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Who was the chair of Internet Engineering Task Force in 04/08/2014?
|
April 08, 2014
|
{
"text": [
"Jari Arkko"
]
}
|
L2_Q217082_P488_3
|
Paul Mockapetris is the chair of Internet Engineering Task Force from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1996.
Russ Housley is the chair of Internet Engineering Task Force from Mar, 2007 to Mar, 2013.
Harald Tveit Alvestrand is the chair of Internet Engineering Task Force from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2005.
Jari Arkko is the chair of Internet Engineering Task Force from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2017.
|
Internet Engineering Task ForceThe Internet Engineering Task Force (IETF) is an open standards organization, which develops and promotes voluntary Internet standards, in particular the standards that comprise the Internet protocol suite (TCP/IP). It has no formal membership roster or membership requirements. All participants and managers are volunteers, though their work is usually funded by their employers or sponsors.The IETF started out as an activity supported by the federal government of the United States, but since 1993 it has operated as a standards-development function under the auspices of the Internet Society, an international membership-based non-profit organization.The IETF is organized into a large number of working groups and birds of a feather informal discussion groups, each dealing with a specific topic. The IETF operates in a bottom-up task creation mode, largely driven by these working groups. Each working group has an appointed chairperson (or sometimes several co-chairs); a charter that describes its focus; and what it is expected to produce, and when. It is open to all who want to participate and holds discussions on an open mailing list or at IETF meetings, where the entry fee in July 2014 was US$650 per person. As of mid-2018 the fees are: early bird $700, late payment $875, student $150 and a one-day pass for $375.Rough consensus is the primary basis for decision making. There are no formal voting procedures. Because the majority of the IETF's work is done via mailing lists, meeting attendance is not required for contributors. Each working group is intended to complete work on its topic and then disband. In some cases, the working group will instead have its charter updated to take on new tasks as appropriate.The working groups are organized into areas by subject matter. Current areas are Applications, General, Internet, Operations and Management, Real-time Applications and Infrastructure, Routing, Security, and Transport. Each area is overseen by an area director (AD), with most areas having two co-ADs. The ADs are responsible for appointing working group chairs. The area directors, together with the IETF Chair, form the Internet Engineering Steering Group (IESG), which is responsible for the overall operation of the IETF.The Internet Architecture Board (IAB) oversees the IETF's external relationships and relations with the RFC Editor. The IAB provides long-range technical direction for Internet development. The IAB is also jointly responsible for the IETF Administrative Oversight Committee (IAOC), which oversees the IETF Administrative Support Activity (IASA), which provides logistical, etc. support for the IETF. The IAB also manages the Internet Research Task Force (IRTF), with which the IETF has a number of cross-group relations.A Nominating Committee (NomCom) of ten randomly chosen volunteers who participate regularly at meetings is vested with the power to appoint, reappoint, and remove members of the IESG, IAB, IASA, and the IAOC. To date, no one has been removed by a NomCom, although several people have resigned their positions, requiring replacements.In 1993 the IETF changed from an activity supported by the US Federal Government to an independent, international activity associated with the Internet Society, an international membership-based non-profit organization. Because the IETF itself does not have members, nor is it an organization "per se", the Internet Society provides the financial and legal framework for the activities of the IETF and its sister bodies (IAB, IRTF). IETF activities are funded by meeting fees, meeting sponsors and by the Internet Society via its organizational membership and the proceeds of the Public Interest Registry.In December 2005 the IETF Trust was established to manage the copyrighted materials produced by the IETF.The Internet Engineering Steering Group (IESG) is a body composed of the Internet Engineering Task Force (IETF) chair and area directors.It provides the final technical review of Internet standards and is responsible for day-to-day management of the IETF. It receives appeals of the decisions of the working groups, and the IESG makes the decision to progress documents in the standards track.The chair of the IESG is the director of the General Area, who also serves as the overall IETF Chair. Members of the IESG include the two directors of each of the following areas:Liaison and "ex officio" members include:The Gateway Algorithms and Data Structures (GADS) Task Force was the precursor to the IETF. Its chairman was David L. Mills of the University of Delaware. procedures for creating and documenting Internet Standards" was codified in the IETF's RFC1602. The first IETF meeting was attended by 21 US Federal Government-funded researchers on 16 January 1986. It was a continuation of the work of the earlier GADS Task Force. Representatives from non-governmental entities (such as gateway vendors) were invited to attend starting with the fourth IETF meeting in October 1986. Since that time all IETF meetings have been open to the public.Initially, the IETF met quarterly, but from 1991, it has been meeting three times a year. The initial meetings were very small, with fewer than 35 people in attendance at each of the first five meetings. The maximum attendance during the first 13 meetings was only 120 attendees. This occurred at the 12th meeting held during January 1989. These meetings have grown in both participation and scope a great deal since the early 1990s; it had a maximum attendance of 2,810 at the December 2000 IETF held in San Diego, California. Attendance declined with industry restructuring during the early 2000s, and is currently around 1,200.The location for IETF meetings vary greatly. A list of past and future meeting locations can be found on the IETF meetings page. The IETF strives to hold its meetings near where most of the IETF volunteers are located. For many years, the goal was three meetings a year, with two in North America and one in either Europe or Asia, alternating between them every other year. The current goal is to hold three meetings in North America, two in Europe and one in Asia during a two-year period. However, corporate sponsorship of the meetings is also an important factor and the schedule has been modified from time to time in order to decrease operational costs.The IETF also organizes hackathons during the IETF meetings. The focus is on implementing code that will improve standards in terms of quality and interoperability.The details of IETF operations have changed considerably as the organization has grown, but the basic mechanism remains publication of proposed specifications, development based on the proposals, review and independent testing by participants, and republication as a revised proposal, a draft proposal, or eventually as an Internet Standard. IETF standards are developed in an open, all-inclusive process in which any interested individual can participate. All IETF documents are freely available over the Internet and can be reproduced at will. Multiple, working, useful, interoperable implementations are the chief requirement before an IETF proposed specification can become a standard. Most specifications are focused on single protocols rather than tightly interlocked systems. This has allowed the protocols to be used in many different systems, and its standards are routinely re-used by bodies which create full-fledged architectures (e.g. 3GPP IMS).Because it relies on volunteers and uses "rough consensus and running code" as its touchstone, results can be slow whenever the number of volunteers is either too small to make progress, or so large as to make consensus difficult, or when volunteers lack the necessary expertise. For protocols like SMTP, which is used to transport e-mail for a user community in the many hundreds of millions, there is also considerable resistance to any change that is not fully backward compatible, except for IPv6. Work within the IETF on ways to improve the speed of the standards-making process is ongoing but, because the number of volunteers with opinions on it is very great, consensus on improvements has been slow to develop.The IETF cooperates with the W3C, ISO/IEC, ITU, and other standards bodies.Statistics are available that show who the top contributors by RFC publication are. While the IETF only allows for participation by individuals, and not by corporations or governments, sponsorship information is available from these statistics.The IETF Chairperson is selected by the Nominating Committee (NomCom) process for a 2-year renewable term. Before 1993, the IETF Chair was selected by the IAB.A list of the past and current Chairs of the IETF follows:The IETF works on a broad range of networking technologies which provide foundation for the Internet's growth and evolution.It aims to improve the efficiency in management of networks as they grow in size and complexity. The IETF is also standardizing protocols for autonomic networking that enables networks to be self managing.It is a network of physical objects or things that are embedded with electronics, sensors, software and also enables objects to exchange data with operator, manufacturer and other connected devices. Several IETF working groups are developing protocols that are directly relevant to IoT.Its development provides the ability of internet applications to send data over the Internet. There are some well-established transport protocols such as TCP (Transmission Control Protocol) and UDP (User Datagram Protocol) which are continuously getting extended and refined to meet the needs of the global Internet.It divides its work into a number of areas that have Working groups that have a relation to an area's focus. Area Directors handle the primary task of area management. Area Directors may be advised by one or more Directorates. The area structure is defined by the Internet Engineering Steering Group. The Nominations Committee can be used to add new members.In October 2018, Microsoft and Google engineers introduced a plan to create the Token Binding Protocol in order to stop replay attacks on OAuth tokens.
|
[
"Russ Housley",
"Harald Tveit Alvestrand",
"Paul Mockapetris"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Internet Engineering Task Force in 08-Apr-201408-April-2014?
|
April 08, 2014
|
{
"text": [
"Jari Arkko"
]
}
|
L2_Q217082_P488_3
|
Paul Mockapetris is the chair of Internet Engineering Task Force from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1996.
Russ Housley is the chair of Internet Engineering Task Force from Mar, 2007 to Mar, 2013.
Harald Tveit Alvestrand is the chair of Internet Engineering Task Force from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2005.
