary and Superintendent of Trade and Governor of Hong Kong in the absence on leave of Sir George Bonham, who he was later to succeed.Bowring was instrumental in the formation in 1855 of the Board of Inspectors established under the Qing Customs House, operated by the British to gather statistics on trade on behalf of the Qing government and, later, as the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Service, to collect all customs duties, a vital reform which brought an end to the corruption of government officials and led modernisation of China's international trade. Concerned for the welfare of coolies being exported to Australia, California, Cuba and the West Indies, and disturbed by the coolie revolt in Amoy in May 1852, Bowring tightened enforcement of the Passenger Act so as to improve coolie transportation conditions and ensure their voluntariness.The newly knighted Bowring received his appointment as Governor of Hong Kong and her Majesty's Plenipotentiary and Chief Superintendent of British Trade in China on 10 January 1854. He arrived in Hong Kong and was sworn in on 13 April 1854, in the midst of the Taiping Rebellion occupying the attentions of his primary protagonists and the Crimean War distracting his masters. He was appointed over strong objections from opponents in London. Fellow Unitarian Harriet Martineau had warned that Bowring was "no fit representative of Government, and no safe guardian of British interests", that he was dangerous and would lead Britain into war with China, and that he should be recalled. Her pleas went unheeded.Bowring was an extremely industrious reformist governor. He allowed the Chinese citizens in Hong Kong to serve as jurors in trials and become lawyers. He is credited with establishing Hong Kong's first commercial public water supply system. He developed the eastern Wan Chai area at a river mouth near Happy Valley and Victoria Harbour by elongating the river as a canal, the area being named Bowring City (Bowrington). By instituting the Buildings and Nuisances Ordinance, No. 8 of 1856, in the face of stiff opposition, Bowring ensured the safer design of all future construction projects in the colony. He sought to abolish monopolies.Bowring was impressed by the yawning gulf of misunderstanding between the expatriate and Chinese communities, writing, "We rule them in ignorance and they submit in blindness." Notwithstanding, in 1856, Bowring went so far as to attempt democratic reform. He proposed that the constitution of the Legislative Council be changed to increase membership to 13 members, of whom five be elected by landowners enjoying rents exceeding 10 pounds, but this was rejected by Henry Labouchère of the Colonial Office on the basis that Chinese residents were "deficient in the essential elements of morality on which social order rests". The constituency would only have amounted to 141 qualified electors, in any event.He was equally impressed by the dearth of expenditure on education, noting that 70 times more was provided for policing than for instruction of the populace, so he rapidly brought in an inspectorate of schools, training for teachers and opening of schools. Student number increased nearly ten-fold.He became embroiled in numerous conflicts and disputes, not least of which was a struggle for dominance with Lieutenant Governor William Caine, which went all the way back to the Colonial Office for resolution. He won. He was faulted for failing to prevent a scandalous action in slander, in 1856, by the assistant magistrate W. H. Mitchell against his attorney-general T. Chisholm Anstey over what was essentially a misapprehension of fact but which was thought "unique in all the scandals of modern government of the Colonies or of English Course of Justice".A Qing-sponsored campaign of civil disruption, threatening the very survival of the British administration, culminated in the arsenic poisoning incident of 15 January 1857 in which 10 pounds of arsenic was mixed in the flour of the colony's principal bakery, poisoning many hundreds, killing Bowring's wife and debilitating him for at least a year. This was a turning point for Bowring who, cornered, all but abandoned his liberality in favour of sharply curtailed civil liberties. He bemoaned:It is a perplexing position to know that a price is set on our heads, that our servants cannot be trusted, that a premium is offered to any incendiary who will set fire to our dwellings, to any murderer who will poison or destroy us. ... We have many grievances to redress, and I will try to redress them; many securities to obtain, and I mean to obtain them. ... many unfortunate wretches of all nations (as the hatred of the Chinese is indiscriminating) have been seized, decaptitated; and their heads have been exposed on the walls of Canton, their assailants having been largely rewarded; ... All this is sufficiently horrible ... we shall exact indemnities for the past, and obtain securities for the future. We shall not crouch before assassination and incendiarism ... I did all that depended upon me to promote conciliation and establish peace. ... but every effort I made was treated with scorn and repulsion. The forbearance with which the Chinese have been treated has been wholly misunderstood by them, and attributed to our apprehensions of their great power, and awe of the majesty of the 'Son of Heaven'. So they have disregarded the most solemn engagements of treaties, and looked upon us as 'barbarians,' ... I doubt not that Government, Parliament, and public opinion will go with us in this great struggle, ...In 1855, Bowring experienced a reception in Siam that could not have stood in starker contrast to Peking's constant intransigence. He was welcomed like foreign royalty, showered with pomp (including a 21-gun salute), and his determination to forge a trade accord was met with the open-minded and intelligent interest of King Mongkut. Negotiations were buoyed by the cordiality between Mongkut and Bowring and an agreement was reached on 17 April 1855, now commonly referred to as the Bowring Treaty. Bowring held Mongkut in high regard and that the feeling was mutual and enduring was confirmed by his 1867 appointment as Siam's ambassador to the courts of Europe. Bowring's delight in this "remarkable" monarch has been seen by at least one commentator as a possible encouragement to his frustration with Peking and rash handling of the "Arrow" affair.In October 1856, a dispute broke out with the Canton vice-consul Ye over the Chinese crew of a small British-flagged trading vessel, the "Arrow". Bowring saw the argument as an opportunity to wring from the Chinese the free access to Canton which had been promised in the Treaty of Nanking but so far denied. The irritation caused by his "spirited" or high-handed policy led to the Second Opium War (1856–1860). Martineau put the war down to the "incompetence and self-seeking rashness of one vain man".It was under Bowring that the colony's first ever bilingual English-Chinese law, "An Ordinance for licensing and regulating the sale of prepared opium" (Ordinance No. 2 of 1858), appeared on its statute books.In April the same year, Bowring was the subject of scandal when the case of criminal libel against the editor of the "Daily Press", Yorick J Murrow, came to trial. Murrow had written of Bowring's having taken numerous steps to favour the trade of his son's firm, Messrs Jardine, Matheson & Co., enriching it as a result. Murrow, having been found guilty by the jury, emerged from six months' imprisonment to take up precisely where he left off, vilifying Bowring from his press. The scandal was rekindled in December when Murrow brought an ultimately unsuccessful suit in damages against Bowring in connection with his imprisonment.A commission of inquiry into accusations of corruption, operating brothels and associating with leading underworld figures laid by Attorney-General Anstey against Registrar-General Daniel R Caldwell scandalised the administration. During the course of its proceedings Anstey had opportunity to viciously accuse William Thomas Bridges, one-time acting Attorney-General and constant favourite of Bowring, for receiving stolen goods under the guise of running a money-lending operation from the ground floor of his residence, collecting debts at extortionate rates. The charges found unproved, Caldwell was exonerated and Anstey suspended, and Bridges later to be appointed acting Colonial Secretary by Bowring, but suspicions remained and Bowring's administration had been ruined.In mourning for the recent loss of his wife to the arsenic poisoning, Bowring made an official tour of the Philippines, sailing on the steam-powered paddle frigate "Magicienne" on 29 November 1858, returning seven weeks later.Stripped of his diplomatic and trade powers, weakened by the effects of the arsenic, and seeing his administration torn apart by anti-corruption inquiries in a campaign launched by him, Bowring's work in Hong Kong ended in May 1859. His parting sentiment was that "a year of great embarrassment ... unhappy misunderstandings among officials, fomented by passionate partisanship and by a reckless and slanderous press, made the conduct of public affairs one of extreme difficulty." He plunged into writing a 434-page account of his Philippines sojourn which was published the same year.His last employment by the British government was as a commissioner to Italy in 1861, to report on British commercial relations with the new kingdom. Bowring subsequently accepted the appointment of minister plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary from the Hawaiian government to the courts of Europe, and in this capacity negotiated treaties with Belgium, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain and Switzerland.Bowring was an accomplished polyglot and claimed he knew 200 languages of which he could speak 100. Many of his contemporaries and subsequent biographers thought otherwise. His chief literary work was the translation of the folk-songs of most European nations, although he also wrote original poems and hymns, and books or pamphlets on political and economic subjects. The first fruits of his study of foreign literature appeared in "Specimens of the Russian Poets" (1821–1823). These were followed by "Batavian Anthology" (1824), "Ancient Poetry and Romances of Spain" (1824), "Specimens of the Polish Poets", and "Serbian Popular Poetry", both in 1827, and "Poetry of the Magyars" (1830).Bowring's 88 published hymns include "God is love: his mercy brightens", "In the Cross of Christ I glory", and "Watchman, tell us of the night"."In the Cross" and "Watchman", both from his privately published collection "Hymns" (1825), are still used in many churches. The American composer Charles Ives used part of "Watchman, Tell Us of the Night" in the opening movement of his Fourth Symphony.Selected publications: Bowring married twice. By his first wife, Maria (1793/94–1858), whom he married in 1818 after moving to London, he had five sons and four daughters (Maria, John, Frederick, Lewin, Edgar, Charles, Edith, Emily, and Gertrude). She died in September 1858, a victim of the arsenic poisoning of the bread supply in Hong Kong during the Second Opium War sparked by her husband.Bowring married his second wife, Deborah Castle (1816–1902), in 1860; they had no children. Deborah, Lady Bowring died in Exeter in July 1902. She was a prominent Unitarian Christian and supporter of the women's suffrage movement.John Bowring died on 23 November 1872, aged 80.Bowring is credited with popularising Samuel Taylor Coleridge's "Kubla Khan or a Vision in a Dream" which had been disparaged by the critics and discarded soon after first publication.In the mid-19th century a district of the Llynfi Valley, Glamorgan, south Wales was known as Bowrington as it was built up when John Bowring was chairman of the local iron company. Bowring's ironworks community later became part of the Maesteg Urban District. The name was revived in the 1980s when a shopping development in Maesteg was called the Bowrington Arcade.Bowring Road, Ramsey, Isle of Man, was named for him in appreciation of his support of universal suffrage for the House of Keys and his efforts to liberalise trade with the island.As the 4th Governor, several places in Hong Kong came to be named after him:He was also responsible for the establishment of the Botanic Gardens in Hong Kong, the most indelible mark he made on the colony.Two species of lizards, "Hemidactylus bowringii" and "Subdoluseps bowringii", are named in honour of either John Bowring or his son John Charles Bowring.Actress Susannah York was the great-great-granddaughter of Bowring.Journalist and historian Philip Bowring is a descendant of Bowring's great uncle Nathaniel. He is a crucial source here, as author of less-than-whole-life biography "Free Trade's First Missionary".
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[
"Governor of Hong Kong",
"Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
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Which position did John Bowring hold in 07/23/1848?
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July 23, 1848
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{
"text": [
"Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
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L2_Q332508_P39_2
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John Bowring holds the position of Governor of Hong Kong from Apr, 1854 to Sep, 1859.
John Bowring holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jan, 1849.
John Bowring holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1835 to Jul, 1837.
John Bowring holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847.
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John BowringSir John Bowring (Chinese translated name: 寶寧, 寶靈 (for Mandarin speakers) or 包令 (for Cantonese)) (Thai: พระยาสยามมานุกูลกิจ สยามมิตรมหายศ) (17 October 1792 – 23 November 1872) was an English political economist, traveller, writer, literary translator, polyglot and the fourth Governor of Hong Kong.Bowring was born in Exeter of Charles Bowring (1769–1856), a wool merchant whose main market was China, from an old Unitarian family, and Sarah Jane Anne (d. 1828), the daughter of Thomas Lane, vicar of St Ives, Cornwall. His last formal education was at a Unitarian school in Moretonhampstead and he started work in his father's business at age 13. Bowring at one stage wished to become a Unitarian minister. Espousal of Unitarian faith was illegal in Britain until Bowring had turned 21.Bowring acquired first experiences in trade as a contract provider to the British army during the Peninsular War in the early 1810s, initially for four years from 1811 as a clerk at Milford & Co. where he began picking up a variety of languages. His experiences in Spain fed a healthy skepticism towards the administrative capabilities of the British military. He travelled extensively and was imprisoned in Boulogne-sur-Mer for six weeks in 1822 for suspected spying (though merely carrying papers for the Portuguese envoy to Paris).He incorporated Bowring & Co. with a partner in 1818 to sell herrings to Spain (including Gibraltar by a subsidiary) and France and to buy wine from Spain. It was during this period that he came to know Jeremy Bentham, and later became his friend. He did not, however, share Bentham's contempt for "belles lettres". He was a diligent student of literature and foreign languages, especially those of Eastern Europe. He somehow found time to write 88 hymns during this time, most published between 1823 and 1825.Failure of his business in 1827, amidst his Greek revolution financing adventure, left him reliant on Bentham's charity and seeking a new, literary direction. Bentham's personal secretary at the time, John Neal, labeled Bowring a "meddling, gossiping, sly, and treacherous man" and charged him with deceiving investors in his Greek adventure and mismanaging Bentham's funds for Bowring's own prestige with the "Westminster Review" and an early public gymnasium.Bowring had begun contributing to the newly founded "Westminster Review" and had been appointed its editor by Bentham in 1825. By his contributions to the "Review" he attained considerable repute as a political economist and parliamentary reformer. He advocated in its pages the cause of free trade long before it was popularized by Richard Cobden and John Bright, co-founders of the Anti-Corn Law League in Manchester in 1838.He pleaded earnestly on behalf of parliamentary reform, Catholic emancipation, and popular education. Bentham failed in an attempt to have Bowring appointed professor of English or History at University College London in 1827 but, after Bowring visited the Netherlands in 1828, the University of Groningen conferred on him the degree of doctor of laws in February the next year for his "Sketches of the Language and Literature of Holland." In 1830, he was in Denmark, preparing for the publication of a collection of Scandinavian poetry. As a member of the 1831 Royal Commission, he advocated strict parliamentary control on public expenditure, and considered the ensuing reform one of his main achievements. Till 1832, he was Foreign Secretary of the British and Foreign Unitarian Association.Bowring was appointed Jeremy Bentham's literary executor a week before the latter's 1832 death in his arms, and was charged with the task of preparing a collected edition of his works. The appointment was challenged by a nephew but Bowring prevailed in court. The work appeared in eleven volumes in 1843, notably omitting Bentham's most controversial works on female sexuality and homosexuality.Free trade took on the dimensions of faith to Bowring who, in 1841, quipped, "Jesus Christ is free trade and free trade is Jesus Christ", adding, in response to consternation at the proposition, that it was "intimitely associated with religious truth and the exercise of religious principles".Through Bentham connections and in spite of his radicalism, Bowring was appointed to carry out investigations of the national accounting systems of the Netherlands and France in 1832 by the government and House of Commons, respectively. The mark left by his work in France was not welcomed by all; as