Jari Arkko is the chair of Internet Engineering Task Force from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2017.
|
Internet Engineering Task ForceThe Internet Engineering Task Force (IETF) is an open standards organization, which develops and promotes voluntary Internet standards, in particular the standards that comprise the Internet protocol suite (TCP/IP). It has no formal membership roster or membership requirements. All participants and managers are volunteers, though their work is usually funded by their employers or sponsors.The IETF started out as an activity supported by the federal government of the United States, but since 1993 it has operated as a standards-development function under the auspices of the Internet Society, an international membership-based non-profit organization.The IETF is organized into a large number of working groups and birds of a feather informal discussion groups, each dealing with a specific topic. The IETF operates in a bottom-up task creation mode, largely driven by these working groups. Each working group has an appointed chairperson (or sometimes several co-chairs); a charter that describes its focus; and what it is expected to produce, and when. It is open to all who want to participate and holds discussions on an open mailing list or at IETF meetings, where the entry fee in July 2014 was US$650 per person. As of mid-2018 the fees are: early bird $700, late payment $875, student $150 and a one-day pass for $375.Rough consensus is the primary basis for decision making. There are no formal voting procedures. Because the majority of the IETF's work is done via mailing lists, meeting attendance is not required for contributors. Each working group is intended to complete work on its topic and then disband. In some cases, the working group will instead have its charter updated to take on new tasks as appropriate.The working groups are organized into areas by subject matter. Current areas are Applications, General, Internet, Operations and Management, Real-time Applications and Infrastructure, Routing, Security, and Transport. Each area is overseen by an area director (AD), with most areas having two co-ADs. The ADs are responsible for appointing working group chairs. The area directors, together with the IETF Chair, form the Internet Engineering Steering Group (IESG), which is responsible for the overall operation of the IETF.The Internet Architecture Board (IAB) oversees the IETF's external relationships and relations with the RFC Editor. The IAB provides long-range technical direction for Internet development. The IAB is also jointly responsible for the IETF Administrative Oversight Committee (IAOC), which oversees the IETF Administrative Support Activity (IASA), which provides logistical, etc. support for the IETF. The IAB also manages the Internet Research Task Force (IRTF), with which the IETF has a number of cross-group relations.A Nominating Committee (NomCom) of ten randomly chosen volunteers who participate regularly at meetings is vested with the power to appoint, reappoint, and remove members of the IESG, IAB, IASA, and the IAOC. To date, no one has been removed by a NomCom, although several people have resigned their positions, requiring replacements.In 1993 the IETF changed from an activity supported by the US Federal Government to an independent, international activity associated with the Internet Society, an international membership-based non-profit organization. Because the IETF itself does not have members, nor is it an organization "per se", the Internet Society provides the financial and legal framework for the activities of the IETF and its sister bodies (IAB, IRTF). IETF activities are funded by meeting fees, meeting sponsors and by the Internet Society via its organizational membership and the proceeds of the Public Interest Registry.In December 2005 the IETF Trust was established to manage the copyrighted materials produced by the IETF.The Internet Engineering Steering Group (IESG) is a body composed of the Internet Engineering Task Force (IETF) chair and area directors.It provides the final technical review of Internet standards and is responsible for day-to-day management of the IETF. It receives appeals of the decisions of the working groups, and the IESG makes the decision to progress documents in the standards track.The chair of the IESG is the director of the General Area, who also serves as the overall IETF Chair. Members of the IESG include the two directors of each of the following areas:Liaison and "ex officio" members include:The Gateway Algorithms and Data Structures (GADS) Task Force was the precursor to the IETF. Its chairman was David L. Mills of the University of Delaware. procedures for creating and documenting Internet Standards" was codified in the IETF's RFC1602. The first IETF meeting was attended by 21 US Federal Government-funded researchers on 16 January 1986. It was a continuation of the work of the earlier GADS Task Force. Representatives from non-governmental entities (such as gateway vendors) were invited to attend starting with the fourth IETF meeting in October 1986. Since that time all IETF meetings have been open to the public.Initially, the IETF met quarterly, but from 1991, it has been meeting three times a year. The initial meetings were very small, with fewer than 35 people in attendance at each of the first five meetings. The maximum attendance during the first 13 meetings was only 120 attendees. This occurred at the 12th meeting held during January 1989. These meetings have grown in both participation and scope a great deal since the early 1990s; it had a maximum attendance of 2,810 at the December 2000 IETF held in San Diego, California. Attendance declined with industry restructuring during the early 2000s, and is currently around 1,200.The location for IETF meetings vary greatly. A list of past and future meeting locations can be found on the IETF meetings page. The IETF strives to hold its meetings near where most of the IETF volunteers are located. For many years, the goal was three meetings a year, with two in North America and one in either Europe or Asia, alternating between them every other year. The current goal is to hold three meetings in North America, two in Europe and one in Asia during a two-year period. However, corporate sponsorship of the meetings is also an important factor and the schedule has been modified from time to time in order to decrease operational costs.The IETF also organizes hackathons during the IETF meetings. The focus is on implementing code that will improve standards in terms of quality and interoperability.The details of IETF operations have changed considerably as the organization has grown, but the basic mechanism remains publication of proposed specifications, development based on the proposals, review and independent testing by participants, and republication as a revised proposal, a draft proposal, or eventually as an Internet Standard. IETF standards are developed in an open, all-inclusive process in which any interested individual can participate. All IETF documents are freely available over the Internet and can be reproduced at will. Multiple, working, useful, interoperable implementations are the chief requirement before an IETF proposed specification can become a standard. Most specifications are focused on single protocols rather than tightly interlocked systems. This has allowed the protocols to be used in many different systems, and its standards are routinely re-used by bodies which create full-fledged architectures (e.g. 3GPP IMS).Because it relies on volunteers and uses "rough consensus and running code" as its touchstone, results can be slow whenever the number of volunteers is either too small to make progress, or so large as to make consensus difficult, or when volunteers lack the necessary expertise. For protocols like SMTP, which is used to transport e-mail for a user community in the many hundreds of millions, there is also considerable resistance to any change that is not fully backward compatible, except for IPv6. Work within the IETF on ways to improve the speed of the standards-making process is ongoing but, because the number of volunteers with opinions on it is very great, consensus on improvements has been slow to develop.The IETF cooperates with the W3C, ISO/IEC, ITU, and other standards bodies.Statistics are available that show who the top contributors by RFC publication are. While the IETF only allows for participation by individuals, and not by corporations or governments, sponsorship information is available from these statistics.The IETF Chairperson is selected by the Nominating Committee (NomCom) process for a 2-year renewable term. Before 1993, the IETF Chair was selected by the IAB.A list of the past and current Chairs of the IETF follows:The IETF works on a broad range of networking technologies which provide foundation for the Internet's growth and evolution.It aims to improve the efficiency in management of networks as they grow in size and complexity. The IETF is also standardizing protocols for autonomic networking that enables networks to be self managing.It is a network of physical objects or things that are embedded with electronics, sensors, software and also enables objects to exchange data with operator, manufacturer and other connected devices. Several IETF working groups are developing protocols that are directly relevant to IoT.Its development provides the ability of internet applications to send data over the Internet. There are some well-established transport protocols such as TCP (Transmission Control Protocol) and UDP (User Datagram Protocol) which are continuously getting extended and refined to meet the needs of the global Internet.It divides its work into a number of areas that have Working groups that have a relation to an area's focus. Area Directors handle the primary task of area management. Area Directors may be advised by one or more Directorates. The area structure is defined by the Internet Engineering Steering Group. The Nominations Committee can be used to add new members.In October 2018, Microsoft and Google engineers introduced a plan to create the Token Binding Protocol in order to stop replay attacks on OAuth tokens.
|
[
"Russ Housley",
"Harald Tveit Alvestrand",
"Paul Mockapetris"
] |
|
Which team did Thanasis Sentementes play for in Feb, 1995?
|
February 10, 1995
|
{
"text": [
"Kalamata F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q7710139_P54_0
|
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Kalamata F.C. from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1996.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Panachaiki G.E. from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for PAS Giannina F.C. from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2000.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Panserraikos F.C. from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Doxa Vyronas F.C. from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 1998.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for PAE Kerkyra from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.
|
Thanasis SentementesThanasis Sentementes () is a Greek footballer currently signed to Kerkyra F.C..
|
[
"PAE Kerkyra",
"Doxa Vyronas F.C.",
"Panachaiki G.E.",
"PAS Giannina F.C.",
"Panserraikos F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Thanasis Sentementes play for in 1995-02-10?
|
February 10, 1995
|
{
"text": [
"Kalamata F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q7710139_P54_0
|
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Kalamata F.C. from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1996.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Panachaiki G.E. from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for PAS Giannina F.C. from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2000.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Panserraikos F.C. from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Doxa Vyronas F.C. from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 1998.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for PAE Kerkyra from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.
|
Thanasis SentementesThanasis Sentementes () is a Greek footballer currently signed to Kerkyra F.C..
|
[
"PAE Kerkyra",
"Doxa Vyronas F.C.",
"Panachaiki G.E.",
"PAS Giannina F.C.",
"Panserraikos F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Thanasis Sentementes play for in 10/02/1995?
|
February 10, 1995
|
{
"text": [
"Kalamata F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q7710139_P54_0
|
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Kalamata F.C. from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1996.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Panachaiki G.E. from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for PAS Giannina F.C. from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2000.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Panserraikos F.C. from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Doxa Vyronas F.C. from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 1998.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for PAE Kerkyra from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.
|
Thanasis SentementesThanasis Sentementes () is a Greek footballer currently signed to Kerkyra F.C..
|
[
"PAE Kerkyra",
"Doxa Vyronas F.C.",
"Panachaiki G.E.",
"PAS Giannina F.C.",
"Panserraikos F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Thanasis Sentementes play for in Feb 10, 1995?
|
February 10, 1995
|
{
"text": [
"Kalamata F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q7710139_P54_0
|
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Kalamata F.C. from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1996.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Panachaiki G.E. from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for PAS Giannina F.C. from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2000.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Panserraikos F.C. from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Doxa Vyronas F.C. from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 1998.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for PAE Kerkyra from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.
|
Thanasis SentementesThanasis Sentementes () is a Greek footballer currently signed to Kerkyra F.C..
|
[
"PAE Kerkyra",
"Doxa Vyronas F.C.",
"Panachaiki G.E.",
"PAS Giannina F.C.",
"Panserraikos F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Thanasis Sentementes play for in 02/10/1995?
|
February 10, 1995
|
{
"text": [
"Kalamata F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q7710139_P54_0
|
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Kalamata F.C. from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1996.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Panachaiki G.E. from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for PAS Giannina F.C. from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2000.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Panserraikos F.C. from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Doxa Vyronas F.C. from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 1998.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for PAE Kerkyra from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.
|
Thanasis SentementesThanasis Sentementes () is a Greek footballer currently signed to Kerkyra F.C..
|
[
"PAE Kerkyra",
"Doxa Vyronas F.C.",
"Panachaiki G.E.",
"PAS Giannina F.C.",
"Panserraikos F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Thanasis Sentementes play for in 10-Feb-199510-February-1995?
|
February 10, 1995
|
{
"text": [
"Kalamata F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q7710139_P54_0
|
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Kalamata F.C. from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1996.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Panachaiki G.E. from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for PAS Giannina F.C. from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2000.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Panserraikos F.C. from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for Doxa Vyronas F.C. from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 1998.
Thanasis Sentementes plays for PAE Kerkyra from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.
|
Thanasis SentementesThanasis Sentementes () is a Greek footballer currently signed to Kerkyra F.C..
|
[
"PAE Kerkyra",
"Doxa Vyronas F.C.",
"Panachaiki G.E.",
"PAS Giannina F.C.",
"Panserraikos F.C."
] |
|
Who was the head of Vologda in Jul, 2015?
|
July 15, 2015
|
{
"text": [
"Evgeny Shulepov"
]
}
|
L2_Q1957_P6_1
|
Yury Sapozhnikov is the head of the government of Vologda from Sep, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Alexei Jakunitschew is the head of the government of Vologda from May, 1995 to Jul, 2008.
Evgeny Shulepov is the head of the government of Vologda from Oct, 2008 to Sep, 2016.
|
VologdaVologda () is a city and the administrative, cultural, and scientific center of Vologda Oblast, Russia, located on the river Vologda within the watershed of the Northern Dvina. Population: 293,046 (2002 Census); The city serves as a major transport hub of the Northwest of Russia. The Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation has classified Vologda as an historic city, one of forty-one in Russia and one of only three in Vologda Oblast. 224 buildings in Vologda have been officially recognized as cultural heritage monuments.Two conflicting theories exist as to the date of Vologda's foundation.The year 1147 is the official date first fixed in 1780 by Alexey Zasetsky in his book "Stories about miracles of Gerasimus of Vologda". The story mentions that in 1147 the Trinity Monastery was founded close to the river Vologda. The date of the foundation of the monastery is then taken as the date of the foundation of the city of Vologda and is mentioned in official city documents. This date, which would make Vologda to be of the same age as Moscow, is, however, not supported by any scientific data and is considered by authoritative sources to be fictional. The story was only written in 1666 by a certain Foma, who got a request from Archbishop Markel to produce the vita of Gerasimus. Foma himself admitted that he had no sufficient data on the biography. The story contains many contradicting details. Besides, the monastic life in the Russian north was not known in the 12th century: the first monastery in Vladimir was founded in 1152, in Rostov in 1212, in the Belozersk area in 1251. Archeological excavations do not confirm this date either. Instead, they demonstrate that the city of Vologda was founded in the 13th century.The year 1264 was the first mention of Vologda when it was included in the list of possessions of the Novgorod Republic in the agreement between the Republic and the Grand Prince of Vladimir. This date is also supported by archaeological data.The nucleus of Vologda in the 13th century was not located in the area which is now the city center, but rather the area known now as "Lazy ground" (), close to the Resurrection church. This area was the center of Vologda up to 1565. Until that year, no stone constructions existed in Vologda; all of the city fortifications, bridges, houses, churches, and industrial enterprises were made of wood.The unique position of Vologda on important waterways connecting Moscow, Novgorod, and the White Sea (via the Northern Dvina) made it attractive for the Novgorod Republic, as well as for the princes of Tver and Moscow, who fought numerous wars between the 13th and the 15th centuries.In 1371, Dmitry Prilutsky, a monk from the Nikolsky Monastery in Pereslavl-Zalessky, founded Nikolsky Monastery, now known as Spaso-Prilutsky Monastery, close to the city. Dmitry Donskoy, the Grand Prince of Moscow, was the chief benefactor of the monastery and viewed it as a stronghold of the influence of the Grand Duchy of Moscow in the Northern lands in competition with Novgorod.In 1397, during the reign of Vasily I, Vologda was added to the Grand Duchy of Moscow. Subsequently, the city was several times attacked by Novgorod forces. During the Muscovite Civil War, Vologda played a key role. After Vasily II the Blind, the Grand Prince of Moscow, was defeated by Dmitry Shemyaka in 1447, he swore to never start a war against Shemyaka, was exiled to Vologda, and got the city as a personal possession. From there Vasily traveled to the Kirillo-Belozersky Monastery where the hegumen released him from the oath. The civil war continued, and in 1450, Vologda was besieged by the troops of Dmitry Shemyaka; however, they did not manage to occupy the town.After the death of Vasily in 1462, Vologda passed to the possession of his son Andrey Menshoy and became the center of the Principality of Vologda. In 1481, after the death of Andrey who had no successors, Vologda passed to Ivan III, the Grand Duke of Moscow, and was included to the Grand Duchy of Moscow.During the reign of Tsar Ivan the Terrible, Vologda became one of the major transit centers of Russia's trade. The foreign trade was conducted mostly with England, Holland, and other western countries via the White Sea. Arkhangelsk was the major foreign trade haven, and Vologda stood on the waterway connecting Moscow with Arkhangelsk. The trade with Siberia was conducted via the Sukhona and the Vychegda, and Vologda also played an important role as a transit center. The state courtyard was built in the city on the bank of the Vologda. In 1553, Vologda was visited by the English seafarer Richard Chancellor who officially established diplomatic relations between the Tsardom of Russia and England. In 1554, trading agent John Gass described Vologda to English merchants as a city with an abundance of bread where the goods were twice as cheap as in Moscow and Novgorod, and that there was no city in Russia that would not trade with Vologda. Following the reports of John Gass, in 1555 England opened a trading office in the city, and the first Russian ambassador sent to England for negotiations became Osip Nepeya, a native of Vologda.In 1565, Ivan the Terrible introduced the policy of Oprichnina and included Vologda into the structure of Oprichnina lands. That year, he visited the city for the first time and decided to make it the center of Oprichnina and consequently the capital of the country. The Tsar ordered to build a new fortress. It was decided to build it not in the former town center, but rather in another part of the town, limited on the one side by the river, and on the other side by what are now Leningradskaya, Oktyabrskaya, and Mira Streets. The fortress was surrounded by a moat. Ivan the Terrible traveled to Vologda in person to supervise the foundation of the fortress on April 28, 1566, which was the day to celebrate the memory of Saint Jason (Nason in Russian tradition) and Saint Sosipater. Therefore, the territory of the fortress located in the new part of Vologda was named the "Nason-gorod" (Nason-town). The other name of the Nason-gorod was the Vologda Kremlin (currently the name is sometimes referred only to the Bishop's courtyard).Between 1568 and 1570, a new cathedral was built in the new fortress. The Saint Sophia Cathedral became the first stone building in Vologda. The design of the cathedral copied the Dormition Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin. This was the idea of Ivan the Terrible who wanted to make his new capital similar to Moscow. He personally supervised the construction, headed by the architect Razmysl Petrov. In 1571, Vologda became the center of the Diocese of Vologda and Perm that was formed in 1492 and previously had its main church in the distant settlement of Ust-Vym in Perm lands. Thereby, Vologda was strengthened not only in trading, military and political influence, but also in ecclesiastical affairs.However, in 1571 Ivan the Terrible unexpectedly stopped the construction work in Vologda and left the city for good. Presumably, this was connected with his decision to abolish Oprichnina, and Vologda was not needed as the second capital any longer. According to the legend, when Ivan visited the Saint Sophia Cathedral, a little stone fell from the roof on his head. The superstitious Tsar who received a serious head injury took it as an sign of misfortune and decided to leave the city. In any case, it is known that the Tsar wanted even to demolish the cathedral, and that the cathedral was never consecrated during his lifetime. The consecration took place only during the reign his son Feodor I in 1587. Parts of the incomplete fortress which were later in the 17th century strengthened with wooden walls stayed up to the 19th century when they were disassembled by the city authorities and local residents and used as a material for stone building.The Time of Troubles for Vologda began with a plague epidemic in 1605. In 1608, when Russia was split into areas controlled by Tsar Vasily Shuysky and areas controlled by the pretender False Dmitry II supported by Polish troops, the people of Vologda made an oath to False Dmitry. By gaining Vologda not only did he get control over Russian and English trading warehouses, but he also positioned himself to gain control over northern Russia. However, abuses and property seizures by the new administration sent to Vologda caused extreme discontent among the population. As a result, Vologda denounced False Dmitry II and supported Shuysky. Moreover, in February 1609 a national home guard headed by Nikita Vysheslavtsev was formed in Vologda and went to fight against False Dmitry II.In 1612, people of Vologda rendered sizable food and military help to the home guard organized by Kuzma Minin and Dmitry Pozharsky, which eventually defeated Polish troops. However, after the city sent huge military forces to support the second home guard, it remained without sufficient protection, and on September 22, 1612 one of the Lithuanian extortionate groups seized Vologda without resistance, later burning down the city and killing and imprisoning many of its inhabitants.After 1613, Vologda quickly recovered due to its convenient location and once again became an important center of foreign trade. During the reign of Peter the Great, Vologda became one of the main military bases of Russia. Military and technical equipment for fortresses and military ships under construction was stored there. Vessels which delivered food supplies to Arkhangelsk were constructed in Vologda. Peter intended to hold them on Lake Kubenskoye, north of Vologda. However, after personally inspecting the lake in 1692, he abandoned the idea deciding that the lake is improper for that purpose.Peter the Great visited Vologda on no less than ten occasions, on six of which (in 1692, 1693, 1694, 1702, 1722, and 1724) he stayed in the city for extended time. He always stayed in a small house of the Dutch merchant Goutman, which in 1872 was bought by the city authorities, and in 1885 was transformed into the memorial museum of Peter the Great and became the first museum of Vologda.However, after St. Petersburg was founded and foreign trade was rerouted to the Baltic Sea, the importance of Vologda as a center of foreign trade decayed. In 1722, Peter issued the decree restricting trade through Arkhangelsk, which damaged Vologda even further. In the course of the administrative reform carried out in 1708, Vologda lost its functions as an administrative center and was included as a town of Archangelgorod Governorate.The revival began only during the reign of Catherine the Great who in 1780 made Vologda the center of Vologda Viceroyalty, a successor of Archangelgorod Governorate. In 1796, the viceroyalty, administered by a governor-general, was transformed into Vologda Governorate, the borders of which stretched up to the Ural mountains in the east. The center of Vologda was rebuilt according to the plan of a provincial city issued in 1781. The street network is still in use now.A new economic lifting of the