one commentator remarked,Yet his work was so highly regarded by the Whig government that he was then appointed secretary of the Royal Commission on the Public Accounts. He had made his name as something of an expert on government accounting. He stood the same year for the newly created industrial constituency of Blackburn but was unsuccessful.In 1835, Bowring entered parliament as member for Kilmarnock Burghs; and in the following year he was appointed head of a government commission to be sent to France to inquire into the actual state of commerce between the two countries. After losing his seat in 1837, he was busied in further economic investigations in Egypt, Syria, Switzerland, Italy, and some of the states in Imperial Germany. The results of these missions appeared in a series of reports laid before the House of Commons and even a paper delivered to the British Association of Science with his observations on containment of the plague in the Levant. He also spoke out passionately for equal rights for women and the abolition of slavery.On a still narrow, landed constituency, Bowring, campaigning on a radical and, to Marx and Engels, inconsistent platform of free trade and Chartism, secured a seat in parliament in 1841, as member for Bolton, perhaps England's constituency most affected by industrial upheaval and riven by deep social unrest bordering on revolution. In the House, he campaigned for free trade, adoption of the Charter, repeal of the Corn Laws, improved administration of the Poor Law, open borders, abolition of the death penalty, and an end to flogging in the Army and payments to Church of England prelates.During this busy period he found leisure for literature, and published in 1843 a translation of the "Manuscript of the Queen's Court", a collection of Czech medieval poetry, later considered false by Czech poet Václav Hanka. In 1846 he became President of the Mazzinian People's International League.Without inherited wealth, or salary as MP for Bolton, Bowring sought to sustain his political career by investing heavily in the south Wales iron industry from 1843. Following huge demand for iron rails brought about by parliament's approval of massive railway building from 1844 to 1846, Bowring led a small group of wealthy London merchants and bankers as Chairman of the Llynvi Iron Company and established a large integrated ironworks at Maesteg in Glamorgan during 1845–46. He installed his brother, Charles, as Resident Director and lost no time in naming the district around his ironworks, Bowrington. He gained a reputation in the Maesteg district as an enlightened employer, one contemporary commenting that 'he gave the poor their rights and carried away their blessing'.In 1845 he became Chairman of the London and Blackwall Railway, the world's first steam-powered urban passenger railway and the precursor of the whole London Rail system.Bowring distinguished himself as an advocate of decimal currency. On 27 April 1847, he addressed the House of Commons on the merits of decimalisation. He agreed to a compromise that directly led to the issue of the florin (one-tenth of a pound sterling), introduced as a first step in 1848 and more generally in 1849. He lost his seat in 1849 but went on to publish a work entitled "The Decimal System in Numbers, Coins and Accounts" in 1854.The trade depression of the late 1840s caused the failure of his venture in south Wales in 1848 and wiped out his capital, forcing Bowring into paid employment. His business failure led directly to his acceptance of Palmerston's offer of the consulship at Canton.By 1847, Bowring had assembled an impressive array of credentials: honorary diplomas from universities in Holland and Italy, fellowships of the Linnaean Society of London and Paris, the Historical Institute of the Scandinavian and Icelandic Societies, the Royal Institute of the Netherlands, the Royal Society of Hungary, the Royal Society of Copenhagen, and of the Frisian and Athenian Societies. Numerous translations and works on foreign languages, politics and economy had been published. His zeal in Parliament and standing as a literary man were well known.In 1849, he was appointed British consul at Canton (today's Guangzhou), and superintendent of trade in China. Arriving on HMS "Medea" on 12 April 1849, he took up the post in which he was to remain for four years the next day. His son John Charles had preceded him to China, arriving in Hong Kong in 1842, had been appointed Justice of the Peace and was at one point a partner in Jardines.Bowring was quickly appalled by endemic corruption and frustrated by finding himself powerless in the face of Chinese breaches of the Treaty of Nanking and refusal to receive him at the diplomatic level or permit him to travel to Peking, and by his being subordinate to the Governor of Hong Kong who knew nothing of his difficulties.For almost a year from 1852 to 1853, he acted as Britain's Plenipotentiary and Superintendent of Trade and Governor of Hong Kong in the absence on leave of Sir George Bonham, who he was later to succeed.Bowring was instrumental in the formation in 1855 of the Board of Inspectors established under the Qing Customs House, operated by the British to gather statistics on trade on behalf of the Qing government and, later, as the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Service, to collect all customs duties, a vital reform which brought an end to the corruption of government officials and led modernisation of China's international trade. Concerned for the welfare of coolies being exported to Australia, California, Cuba and the West Indies, and disturbed by the coolie revolt in Amoy in May 1852, Bowring tightened enforcement of the Passenger Act so as to improve coolie transportation conditions and ensure their voluntariness.The newly knighted Bowring received his appointment as Governor of Hong Kong and her Majesty's Plenipotentiary and Chief Superintendent of British Trade in China on 10 January 1854. He arrived in Hong Kong and was sworn in on 13 April 1854, in the midst of the Taiping Rebellion occupying the attentions of his primary protagonists and the Crimean War distracting his masters. He was appointed over strong objections from opponents in London. Fellow Unitarian Harriet Martineau had warned that Bowring was "no fit representative of Government, and no safe guardian of British interests", that he was dangerous and would lead Britain into war with China, and that he should be recalled. Her pleas went unheeded.Bowring was an extremely industrious reformist governor. He allowed the Chinese citizens in Hong Kong to serve as jurors in trials and become lawyers. He is credited with establishing Hong Kong's first commercial public water supply system. He developed the eastern Wan Chai area at a river mouth near Happy Valley and Victoria Harbour by elongating the river as a canal, the area being named Bowring City (Bowrington). By instituting the Buildings and Nuisances Ordinance, No. 8 of 1856, in the face of stiff opposition, Bowring ensured the safer design of all future construction projects in the colony. He sought to abolish monopolies.Bowring was impressed by the yawning gulf of misunderstanding between the expatriate and Chinese communities, writing, "We rule them in ignorance and they submit in blindness." Notwithstanding, in 1856, Bowring went so far as to attempt democratic reform. He proposed that the constitution of the Legislative Council be changed to increase membership to 13 members, of whom five be elected by landowners enjoying rents exceeding 10 pounds, but this was rejected by Henry Labouchère of the Colonial Office on the basis that Chinese residents were "deficient in the essential elements of morality on which social order rests". The constituency would only have amounted to 141 qualified electors, in any event.He was equally impressed by the dearth of expenditure on education, noting that 70 times more was provided for policing than for instruction of the populace, so he rapidly brought in an inspectorate of schools, training for teachers and opening of schools. Student number increased nearly ten-fold.He became embroiled in numerous conflicts and disputes, not least of which was a struggle for dominance with Lieutenant Governor William Caine, which went all the way back to the Colonial Office for resolution. He won. He was faulted for failing to prevent a scandalous action in slander, in 1856, by the assistant magistrate W. H. Mitchell against his attorney-general T. Chisholm Anstey over what was essentially a misapprehension of fact but which was thought "unique in all the scandals of modern government of the Colonies or of English Course of Justice".A Qing-sponsored campaign of civil disruption, threatening the very survival of the British administration, culminated in the arsenic poisoning incident of 15 January 1857 in which 10 pounds of arsenic was mixed in the flour of the colony's principal bakery, poisoning many hundreds, killing Bowring's wife and debilitating him for at least a year. This was a turning point for Bowring who, cornered, all but abandoned his liberality in favour of sharply curtailed civil liberties. He bemoaned:It is a perplexing position to know that a price is set on our heads, that our servants cannot be trusted, that a premium is offered to any incendiary who will set fire to our dwellings, to any murderer who will poison or destroy us. ... We have many grievances to redress, and I will try to redress them; many securities to obtain, and I mean to obtain them. ... many unfortunate wretches of all nations (as the hatred of the Chinese is indiscriminating) have been seized, decaptitated; and their heads have been exposed on the walls of Canton, their assailants having been largely rewarded; ... All this is sufficiently horrible ... we shall exact indemnities for the past, and obtain securities for the future. We shall not crouch before assassination and incendiarism ... I did all that depended upon me to promote conciliation and establish peace. ... but every effort I made was treated with scorn and repulsion. The forbearance with which the Chinese have been treated has been wholly misunderstood by them, and attributed to our apprehensions of their great power, and awe of the majesty of the 'Son of Heaven'. So they have disregarded the most solemn engagements of treaties, and looked upon us as 'barbarians,' ... I doubt not that Government, Parliament, and public opinion will go with us in this great struggle, ...In 1855, Bowring experienced a reception in Siam that could not have stood in starker contrast to Peking's constant intransigence. He was welcomed like foreign royalty, showered with pomp (including a 21-gun salute), and his determination to forge a trade accord was met with the open-minded and intelligent interest of King Mongkut. Negotiations were buoyed by the cordiality between Mongkut and Bowring and an agreement was reached on 17 April 1855, now commonly referred to as the Bowring Treaty. Bowring held Mongkut in high regard and that the feeling was mutual and enduring was confirmed by his 1867 appointment as Siam's ambassador to the courts of Europe. Bowring's delight in this "remarkable" monarch has been seen by at least one commentator as a possible encouragement to his frustration with Peking and rash handling of the "Arrow" affair.In October 1856, a dispute broke out with the Canton vice-consul Ye over the Chinese crew of a small British-flagged trading vessel, the "Arrow". Bowring saw the argument as an opportunity to wring from the Chinese the free access to Canton which had been promised in the Treaty of Nanking but so far denied. The irritation caused by his "spirited" or high-handed policy led to the Second Opium War (1856–1860). Martineau put the war down to the "incompetence and self-seeking rashness of one vain man".It was under Bowring that the colony's first ever bilingual English-Chinese law, "An Ordinance for licensing and regulating the sale of prepared opium" (Ordinance No. 2 of 1858), appeared on its statute books.In April the same year, Bowring was the subject of scandal when the case of criminal libel against the editor of the "Daily Press", Yorick J Murrow, came to trial. Murrow had written of Bowring's having taken numerous steps to favour the trade of his son's firm, Messrs Jardine, Matheson & Co., enriching it as a result. Murrow, having been found guilty by the jury, emerged from six months' imprisonment to take up precisely where he left off, vilifying Bowring from his press. The scandal was rekindled in December when Murrow brought an ultimately unsuccessful suit in damages against Bowring in connection with his imprisonment.A commission of inquiry into accusations of corruption, operating brothels and associating with leading underworld figures laid by Attorney-General Anstey against Registrar-General Daniel R Caldwell scandalised the administration. During the course of its proceedings Anstey had opportunity to viciously accuse William Thomas Bridges, one-time acting Attorney-General and constant favourite of Bowring, for receiving stolen goods under the guise of running a money-lending operation from the ground floor of his residence, collecting debts at extortionate rates. The charges found unproved, Caldwell was exonerated and Anstey suspended, and Bridges later to be appointed acting Colonial Secretary by Bowring, but suspicions remained and Bowring's administration had been ruined.In mourning for the recent loss of his wife to the arsenic poisoning, Bowring made an official tour of the Philippines, sailing on the steam-powered paddle frigate "Magicienne" on 29 November 1858, returning seven weeks later.Stripped of his diplomatic and trade powers, weakened by the effects of the arsenic, and seeing his administration torn apart by anti-corruption inquiries in a campaign launched by him, Bowring's work in Hong Kong ended in May 1859. His parting sentiment was that "a year of great embarrassment ... unhappy misunderstandings among officials, fomented by passionate partisanship and by a reckless and slanderous press, made the conduct of public affairs one of extreme difficulty." He plunged into writing a 434-page account of his Philippines sojourn which was published the same year.His last employment by the British government was as a commissioner to Italy in 1861, to report on British commercial relations with the new kingdom. Bowring subsequently accepted the appointment of minister plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary from the Hawaiian government to the courts of Europe, and in this capacity negotiated treaties with Belgium, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain and Switzerland.Bowring was an accomplished polyglot and claimed he knew 200 languages of which he could speak 100. Many of his contemporaries and subsequent biographers thought otherwise. His chief literary work was the translation of the folk-songs of most European nations, although he also wrote original poems and hymns, and books or pamphlets on political and economic subjects. The first fruits of his study of foreign literature appeared in "Specimens of the Russian Poets" (1821–1823). These were followed by "Batavian Anthology" (1824), "Ancient Poetry and Romances of Spain" (1824), "Specimens of the Polish Poets", and "Serbian Popular Poetry", both in 1827, and "Poetry of the Magyars" (1830).Bowring's 88 published hymns include "God is love: his mercy brightens", "In the Cross of Christ I glory", and "Watchman, tell us of the night"."In the Cross" and "Watchman", both from his privately published collection "Hymns" (1825), are still used in many churches. The American composer Charles Ives used part of "Watchman, Tell Us of the Night" in the opening movement of his Fourth Symphony.Selected publications: Bowring married twice. By his first wife, Maria (1793/94–1858), whom he married in 1818 after moving to London, he had five sons and four daughters (Maria, John, Frederick, Lewin, Edgar, Charles, Edith, Emily, and Gertrude). She died in September 1858, a victim of the arsenic poisoning of the bread supply in Hong Kong during the Second Opium War sparked by her husband.Bowring married his second wife, Deborah Castle (1816–1902), in 1860; they had no children. Deborah, Lady Bowring died in Exeter in July 1902. She was a prominent Unitarian Christian and supporter of the women's suffrage movement.John Bowring died on 23 November 1872, aged 80.Bowring is credited with popularising Samuel Taylor Coleridge's "Kubla Khan or a Vision in a Dream" which had been disparaged by the critics and discarded soon after first publication.In the mid-19th century a district of the Llynfi Valley, Glamorgan, south Wales was known as Bowrington as it was built up when John Bowring was chairman of the local iron company. Bowring's ironworks community later became part of the Maesteg Urban District. The name was revived in the 1980s when a shopping development in Maesteg was called the Bowrington Arcade.Bowring Road, Ramsey, Isle of Man, was named for him in appreciation of his support of universal suffrage for the House of Keys and his efforts to liberalise trade with the island.As the 4th Governor, several places in Hong Kong came to be named after him:He was also responsible for the establishment of the Botanic Gardens in Hong Kong, the most indelible mark he made on the colony.Two species of lizards, "Hemidactylus bowringii" and "Subdoluseps bowringii", are named in honour of either John Bowring or his son John Charles Bowring.Actress Susannah York was the great-great-granddaughter of Bowring.Journalist and historian Philip Bowring is a descendant of Bowring's great uncle Nathaniel. He is a crucial source here, as author of less-than-whole-life biography "Free Trade's First Missionary".
|
[
"Governor of Hong Kong",
"Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did John Bowring hold in 23-Jul-184823-July-1848?
|
July 23, 1848
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q332508_P39_2
|
John Bowring holds the position of Governor of Hong Kong from Apr, 1854 to Sep, 1859.
John Bowring holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jan, 1849.
John Bowring holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jan, 1835 to Jul, 1837.