city was connected with a steamship movement across the Sukhona and with the building of a new railroad line connecting Vologda with Yaroslavl and Moscow (1872), with Arkhangelsk (1898), with St. Petersburg and Vyatka (1905).In 1871, the Danish merchant Friedrich Buman opened a specialized butter factory in the manor of Fominskoye, from Vologda. It was the first butter factory both in Vologda Governorate and in Russia. Since then Vologda became the center of the butter industry, and the Vologda butter, a special type of butter with the taste of nuts invented by Nikolay Vereschagin and Buman, became a world trademark. In 1911, the manor of Fominskoye together with the Buman's creamery was given to the state and became the base for the Vologda dairy institute. Thereby Vologda turned to one of the largest dairy centers of Russia.Since the 15th century, Vologda was a political exile destination and was even known as "Siberia close to the capital". In the 19th–20th centuries, such persons as Joseph Stalin, Vyacheslav Molotov (later the Minister of Foreign Affairs), Nikolai Berdyaev (the famous Russian philosopher), Boris Savinkov (later known as a successful terrorist), Mariya Ulyanova, and Alexander Bogdanov were sent to Vologda. Anatoly Lunacharsky chose to go there to join Bogdanov, and to marry Anna Alexandrovna Malinovskaya, Bogdanov's sister.Soviet power was established in Vologda in December 1917, and up to the summer of 1918 co-existed with the "zemstvo" and municipal administration. In February 1918, Vologda became the "diplomatic capital of Russia" for several months. Embassies located in Saint Petersburg were threatened by the German army, so Western powers, led by American Ambassador David R. Francis, relocated them to Vologda. However, pressured by the Bolsheviks, on July 24, 1918 the diplomats were compelled to leave Vologda and repatriate via Arkhangelsk.During the Russian Civil War, Vologda was the location of the headquarters of the 6th Red Army. The army opposed the White Army under command of Evgeny Miller and the military forces of Entente in northern Russia.In 1924 the government ordered to close the Vsegradsky cathedral, that used to be one of the biggest and most revered in the city. In 1929, the Vologda Governorate was abolished and included into the structure of a new formation, Northern Krai, which also included former Arkhangelsk and Northern Dvina Governorates, as well as the Komi-Zyryan Autonomous Oblast. The administrative center of Northern Krai was located in Arkhangelsk. In December 1936, Northern Krai was abolished and divided into the Komi ASSR and Northern Oblast, with the administrative center still located in Arkhangelsk. On September 23, 1937, Northern Oblast was divided into Arkhangelsk Oblast and Vologda Oblast by the decision of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviet Union. According to the same decision, districts of former Cherepovets Okrug of Leningrad Oblast were attached to Vologda Oblast. These districts currently make for the western part of Vologda Oblast. Thereby the current borders of Vologda Oblast were determined.In the 1930s, a flax factory, a coach-repair factory, and a sawmill, "Northern Communard," were constructed.During World War II, martial law was declared in Vologda, and its industrial enterprises shifted to military production. In the fall of 1941, Finnish troops crossed the borders of Vologda Oblast, and Vologda thus became a front city. The inhabitants were mobilized to dig trenches. In the city, bomb-proof shelters and elementary shelters were under construction, systems of air defense which protected the railway junction and the military-industrial enterprises were developed. As a result, though attempts of bombardments were numerous, no bombs fell on the city. To commemorate these events, a monument to the air defense forces was later erected on Zosimovskaya Street in Vologda. The monument has the shape of an anti-aircraft gun. In addition, Vologda was a railway hub used to supply the army and to evacuate equipment. It also served as a large hospital center. Residents of Vologda donated blood, money, and jewellery. The tank detachment "Vologda Collective Farmer" was funded by these donations. To commemorate these events the monument to the tank T-34 was built on Mira Street.Between 1961 and 1985, Anatoly Drygin was the first secretary of the CPSU Vologda Oblast Committee and the head of the oblast. During this period, notable changes in many aspects of economy both of the city and of the oblast occurred. In particular, a bearing plant, a mechanical plant, and an optical-mechanical factory were built in Vologda. A polytechnical university was opened. A large-scale poultry farm was established. A major construction initiative was carried out, and, in particular, the first buildings higher than five floors were constructed. The city expanded, with new residential areas built; in particular, Byvalovo, GPZ, the 5th and the 6th Microdistricts. In 1976, the Vologda trolleybus system opened.In November 1991, the city administration was formed and the reform of local governments began. In October 1993, the Soviets of People's Deputies of all levels were abolished. After the dissolution of the Vologda Soviet, the City Duma was established. The first Duma elections took place on March 20, 1994. This first Duma only had six seats, but in 1995, after the next elections, it was expanded to thirty deputies.On July 25, 1996, the City Duma adopted the main city document: the Charter of Vologda. On October 6, 1996, the first mayoral elections in the history of Vologda took place. Alexey Yakunichev was elected and became the head of the city. His term ended in 2008.In 2003, the construction of a ring road started. Before that, the М8 highway connecting Moscow and Arkhangelsk ran through the city center, causing congestion. Since the completion, the ring road connects the highways А114 (Vologda – Novaya Ladoga), Р5 (Vologda – Medvezhyegorsk), and М8 (Moscow – Arkhangelsk). On August 25, 2005, the City Duma approved the new Charter of Vologda. Even though the deputies introduced more than four hundred amendments and the document increased more than twice in volume as compared with the Charter of 1996, the changes were relatively minor. On October 12, 2008, Yevgeny Shulepov was elected to be the City Head.Vologda is the administrative center of the oblast and, within the framework of administrative divisions, it also serves as the administrative center of Vologodsky District, even though it is not a part of it. As an administrative division, it is, together with one rural locality, incorporated separately as the city of oblast significance of Vologda (one of the four in Vologda Oblast)—an administrative unit with the status equal to that of the districts. As a municipal division, the city of oblast significance of Vologda is incorporated as Vologda Urban Okrug.Vologda's climate is humid continental (Köppen climate classification "Dfb") bordering on a mild subarctic climate ("Dfc"). Winter is long and cold but not severe and lasts for five months. Spring and autumn are cool, summer is warm, the coldest months are December and January, the warmest month is July. Rain is most frequent in the summer and autumn.The population of the city and the oblast consists mainly of ethnic Russians. A considerable part of the city population are government officials and civil servants of different levels – according to various estimates, their number reaches fifty thousand people. The reason is that Vologda is not only a big city but also the administrative center of Vologda Oblast. Around 43 million hectares of farmland is unused, hence government has announced giving away free land. Vologda will lend 468,000 hectares of land for agriculture and raising livestock purpose.Vologda is one of the best preserved big cities of Russia combining traditional wooden architecture and stone monuments. In Vologda, 193 monuments of architecture and history are designated as cultural monuments of federal significance. The most known of them areOf 116 historical cities of Russia only 16 have monuments of wooden architecture. Vologda is among them.Vologda's trademark products include Vologda lace, butter, and flax.In Vologda, there are ten museums, four showrooms of the Vologda Regional Art Gallery, and the gallery "Red bridge". The largest cultural center of the Russian North is the Vologda State Museum Reserve. Its structure now includes the following museums,Additionally, Vologda is home to a unique Russian private museum of political history—the Museum of Diplomatic Corps which highlights the short stay of diplomatic corps in Vologda in 1918.The following annual theater festivals are held in Vologda:Among annual exhibitions which take place in Vologda are the following:Many notable Russian writers and poets were born or worked in Vologda. The best known of them were Konstantin Batyushkov, Varlam Shalamov, Nikolay Rubtsov, and Vasily Belov and Vladimir Gilarovsky. Contemporary literature of Vologda is represented by a number of authors which include Nata Suchkova, Maria Markova, Galina Schekina, and Anton Chorny.Vologda is a major transportation hub, located at the intersection of highways, railways, and waterways.The public transport network is well developed in the city: There are both bus and trolleybus lines. The city has four big automobile bridges: two automobile bridges across the Vologda and two bridges across railways. There is one pedestrian bridge (the Red bridge) in the city center.Vologda is the largest sorting and transit spot of the Northern Railway. It includes the stations Vologda-1, Vologda-2, Rybkino, and Losta. The stretch between Vologda-2 and Losta is the most active one in the railroad network of the Russian Federation, with more than 120–150 pairs of trains running through it daily. Suburban trains and long-distance trains originate from the railway station of Vologda-1.The Vologda Airport is situated 10 km from the city centre along the Arkhangelsk highway. Yak-40 aircraft carry out regular passenger flights to Moscow, Ukhta, Velikiy Ustyug, Kichmengsky Gorodok, and Vytegra. Helicopters Mi-2 and Mi-8 are used by the Vologda aviation company. They are used for the emergency aircraft and for the oil pipeline service.The following highways go through Vologda:The new ring road with modern exits connecting roads A-114, Р-5 and М-8 (the Arkhangelsk destination) is under construction around Vologda. The Arkhangelsk direction is still not connected by the ring road.The municipal transportation of Vologda is carried out by bus and trolleybus routes, and also by lines of fixed-route taxis. Regular bus service started in Vologda in 1929, the trolleybus service was open in 1976. As of November 2009, in Vologda there were five trolleybus routes, nineteen municipal bus routes, and about forty "marshrutkas" (routed taxis). The main transport companies are the open society "VologdaElectroTrans" (trolleybuses), PATP-1 and PATP-32 (municipal bus routes).Currently, there are more than ten thousand enterprises of various patterns of ownership in Vologda. The most notable ones are:Traditional national crafts are presented by the closed joint-stock company «Snowflake» (lace), limited liability company "Hope" and other enterprises.Vologda has large sports venues such as the stadiums "Dynamo", "Locomotive", "Vityaz", the swimming pools "Dynamo" and "Lagoon", the sports and concert complex "Spectrum", fitness centers, regional athletic spots.Vologda is a home to:Vologda is twinned with:
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[
"Alexei Jakunitschew",
"Yury Sapozhnikov"
] |
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Who was the head of Vologda in 2015-07-15?