John Bowring holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847.
|
John BowringSir John Bowring (Chinese translated name: 寶寧, 寶靈 (for Mandarin speakers) or 包令 (for Cantonese)) (Thai: พระยาสยามมานุกูลกิจ สยามมิตรมหายศ) (17 October 1792 – 23 November 1872) was an English political economist, traveller, writer, literary translator, polyglot and the fourth Governor of Hong Kong.Bowring was born in Exeter of Charles Bowring (1769–1856), a wool merchant whose main market was China, from an old Unitarian family, and Sarah Jane Anne (d. 1828), the daughter of Thomas Lane, vicar of St Ives, Cornwall. His last formal education was at a Unitarian school in Moretonhampstead and he started work in his father's business at age 13. Bowring at one stage wished to become a Unitarian minister. Espousal of Unitarian faith was illegal in Britain until Bowring had turned 21.Bowring acquired first experiences in trade as a contract provider to the British army during the Peninsular War in the early 1810s, initially for four years from 1811 as a clerk at Milford & Co. where he began picking up a variety of languages. His experiences in Spain fed a healthy skepticism towards the administrative capabilities of the British military. He travelled extensively and was imprisoned in Boulogne-sur-Mer for six weeks in 1822 for suspected spying (though merely carrying papers for the Portuguese envoy to Paris).He incorporated Bowring & Co. with a partner in 1818 to sell herrings to Spain (including Gibraltar by a subsidiary) and France and to buy wine from Spain. It was during this period that he came to know Jeremy Bentham, and later became his friend. He did not, however, share Bentham's contempt for "belles lettres". He was a diligent student of literature and foreign languages, especially those of Eastern Europe. He somehow found time to write 88 hymns during this time, most published between 1823 and 1825.Failure of his business in 1827, amidst his Greek revolution financing adventure, left him reliant on Bentham's charity and seeking a new, literary direction. Bentham's personal secretary at the time, John Neal, labeled Bowring a "meddling, gossiping, sly, and treacherous man" and charged him with deceiving investors in his Greek adventure and mismanaging Bentham's funds for Bowring's own prestige with the "Westminster Review" and an early public gymnasium.Bowring had begun contributing to the newly founded "Westminster Review" and had been appointed its editor by Bentham in 1825. By his contributions to the "Review" he attained considerable repute as a political economist and parliamentary reformer. He advocated in its pages the cause of free trade long before it was popularized by Richard Cobden and John Bright, co-founders of the Anti-Corn Law League in Manchester in 1838.He pleaded earnestly on behalf of parliamentary reform, Catholic emancipation, and popular education. Bentham failed in an attempt to have Bowring appointed professor of English or History at University College London in 1827 but, after Bowring visited the Netherlands in 1828, the University of Groningen conferred on him the degree of doctor of laws in February the next year for his "Sketches of the Language and Literature of Holland." In 1830, he was in Denmark, preparing for the publication of a collection of Scandinavian poetry. As a member of the 1831 Royal Commission, he advocated strict parliamentary control on public expenditure, and considered the ensuing reform one of his main achievements. Till 1832, he was Foreign Secretary of the British and Foreign Unitarian Association.Bowring was appointed Jeremy Bentham's literary executor a week before the latter's 1832 death in his arms, and was charged with the task of preparing a collected edition of his works. The appointment was challenged by a nephew but Bowring prevailed in court. The work appeared in eleven volumes in 1843, notably omitting Bentham's most controversial works on female sexuality and homosexuality.Free trade took on the dimensions of faith to Bowring who, in 1841, quipped, "Jesus Christ is free trade and free trade is Jesus Christ", adding, in response to consternation at the proposition, that it was "intimitely associated with religious truth and the exercise of religious principles".Through Bentham connections and in spite of his radicalism, Bowring was appointed to carry out investigations of the national accounting systems of the Netherlands and France in 1832 by the government and House of Commons, respectively. The mark left by his work in France was not welcomed by all; as one commentator remarked,Yet his work was so highly regarded by the Whig government that he was then appointed secretary of the Royal Commission on the Public Accounts. He had made his name as something of an expert on government accounting. He stood the same year for the newly created industrial constituency of Blackburn but was unsuccessful.In 1835, Bowring entered parliament as member for Kilmarnock Burghs; and in the following year he was appointed head of a government commission to be sent to France to inquire into the actual state of commerce between the two countries. After losing his seat in 1837, he was busied in further economic investigations in Egypt, Syria, Switzerland, Italy, and some of the states in Imperial Germany. The results of these missions appeared in a series of reports laid before the House of Commons and even a paper delivered to the British Association of Science with his observations on containment of the plague in the Levant. He also spoke out passionately for equal rights for women and the abolition of slavery.On a still narrow, landed constituency, Bowring, campaigning on a radical and, to Marx and Engels, inconsistent platform of free trade and Chartism, secured a seat in parliament in 1841, as member for Bolton, perhaps England's constituency most affected by industrial upheaval and riven by deep social unrest bordering on revolution. In the House, he campaigned for free trade, adoption of the Charter, repeal of the Corn Laws, improved administration of the Poor Law, open borders, abolition of the death penalty, and an end to flogging in the Army and payments to Church of England prelates.During this busy period he found leisure for literature, and published in 1843 a translation of the "Manuscript of the Queen's Court", a collection of Czech medieval poetry, later considered false by Czech poet Václav Hanka. In 1846 he became President of the Mazzinian People's International League.Without inherited wealth, or salary as MP for Bolton, Bowring sought to sustain his political career by investing heavily in the south Wales iron industry from 1843. Following huge demand for iron rails brought about by parliament's approval of massive railway building from 1844 to 1846, Bowring led a small group of wealthy London merchants and bankers as Chairman of the Llynvi Iron Company and established a large integrated ironworks at Maesteg in Glamorgan during 1845–46. He installed his brother, Charles, as Resident Director and lost no time in naming the district around his ironworks, Bowrington. He gained a reputation in the Maesteg district as an enlightened employer, one contemporary commenting that 'he gave the poor their rights and carried away their blessing'.In 1845 he became Chairman of the London and Blackwall Railway, the world's first steam-powered urban passenger railway and the precursor of the whole London Rail system.Bowring distinguished himself as an advocate of decimal currency. On 27 April 1847, he addressed the House of Commons on the merits of decimalisation. He agreed to a compromise that directly led to the issue of the florin (one-tenth of a pound sterling), introduced as a first step in 1848 and more generally in 1849. He lost his seat in 1849 but went on to publish a work entitled "The Decimal System in Numbers, Coins and Accounts" in 1854.The trade depression of the late 1840s caused the failure of his venture in south Wales in 1848 and wiped out his capital, forcing Bowring into paid employment. His business failure led directly to his acceptance of Palmerston's offer of the consulship at Canton.By 1847, Bowring had assembled an impressive array of credentials: honorary diplomas from universities in Holland and Italy, fellowships of the Linnaean Society of London and Paris, the Historical Institute of the Scandinavian and Icelandic Societies, the Royal Institute of the Netherlands, the Royal Society of Hungary, the Royal Society of Copenhagen, and of the Frisian and Athenian Societies. Numerous translations and works on foreign languages, politics and economy had been published. His zeal in Parliament and standing as a literary man were well known.In 1849, he was appointed British consul at Canton (today's Guangzhou), and superintendent of trade in China. Arriving on HMS "Medea" on 12 April 1849, he took up the post in which he was to remain for four years the next day. His son John Charles had preceded him to China, arriving in Hong Kong in 1842, had been appointed Justice of the Peace and was at one point a partner in Jardines.Bowring was quickly appalled by endemic corruption and frustrated by finding himself powerless in the face of Chinese breaches of the Treaty of Nanking and refusal to receive him at the diplomatic level or permit him to travel to Peking, and by his being subordinate to the Governor of Hong Kong who knew nothing of his difficulties.For almost a year from 1852 to 1853, he acted as Britain's Plenipotentiary and Superintendent of Trade and Governor of Hong Kong in the absence on leave of Sir George Bonham, who he was later to succeed.Bowring was instrumental in the formation in 1855 of the Board of Inspectors established under the Qing Customs House, operated by the British to gather statistics on trade on behalf of the Qing government and, later, as the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Service, to collect all customs duties, a vital reform which brought an end to the corruption of government officials and led modernisation of China's international trade. Concerned for the welfare of coolies being exported to Australia, California, Cuba and the West Indies, and disturbed by the coolie revolt in Amoy in May 1852, Bowring tightened enforcement of the Passenger Act so as to improve coolie transportation conditions and ensure their voluntariness.The newly knighted Bowring received his appointment as Governor of Hong Kong and her Majesty's Plenipotentiary and Chief Superintendent of British Trade in China on 10 January 1854. He arrived in Hong Kong and was sworn in on 13 April 1854, in the midst of the Taiping Rebellion occupying the attentions of his primary protagonists and the Crimean War distracting his masters. He was appointed over strong objections from opponents in London. Fellow Unitarian Harriet Martineau had warned that Bowring was "no fit representative of Government, and no safe guardian of British interests", that he was dangerous and would lead Britain into war with China, and that he should be recalled. Her pleas went unheeded.Bowring was an extremely industrious reformist governor. He allowed the Chinese citizens in Hong Kong to serve as jurors in trials and become lawyers. He is credited with establishing Hong Kong's first commercial public water supply system. He developed the eastern Wan Chai area at a river mouth near Happy Valley and Victoria Harbour by elongating the river as a canal, the area being named Bowring City (Bowrington). By instituting the Buildings and Nuisances Ordinance, No. 8 of 1856, in the face of stiff opposition, Bowring ensured the safer design of all future construction projects in the colony. He sought to abolish monopolies.Bowring was impressed by the yawning gulf of misunderstanding between the expatriate and Chinese communities, writing, "We rule them in ignorance and they submit in blindness." Notwithstanding, in 1856, Bowring went so far as to attempt democratic reform. He proposed that the constitution of the Legislative Council be changed to increase membership to 13 members, of whom five be elected by landowners enjoying rents exceeding 10 pounds, but this was rejected by Henry Labouchère of the Colonial Office on the basis that Chinese residents were "deficient in the essential elements of morality on which social order rests". The constituency would only have amounted to 141 qualified electors, in any event.He was equally impressed by the dearth of expenditure on education, noting that 70 times more was provided for policing than for instruction of the populace, so he rapidly brought in an inspectorate of schools, training for teachers and opening of schools. Student number increased nearly ten-fold.He became embroiled in numerous conflicts and disputes, not least of which was a struggle for dominance with Lieutenant Governor William Caine, which went all the way back to the Colonial Office for resolution. He won. He was faulted for failing to prevent a scandalous action in slander, in 1856, by the assistant magistrate W. H. Mitchell against his attorney-general T. Chisholm Anstey over what was essentially a misapprehension of fact but which was thought "unique in all the scandals of modern government of the Colonies or of English Course of Justice".A Qing-sponsored campaign of civil disruption, threatening the very survival of the British administration, culminated in the arsenic poisoning incident of 15 January 1857 in which 10 pounds of arsenic was mixed in the flour of the colony's principal bakery, poisoning many hundreds, killing Bowring's wife and debilitating him for at least a year. This was a turning point for Bowring who, cornered, all but abandoned his liberality in favour of sharply curtailed civil liberties. He bemoaned:It is a perplexing position to know that a price is set on our heads, that our servants cannot be trusted, that a premium is offered to any incendiary who will set fire to our dwellings, to any murderer who will poison or destroy us. ... We have many grievances to redress, and I will try to redress them; many securities to obtain, and I mean to obtain them. ... many unfortunate wretches of all nations (as the hatred of the Chinese is indiscriminating) have been seized, decaptitated; and their heads have been exposed on the walls of Canton, their assailants having been largely rewarded; ... All this is sufficiently horrible ... we shall exact indemnities for the past, and obtain securities for the future. We shall not crouch before assassination and incendiarism ... I did all that depended upon me to promote conciliation and establish peace. ... but every effort I made was treated with scorn and repulsion. The forbearance with which the Chinese have been treated has been wholly misunderstood by them, and attributed to our apprehensions of their great power, and awe of the majesty of the 'Son of Heaven'. So they have disregarded the most solemn engagements of treaties, and looked upon us as 'barbarians,' ... I doubt not that Government, Parliament, and public opinion will go with us in this great struggle, ...In 1855, Bowring experienced a reception in Siam that could not have stood in starker contrast to Peking's constant intransigence. He was welcomed like foreign royalty, showered with pomp (including a 21-gun salute), and his determination to forge a trade accord was met with the open-minded and intelligent interest of King Mongkut. Negotiations were buoyed by the cordiality between Mongkut and Bowring and an agreement was reached on 17 April 1855, now commonly referred to as the Bowring Treaty. Bowring held Mongkut in high regard and that the feeling was mutual and enduring was confirmed by his 1867 appointment as Siam's ambassador to the courts of Europe. Bowring's delight in this "remarkable" monarch has been seen by at least one commentator as a possible encouragement to his frustration with Peking and rash handling of the "Arrow" affair.In October 1856, a dispute broke out with the Canton vice-consul Ye over the Chinese crew of a small British-flagged trading vessel, the "Arrow". Bowring saw the argument as an opportunity to wring from the Chinese the free access to Canton which had been promised in the Treaty of Nanking but so far denied. The irritation caused by his "spirited" or high-handed policy led to the Second Opium War (1856–1860). Martineau put the war down to the "incompetence and self-seeking rashness of one vain man".It was under Bowring that the colony's first ever bilingual English-Chinese law, "An Ordinance for licensing and regulating the sale of prepared opium" (Ordinance No. 2 of 1858), appeared on its statute books.In April the same year, Bowring was the subject of scandal when the case of criminal libel against the editor of the "Daily Press", Yorick J Murrow, came to trial. Murrow had written of Bowring's having taken numerous steps to favour the trade of his son's firm, Messrs Jardine, Matheson & Co., enriching it as a result. Murrow, having been found guilty by the jury, emerged from six months' imprisonment to take up precisely where he left off, vilifying Bowring from his press. The scandal was rekindled in December when Murrow brought an ultimately unsuccessful suit in damages against Bowring in connection with his imprisonment.A commission of inquiry into accusations of corruption, operating brothels and associating with leading underworld figures laid by Attorney-General Anstey against Registrar-General Daniel R Caldwell scandalised the administration. During the course of its proceedings Anstey had opportunity to viciously accuse William Thomas Bridges, one-time acting Attorney-General and constant favourite of Bowring, for receiving stolen goods under the guise of running a money-lending operation from the ground floor of his residence, collecting debts at extortionate rates. The charges found unproved, Caldwell was exonerated and Anstey suspended, and Bridges later to be appointed acting Colonial Secretary by Bowring, but suspicions remained and Bowring's administration had been ruined.In mourning for the recent loss of his wife to the arsenic poisoning, Bowring made an official tour of the Philippines, sailing on the steam-powered paddle frigate "Magicienne" on 29 November 1858, returning seven weeks later.Stripped of his diplomatic and trade powers, weakened by the effects of the arsenic, and seeing his administration torn apart by anti-corruption inquiries in a campaign launched by him, Bowring's work in Hong Kong ended in May 1859. His parting sentiment was that "a year of great embarrassment ... unhappy misunderstandings among officials, fomented by passionate partisanship and by a reckless and slanderous press, made the conduct of public affairs one of extreme difficulty." He plunged into writing a 434-page account of his Philippines sojourn which was published the same year.His last employment by the British government was as a commissioner to Italy in 1861, to report on British commercial relations with the new kingdom. Bowring subsequently accepted the appointment of minister plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary from the Hawaiian government to the courts of Europe, and in this capacity negotiated treaties with Belgium, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain and Switzerland.Bowring was an accomplished polyglot and claimed he knew 200 languages of which he could speak 100. Many of his contemporaries and subsequent biographers thought otherwise. His chief literary work was the translation of the folk-songs of most European nations, although he also wrote original poems and hymns, and books or pamphlets on political and economic subjects. The first fruits of his study of foreign literature appeared in "Specimens of the Russian Poets" (1821–1823). These were followed by "Batavian Anthology" (1824), "Ancient Poetry and Romances of Spain" (1824), "Specimens of the Polish Poets", and "Serbian Popular Poetry", both in 1827, and "Poetry of the Magyars" (1830).Bowring's 88 published hymns include "God is love: his mercy brightens", "In the Cross of Christ I glory", and "Watchman, tell us of the night"."In the Cross" and "Watchman", both from his privately published collection "Hymns" (1825), are still used in many churches. The American composer Charles Ives used part of "Watchman, Tell Us of the Night" in the opening movement of his Fourth Symphony.Selected publications: Bowring married twice. By his first wife, Maria (1793/94–1858), whom he married in 1818 after moving to London, he had five sons and four daughters (Maria, John, Frederick, Lewin, Edgar, Charles, Edith, Emily, and Gertrude). She died in September 1858, a victim of the arsenic poisoning of the bread supply in Hong Kong during the Second Opium War sparked by her husband.Bowring married his second wife, Deborah Castle (1816–1902), in 1860; they had no children. Deborah, Lady Bowring died in Exeter in July 1902. She was a prominent Unitarian Christian and supporter of the women's suffrage movement.John Bowring died on 23 November 1872, aged 80.Bowring is credited with popularising Samuel Taylor Coleridge's "Kubla Khan or a Vision in a Dream" which had been disparaged by the critics and discarded soon after first publication.In the mid-19th century a district of the Llynfi Valley, Glamorgan, south Wales was known as Bowrington as it was built up when John Bowring was chairman of the local iron company. Bowring's ironworks community later became part of the Maesteg Urban District. The name was revived in the 1980s when a shopping development in Maesteg was called the Bowrington Arcade.Bowring Road, Ramsey, Isle of Man, was named for him in appreciation of his support of universal suffrage for the House of Keys and his efforts to liberalise trade with the island.As the 4th Governor, several places in Hong Kong came to be named after him:He was also responsible for the establishment of the Botanic Gardens in Hong Kong, the most indelible mark he made on the colony.Two species of lizards, "Hemidactylus bowringii" and "Subdoluseps bowringii", are named in honour of either John Bowring or his son John Charles Bowring.Actress Susannah York was the great-great-granddaughter of Bowring.Journalist and historian Philip Bowring is a descendant of Bowring's great uncle Nathaniel. He is a crucial source here, as author of less-than-whole-life biography "Free Trade's First Missionary".
|
[
"Governor of Hong Kong",
"Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which team did Ondřej Čtvrtníček play for in Nov, 2008?
|
November 26, 2008
|
{
"text": [
"1. FC Slovácko"
]
}
|
L2_Q16205342_P54_0
|
Ondřej Čtvrtníček plays for 1. HFK Olomouc from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2013.