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July 15, 2015
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{
"text": [
"Evgeny Shulepov"
]
}
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L2_Q1957_P6_1
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Yury Sapozhnikov is the head of the government of Vologda from Sep, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Alexei Jakunitschew is the head of the government of Vologda from May, 1995 to Jul, 2008.
Evgeny Shulepov is the head of the government of Vologda from Oct, 2008 to Sep, 2016.
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VologdaVologda () is a city and the administrative, cultural, and scientific center of Vologda Oblast, Russia, located on the river Vologda within the watershed of the Northern Dvina. Population: 293,046 (2002 Census); The city serves as a major transport hub of the Northwest of Russia. The Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation has classified Vologda as an historic city, one of forty-one in Russia and one of only three in Vologda Oblast. 224 buildings in Vologda have been officially recognized as cultural heritage monuments.Two conflicting theories exist as to the date of Vologda's foundation.The year 1147 is the official date first fixed in 1780 by Alexey Zasetsky in his book "Stories about miracles of Gerasimus of Vologda". The story mentions that in 1147 the Trinity Monastery was founded close to the river Vologda. The date of the foundation of the monastery is then taken as the date of the foundation of the city of Vologda and is mentioned in official city documents. This date, which would make Vologda to be of the same age as Moscow, is, however, not supported by any scientific data and is considered by authoritative sources to be fictional. The story was only written in 1666 by a certain Foma, who got a request from Archbishop Markel to produce the vita of Gerasimus. Foma himself admitted that he had no sufficient data on the biography. The story contains many contradicting details. Besides, the monastic life in the Russian north was not known in the 12th century: the first monastery in Vladimir was founded in 1152, in Rostov in 1212, in the Belozersk area in 1251. Archeological excavations do not confirm this date either. Instead, they demonstrate that the city of Vologda was founded in the 13th century.The year 1264 was the first mention of Vologda when it was included in the list of possessions of the Novgorod Republic in the agreement between the Republic and the Grand Prince of Vladimir. This date is also supported by archaeological data.The nucleus of Vologda in the 13th century was not located in the area which is now the city center, but rather the area known now as "Lazy ground" (), close to the Resurrection church. This area was the center of Vologda up to 1565. Until that year, no stone constructions existed in Vologda; all of the city fortifications, bridges, houses, churches, and industrial enterprises were made of wood.The unique position of Vologda on important waterways connecting Moscow, Novgorod, and the White Sea (via the Northern Dvina) made it attractive for the Novgorod Republic, as well as for the princes of Tver and Moscow, who fought numerous wars between the 13th and the 15th centuries.In 1371, Dmitry Prilutsky, a monk from the Nikolsky Monastery in Pereslavl-Zalessky, founded Nikolsky Monastery, now known as Spaso-Prilutsky Monastery, close to the city. Dmitry Donskoy, the Grand Prince of Moscow, was the chief benefactor of the monastery and viewed it as a stronghold of the influence of the Grand Duchy of Moscow in the Northern lands in competition with Novgorod.In 1397, during the reign of Vasily I, Vologda was added to the Grand Duchy of Moscow. Subsequently, the city was several times attacked by Novgorod forces. During the Muscovite Civil War, Vologda played a key role. After Vasily II the Blind, the Grand Prince of Moscow, was defeated by Dmitry Shemyaka in 1447, he swore to never start a war against Shemyaka, was exiled to Vologda, and got the city as a personal possession. From there Vasily traveled to the Kirillo-Belozersky Monastery where the hegumen released him from the oath. The civil war continued, and in 1450, Vologda was besieged by the troops of Dmitry Shemyaka; however, they did not manage to occupy the town.After the death of Vasily in 1462, Vologda passed to the possession of his son Andrey Menshoy and became the center of the Principality of Vologda. In 1481, after the death of Andrey who had no successors, Vologda passed to Ivan III, the Grand Duke of Moscow, and was included to the Grand Duchy of Moscow.During the reign of Tsar Ivan the Terrible, Vologda became one of the major transit centers of Russia's trade. The foreign trade was conducted mostly with England, Holland, and other western countries via the White Sea. Arkhangelsk was the major foreign trade haven, and Vologda stood on the waterway connecting Moscow with Arkhangelsk. The trade with Siberia was conducted via the Sukhona and the Vychegda, and Vologda also played an important role as a transit center. The state courtyard was built in the city on the bank of the Vologda. In 1553, Vologda was visited by the English seafarer Richard Chancellor who officially established diplomatic relations between the Tsardom of Russia and England. In 1554, trading agent John Gass described Vologda to English merchants as a city with an abundance of bread where the goods were twice as cheap as in Moscow and Novgorod, and that there was no city in Russia that would not trade with Vologda. Following the reports of John Gass, in 1555 England opened a trading office in the city, and the first Russian ambassador sent to England for negotiations became Osip Nepeya, a native of Vologda.In 1565, Ivan the Terrible introduced the policy of Oprichnina and included Vologda into the structure of Oprichnina lands. That year, he visited the city for the first time and decided to make it the center of Oprichnina and consequently the capital of the country. The Tsar ordered to build a new fortress. It was decided to build it not in the former town center, but rather in another part of the town, limited on the one side by the river, and on the other side by what are now Leningradskaya, Oktyabrskaya, and Mira Streets. The fortress was surrounded by a moat. Ivan the Terrible traveled to Vologda in person to supervise the foundation of the fortress on April 28, 1566, which was the day to celebrate the memory of Saint Jason (Nason in Russian tradition) and Saint Sosipater. Therefore, the territory of the fortress located in the new part of Vologda was named the "Nason-gorod" (Nason-town). The other name of the Nason-gorod was the Vologda Kremlin (currently the name is sometimes referred only to the Bishop's courtyard).Between 1568 and 1570, a new cathedral was built in the new fortress. The Saint Sophia Cathedral became the first stone building in Vologda. The design of the cathedral copied the Dormition Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin. This was the idea of Ivan the Terrible who wanted to make his new capital similar to Moscow. He personally supervised the construction, headed by the architect Razmysl Petrov. In 1571, Vologda became the center of the Diocese of Vologda and Perm that was formed in 1492 and previously had its main church in the distant settlement of Ust-Vym in Perm lands. Thereby, Vologda was strengthened not only in trading, military and political influence, but also in ecclesiastical affairs.However, in 1571 Ivan the Terrible unexpectedly stopped the construction work in Vologda and left the city for good. Presumably, this was connected with his decision to abolish Oprichnina, and Vologda was not needed as the second capital any longer. According to the legend, when Ivan visited the Saint Sophia Cathedral, a little stone fell from the roof on his head. The superstitious Tsar who received a serious head injury took it as an sign of misfortune and decided to leave the city. In any case, it is known that the Tsar wanted even to demolish the cathedral, and that the cathedral was never consecrated during his lifetime. The consecration took place only during the reign his son Feodor I in 1587. Parts of the incomplete fortress which were later in the 17th century strengthened with wooden walls stayed up to the 19th century when they were disassembled by the city authorities and local residents and used as a material for stone building.The Time of Troubles for Vologda began with a plague epidemic in 1605. In 1608, when Russia was split into areas controlled by Tsar Vasily Shuysky and areas controlled by the pretender False Dmitry II supported by Polish troops, the people of Vologda made an oath to False Dmitry. By gaining Vologda not only did he get control over Russian and English trading warehouses, but he also positioned himself to gain control over northern Russia. However, abuses and property seizures by the new administration sent to Vologda caused extreme discontent among the population. As a result, Vologda denounced False Dmitry II and supported Shuysky. Moreover, in February 1609 a national home guard headed by Nikita Vysheslavtsev was formed in Vologda and went to fight against False Dmitry II.In 1612, people of Vologda rendered sizable food and military help to the home guard organized by Kuzma Minin and Dmitry Pozharsky, which eventually defeated Polish troops. However, after the city sent huge military forces to support the second home guard, it remained without sufficient protection, and on September 22, 1612 one of the Lithuanian extortionate groups seized Vologda without resistance, later burning down the city and killing and imprisoning many of its inhabitants.After 1613, Vologda quickly recovered due to its convenient location and once again became an important center of foreign trade. During the reign of Peter the Great, Vologda became one of the main military bases of Russia. Military and technical equipment for fortresses and military ships under construction was stored there. Vessels which delivered food supplies to Arkhangelsk were constructed in Vologda. Peter intended to hold them on Lake Kubenskoye, north of Vologda. However, after personally inspecting the lake in 1692, he abandoned the idea deciding that the lake is improper for that purpose.Peter the Great visited Vologda on no less than ten occasions, on six of which (in 1692, 1693, 1694, 1702, 1722, and 1724) he stayed in the city for extended time. He always stayed in a small house of the Dutch merchant Goutman, which in 1872 was bought by the city authorities, and in 1885 was transformed into the memorial museum of Peter the Great and became the first museum of Vologda.However, after St. Petersburg was founded and foreign trade was rerouted to the Baltic Sea, the importance of Vologda as a center of foreign trade decayed. In 1722, Peter issued the decree restricting trade through Arkhangelsk, which damaged Vologda even further. In the course of the administrative reform carried out in 1708, Vologda lost its functions as an administrative center and was included as a town of Archangelgorod Governorate.The revival began only during the reign of Catherine the Great who in 1780 made Vologda the center of Vologda Viceroyalty, a successor of Archangelgorod Governorate. In 1796, the viceroyalty, administered by a governor-general, was transformed into Vologda Governorate, the borders of which stretched up to the Ural mountains in the east. The center of Vologda was rebuilt according to the plan of a provincial city issued in 1781. The street network is still in use now.A new economic lifting of the city was connected with a steamship movement across the Sukhona and with the building of a new railroad line connecting Vologda with Yaroslavl and Moscow (1872), with Arkhangelsk (1898), with St. Petersburg and Vyatka (1905).In 1871, the Danish merchant Friedrich Buman opened a specialized butter factory in the manor of Fominskoye, from Vologda. It was the first butter factory both in Vologda Governorate and in Russia. Since then Vologda became the center of the butter industry, and the Vologda butter, a special type of butter with the taste of nuts invented by Nikolay Vereschagin and Buman, became a world trademark. In 1911, the manor of Fominskoye together with the Buman's creamery was given to the state and became the base for the Vologda dairy institute. Thereby Vologda turned to one of the largest dairy centers of Russia.Since the 15th century, Vologda was a political exile destination and was even known as "Siberia close to the capital". In the 19th–20th centuries, such persons as Joseph Stalin, Vyacheslav Molotov (later the Minister of Foreign Affairs), Nikolai Berdyaev (the famous Russian philosopher), Boris Savinkov (later known as a successful terrorist), Mariya Ulyanova, and Alexander Bogdanov were sent to Vologda. Anatoly Lunacharsky chose to go there to join Bogdanov, and to marry Anna Alexandrovna Malinovskaya, Bogdanov's sister.Soviet power was established in Vologda in December 1917, and up to the summer of 1918 co-existed with the "zemstvo" and municipal administration. In February 1918, Vologda became the "diplomatic capital of Russia" for several months. Embassies located in Saint Petersburg were threatened by the German army, so Western powers, led by American Ambassador David R. Francis, relocated them to Vologda. However, pressured by the Bolsheviks, on July 24, 1918 the diplomats were compelled to leave Vologda and repatriate via Arkhangelsk.During the Russian Civil War, Vologda was the location of the headquarters of the 6th Red Army. The army opposed the White Army under command of Evgeny Miller and the military forces of Entente in northern Russia.In 1924 the government ordered to close the Vsegradsky cathedral, that used to be one of the biggest and most revered in the city. In 1929, the Vologda Governorate was abolished and included into the structure of a new formation, Northern Krai, which also included former Arkhangelsk and Northern Dvina Governorates, as well as the Komi-Zyryan Autonomous Oblast. The administrative center of Northern Krai was located in Arkhangelsk. In December 1936, Northern Krai was abolished and divided into the Komi ASSR and Northern Oblast, with the administrative center still located in Arkhangelsk. On September 23, 1937, Northern Oblast was divided into Arkhangelsk Oblast and Vologda Oblast by the decision of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviet Union. According to the same decision, districts of former Cherepovets Okrug of Leningrad Oblast were attached to Vologda Oblast. These districts currently make for the western part of Vologda Oblast. Thereby the current borders of Vologda Oblast were determined.In the 1930s, a flax factory, a coach-repair factory, and a sawmill, "Northern Communard," were constructed.During World War II, martial law was declared in Vologda, and its industrial enterprises shifted to military production. In the fall of 1941, Finnish troops crossed the borders of Vologda Oblast, and Vologda thus became a front city. The inhabitants were mobilized to dig trenches. In the city, bomb-proof shelters and elementary shelters were under construction, systems of air defense which protected the railway junction and the military-industrial enterprises were developed. As a result, though attempts of bombardments were numerous, no bombs fell on the city. To commemorate these events, a monument to the air defense forces was later erected on Zosimovskaya Street in Vologda. The monument has the shape of an anti-aircraft gun. In addition, Vologda was a railway hub used to supply the army and to evacuate equipment. It also served as a large hospital center. Residents of Vologda donated blood, money, and jewellery. The tank detachment "Vologda Collective Farmer" was funded by these donations. To commemorate these events the monument to the tank T-34 was built on Mira Street.Between 1961 and 1985, Anatoly Drygin was the first secretary of the CPSU Vologda Oblast Committee and the head of the oblast. During this period, notable changes in many aspects of economy both of the city and of the oblast occurred. In particular, a bearing plant, a mechanical plant, and an optical-mechanical factory were built in Vologda. A polytechnical university was opened. A large-scale poultry farm was established. A major construction initiative was carried out, and, in particular, the first buildings higher than five floors were constructed. The city expanded, with new residential areas built; in particular, Byvalovo, GPZ, the 5th and the 6th Microdistricts. In 1976, the Vologda trolleybus system opened.In November 1991, the city administration was formed and the reform of local governments began. In October 1993, the Soviets of People's Deputies of all levels were abolished. After the dissolution of the Vologda Soviet, the City Duma was established. The first Duma elections took place on March 20, 1994. This first Duma only had six seats, but in 1995, after the next elections, it was expanded to thirty deputies.On July 25, 1996, the City Duma adopted the main city document: the Charter of Vologda. On October 6, 1996, the first mayoral elections in the history of Vologda took place. Alexey Yakunichev was elected and became the head of the city. His term ended in 2008.In 2003, the construction of a ring road started. Before that, the М8 highway connecting Moscow and Arkhangelsk ran through the city center, causing congestion. Since the completion, the ring road connects the highways А114 (Vologda – Novaya Ladoga), Р5 (Vologda – Medvezhyegorsk), and М8 (Moscow – Arkhangelsk). On August 25, 2005, the City Duma approved the new Charter of Vologda. Even though the deputies introduced more than four hundred amendments and the document increased more than twice in volume as compared with the Charter of 1996, the changes were relatively minor. On October 12, 2008, Yevgeny Shulepov was elected to be the City Head.Vologda is the administrative center of the oblast and, within the framework of administrative divisions, it also serves as the administrative center of Vologodsky District, even though it is not a part of it. As an administrative division, it is, together with one rural locality, incorporated separately as the city of oblast significance of Vologda (one of the four in Vologda Oblast)—an administrative unit with the status equal to that of the districts. As a municipal division, the city of oblast significance of Vologda is incorporated as Vologda Urban Okrug.Vologda's climate is humid continental (Köppen climate classification "Dfb") bordering on a mild subarctic climate ("Dfc"). Winter is long and cold but not severe and lasts for five months. Spring and autumn are cool, summer is warm, the coldest months are December and January, the warmest month is July. Rain is most frequent in the summer and autumn.The population of the city and the oblast consists mainly of ethnic Russians. A considerable part of the city population are government officials and civil servants of different levels – according to various estimates, their number reaches fifty thousand people. The reason is that Vologda is not only a big city but also the administrative center of Vologda Oblast. Around 43 million hectares of farmland is unused, hence government has announced giving away free land. Vologda will lend 468,000 hectares of land for agriculture and raising livestock purpose.Vologda is one of the best preserved big cities of Russia combining traditional wooden architecture and stone monuments. In Vologda, 193 monuments of architecture and history are designated as cultural monuments of federal significance. The most known of them areOf 116 historical cities of Russia only 16 have monuments of wooden architecture. Vologda is among them.Vologda's trademark products include Vologda lace, butter, and flax.In Vologda, there are ten museums, four showrooms of the Vologda Regional Art Gallery, and the gallery "Red bridge". The largest cultural center of the Russian North is the Vologda State Museum Reserve. Its structure now includes the following museums,Additionally, Vologda is home to a unique Russian private museum of political history—the Museum of Diplomatic Corps which highlights the short stay of diplomatic corps in Vologda in 1918.The following annual theater festivals are held in Vologda:Among annual exhibitions which take place in Vologda are the following:Many notable Russian writers and poets were born or worked in Vologda. The best known of them were Konstantin Batyushkov, Varlam Shalamov, Nikolay Rubtsov, and Vasily Belov and Vladimir Gilarovsky. Contemporary literature of Vologda is represented by a number of authors which include Nata Suchkova, Maria Markova, Galina Schekina, and Anton Chorny.Vologda