Ondřej Čtvrtníček plays for 1. FC Slovácko from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2009.
Ondřej Čtvrtníček plays for MŠK - Thermál Veľký Meder from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022.
|
Ondřej ČtvrtníčekOndřej Čtvrtníček (born 17 June 1984) is a Czech footballer, who plays as a midfielder. He currently plays for MFK Skalica.
|
[
"MŠK - Thermál Veľký Meder",
"1. HFK Olomouc"
] |
|
Which team did Ondřej Čtvrtníček play for in 2008-11-26?
|
November 26, 2008
|
{
"text": [
"1. FC Slovácko"
]
}
|
L2_Q16205342_P54_0
|
Ondřej Čtvrtníček plays for 1. HFK Olomouc from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2013.
Ondřej Čtvrtníček plays for 1. FC Slovácko from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2009.
Ondřej Čtvrtníček plays for MŠK - Thermál Veľký Meder from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022.
|
Ondřej ČtvrtníčekOndřej Čtvrtníček (born 17 June 1984) is a Czech footballer, who plays as a midfielder. He currently plays for MFK Skalica.
|
[
"MŠK - Thermál Veľký Meder",
"1. HFK Olomouc"
] |
|
Which team did Ondřej Čtvrtníček play for in 26/11/2008?
|
November 26, 2008
|
{
"text": [
"1. FC Slovácko"
]
}
|
L2_Q16205342_P54_0
|
Ondřej Čtvrtníček plays for 1. HFK Olomouc from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2013.
Ondřej Čtvrtníček plays for 1. FC Slovácko from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2009.
Ondřej Čtvrtníček plays for MŠK - Thermál Veľký Meder from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022.
|
Ondřej ČtvrtníčekOndřej Čtvrtníček (born 17 June 1984) is a Czech footballer, who plays as a midfielder. He currently plays for MFK Skalica.
|
[
"MŠK - Thermál Veľký Meder",
"1. HFK Olomouc"
] |
|
Which team did Ondřej Čtvrtníček play for in Nov 26, 2008?
|
November 26, 2008
|
{
"text": [
"1. FC Slovácko"
]
}
|
L2_Q16205342_P54_0
|
Ondřej Čtvrtníček plays for 1. HFK Olomouc from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2013.
Ondřej Čtvrtníček plays for 1. FC Slovácko from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2009.
Ondřej Čtvrtníček plays for MŠK - Thermál Veľký Meder from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022.
|
Ondřej ČtvrtníčekOndřej Čtvrtníček (born 17 June 1984) is a Czech footballer, who plays as a midfielder. He currently plays for MFK Skalica.
|
[
"MŠK - Thermál Veľký Meder",
"1. HFK Olomouc"
] |
|
Which team did Ondřej Čtvrtníček play for in 11/26/2008?
|
November 26, 2008
|
{
"text": [
"1. FC Slovácko"
]
}
|
L2_Q16205342_P54_0
|
Ondřej Čtvrtníček plays for 1. HFK Olomouc from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2013.
Ondřej Čtvrtníček plays for 1. FC Slovácko from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2009.
Ondřej Čtvrtníček plays for MŠK - Thermál Veľký Meder from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022.
|
Ondřej ČtvrtníčekOndřej Čtvrtníček (born 17 June 1984) is a Czech footballer, who plays as a midfielder. He currently plays for MFK Skalica.
|
[
"MŠK - Thermál Veľký Meder",
"1. HFK Olomouc"
] |
|
Which team did Ondřej Čtvrtníček play for in 26-Nov-200826-November-2008?
|
November 26, 2008
|
{
"text": [
"1. FC Slovácko"
]
}
|
L2_Q16205342_P54_0
|
Ondřej Čtvrtníček plays for 1. HFK Olomouc from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2013.
Ondřej Čtvrtníček plays for 1. FC Slovácko from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2009.
Ondřej Čtvrtníček plays for MŠK - Thermál Veľký Meder from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022.
|
Ondřej ČtvrtníčekOndřej Čtvrtníček (born 17 June 1984) is a Czech footballer, who plays as a midfielder. He currently plays for MFK Skalica.
|
[
"MŠK - Thermál Veľký Meder",
"1. HFK Olomouc"
] |
|
Which position did Sergio Osmeña hold in May, 1907?
|
May 12, 1907
|
{
"text": [
"governor"
]
}
|
L2_Q319950_P39_0
|
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of governor from Jan, 1904 to Oct, 1907.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of Secretary of Social Welfare and Development from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1944.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of President of the Philippines from Aug, 1944 to May, 1946.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of Vice President of the Philippines from Nov, 1935 to Aug, 1944.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Philippines from Oct, 1907 to Jan, 1922.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of President pro tempore of the Senate of the Philippines from Jan, 1922 to Jan, 1934.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of Secretary of Education from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1940.
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Sergio OsmeñaSergio Osmeña Sr. (; 9 September 1878 – 19 October 1961) was a Filipino politician who served as the fourth president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946. He was Vice President under Manuel L. Quezon. Upon Quezon's sudden death in 1944, Osmeña succeeded him at age 65, becoming the oldest person to assume the Philippine presidency until Rodrigo Duterte took office in 2016 at age 71. A founder of the Nacionalista Party, Osmeña was also the first Visayan to become president.Prior to his accession in 1944, Osmeña served as Governor of Cebu from 1906 to 1907, Member and first Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives from 1907 to 1922, and Senator from the 10th Senatorial District for thirteen years, in which capacity he served as Senate President pro tempore. In 1935, he was nominated to be the running-mate of Senate President Manuel L. Quezon for the presidential election that year. The duo were overwhelmingly re-elected in 1941.He was the patriarch of the prominent Osmeña family, which includes his son, former Senator Sergio Osmeña Jr., and his grandsons, former Senators Sergio Osmeña III and John Henry Osmeña, ex-governor Lito Osmeña and former Cebu City mayor Tomas Osmeña.Osmeña was born on 9 September 1878 in the then-municipality of Cebu to Juana Osmeña y Suico, who was reportedly only 14 years of age at the time. Owing to the circumstances of his birth, the identity of his father had been a closely guarded family secret, surnamed "Sanson". Although carrying the stigma of being an illegitimate child – Juana never married his father – he did not allow this aspect to affect his standing in society. The Osmeña family, a rich and prominent clan of Chinese Filipino heritage with vast business interests in Cebu, warmed to him as he established himself as a prominent figure in local society.Osmeña received his elementary education at the Colegio de San Carlos and graduated in 1892. Osmeña continued his education in Manila, studying in San Juan de Letran College where he first met Manuel L. Quezon, a classmate of his, as well as Juan Sumulong and Emilio Jacinto. He took up law at the University of Santo Tomas and was second place in the bar examination in 1903. He served on the war staff of General Emilio Aguinaldo as a courier and journalist. In 1900, he founded the Cebu newspaper, "El Nuevo Día" [English: 'The New Day'] which lasted for three years.When Cebu Governor Juan Climaco was sent as a member of the Board of Commissioners of the St. Louis Purchase Expedition, Osmeña was appointed acting governor. When Climaco returned, he was appointed as provincial fiscal. His stint there elevated him in politics when he was elected governor of Cebu in 1906.While governor, he ran for election to the first National Assembly of 1907 and was elected as the first Speaker of that body. Osmeña was 29 years old and already the highest-ranking Filipino official. He and another provincial politician, Manuel L. Quezon of Tayabas, set up the Nacionalista Party as a foil to the "Partido Federalista" of Manila-based politicians.In his first years as Speaker, he was plagued with organizational burdens as the National Assembly is still organizing. The Members of the Assembly sought to establish legislative procedures which were constantly rejected by the American superiors because they still perceive that Filipinos are incapable to be independent. Three important bills from the Assembly were rejected by the Philippine Commission:However, it did not stop him from presiding over the important legislation the Assembly has passed. The creation of the Council of State and the Board of Control enabled the Philippine legislature to share some of the executive powers of the American Governor-General.In 1916, the Jones Law was passed replacing the Philippine Commission with a Philippine Senate.Osmeña was friends and classmates with Manuel Quezon, who was the Majority Floor Leader under Osmeña's speakership. When the Jones Law was passed, Quezon was elected as Senate President and Osmeña remained Speaker.In 1922, Osmeña was elected to the Senate representing the 10th Senatorial District. He went to the United States as part of the OsRox Mission in 1933, to secure passage of the Hare–Hawes–Cutting Independence Bill which was superseded by the Tydings–McDuffie Act in March 1934.In 1924, Quezon and Osmeña reconciled and joined forces in the Partido Nacionalista Consolidado against the threat of an emerging opposition from the Democrata Party. The reunited Nacionalista Party dominated the political scene until the second break-up when the members polarized into Pros and Antis in 1934. Quezon and Osmeña again reconciled for the 1935 Presidential Election. In 1935 Quezon and Osmeña won the Philippine's first national presidential election under the banner of the Nacionalista Party. Quezon obtained nearly 68% of the vote against his two main rivals, Emilio Aguinaldo and Bishop Gregorio Aglipay. They were inaugurated on 15 November 1935. Quezon had originally been barred by the Philippine constitution from seeking re-election. However, in 1940, constitutional amendments were ratified allowing him to seek re-election for a fresh term ending in 1943. In the 1941 presidential elections, Quezon was re-elected over former Senator Juan Sumulong with nearly 82% of the vote. Re-elected in 1941, Osmeña remained vice president during the Japanese occupation when the government was in exile. As Vice-President, Osmeña concurrently served as Secretary of Public Instruction from 1935 to 1940, and again from 1941 to 1944.The outbreak of World War II and the Japanese invasion resulted in periodic and drastic changes to the government structure. Executive Order 390, 22 December 1941 abolished the Department of the Interior and established a new line of succession. Executive Order 396, 24 December 1941, further reorganized and grouped the cabinet, with the functions of Secretary of Justice assigned to the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.By 1943, the Philippine Government-in-exile was faced with a serious crisis. According to the amendments to the 1935 Constitution, Quezon's term was to expire on 30 December 1943, and Vice-President Sergio Osmeña would automatically succeed him to serve out the remainder of term until 1945. This eventuality was brought to the attention of President Quezon by Osmeña himself, who wrote the former to this effect. Aside from replying to this letter informing Vice-President Osmeña that it would not be wise and prudent to effect any such change under the circumstances, President Quezon issued a press release along the same line. Osmeña then requested the opinion of U.S. Attorney General Homer Cummings, who upheld Osmeña's view as more in keeping the law. Quezon, however, remained adamant. He accordingly sought President Franklin D. Roosevelt's decision. The latter chose to remain aloof from the controversy, suggesting instead that the Philippine officials themselves solve the impasse. A cabinet meeting was then convened by President Quezon. Aside from Quezon and Osmeña, others present in this momentous meeting were Resident Commissioner Joaquin Elizalde, Brig. Gen. Carlos P. Romulo, and Cabinet Secretaries Andres Soriano and Jaime Hernandez. Following a spirited discussion, the Cabinet adopted Elizalde's opinion favoring the decision and announced his plan to retire in California.After the meeting, however, Vice-President Osmeña approached the President and broached his plan to ask the U.S. Congress to suspend the constitutional provisions for presidential succession until after the Philippines should have been liberated. This legal way out was agreeable to President Quezon and the members of his Cabinet. Proper steps were taken to carry out the proposal. Sponsored by Senator Tydings and Congressman Bell, the pertinent Joint Resolution No. 95 was unanimously approved by the Senate on a voice vote and passed the House of Representatives by a vote of 181 to 107 on 12 November 1943.Osmeña became president of the Commonwealth on Quezon's death in 1944. He was sworn in by Associate Justice Robert Jackson in Washington, D.C. He returned to the Philippines the same year with General Douglas MacArthur and the liberation forces. After the war, Osmeña restored the Commonwealth government and the various executive departments. He continued the fight for Philippine independence. For the presidential election of 1946, Osmeña refused to campaign, saying that the Filipino people knew of his record of 40 years of honest and faithful service. He lost to Manuel Roxas, who won 54% of the vote and became president of the independent Republic of the Philippines. On 8 August 1944, President Osmeña issued Executive Order 15-W reorganizing and consolidating the Executive Departments of the Commonwealth government. The reorganization of the government after it was reestablished on Philippine soil was undertaken with Executive Order No. 27; 27 February 1945. Executive Order No. 27; 27 February 1945 was issued upon the restoration of civilian authority to the government of the Commonwealth, and members of the new cabinet appointed on 8 March 1945. Subsequent renaming and mergers of departments have separate listings.Osmeña accompanied U.S. General Douglas MacArthur during the landing of U.S. forces in Leyte on 20 October 1944, starting the liberation of the Philippines during the Second World War. Upon establishing the beachhead, MacArthur immediately transferred authority to Osmeña, the successor of Manuel Quezon, as Philippine Commonwealth president.With Manila liberated, General of the Army, Douglas MacArthur, on behalf of the United States, turned over the reins of government of the Philippines to Commonwealth President, Sergio Osmeña, on 27 February 1945, amidst brief, but impressive, ceremonies held at the Malacañang Palace. President Osmeña, after thanking the United States through General MacArthur, announced the restoration of the Government of the Commonwealth of the Philippines and worked out the salvation of the Philippines from the ravages of war.President Osmeña proceeded with the immediate reorganization of the government and its diverse dependencies. On 8 April 1945, he formed his Cabinet, administering the oath of office to its component members. Later, President Osmeña received the Council of State to help him solve the major problems confronting the nation. Government offices and bureaus were gradually reestablished. A number of new ones were created to meet needs then current. Also restored were the Supreme Court of the Philippines and the inferior courts. The Court of Appeals was abolished and its appellate jurisdiction was transferred to the Supreme Court, the members of which were increased to eleven – one Chief Justice and ten Associate Justices – in order to attend to the new responsibilities. Slowly but steadily, as the liberating forces freed the other portions of the country, provincial and municipal governments were established by the Commonwealth to take over from the military authorities.Following the restoration of the Commonwealth government, Congress was reorganized. Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino were elected Senate President and Senate President pro tempore, respectively. In the House of Representatives, Jose Zulueta of Iloilo was elected Speaker and Prospero Sanidad as Speaker pro tempore. The opening session of the Congress was personally addressed by President Osmeña, who reported on the Commonwealth Government in exile and proposed vital pieces of legislation.The First Commonwealth Congress earnestly took up the various pending assignments to solve the pressing matters affecting the Philippines, especially in regard to relief, rehabilitation, and reconstruction. The first bill enacted was Commonwealth Act No. 672 – rehabilitating the Philippine National Bank.Yielding to American pressure, on 25 September 1945, the Congress enacted C.A. No. 682 creating the People's Court and the Office of Special Prosecutors to deal with the pending cases of "collaboration".President Osmeña sent the Philippine delegation, which was headed by Carlos P. Romulo, to the San Francisco gathering for the promulgation of the Charter of the United Nations on 26 June 1945. Other members of the delegation were Maximo Kalaw, Carlos P. Garcia, Pedro Lopez, Francisco Delegado, Urbano Zafra, Alejandro Melchor, and Vicente Sinco. The 28th signatory nation of the United Nations, the Philippines was one of the fifty-one nations that drafted the UN Charter. Once approved by Philippine delegation, the UN Charter was ratified by the Congress of the Philippines and deposited with the U.S. State Department on 11 October 1945.To prepare for the forthcoming independent status of the Philippines, President Osmeña created the Office of Foreign Relations. Vicente Sinco was appointed as its first Commissioner, with cabinet rank. In this connection, President Osmeña also entered into an agreement with the United States Government to send five Filipino trainees to the U.S. State Department to prepare themselves for diplomatic service. They were sent by U.S. State Department to the United States embassies in Moscow and Mexico City and consulates in Saigon and Singapore.On 5 December 1945, President Osmeña appointed Resident Commissioner Carlos P. Romulo as his representative to accept Philippine membership in the International Monetary Fund and in the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, which bodies had been conceived in the Bretton Woods Agreement, in which the Philippine had also taken part. Romulo signed said membership on 27 December 1945 on behalf of the Philippines.On 30 April 1946, the United States Congress, at last, approved the Bell Act, which as early as 20 January had been reported to the Ways and Means Committee of the lower house, having been already passed by the Senate. President Osmeña and Resident Commissioner Romulo had urged the passage of this bill, with United States High Commissioner, Paul V. McNutt, exerting similar pressure.The Act gave the Philippines eight years of free trade with the United States, then twenty years during which tariffs would be upped gradually until they were in line with the rest of the American tariff policy. The law also fixed some quotas for certain products: sugar – 850,000 long tons; cordage – 6,000,000 pounds; coconut oil – 200,000 long tons; cigars – 200,000,000 pounds. This aid was coupled with that to be obtained from the recently passed Tydings Damage bill, which provided some nine hundred million dollars for payment of war damages, of which one million was earmarked to compensate for church losses. The sum of two hundred and forty million dollars was to be periodically allocated by the United States President as good will. Also, sixty million pieces of surplus property were transferred to the Philippines government.Soon after the reconstitution of the Commonwealth government in 1945, Senators Manuel Roxas, Elpidio Quirino and their allies called for an early national election to choose the president and vice president of the Philippines and members of the Congress. In December 1945, the House Insular Affairs of the United States Congress approved the joint resolution setting the date of the election on no later than 30 April 1946.Prompted by this congressional action, President Sergio Osmeña called the Philippine Congress to a three-day special session. Congress enacted Commonwealth Act No. 725, setting the date of the election on 23 April 1946. The act was signed by President Osmeña on 5 January 1946.Three parties presented their respective candidates for the different national elective positions. These were the Nacionalista PartyConservative (Osmeña) wing, the Liberal wing of the Nacionalista Party and the Partido Modernista. The Nacionalistas had Osmeña and Senator Eulogio Rodriguez as their candidates for president and vice president, respectively. The Modernistas chose Hilario Camino Moncado and Luis Salvador for the same positions. The standard bearers of the Liberals were Senators Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino. On 3 January 1946, President Osmeña announced his re-election bid. On 22 January 1946 Eulogio Rodriguez was nominated as Osmeña's running mate for Vice President, in a convention held at Ciro's Club in Manila. According to the "Manila Chronicle":The convention opened at 10:15 in the morning when the acting secretary of the party, Vicente Farmoso, called the confab to order. Congressman José C. Romero ["sic"], who delivered the keynote speech accused Senate President Manuel Roxas and his followers "of fanning the flames of discontent among the people, of capitalizing on the people's hardship, and of minimizing the accomplishment of the [Osmeña] Administration. These men with the Messiah complex have been the bane of the country and of the world. This is the mentality that produces Hitlers and the Mussolinis, and their desire to climb to power. they even want to destroy the party which placed them where they are today."Senator Carlos P. Garcia, who delivered the nomination speech for President Sergio Osmeña, made a long recital of Osmeña's achievements, his virtues as public official and as private citizen.Entering the convention hall at about 7:30 p.m, President Osmeña, accompanied by the committee on notification, was greeted with rounds of cheer and applause as he ascended the platform. President Osmeña delivered his speech which was a general outline of his future plans once elected. He emphasized that as far as his party is concerned, independence is a close issue. It is definitely coming on 4 July 1946On 19 January 1946, Senator Roxas announced his candidacy for President in a convention held in Santa Ana Cabaret in Manila. According to the "Manila Chronicle":...more than three thousand (by conservative estimate there were only 1,000 plus) delegates, party members and hero worshipers jammed into suburban, well known Santa Ana Cabaret (biggest in the world) to acclaim ex-katipunero and Bagong Katipunan organizer Manuel Acuña Roxas as the guidon bearer of the Nacionalista Party's Liberal Wing. The delegates, who came from all over the Islands, met in formal convention from 10:50 am and did not break up till about 5:30 pm.They elected 1. Mariano J. Cuenco, professional Osmeñaphobe, as temporary chairman; 2. José Avelino and ex-pharmacist Antonio Zacarias permanent chairman and secretary, respectively; 3. nominated forty-four candidates for senators; 4. heard the generalissimo himself deliver an oratorical masterpiece consisting of 50 per cent attacks against the (Osmeña) Administration, 50 per cent promises, pledges. Rabid Roxasites greeted the Roxas acceptance speech with hysterical applause.A split developed among the members of the Nacionalista Party over issues. President Osmeña tried to prevent the split in the Nacionalista Party by offering Senator Roxas the position of Philippine Regent Commissioner to the United States but Roxas turned down the offer. A new political organization was born, the Liberal wing of the Nacionalista Party, which would later become the Liberal Party of the Philippines.The election was generally peaceful except in some places, especially in the province of Pampanga. According to a "controversial" decision of the Electoral Tribunal of the House of Representatives in "Meliton Soliman vs. Luis Taruc", "Pampanga was under the terroristic clutches and control of the Hukbalahaps. So terrorized were the people of Arayat, at one time, 200 persons abandoned their homes, their work, and their food, all their belongings in a mass evacuation to the poblacion due to fear and terror." A total of 2,218,847 voters went to the polls to elect a President and Vice President. who were to be the Commonwealth's last and the Republic's first. Four days after election day, the Liberal Party candidates were proclaimed victors. Roxas registered an overwhelming majority of votes in 34 provinces and nine cities: Abra, Agusan, Albay, Antique, Bataan, Batanes, Batangas, Bukidnon, Bulacan, Cagayan, Camarines Norte, Camarines Sur, Capiz, Cavite, Cotabato, Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, Isabela, Laguna, La Union, Leyte, Marinduque, Mindoro, Misamis Oriental, Negros Occidental, Nueva Vizcaya, Palawan, Pangasinan, Rizal, Romblon, Samar, Sorsogon, Sulu, Surigao, Tayabas, Zambales, Manila, Quezon City, Bacolod (Negros Occidental), Iloilo City (Iloilo), Baguio (Mountain Province), Zamboanga City (Zamboanga), Tagaytay (Cavite), Cavite City (Cavite) and San Pablo City (Laguna).The Liberal Party won nine out of 16 contested seats in the Philippine Senate and in the House of Representatives, the Liberals won a majority with 50 seats while the Nacionalistas and the Democratic Alliance winning 33 and six seats, respectively.After his electoral defeat, Osmeña retired to his home in Cebu. He died of pulmonary edema at age 83 on 19 October 1961 at the Veterans Memorial Medical Center in Quezon City. He was buried at Manila North Cemetery, Manila on 26 October 1961.Several of Osmeña's descendants became prominent political figures in their own right:
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[
"Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Philippines",
"Vice President of the Philippines",
"President of the Philippines",
"Secretary of Social Welfare and Development",
"President pro tempore of the Senate of the Philippines",
"Secretary of Education"
] |
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Which position did Sergio Osmeña hold in 1907-05-12?
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May 12, 1907
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{
"text": [
"governor"
]
}
|
L2_Q319950_P39_0
|
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of governor from Jan, 1904 to Oct, 1907.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of Secretary of Social Welfare and Development from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1944.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of President of the Philippines from Aug, 1944 to May, 1946.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of Vice President of the Philippines from Nov, 1935 to Aug, 1944.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Philippines from Oct, 1907 to Jan, 1922.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of President pro tempore of the Senate of the Philippines from Jan, 1922 to Jan, 1934.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of Secretary of Education from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1940.
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Sergio OsmeñaSergio Osmeña Sr. (; 9 September 1878 – 19 October 1961) was a Filipino politician who served as the fourth president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946. He was Vice President under Manuel L. Quezon. Upon Quezon's sudden death in 1944, Osmeña succeeded him at age 65, becoming the oldest person to assume the Philippine presidency until Rodrigo Duterte took office in 2016 at age 71. A founder of the Nacionalista Party, Osmeña was also the first Visayan to become president.Prior to his accession in 1944, Osmeña served as Governor of Cebu from 1906 to 1907, Member and first Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives from 1907 to 1922, and Senator from the 10th Senatorial District for thirteen years, in which capacity he served as Senate President pro tempore. In 1935, he was nominated to be the running-mate of Senate President Manuel L. Quezon for the presidential election that year. The duo were overwhelmingly re-elected in 1941.He was the patriarch of the prominent Osmeña family, which includes his son, former Senator Sergio Osmeña Jr., and his grandsons, former Senators Sergio Osmeña III and John Henry Osmeña, ex-governor Lito Osmeña and former Cebu City mayor Tomas Osmeña.Osmeña was born on 9 September 1878 in the then-municipality of Cebu to Juana Osmeña y Suico, who was reportedly only 14 years of age at the time. Owing to the circumstances of his birth, the identity of his father had been a closely guarded family secret, surnamed "Sanson". Although carrying the stigma of being an illegitimate child – Juana never married his father – he did not allow this aspect to affect his standing in society. The Osmeña family, a rich and prominent clan of Chinese Filipino heritage with vast business interests in Cebu, warmed to him as he established himself as a prominent figure in local society.Osmeña received his elementary education at the Colegio de San Carlos and graduated in 1892. Osmeña continued his education in Manila, studying in San Juan de Letran College where he first met Manuel L. Quezon, a classmate of his, as well as Juan Sumulong and Emilio Jacinto. He took up law at the University of Santo Tomas and was second place in the bar examination in 1903. He served on the war staff of General Emilio Aguinaldo as a courier and journalist. In 1900, he founded the Cebu newspaper, "El Nuevo Día" [English: 'The New Day'] which lasted for three years.When Cebu Governor Juan Climaco was sent as a member of the Board of Commissioners of the St. Louis Purchase Expedition, Osmeña was appointed acting governor. When Climaco returned, he was appointed as provincial fiscal. His stint there elevated him in politics when he was elected governor of Cebu in 1906.While governor, he ran for election to the first National Assembly of 1907 and was elected as the first Speaker of that body. Osmeña was 29 years old and already the highest-ranking Filipino official. He and another provincial politician, Manuel L. Quezon of Tayabas, set up the Nacionalista Party as a foil to the "Partido Federalista" of Manila-based politicians.In his first years as Speaker, he was plagued with organizational burdens as the National Assembly is still organizing. The Members of the Assembly sought to establish legislative procedures which were constantly rejected by the American superiors because they still perceive that Filipinos are incapable to be independent. Three important bills from the Assembly were rejected by the Philippine Commission:However, it did not stop him from presiding over the important legislation the Assembly has passed. The creation of the Council of State and the Board of Control enabled the Philippine legislature to share some of the executive powers of the American Governor-General.In 1916, the Jones Law was passed replacing the Philippine Commission with a Philippine Senate.Osmeña was friends and classmates with Manuel Quezon, who was the Majority Floor Leader under Osmeña's speakership. When the Jones Law was passed, Quezon was elected as Senate President and Osmeña remained Speaker.In 1922, Osmeña was elected to the Senate representing the 10th Senatorial District. He went to the United States as part of the OsRox Mission in 1933, to secure passage of the Hare–Hawes–Cutting Independence Bill which was superseded by the Tydings–McDuffie Act in March 1934.In 1924, Quezon and Osmeña reconciled and joined forces in the Partido Nacionalista Consolidado against the threat of an emerging opposition from the Democrata Party. The reunited Nacionalista Party dominated the political scene until the second break-up when the members polarized into Pros and Antis in 1934. Quezon and Osmeña again reconciled for the 1935 Presidential Election. In 1935 Quezon and Osmeña won the Philippine's first national presidential election under the banner of the Nacionalista Party. Quezon obtained nearly 68% of the vote against his two main rivals, Emilio Aguinaldo and Bishop Gregorio Aglipay. They were inaugurated on 15 November 1935. Quezon had originally been barred by the Philippine constitution from seeking re-election. However, in 1940, constitutional amendments were ratified allowing him to seek re-election for a fresh term ending in 1943. In the 1941 presidential elections, Quezon was re-elected over former Senator Juan Sumulong with nearly 82% of the vote. Re-elected in 1941, Osmeña remained vice president during the Japanese occupation when the government was in exile. As Vice-President, Osmeña concurrently served as Secretary of Public Instruction from 1935 to 1940, and again from 1941 to 1944.The outbreak of World War II and the Japanese invasion resulted in periodic and drastic changes to the government structure. Executive Order 390, 22 December 1941 abolished the Department of the Interior and established a new line of succession. Executive Order 396, 24 December 1941, further reorganized and grouped the cabinet, with the functions of Secretary of Justice assigned to the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.By 1943, the Philippine Government-in-exile was faced with a serious crisis. According to the amendments to the 1935 Constitution, Quezon's term was to expire on 30 December 1943, and Vice-President Sergio Osmeña would automatically succeed him to serve out the remainder of term until 1945. This eventuality was brought to the attention of President Quezon by Osmeña himself, who wrote the former to this effect. Aside from replying to this letter informing Vice-President Osmeña that it would not be wise and prudent to effect any such change under the circumstances, President Quezon issued a press release along the same line. Osmeña then requested the opinion of U.S. Attorney General Homer Cummings, who upheld Osmeña's view as more in keeping the law. Quezon, however, remained adamant. He accordingly sought President Franklin D. Roosevelt's decision. The latter chose to remain aloof from the controversy, suggesting instead that the Philippine officials themselves solve the impasse. A cabinet meeting was then convened by President Quezon. Aside from Quezon and Osmeña, others present in this momentous meeting were Resident Commissioner Joaquin Elizalde, Brig. Gen. Carlos P. Romulo, and Cabinet Secretaries Andres Soriano and Jaime Hernandez. Following a spirited discussion, the Cabinet adopted Elizalde's opinion favoring the decision and announced his plan to retire in California.After the meeting, however, Vice-President Osmeña approached the President and broached his plan to ask the U.S. Congress to suspend the constitutional provisions for presidential succession until after the Philippines should have been liberated. This legal way out was agreeable to President Quezon and the members of his Cabinet. Proper steps were taken to carry out the proposal. Sponsored by Senator Tydings and Congressman Bell, the pertinent Joint Resolution No. 95 was unanimously approved by the Senate on a voice vote and passed the House of Representatives by a vote of 181 to 107 on 12 November 1943.Osmeña became president of the Commonwealth on Quezon's death in 1944. He was sworn in by Associate Justice Robert Jackson in Washington, D.C. He returned to the Philippines the same year with General Douglas MacArthur and the liberation forces. After the war, Osmeña restored the Commonwealth government and the various executive departments. He continued the fight for Philippine independence. For the presidential election of 1946, Osmeña refused to campaign, saying that the Filipino people knew of his record of 40 years of honest and faithful service. He lost to Manuel Roxas, who won 54% of the vote and became president of the independent Republic of the Philippines. On 8 August 1944, President Osmeña issued Executive Order 15-W reorganizing and consolidating the Executive Departments of the Commonwealth government. The reorganization of the government after it was reestablished on Philippine soil was undertaken with Executive Order No. 27; 27 February 1945. Executive Order No. 27; 27 February 1945 was issued upon the restoration of civilian authority to the government of the Commonwealth, and members of the new cabinet appointed on 8 March 1945. Subsequent renaming and mergers of departments have separate listings.Osmeña accompanied U.S. General Douglas MacArthur during the landing of U.S. forces in Leyte on 20 October 1944, starting the liberation of the Philippines during the Second World War. Upon establishing the beachhead, MacArthur immediately transferred authority to Osmeña, the successor of Manuel Quezon, as Philippine Commonwealth president.With Manila liberated, General of the Army, Douglas MacArthur, on behalf of the United States, turned over the reins of government of the Philippines to Commonwealth President, Sergio Osmeña, on 27 February 1945, amidst brief, but impressive, ceremonies held at the Malacañang Palace. President Osmeña, after thanking the United States through General MacArthur, announced the restoration of the Government of the Commonwealth of the Philippines and worked out the salvation of the Philippines from the ravages of war.President Osmeña proceeded with the immediate reorganization of the government and its diverse dependencies. On 8 April 1945, he formed his Cabinet, administering the oath of office to its component members. Later, President Osmeña received the Council of State to help him solve the major problems confronting the nation. Government offices and bureaus were gradually reestablished. A number of new ones were created to meet needs then current. Also restored were the Supreme Court of the Philippines and the inferior courts. The Court of Appeals was abolished and its appellate jurisdiction was transferred to the Supreme Court, the members of which were increased to eleven – one Chief Justice and ten Associate Justices – in order to attend to the new responsibilities. Slowly but steadily, as the liberating forces freed the other portions of the country, provincial and municipal governments were established by the Commonwealth to take over from the military authorities.Following the restoration of the Commonwealth government, Congress was reorganized. Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino were elected Senate President and Senate President pro tempore, respectively. In the House of Representatives, Jose Zulueta of Iloilo was elected Speaker and Prospero Sanidad as Speaker pro tempore. The opening session of the Congress was personally addressed by President Osmeña, who reported on the Commonwealth Government in exile and proposed vital pieces of legislation.The First Commonwealth Congress earnestly took up the various pending assignments to solve the pressing matters affecting the Philippines, especially in regard to relief, rehabilitation, and reconstruction. The first bill enacted was Commonwealth Act No. 672 – rehabilitating the Philippine National Bank.Yielding to American pressure, on 25 September 1945, the Congress enacted C.A. No. 682 creating the People's Court and the Office of Special Prosecutors to deal with the pending cases of "collaboration".President Osmeña sent the Philippine delegation, which was headed by Carlos P. Romulo, to the San Francisco gathering for the promulgation of the Charter of the United Nations on 26 June 1945. Other members of the delegation were Maximo Kalaw, Carlos P. Garcia, Pedro Lopez, Francisco Delegado, Urbano Zafra, Alejandro Melchor, and Vicente Sinco. The 28th signatory nation of the United Nations, the Philippines was one of the fifty-one nations that drafted the UN Charter. Once approved by Philippine delegation, the UN Charter was ratified by the Congress of the Philippines and deposited with the U.S. State Department on 11 October 1945.To prepare for the forthcoming independent status of the Philippines, President Osmeña created the Office of Foreign Relations. Vicente Sinco was appointed as its first Commissioner, with cabinet rank. In this connection, President Osmeña also entered into an agreement with the United States Government to send five Filipino trainees to the U.S. State Department to prepare themselves for diplomatic service. They were sent by U.S. State Department to the United States embassies in Moscow and Mexico City and consulates in Saigon and Singapore.On 5 December 1945, President Osmeña appointed Resident Commissioner Carlos P. Romulo as his representative to accept Philippine membership in the International Monetary Fund and in the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, which bodies had been conceived in the Bretton Woods Agreement, in which the Philippine had also taken part. Romulo signed said membership on 27 December 1945 on behalf of the Philippines.On 30 April 1946, the United States Congress, at last, approved the Bell Act, which as early as 20 January had been reported to the Ways and Means Committee of the lower house, having been already passed by the Senate. President Osmeña and Resident Commissioner Romulo had urged the passage of this bill, with United States High Commissioner, Paul V. McNutt, exerting similar pressure.The Act gave the Philippines eight years of free trade with the United States, then twenty years during which tariffs would be upped gradually until they were in line with the rest of the American tariff policy. The law also fixed some quotas for certain products: sugar – 850,000 long tons; cordage – 6,000,000 pounds; coconut oil – 200,000 long tons; cigars – 200,000,000 pounds. This aid was coupled with that to be obtained from the recently passed Tydings Damage bill, which provided some nine hundred million dollars for payment of war damages, of which one million was earmarked to compensate for church losses. The sum of two hundred and forty million dollars was to be periodically allocated by the United States President as good will. Also, sixty million pieces of surplus property were transferred to the Philippines government.Soon after the reconstitution of the Commonwealth government in 1945, Senators Manuel Roxas, Elpidio Quirino and their allies called for an early national election to choose the president and vice president of the Philippines and members of the Congress. In December 1945, the House Insular Affairs of the United States Congress approved the joint resolution setting the date of the election on no later than 30 April 1946.Prompted by this congressional action, President Sergio Osmeña called the Philippine Congress to a three-day special session. Congress enacted Commonwealth Act No. 725, setting the date of the election on 23 April 1946. The act was signed by President Osmeña on 5 January 1946.Three parties presented their respective candidates for the different national elective positions. These were the Nacionalista PartyConservative (Osmeña) wing, the Liberal wing of the Nacionalista Party and the Partido Modernista. The Nacionalistas had Osmeña and Senator Eulogio Rodriguez as their candidates for president and vice president, respectively. The Modernistas chose Hilario Camino Moncado and Luis Salvador for the same positions. The standard bearers of the Liberals were Senators Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino. On 3 January 1946, President Osmeña announced his re-election bid. On 22 January 1946 Eulogio Rodriguez was nominated as Osmeña's running mate for Vice President, in a convention held at Ciro's Club in Manila. According to the "Manila Chronicle":The convention opened at 10:15 in the morning when the acting secretary of the party, Vicente Farmoso, called the confab to order. Congressman José C. Romero ["sic"], who delivered the keynote speech accused Senate President Manuel Roxas and his followers "of fanning the flames of discontent among the people, of capitalizing on the people's hardship, and of minimizing the accomplishment of the [Osmeña] Administration. These men with the Messiah complex have been the bane of the country and of the world. This is the mentality that produces Hitlers and the Mussolinis, and their desire to climb to power. they even want to destroy the party which placed them where they are today."Senator Carlos P. Garcia, who delivered the nomination speech for President Sergio Osmeña, made a long recital of Osmeña's achievements, his virtues as public official and as private citizen.Entering the convention hall at about 7:30 p.m, President Osmeña, accompanied by the committee on notification, was greeted with rounds of cheer and applause as he ascended the platform. President Osmeña delivered his speech which was a general outline of his future plans once elected. He emphasized that as far as his party is concerned, independence is a close issue. It is definitely coming on 4 July 1946On 19 January 1946, Senator Roxas announced his candidacy for President in a convention held in Santa Ana Cabaret in Manila. According to the "Manila Chronicle":...more than three thousand (by conservative estimate there were only 1,000 plus) delegates, party members and hero worshipers jammed into suburban, well known Santa Ana Cabaret (biggest in the world) to acclaim ex-katipunero and Bagong Katipunan organizer Manuel Acuña Roxas as the guidon bearer of the Nacionalista Party's Liberal Wing. The delegates, who came from all over the Islands, met in formal convention from 10:50 am and did not break up till about 5:30 pm.They elected 1. Mariano J. Cuenco, professional Osmeñaphobe, as temporary chairman; 2. José Avelino and ex-pharmacist Antonio Zacarias permanent chairman and secretary, respectively; 3. nominated forty-four candidates for senators; 4. heard the generalissimo himself deliver an oratorical masterpiece consisting of 50 per cent attacks against the (Osmeña) Administration, 50 per cent promises, pledges. Rabid Roxasites greeted the Roxas acceptance speech with hysterical applause.A split developed among the members of the Nacionalista Party over issues. President Osmeña tried to prevent the split in the Nacionalista Party by offering Senator Roxas the position of Philippine Regent Commissioner to the United States but Roxas turned down the offer. A new political organization was born, the Liberal wing of the Nacionalista Party, which would later become the Liberal Party of the Philippines.The election was generally peaceful except in some places, especially in the province of Pampanga. According to a "controversial" decision of the Electoral Tribunal of the House of Representatives in "Meliton Soliman vs. Luis Taruc", "Pampanga was under the terroristic clutches and control of the Hukbalahaps. So terrorized were the people of Arayat, at one time, 200 persons abandoned their homes, their work, and their food, all their belongings in a mass evacuation to the poblacion due to fear and terror." A total of 2,218,847 voters went to the polls to elect a President and Vice President. who were to be the Commonwealth's last and the Republic's first. Four days after election day, the Liberal Party candidates were proclaimed victors. Roxas registered an overwhelming majority of votes in 34 provinces and nine cities: Abra, Agusan, Albay, Antique, Bataan, Batanes, Batangas, Bukidnon, Bulacan, Cagayan, Camarines Norte, Camarines Sur, Capiz, Cavite, Cotabato, Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, Isabela, Laguna, La Union, Leyte, Marinduque, Mindoro, Misamis Oriental, Negros Occidental, Nueva Vizcaya, Palawan, Pangasinan, Rizal, Romblon, Samar, Sorsogon, Sulu, Surigao, Tayabas, Zambales, Manila, Quezon City, Bacolod (Negros Occidental), Iloilo City (Iloilo), Baguio (Mountain Province), Zamboanga City (Zamboanga), Tagaytay (Cavite), Cavite City (Cavite) and San Pablo City (Laguna).The Liberal Party won nine out of 16 contested seats in the Philippine Senate and in the House of Representatives, the Liberals won a majority with 50 seats while the Nacionalistas and the Democratic Alliance winning 33 and six seats, respectively.After his electoral defeat, Osmeña retired to his home in Cebu. He died of pulmonary edema at age 83 on 19 October 1961 at the Veterans Memorial Medical Center in Quezon City. He was buried at Manila North Cemetery, Manila on 26 October 1961.Several of Osmeña's descendants became prominent political figures in their own right:
|
[
"Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Philippines",
"Vice President of the Philippines",
"President of the Philippines",
"Secretary of Social Welfare and Development",
"President pro tempore of the Senate of the Philippines",
"Secretary of Education"
] |
|
Which position did Sergio Osmeña hold in 12/05/1907?
|
May 12, 1907
|
{
"text": [
"governor"
]
}
|
L2_Q319950_P39_0
|
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of governor from Jan, 1904 to Oct, 1907.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of Secretary of Social Welfare and Development from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1944.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of President of the Philippines from Aug, 1944 to May, 1946.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of Vice President of the Philippines from Nov, 1935 to Aug, 1944.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Philippines from Oct, 1907 to Jan, 1922.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of President pro tempore of the Senate of the Philippines from Jan, 1922 to Jan, 1934.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of Secretary of Education from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1940.
|
Sergio OsmeñaSergio Osmeña Sr. (; 9 September 1878 – 19 October 1961) was a Filipino politician who served as the fourth president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946. He was Vice President under Manuel L. Quezon. Upon Quezon's sudden death in 1944, Osmeña succeeded him at age 65, becoming the oldest person to assume the Philippine presidency until Rodrigo Duterte took office in 2016 at age 71. A founder of the Nacionalista Party, Osmeña was also the first Visayan to become president.Prior to his accession in 1944, Osmeña served as Governor of Cebu from 1906 to 1907, Member and first Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives from 1907 to 1922, and Senator from the 10th Senatorial District for thirteen years, in which capacity he served as Senate President pro tempore. In 1935, he was nominated to be the running-mate of Senate President Manuel L. Quezon for the presidential election that year. The duo were overwhelmingly re-elected in 1941.He was the patriarch of the prominent Osmeña family, which includes his son, former Senator Sergio Osmeña Jr., and his grandsons, former Senators Sergio Osmeña III and John Henry Osmeña, ex-governor Lito Osmeña and former Cebu City mayor Tomas Osmeña.Osmeña was born on 9 September 1878 in the then-municipality of Cebu to Juana Osmeña y Suico, who was reportedly only 14 years of age at the time. Owing to the circumstances of his birth, the identity of his father had been a closely guarded family secret, surnamed "Sanson". Although carrying the stigma of being an illegitimate child – Juana never married his father – he did not allow this aspect to affect his standing in society. The Osmeña family, a rich and prominent clan of Chinese Filipino heritage with vast business interests in Cebu, warmed to him as he established himself as a prominent figure in local society.Osmeña received his elementary education at the Colegio de San Carlos and graduated in 1892. Osmeña continued his education in Manila, studying in San Juan de Letran College where he first met Manuel L. Quezon, a classmate of his, as well as Juan Sumulong and Emilio Jacinto. He took up law at the University of Santo Tomas and was second place in the bar examination in 1903. He served on the war staff of General Emilio Aguinaldo as a courier and journalist. In 1900, he founded the Cebu newspaper, "El Nuevo Día" [English: 'The New Day'] which lasted for three years.When Cebu Governor Juan Climaco was sent as a member of the Board of Commissioners of the St. Louis Purchase Expedition, Osmeña was appointed acting governor. When Climaco returned, he was appointed as provincial fiscal. His stint there elevated him in politics when he was elected governor of Cebu in 1906.While governor, he ran for election to the first National Assembly of 1907 and was elected as the first Speaker of that body. Osmeña was 29 years old and already the highest-ranking Filipino official. He and another provincial politician, Manuel L. Quezon of Tayabas, set up the Nacionalista Party as a foil to the "Partido Federalista" of Manila-based politicians.In his first years as Speaker, he was plagued with organizational burdens as the National Assembly is still organizing. The Members of the Assembly sought to establish legislative procedures which were constantly rejected by the American superiors because they still perceive that Filipinos are incapable to be independent. Three important bills from the Assembly were rejected by the Philippine Commission:However, it did not stop him from presiding over the important legislation the Assembly has passed. The creation of the Council of State and the Board of Control enabled the Philippine legislature to share some of the executive powers of the American Governor-General.In 1916, the Jones Law was passed replacing the Philippine Commission with a Philippine Senate.Osmeña was friends and classmates with Manuel Quezon, who was the Majority Floor Leader under Osmeña's speakership. When the Jones Law was passed, Quezon was elected as Senate President and Osmeña remained Speaker.In 1922, Osmeña was elected to the Senate representing the 10th Senatorial District. He went to the United States as part of the OsRox Mission in 1933, to secure passage of the Hare–Hawes–Cutting Independence Bill which was superseded by the Tydings–McDuffie Act in March 1934.In 1924, Quezon and Osmeña reconciled and joined forces in the Partido Nacionalista Consolidado against the threat of an emerging opposition from the Democrata Party. The reunited Nacionalista Party dominated the political scene until the second break-up when the members polarized into Pros and Antis in 1934. Quezon and Osmeña again reconciled for the 1935 Presidential Election. In 1935 Quezon and Osmeña won the Philippine's first national presidential election under the banner of the Nacionalista Party. Quezon obtained nearly 68% of the vote against his two main rivals, Emilio Aguinaldo and Bishop Gregorio Aglipay. They were inaugurated on 15 November 1935. Quezon had originally been barred by the Philippine constitution from seeking re-election. However, in 1940, constitutional amendments were ratified allowing him to seek re-election for a fresh term ending in 1943. In the 1941 presidential elections, Quezon was re-elected over former Senator Juan Sumulong with nearly 82% of the vote. Re-elected in 1941, Osmeña remained vice president during the Japanese occupation when the government was in exile. As Vice-President, Osmeña concurrently served as Secretary of Public Instruction from 1935 to 1940, and again from 1941 to 1944.The outbreak of World War II and the Japanese invasion resulted in periodic and drastic changes to the government structure. Executive Order 390, 22 December 1941 abolished the Department of the Interior and established a new line of succession. Executive Order 396, 24 December 1941, further reorganized and grouped the cabinet, with the functions of Secretary of Justice assigned to the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.By 1943, the Philippine Government-in-exile was faced with a serious crisis. According to the amendments to the 1935 Constitution, Quezon's term was to expire on 30 December 1943, and Vice-President Sergio Osmeña would automatically succeed him to serve out the remainder of term until 1945. This eventuality was brought to the attention of President Quezon by Osmeña himself, who wrote the former to this effect. Aside from replying to this letter informing Vice-President Osmeña that it would not be wise and prudent to effect any such change under the circumstances, President Quezon issued a press release along the same line. Osmeña then requested the opinion of U.S. Attorney General Homer Cummings, who upheld Osmeña's view as more in keeping the law. Quezon, however, remained adamant. He accordingly sought President Franklin D. Roosevelt's decision. The latter chose to remain aloof from the controversy, suggesting instead that the Philippine officials themselves solve the impasse. A cabinet meeting was then convened by President Quezon. Aside from Quezon and Osmeña, others present in this momentous meeting were Resident Commissioner Joaquin Elizalde, Brig. Gen. Carlos P. Romulo, and Cabinet Secretaries Andres Soriano and Jaime Hernandez. Following a spirited discussion, the Cabinet adopted Elizalde's opinion favoring the decision and announced his plan to retire in California.After the meeting, however, Vice-President Osmeña approached the President and broached his plan to ask the U.S. Congress to suspend the constitutional provisions for presidential succession until after the Philippines should have been liberated. This legal way out was agreeable to President Quezon and the members of his Cabinet. Proper steps were taken to carry out the proposal. Sponsored by Senator Tydings and Congressman Bell, the pertinent Joint Resolution No. 95 was unanimously approved by the Senate on a voice vote and passed the House of Representatives by a vote of 181 to 107 on 12 November 1943.Osmeña became president of the Commonwealth on Quezon's death in 1944. He was sworn in by Associate Justice Robert Jackson in Washington, D.C. He returned to the Philippines the same year with General Douglas MacArthur and the liberation forces. After the war, Osmeña restored the Commonwealth government and the various executive departments. He continued the fight for Philippine independence. For the presidential election of 1946, Osmeña refused to campaign, saying that the Filipino people knew of his record of 40 years of honest and faithful service. He lost to Manuel Roxas, who won 54% of the vote and became president of the independent Republic of the Philippines. On 8 August 1944, President Osmeña issued Executive Order 15-W reorganizing and consolidating the Executive Departments of the Commonwealth government. The reorganization of the government after it was reestablished on Philippine soil was undertaken with Executive Order No. 27; 27 February 1945. Executive Order No. 27; 27 February 1945 was issued upon the restoration of civilian authority to the government of the Commonwealth, and members of the new cabinet appointed on 8 March 1945. Subsequent renaming and mergers of departments have separate listings.Osmeña accompanied U.S. General Douglas MacArthur during the landing of U.S. forces in Leyte on 20 October 1944, starting the liberation of the Philippines during the Second World War. Upon establishing the beachhead, MacArthur immediately transferred authority to Osmeña, the successor of Manuel Quezon, as Philippine Commonwealth president.With Manila liberated, General of the Army, Douglas MacArthur, on behalf of the United States, turned over the reins of government of the Philippines to Commonwealth President, Sergio Osmeña, on 27 February 1945, amidst brief, but impressive, ceremonies held at the Malacañang Palace. President Osmeña, after thanking the United States through General MacArthur, announced the restoration of the Government of the Commonwealth of the Philippines and worked out the salvation of the Philippines from the ravages of war.President Osmeña proceeded with the immediate reorganization of the government and its diverse dependencies. On 8 April 1945, he formed his Cabinet, administering the oath of office to its component members. Later, President Osmeña received the Council of State to help him solve the major problems confronting the nation. Government offices and bureaus were gradually reestablished. A number of new ones were created to meet needs then current. Also restored were the Supreme Court of the Philippines and the inferior courts. The Court of Appeals was abolished and its appellate jurisdiction was transferred to the Supreme Court, the members of which were increased to eleven – one Chief Justice and ten Associate Justices – in order to attend to the new responsibilities. Slowly but steadily, as the liberating forces freed the other portions of the country, provincial and municipal governments were established by the Commonwealth to take over from the military authorities.Following the restoration of the Commonwealth government, Congress was reorganized. Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino were elected Senate President and Senate President pro tempore, respectively. In the House of Representatives, Jose Zulueta of Iloilo was elected Speaker and Prospero Sanidad as Speaker pro tempore. The opening session of the Congress was personally addressed by President Osmeña, who reported on the Commonwealth Government in exile and proposed vital pieces of legislation.The First Commonwealth Congress earnestly took up the various pending assignments to solve the pressing matters affecting the Philippines, especially in regard to relief, rehabilitation, and reconstruction. The first bill enacted was Commonwealth Act No. 672 – rehabilitating the Philippine National Bank.Yielding to American pressure, on 25 September 1945, the Congress enacted C.A. No. 682 creating the People's Court and the Office of Special Prosecutors to deal with the pending cases of "collaboration".President Osmeña sent the Philippine delegation, which was headed by Carlos P. Romulo, to the San Francisco gathering for the promulgation of the Charter of the United Nations on 26 June 1945. Other members of the delegation were Maximo Kalaw, Carlos P. Garcia, Pedro Lopez, Francisco Delegado, Urbano Zafra, Alejandro Melchor, and Vicente Sinco. The 28th signatory nation of the United Nations, the Philippines was one of the fifty-one nations that drafted the UN Charter. Once approved by Philippine delegation, the UN Charter was ratified by the Congress of the Philippines and deposited with the U.S. State Department on 11 October 1945.To prepare for the forthcoming independent status of the Philippines, President Osmeña created the Office of Foreign Relations. Vicente Sinco was appointed as its first Commissioner, with cabinet rank. In this connection, President Osmeña also entered into an agreement with the United States Government to send five Filipino trainees to the U.S. State Department to prepare themselves for diplomatic service. They were sent by U.S. State Department to the United States embassies in Moscow and Mexico City and consulates in Saigon and Singapore.On 5 December 1945, President Osmeña appointed Resident Commissioner Carlos P. Romulo as his representative to accept Philippine membership in the International Monetary Fund and in the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, which bodies had been conceived in the Bretton Woods Agreement, in which the Philippine had also taken part. Romulo signed said membership on 27 December 1945 on behalf of the Philippines.On 30 April 1946, the United States Congress, at last, approved the Bell Act, which as early as 20 January had been reported to the Ways and Means Committee of the lower house, having been already passed by the Senate. President Osmeña and Resident Commissioner Romulo had urged the passage of this bill, with United States High Commissioner, Paul V. McNutt, exerting similar pressure.The Act gave the Philippines eight years of free trade with the United States, then twenty years during which tariffs would be upped gradually until they were in line with the rest of the American tariff policy. The law also fixed some quotas for certain products: sugar – 850,000 long tons; cordage – 6,000,000 pounds; coconut oil – 200,000 long tons; cigars – 200,000,000 pounds. This aid was coupled with that to be obtained from the recently passed Tydings Damage bill, which provided some nine hundred million dollars for payment of war damages, of which one million was earmarked to compensate for church losses. The sum of two hundred and forty million dollars was to be periodically allocated by the United States President as good will. Also, sixty million pieces of surplus property were transferred to the Philippines government.Soon after the reconstitution of the Commonwealth government in 1945, Senators Manuel Roxas, Elpidio Quirino and their allies called for an early national election to choose the president and vice president of the Philippines and members of the Congress. In December 1945, the House Insular Affairs of the United States Congress approved the joint resolution setting the date of the election on no later than 30 April 1946.Prompted by this congressional action, President Sergio Osmeña called the Philippine Congress to a three-day special session. Congress enacted Commonwealth Act No. 725, setting the date of the election on 23 April 1946. The act was signed by President Osmeña on 5 January 1946.Three parties presented their respective candidates for the different national elective positions. These were the Nacionalista PartyConservative (Osmeña) wing, the Liberal wing of the Nacionalista Party and the Partido Modernista. The Nacionalistas had Osmeña and Senator Eulogio Rodriguez as their candidates for president and vice president, respectively. The Modernistas chose Hilario Camino Moncado and Luis Salvador for the same positions. The standard bearers of the Liberals were Senators Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino. On 3 January 1946, President Osmeña announced his re-election bid. On 22 January 1946 Eulogio Rodriguez was nominated as Osmeña's running mate for Vice President, in a convention held at Ciro's Club in Manila. According to the "Manila Chronicle":The convention opened at 10:15 in the morning when the acting secretary of the party, Vicente Farmoso, called the confab to order. Congressman José C. Romero ["sic"], who delivered the keynote speech accused Senate President Manuel Roxas and his followers "of fanning the flames of discontent among the people, of capitalizing on the people's hardship, and of minimizing the accomplishment of the [Osmeña] Administration. These men with the Messiah complex have been the bane of the country and of the world. This is the mentality that produces Hitlers and the Mussolinis, and their desire to climb to power. they even want to destroy the party which placed them where they are today."Senator Carlos P. Garcia, who delivered the nomination speech for President Sergio Osmeña, made a long recital of Osmeña's achievements, his virtues as public official and as private citizen.Entering the convention hall at about 7:30 p.m, President Osmeña, accompanied by the committee on notification, was greeted with rounds of cheer and applause as he ascended the platform. President Osmeña delivered his speech which was a general outline of his future plans once elected. He emphasized that as far as his party is concerned, independence is a close issue. It is definitely coming on 4 July 1946On 19 January 1946, Senator Roxas announced his candidacy for President in a convention held in Santa Ana Cabaret in Manila. According to the "Manila Chronicle":...more than three thousand (by conservative estimate there were only 1,000 plus) delegates, party members and hero worshipers jammed into suburban, well known Santa Ana Cabaret (biggest in the world) to acclaim ex-katipunero and Bagong Katipunan organizer Manuel Acuña Roxas as the guidon bearer of the Nacionalista Party's Liberal Wing. The delegates, who came from all over the Islands, met in formal convention from 10:50 am and did not break up till about 5:30 pm.They elected 1. Mariano J. Cuenco, professional Osmeñaphobe, as temporary chairman; 2. José Avelino and ex-pharmacist Antonio Zacarias permanent chairman and secretary, respectively; 3. nominated forty-four candidates for senators; 4. heard the generalissimo himself deliver an oratorical masterpiece consisting of 50 per cent attacks against the (Osmeña) Administration, 50 per cent promises, pledges. Rabid Roxasites greeted the Roxas acceptance speech with hysterical applause.A split developed among the members of the Nacionalista Party over issues. President Osmeña tried to prevent the split in the Nacionalista Party by offering Senator Roxas the position of Philippine Regent Commissioner to the United States but Roxas turned down the offer. A new political organization was born, the Liberal wing of the Nacionalista Party, which would later become the Liberal Party of the Philippines.The election was generally peaceful except in some places, especially in the province of Pampanga. According to a "controversial" decision of the Electoral Tribunal of the House of Representatives in "Meliton Soliman vs. Luis Taruc", "Pampanga was under the terroristic clutches and control of the Hukbalahaps. So terrorized were the people of Arayat, at one time, 200 persons abandoned their homes, their work, and their food, all their belongings in a mass evacuation to the poblacion due to fear and terror." A total of 2,218,847 voters went to the polls to elect a President and Vice President. who were to be the Commonwealth's last and the Republic's first. Four days after election day, the Liberal Party candidates were proclaimed victors. Roxas registered an overwhelming majority of votes in 34 provinces and nine cities: Abra, Agusan, Albay, Antique, Bataan, Batanes, Batangas, Bukidnon, Bulacan, Cagayan, Camarines Norte, Camarines Sur, Capiz, Cavite, Cotabato, Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, Isabela, Laguna, La Union, Leyte, Marinduque, Mindoro, Misamis Oriental, Negros Occidental, Nueva Vizcaya, Palawan, Pangasinan, Rizal, Romblon, Samar, Sorsogon, Sulu, Surigao, Tayabas, Zambales, Manila, Quezon City, Bacolod (Negros Occidental), Iloilo City (Iloilo), Baguio (Mountain Province), Zamboanga City (Zamboanga), Tagaytay (Cavite), Cavite City (Cavite) and San Pablo City (Laguna).The Liberal Party won nine out of 16 contested seats in the Philippine Senate and in the House of Representatives, the Liberals won a majority with 50 seats while the Nacionalistas and the Democratic Alliance winning 33 and six seats, respectively.After his electoral defeat, Osmeña retired to his home in Cebu. He died of pulmonary edema at age 83 on 19 October 1961 at the Veterans Memorial Medical Center in Quezon City. He was buried at Manila North Cemetery, Manila on 26 October 1961.Several of Osmeña's descendants became prominent political figures in their own right:
|
[
"Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Philippines",
"Vice President of the Philippines",
"President of the Philippines",
"Secretary of Social Welfare and Development",
"President pro tempore of the Senate of the Philippines",
"Secretary of Education"
] |
|
Which position did Sergio Osmeña hold in May 12, 1907?
|
May 12, 1907
|
{
"text": [
"governor"
]
}
|
L2_Q319950_P39_0
|
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of governor from Jan, 1904 to Oct, 1907.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of Secretary of Social Welfare and Development from Jan, 1941 to Jan, 1944.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of President of the Philippines from Aug, 1944 to May, 1946.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of Vice President of the Philippines from Nov, 1935 to Aug, 1944.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Philippines from Oct, 1907 to Jan, 1922.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of President pro tempore of the Senate of the Philippines from Jan, 1922 to Jan, 1934.