is a major transportation hub, located at the intersection of highways, railways, and waterways.The public transport network is well developed in the city: There are both bus and trolleybus lines. The city has four big automobile bridges: two automobile bridges across the Vologda and two bridges across railways. There is one pedestrian bridge (the Red bridge) in the city center.Vologda is the largest sorting and transit spot of the Northern Railway. It includes the stations Vologda-1, Vologda-2, Rybkino, and Losta. The stretch between Vologda-2 and Losta is the most active one in the railroad network of the Russian Federation, with more than 120–150 pairs of trains running through it daily. Suburban trains and long-distance trains originate from the railway station of Vologda-1.The Vologda Airport is situated 10 km from the city centre along the Arkhangelsk highway. Yak-40 aircraft carry out regular passenger flights to Moscow, Ukhta, Velikiy Ustyug, Kichmengsky Gorodok, and Vytegra. Helicopters Mi-2 and Mi-8 are used by the Vologda aviation company. They are used for the emergency aircraft and for the oil pipeline service.The following highways go through Vologda:The new ring road with modern exits connecting roads A-114, Р-5 and М-8 (the Arkhangelsk destination) is under construction around Vologda. The Arkhangelsk direction is still not connected by the ring road.The municipal transportation of Vologda is carried out by bus and trolleybus routes, and also by lines of fixed-route taxis. Regular bus service started in Vologda in 1929, the trolleybus service was open in 1976. As of November 2009, in Vologda there were five trolleybus routes, nineteen municipal bus routes, and about forty "marshrutkas" (routed taxis). The main transport companies are the open society "VologdaElectroTrans" (trolleybuses), PATP-1 and PATP-32 (municipal bus routes).Currently, there are more than ten thousand enterprises of various patterns of ownership in Vologda. The most notable ones are:Traditional national crafts are presented by the closed joint-stock company «Snowflake» (lace), limited liability company "Hope" and other enterprises.Vologda has large sports venues such as the stadiums "Dynamo", "Locomotive", "Vityaz", the swimming pools "Dynamo" and "Lagoon", the sports and concert complex "Spectrum", fitness centers, regional athletic spots.Vologda is a home to:Vologda is twinned with:
|
[
"Alexei Jakunitschew",
"Yury Sapozhnikov"
] |
|
Who was the head of Vologda in 15/07/2015?
|
July 15, 2015
|
{
"text": [
"Evgeny Shulepov"
]
}
|
L2_Q1957_P6_1
|
Yury Sapozhnikov is the head of the government of Vologda from Sep, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Alexei Jakunitschew is the head of the government of Vologda from May, 1995 to Jul, 2008.
Evgeny Shulepov is the head of the government of Vologda from Oct, 2008 to Sep, 2016.
|
VologdaVologda () is a city and the administrative, cultural, and scientific center of Vologda Oblast, Russia, located on the river Vologda within the watershed of the Northern Dvina. Population: 293,046 (2002 Census); The city serves as a major transport hub of the Northwest of Russia. The Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation has classified Vologda as an historic city, one of forty-one in Russia and one of only three in Vologda Oblast. 224 buildings in Vologda have been officially recognized as cultural heritage monuments.Two conflicting theories exist as to the date of Vologda's foundation.The year 1147 is the official date first fixed in 1780 by Alexey Zasetsky in his book "Stories about miracles of Gerasimus of Vologda". The story mentions that in 1147 the Trinity Monastery was founded close to the river Vologda. The date of the foundation of the monastery is then taken as the date of the foundation of the city of Vologda and is mentioned in official city documents. This date, which would make Vologda to be of the same age as Moscow, is, however, not supported by any scientific data and is considered by authoritative sources to be fictional. The story was only written in 1666 by a certain Foma, who got a request from Archbishop Markel to produce the vita of Gerasimus. Foma himself admitted that he had no sufficient data on the biography. The story contains many contradicting details. Besides, the monastic life in the Russian north was not known in the 12th century: the first monastery in Vladimir was founded in 1152, in Rostov in 1212, in the Belozersk area in 1251. Archeological excavations do not confirm this date either. Instead, they demonstrate that the city of Vologda was founded in the 13th century.The year 1264 was the first mention of Vologda when it was included in the list of possessions of the Novgorod Republic in the agreement between the Republic and the Grand Prince of Vladimir. This date is also supported by archaeological data.The nucleus of Vologda in the 13th century was not located in the area which is now the city center, but rather the area known now as "Lazy ground" (), close to the Resurrection church. This area was the center of Vologda up to 1565. Until that year, no stone constructions existed in Vologda; all of the city fortifications, bridges, houses, churches, and industrial enterprises were made of wood.The unique position of Vologda on important waterways connecting Moscow, Novgorod, and the White Sea (via the Northern Dvina) made it attractive for the Novgorod Republic, as well as for the princes of Tver and Moscow, who fought numerous wars between the 13th and the 15th centuries.In 1371, Dmitry Prilutsky, a monk from the Nikolsky Monastery in Pereslavl-Zalessky, founded Nikolsky Monastery, now known as Spaso-Prilutsky Monastery, close to the city. Dmitry Donskoy, the Grand Prince of Moscow, was the chief benefactor of the monastery and viewed it as a stronghold of the influence of the Grand Duchy of Moscow in the Northern lands in competition with Novgorod.In 1397, during the reign of Vasily I, Vologda was added to the Grand Duchy of Moscow. Subsequently, the city was several times attacked by Novgorod forces. During the Muscovite Civil War, Vologda played a key role. After Vasily II the Blind, the Grand Prince of Moscow, was defeated by Dmitry Shemyaka in 1447, he swore to never start a war against Shemyaka, was exiled to Vologda, and got the city as a personal possession. From there Vasily traveled to the Kirillo-Belozersky Monastery where the hegumen released him from the oath. The civil war continued, and in 1450, Vologda was besieged by the troops of Dmitry Shemyaka; however, they did not manage to occupy the town.After the death of Vasily in 1462, Vologda passed to the possession of his son Andrey Menshoy and became the center of the Principality of Vologda. In 1481, after the death of Andrey who had no successors, Vologda passed to Ivan III, the Grand Duke of Moscow, and was included to the Grand Duchy of Moscow.During the reign of Tsar Ivan the Terrible, Vologda became one of the major transit centers of Russia's trade. The foreign trade was conducted mostly with England, Holland, and other western countries via the White Sea. Arkhangelsk was the major foreign trade haven, and Vologda stood on the waterway connecting Moscow with Arkhangelsk. The trade with Siberia was conducted via the Sukhona and the Vychegda, and Vologda also played an important role as a transit center. The state courtyard was built in the city on the bank of the Vologda. In 1553, Vologda was visited by the English seafarer Richard Chancellor who officially established diplomatic relations between the Tsardom of Russia and England. In 1554, trading agent John Gass described Vologda to English merchants as a city with an abundance of bread where the goods were twice as cheap as in Moscow and Novgorod, and that there was no city in Russia that would not trade with Vologda. Following the reports of John Gass, in 1555 England opened a trading office in the city, and the first Russian ambassador sent to England for negotiations became Osip Nepeya, a native of Vologda.In 1565, Ivan the Terrible introduced the policy of Oprichnina and included Vologda into the structure of Oprichnina lands. That year, he visited the city for the first time and decided to make it the center of Oprichnina and consequently the capital of the country. The Tsar ordered to build a new fortress. It was decided to build it not in the former town center, but rather in another part of the town, limited on the one side by the river, and on the other side by what are now Leningradskaya, Oktyabrskaya, and Mira Streets. The fortress was surrounded by a moat. Ivan the Terrible traveled to Vologda in person to supervise the foundation of the fortress on April 28, 1566, which was the day to celebrate the memory of Saint Jason (Nason in Russian tradition) and Saint Sosipater. Therefore, the territory of the fortress located in the new part of Vologda was named the "Nason-gorod" (Nason-town). The other name of the Nason-gorod was the Vologda Kremlin (currently the name is sometimes referred only to the Bishop's courtyard).Between 1568 and 1570, a new cathedral was built in the new fortress. The Saint Sophia Cathedral became the first stone building in Vologda. The design of the cathedral copied the Dormition Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin. This was the idea of Ivan the Terrible who wanted to make his new capital similar to Moscow. He personally supervised the construction, headed by the architect Razmysl Petrov. In 1571, Vologda became the center of the Diocese of Vologda and Perm that was formed in 1492 and previously had its main church in the distant settlement of Ust-Vym in Perm lands. Thereby, Vologda was strengthened not only in trading, military and political influence, but also in ecclesiastical affairs.However, in 1571 Ivan the Terrible unexpectedly stopped the construction work in Vologda and left the city for good. Presumably, this was connected with his decision to abolish Oprichnina, and Vologda was not needed as the second capital any longer. According to the legend, when Ivan visited the Saint Sophia Cathedral, a little stone fell from the roof on his head. The superstitious Tsar who received a serious head injury took it as an sign of misfortune and decided to leave the city. In any case, it is known that the Tsar wanted even to demolish the cathedral, and that the cathedral was never consecrated during his lifetime. The