Sergio Osmeña holds the position of Secretary of Education from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1940.
|
Sergio OsmeñaSergio Osmeña Sr. (; 9 September 1878 – 19 October 1961) was a Filipino politician who served as the fourth president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946. He was Vice President under Manuel L. Quezon. Upon Quezon's sudden death in 1944, Osmeña succeeded him at age 65, becoming the oldest person to assume the Philippine presidency until Rodrigo Duterte took office in 2016 at age 71. A founder of the Nacionalista Party, Osmeña was also the first Visayan to become president.Prior to his accession in 1944, Osmeña served as Governor of Cebu from 1906 to 1907, Member and first Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives from 1907 to 1922, and Senator from the 10th Senatorial District for thirteen years, in which capacity he served as Senate President pro tempore. In 1935, he was nominated to be the running-mate of Senate President Manuel L. Quezon for the presidential election that year. The duo were overwhelmingly re-elected in 1941.He was the patriarch of the prominent Osmeña family, which includes his son, former Senator Sergio Osmeña Jr., and his grandsons, former Senators Sergio Osmeña III and John Henry Osmeña, ex-governor Lito Osmeña and former Cebu City mayor Tomas Osmeña.Osmeña was born on 9 September 1878 in the then-municipality of Cebu to Juana Osmeña y Suico, who was reportedly only 14 years of age at the time. Owing to the circumstances of his birth, the identity of his father had been a closely guarded family secret, surnamed "Sanson". Although carrying the stigma of being an illegitimate child – Juana never married his father – he did not allow this aspect to affect his standing in society. The Osmeña family, a rich and prominent clan of Chinese Filipino heritage with vast business interests in Cebu, warmed to him as he established himself as a prominent figure in local society.Osmeña received his elementary education at the Colegio de San Carlos and graduated in 1892. Osmeña continued his education in Manila, studying in San Juan de Letran College where he first met Manuel L. Quezon, a classmate of his, as well as Juan Sumulong and Emilio Jacinto. He took up law at the University of Santo Tomas and was second place in the bar examination in 1903. He served on the war staff of General Emilio Aguinaldo as a courier and journalist. In 1900, he founded the Cebu newspaper, "El Nuevo Día" [English: 'The New Day'] which lasted for three years.When Cebu Governor Juan Climaco was sent as a member of the Board of Commissioners of the St. Louis Purchase Expedition, Osmeña was appointed acting governor. When Climaco returned, he was appointed as provincial fiscal. His stint there elevated him in politics when he was elected governor of Cebu in 1906.While governor, he ran for election to the first National Assembly of 1907 and was elected as the first Speaker of that body. Osmeña was 29 years old and already the highest-ranking Filipino official. He and another provincial politician, Manuel L. Quezon of Tayabas, set up the Nacionalista Party as a foil to the "Partido Federalista" of Manila-based politicians.In his first years as Speaker, he was plagued with organizational burdens as the National Assembly is still organizing. The Members of the Assembly sought to establish legislative procedures which were constantly rejected by the American superiors because they still perceive that Filipinos are incapable to be independent. Three important bills from the Assembly were rejected by the Philippine Commission:However, it did not stop him from presiding over the important legislation the Assembly has passed. The creation of the Council of State and the Board of Control enabled the Philippine legislature to share some of the executive powers of the American Governor-General.In 1916, the Jones Law was passed replacing the Philippine Commission with a Philippine Senate.Osmeña was friends and classmates with Manuel Quezon, who was the Majority Floor Leader under Osmeña's speakership. When the Jones Law was passed, Quezon was elected as Senate President and Osmeña remained Speaker.In 1922, Osmeña was elected to the Senate representing the 10th Senatorial District. He went to the United States as part of the OsRox Mission in 1933, to secure passage of the Hare–Hawes–Cutting Independence Bill which was superseded by the Tydings–McDuffie Act in March 1934.In 1924, Quezon and Osmeña reconciled and joined forces in the Partido Nacionalista Consolidado against the threat of an emerging opposition from the Democrata Party. The reunited Nacionalista Party dominated the political scene until the second break-up when the members polarized into Pros and Antis in 1934. Quezon and Osmeña again reconciled for the 1935 Presidential Election. In 1935 Quezon and Osmeña won the Philippine's first national presidential election under the banner of the Nacionalista Party. Quezon obtained nearly 68% of the vote against his two main rivals, Emilio Aguinaldo and Bishop Gregorio Aglipay. They were inaugurated on 15 November 1935. Quezon had originally been barred by the Philippine constitution from seeking re-election. However, in 1940, constitutional amendments were ratified allowing him to seek re-election for a fresh term ending in 1943. In the 1941 presidential elections, Quezon was re-elected over former Senator Juan Sumulong with nearly 82% of the vote. Re-elected in 1941, Osmeña remained vice president during the Japanese occupation when the government was in exile. As Vice-President, Osmeña concurrently served as Secretary of Public Instruction from 1935 to 1940, and again from 1941 to 1944.The outbreak of World War II and the Japanese invasion resulted in periodic and drastic changes to the government structure. Executive Order 390, 22 December 1941 abolished the Department of the Interior and established a new line of succession. Executive Order 396, 24 December 1941, further reorganized and grouped the cabinet, with the functions of Secretary of Justice assigned to the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.By 1943, the Philippine Government-in-exile was faced with a serious crisis. According to the amendments to the 1935 Constitution, Quezon's term was to expire on 30 December 1943, and Vice-President Sergio Osmeña would automatically succeed him to serve out the remainder of term until 1945. This eventuality was brought to the attention of President Quezon by Osmeña himself, who wrote the former to this effect. Aside from replying to this letter informing Vice-President Osmeña that it would not be wise and prudent to effect any such change under the circumstances, President Quezon issued a press release along the same line. Osmeña then requested the opinion of U.S. Attorney General Homer Cummings, who upheld Osmeña's view as more in keeping the law. Quezon, however, remained adamant. He accordingly sought President Franklin D. Roosevelt's decision. The latter chose to remain aloof from the controversy, suggesting instead that the Philippine officials themselves solve the impasse. A cabinet meeting was then convened by President Quezon. Aside from Quezon and Osmeña, others present in this momentous meeting were Resident Commissioner Joaquin Elizalde, Brig. Gen. Carlos P. Romulo, and Cabinet Secretaries Andres Soriano and Jaime Hernandez. Following a spirited discussion, the Cabinet adopted Elizalde's opinion favoring the decision and announced his plan to retire in California.After the meeting, however, Vice-President Osmeña approached the President and broached his plan to ask the U.S. Congress to suspend the constitutional provisions for presidential succession until after the Philippines should have been liberated. This legal way out was agreeable to President Quezon and the members of his Cabinet. Proper steps were taken to carry out the proposal. Sponsored by Senator Tydings and Congressman Bell, the pertinent Joint Resolution No. 95 was unanimously approved by the Senate on a voice vote and passed the House of Representatives by a vote of 181 to 107 on 12 November 1943.Osmeña became president of the Commonwealth on Quezon's death in 1944. He was sworn in by Associate Justice Robert Jackson in Washington, D.C. He returned to the Philippines the same year with General Douglas MacArthur and the liberation forces. After the war, Osmeña restored the Commonwealth government and the various executive departments. He continued the fight for Philippine independence. For the presidential election of 1946, Osmeña refused to campaign, saying that the Filipino people knew of his record of 40 years of honest and faithful service. He lost to Manuel Roxas, who won 54% of the vote and became president of the independent Republic of the Philippines. On 8 August 1944, President Osmeña issued Executive Order 15-W reorganizing and consolidating the Executive Departments of the Commonwealth government. The reorganization of the government after it was reestablished on Philippine soil was undertaken with Executive Order No. 27; 27 February 1945. Executive Order No. 27; 27 February 1945 was issued upon the restoration of civilian authority to the government of the Commonwealth, and members of the new cabinet appointed on 8 March 1945. Subsequent renaming and mergers of departments have separate listings.Osmeña accompanied U.S. General Douglas MacArthur during the landing of U.S. forces in Leyte on 20 October 1944, starting the liberation of the Philippines during the Second World War. Upon establishing the beachhead, MacArthur immediately transferred authority to Osmeña, the successor of Manuel Quezon, as Philippine Commonwealth president.With Manila liberated, General of the Army, Douglas MacArthur, on behalf of the United States, turned over the reins of government of the Philippines to Commonwealth President, Sergio Osmeña, on 27 February 1945, amidst brief, but impressive, ceremonies held at the Malacañang Palace. President Osmeña, after thanking the United States through General MacArthur, announced the restoration of the Government of the Commonwealth of the Philippines and worked out the salvation of the Philippines from the ravages of war.President Osmeña proceeded with the immediate reorganization of the government and its diverse dependencies. On 8 April 1945, he formed his Cabinet, administering the oath of office to its component members. Later, President Osmeña received the Council of State to help him solve the major problems confronting the nation. Government offices and bureaus were gradually reestablished. A number of new ones were created to meet needs then current. Also restored were the Supreme Court of the Philippines and the inferior courts. The Court of Appeals was abolished and its appellate jurisdiction was transferred to the Supreme Court, the members of which were increased to eleven – one Chief Justice and ten Associate Justices – in order to attend to the new responsibilities. Slowly but steadily, as the liberating forces freed the other portions of the country, provincial and municipal governments were established by the Commonwealth to take over from the military authorities.Following the restoration of the Commonwealth government, Congress was reorganized. Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino were elected Senate President and Senate President pro tempore, respectively. In the House of Representatives, Jose Zulueta of Iloilo was elected Speaker and Prospero Sanidad as Speaker pro tempore. The opening session of the Congress was personally addressed by President Osmeña, who reported on the Commonwealth Government in exile and proposed vital pieces of legislation.The First Commonwealth Congress earnestly took up the various pending assignments to solve the pressing matters affecting the Philippines, especially in regard to relief, rehabilitation, and reconstruction. The first bill enacted was Commonwealth Act No. 672 – rehabilitating the Philippine National Bank.Yielding to American pressure, on 25 September 1945, the Congress enacted C.A. No. 682 creating the People's Court and the Office of Special Prosecutors to deal with the pending cases of "collaboration".President Osmeña sent the Philippine delegation, which was headed by Carlos P. Romulo, to the San Francisco gathering for the promulgation of the Charter of the United Nations on 26 June 1945. Other members of the delegation were Maximo Kalaw, Carlos P. Garcia, Pedro Lopez, Francisco Delegado, Urbano Zafra, Alejandro Melchor, and Vicente Sinco. The 28th signatory nation of the United Nations, the Philippines was one of the fifty-one nations that drafted the UN Charter. Once approved by Philippine delegation, the UN Charter was ratified by the Congress of the Philippines and deposited with the U.S. State Department on 11 October 1945.To prepare for the forthcoming independent status of the Philippines, President Osmeña created the Office of Foreign Relations. Vicente Sinco was appointed as its first Commissioner, with cabinet rank. In this connection, President Osmeña also entered into an agreement with the United States Government to send five Filipino trainees to the U.S. State Department to prepare themselves for diplomatic service. They were sent by U.S. State Department to the United States embassies in Moscow and Mexico City and consulates in Saigon and Singapore.On 5 December 1945, President Osmeña appointed Resident Commissioner Carlos P. Romulo as his representative to accept Philippine membership in the International Monetary Fund and in the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, which bodies had been conceived in the Bretton Woods Agreement, in which the Philippine had also taken part. Romulo signed said membership on 27 December 1945 on behalf of the Philippines.On 30 April 1946, the United States Congress, at last, approved the Bell Act, which as early as 20 January had been reported to the Ways and Means Committee of the lower house, having been already passed by the Senate. President Osmeña and Resident Commissioner Romulo had urged the passage of this bill, with United States High Commissioner, Paul V. McNutt, exerting similar pressure.The Act gave the Philippines eight years of free trade with the United States, then twenty years during which tariffs would be upped gradually until they were in line with the rest of the American tariff policy. The law also fixed some quotas for certain products: sugar – 850,000 long tons; cordage – 6,000,000 pounds; coconut oil – 200,000 long tons; cigars – 200,000,000 pounds. This aid was coupled with that to be obtained from the recently passed Tydings Damage bill, which provided some nine hundred million dollars for payment of war damages, of which one million was earmarked to compensate for church losses. The sum of two hundred and forty million dollars was to be periodically allocated by the United States President as good will. Also, sixty million pieces of surplus property were transferred to the Philippines government.Soon after the reconstitution of the Commonwealth government in 1945, Senators Manuel Roxas, Elpidio Quirino and their allies called for an early national election to choose the president and vice president of the Philippines and members of the Congress. In December 1945, the House Insular Affairs of the United States Congress approved the joint resolution setting the date of the election on no later than 30 April 1946.Prompted by this congressional action, President Sergio Osmeña called the Philippine Congress to a three-day special session. Congress enacted Commonwealth Act No. 725, setting the date of the election on 23 April 1946. The act was signed by President Osmeña on 5 January 1946.Three parties presented their respective candidates for the different national elective positions. These were the Nacionalista PartyConservative (Osmeña) wing, the Liberal wing of the Nacionalista Party and the Partido Modernista. The Nacionalistas had Osmeña and Senator Eulogio Rodriguez as their candidates for president and vice president, respectively. The Modernistas chose Hilario Camino Moncado and Luis Salvador for the same positions. The standard bearers of the Liberals were Senators Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino. On 3 January 1946, President Osmeña announced his re-election bid. On 22 January 1946 Eulogio Rodriguez was nominated as Osmeña's running mate for Vice President, in a convention held at Ciro's Club in Manila. According to the "Manila Chronicle":The convention opened at 10:15 in the morning when the acting secretary of the party, Vicente Farmoso, called the confab to order. Congressman José C. Romero ["sic"], who delivered the keynote speech accused Senate President Manuel Roxas and his followers "of fanning the flames of discontent among the people, of capitalizing on the people's hardship, and of minimizing the accomplishment of the [Osmeña] Administration. These men with the Messiah complex have been the bane of the country and of the world. This is the mentality that produces Hitlers and the Mussolinis, and their desire to climb to power. they even want to destroy the party which placed them where they are today."Senator Carlos P. Garcia, who delivered the nomination speech for President Sergio Osmeña, made a long recital of Osmeña's achievements, his virtues as public official and as private citizen.Entering the convention hall at about 7:30 p.m, President Osmeña, accompanied by the committee on notification, was greeted with rounds of cheer and applause as he ascended the platform. President Osmeña delivered his speech which was a general outline of his future plans once elected. He emphasized that as far as his party is concerned, independence is a close issue. It is definitely coming on 4 July 1946On 19 January 1946, Senator Roxas announced his candidacy for President in a convention held in Santa Ana Cabaret in Manila. According to the "Manila Chronicle":...more than three thousand (by conservative estimate there were only 1,000 plus) delegates, party members and hero worshipers jammed into suburban, well known Santa Ana Cabaret (biggest in the world) to acclaim ex-katipunero and Bagong Katipunan organizer Manuel Acuña Roxas as the guidon bearer of the Nacionalista Party's Liberal Wing. The delegates, who came from all over the Islands, met in formal convention from 10:50 am and did not break up till about 5:30 pm.They elected 1. Mariano J. Cuenco, professional Osmeñaphobe, as temporary chairman; 2. José Avelino and ex-pharmacist Antonio Zacarias permanent chairman and secretary, respectively; 3. nominated forty-four candidates for senators; 4. heard the generalissimo himself deliver an oratorical masterpiece consisting of 50 per cent attacks against the (Osmeña) Administration, 50 per cent promises, pledges. Rabid Roxasites greeted the Roxas acceptance speech with hysterical applause.A split developed among the members of the Nacionalista Party over issues. President Osmeña tried to prevent the split in the Nacionalista Party by offering Senator Roxas the position of Philippine Regent Commissioner to the United States but Roxas turned down the offer. A new political organization was born, the Liberal wing of the Nacionalista Party, which would later become the Liberal Party of the Philippines.The election was generally peaceful except in some places, especially in the province of Pampanga. According to a "controversial" decision of the Electoral Tribunal of the House of Representatives in "Meliton Soliman vs. Luis Taruc", "Pampanga was under the terroristic clutches and control of the Hukbalahaps. So terrorized were the people of Arayat, at one time, 200 persons abandoned their homes, their work, and their food, all their belongings in a mass evacuation to the poblacion due to fear and terror." A total of 2,218,847 voters went to the polls to elect a President and Vice President. who were to be the Commonwealth's last and the Republic's first. Four days after election day, the Liberal Party candidates were proclaimed victors. Roxas registered an overwhelming majority of votes in 34 provinces and nine cities: Abra, Agusan, Albay, Antique, Bataan, Batanes, Batangas, Bukidnon, Bulacan, Cagayan, Camarines Norte, Camarines Sur, Capiz, Cavite, Cotabato, Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, Isabela, Laguna, La Union, Leyte, Marinduque, Mindoro, Misamis Oriental, Negros Occidental, Nueva Vizcaya, Palawan, Pangasinan, Rizal, Romblon, Samar, Sorsogon, Sulu, Surigao, Tayabas, Zambales, Manila, Quezon City, Bacolod (Negros Occidental), Iloilo City (Iloilo), Baguio (Mountain Province), Zamboanga City (Zamboanga), Tagaytay (Cavite), Cavite City (Cavite) and San Pablo City (Laguna).The Liberal Party won nine out of 16 contested seats in the Philippine Senate and in the House of Representatives, the Liberals won a majority with 50 seats while the Nacionalistas and the Democratic Alliance winning 33 and six seats, respectively.After his electoral defeat, Osmeña retired to his home in Cebu. He died of pulmonary edema at age 83 on 19 October 1961 at the Veterans Memorial Medical Center in Quezon City. He was buried at Manila North Cemetery, Manila on 26 October 1961.Several of Osmeña's descendants became prominent political figures in their own right:
|
[
"Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Philippines",
"Vice President of the Philippines",
"President of the Philippines",
"Secretary of Social Welfare and Development",
"President pro tempore of the Senate of the Philippines",
"Secretary of Education"
] |
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