consecration took place only during the reign his son Feodor I in 1587. Parts of the incomplete fortress which were later in the 17th century strengthened with wooden walls stayed up to the 19th century when they were disassembled by the city authorities and local residents and used as a material for stone building.The Time of Troubles for Vologda began with a plague epidemic in 1605. In 1608, when Russia was split into areas controlled by Tsar Vasily Shuysky and areas controlled by the pretender False Dmitry II supported by Polish troops, the people of Vologda made an oath to False Dmitry. By gaining Vologda not only did he get control over Russian and English trading warehouses, but he also positioned himself to gain control over northern Russia. However, abuses and property seizures by the new administration sent to Vologda caused extreme discontent among the population. As a result, Vologda denounced False Dmitry II and supported Shuysky. Moreover, in February 1609 a national home guard headed by Nikita Vysheslavtsev was formed in Vologda and went to fight against False Dmitry II.In 1612, people of Vologda rendered sizable food and military help to the home guard organized by Kuzma Minin and Dmitry Pozharsky, which eventually defeated Polish troops. However, after the city sent huge military forces to support the second home guard, it remained without sufficient protection, and on September 22, 1612 one of the Lithuanian extortionate groups seized Vologda without resistance, later burning down the city and killing and imprisoning many of its inhabitants.After 1613, Vologda quickly recovered due to its convenient location and once again became an important center of foreign trade. During the reign of Peter the Great, Vologda became one of the main military bases of Russia. Military and technical equipment for fortresses and military ships under construction was stored there. Vessels which delivered food supplies to Arkhangelsk were constructed in Vologda. Peter intended to hold them on Lake Kubenskoye, north of Vologda. However, after personally inspecting the lake in 1692, he abandoned the idea deciding that the lake is improper for that purpose.Peter the Great visited Vologda on no less than ten occasions, on six of which (in 1692, 1693, 1694, 1702, 1722, and 1724) he stayed in the city for extended time. He always stayed in a small house of the Dutch merchant Goutman, which in 1872 was bought by the city authorities, and in 1885 was transformed into the memorial museum of Peter the Great and became the first museum of Vologda.However, after St. Petersburg was founded and foreign trade was rerouted to the Baltic Sea, the importance of Vologda as a center of foreign trade decayed. In 1722, Peter issued the decree restricting trade through Arkhangelsk, which damaged Vologda even further. In the course of the administrative reform carried out in 1708, Vologda lost its functions as an administrative center and was included as a town of Archangelgorod Governorate.The revival began only during the reign of Catherine the Great who in 1780 made Vologda the center of Vologda Viceroyalty, a successor of Archangelgorod Governorate. In 1796, the viceroyalty, administered by a governor-general, was transformed into Vologda Governorate, the borders of which stretched up to the Ural mountains in the east. The center of Vologda was rebuilt according to the plan of a provincial city issued in 1781. The street network is still in use now.A new economic lifting of the city was connected with a steamship movement across the Sukhona and with the building of a new railroad line connecting Vologda with Yaroslavl and Moscow (1872), with Arkhangelsk (1898), with St. Petersburg and Vyatka (1905).In 1871, the Danish merchant Friedrich Buman opened a specialized butter factory in the manor of Fominskoye, from Vologda. It was the first butter factory both in Vologda Governorate and in Russia. Since then Vologda became the center of the butter industry, and the Vologda butter, a special type of butter with the taste of nuts invented by Nikolay Vereschagin and Buman, became a world trademark. In 1911, the manor of Fominskoye together with the Buman's creamery was given to the state and became the base for the Vologda dairy institute. Thereby Vologda turned to one of the largest dairy centers of Russia.Since the 15th century, Vologda was a political exile destination and was even known as "Siberia close to the capital". In the 19th–20th centuries, such persons as Joseph Stalin, Vyacheslav Molotov (later the Minister of Foreign Affairs), Nikolai Berdyaev (the famous Russian philosopher), Boris Savinkov (later known as a successful terrorist), Mariya Ulyanova, and Alexander Bogdanov were sent to Vologda. Anatoly Lunacharsky chose to go there to join Bogdanov, and to marry Anna Alexandrovna Malinovskaya, Bogdanov's sister.Soviet power was established in Vologda in December 1917, and up to the summer of 1918 co-existed with the "zemstvo" and municipal administration. In February 1918, Vologda became the "diplomatic capital of Russia" for several months. Embassies located in Saint Petersburg were threatened by the German army, so Western powers, led by American Ambassador David R. Francis, relocated them to Vologda. However, pressured by the Bolsheviks, on July 24, 1918 the diplomats were compelled to leave Vologda and repatriate via Arkhangelsk.During the Russian Civil War, Vologda was the location of the headquarters of the 6th Red Army. The army opposed the White Army under command of Evgeny Miller and the military forces of Entente in northern Russia.In 1924 the government ordered to close the Vsegradsky cathedral, that used to be one of the biggest and most revered in the city. In 1929, the Vologda Governorate was abolished and included into the structure of a new formation, Northern Krai, which also included former Arkhangelsk and Northern Dvina Governorates, as well as the Komi-Zyryan Autonomous Oblast. The administrative center of Northern Krai was located in Arkhangelsk. In December 1936, Northern Krai was abolished and divided into the Komi ASSR and Northern Oblast, with the administrative center still located in Arkhangelsk. On September 23, 1937, Northern Oblast was divided into Arkhangelsk Oblast and Vologda Oblast by the decision of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviet Union. According to the same decision, districts of former Cherepovets Okrug of Leningrad Oblast were attached to Vologda Oblast. These districts currently make for the western part of Vologda Oblast. Thereby the current borders of Vologda Oblast were determined.In the 1930s, a flax factory, a coach-repair factory, and a sawmill, "Northern Communard," were constructed.During World War II, martial law was declared in Vologda, and its industrial enterprises shifted to military production. In the fall of 1941, Finnish troops crossed the borders of Vologda Oblast, and Vologda thus became a front city. The inhabitants were mobilized to dig trenches. In the city, bomb-proof shelters and elementary shelters were under construction, systems of air defense which protected the railway junction and the military-industrial enterprises were developed. As a result, though attempts of bombardments were numerous, no bombs fell on the city. To commemorate these events, a monument to the air defense forces was later erected on Zosimovskaya Street in Vologda. The monument has the shape of an anti-aircraft gun. In addition, Vologda was a railway hub used to supply the army and to evacuate equipment. It also served as a large hospital center. Residents of Vologda donated blood, money, and jewellery. The tank detachment "Vologda Collective Farmer" was funded by these donations. To commemorate these events the monument to the tank T-34 was built on Mira Street.Between 1961 and 1985, Anatoly Drygin was the first secretary of the CPSU Vologda Oblast Committee and the head of the oblast. During this period, notable changes in many aspects of economy both of the city and of the oblast occurred. In particular, a bearing plant, a mechanical plant, and an optical-mechanical factory were built in Vologda. A polytechnical university was opened. A large-scale poultry farm was established. A major construction initiative was carried out, and, in particular, the first buildings higher than five floors were constructed. The city expanded, with new residential areas built; in particular, Byvalovo, GPZ, the 5th and the 6th Microdistricts. In 1976, the Vologda trolleybus system opened.In November 1991, the city administration was formed and the reform of local governments began. In October 1993, the Soviets of People's Deputies of all levels were abolished. After the dissolution of the Vologda Soviet, the City Duma was established. The first Duma elections took place on March 20, 1994. This first Duma only had six seats, but in 1995, after the next elections, it was expanded to thirty deputies.On July 25, 1996, the City Duma adopted the main city document: the Charter of Vologda. On October 6, 1996, the first mayoral elections in the history of Vologda took place. Alexey Yakunichev was elected and became the head of the city. His term ended in 2008.In 2003, the construction of a ring road started. Before that, the М8 highway connecting Moscow and Arkhangelsk ran through the city center, causing congestion. Since the completion, the ring road connects the highways А114 (Vologda – Novaya Ladoga), Р5 (Vologda – Medvezhyegorsk), and М8 (Moscow – Arkhangelsk). On August 25, 2005, the City Duma approved the new Charter of Vologda. Even though the deputies introduced more than four hundred amendments and the document increased more than twice in volume as compared with the Charter of 1996, the changes were relatively minor. On October 12, 2008, Yevgeny Shulepov was elected to be the City Head.Vologda is the administrative center of the oblast and, within the framework of administrative divisions, it also serves as the administrative center of Vologodsky District, even though it is not a part of it. As an administrative division, it is, together with one rural locality, incorporated separately as the city of oblast significance of Vologda (one of the four in Vologda Oblast)—an administrative unit with the status equal to that of the districts. As a municipal division, the city of oblast significance of Vologda is incorporated as Vologda Urban Okrug.Vologda's climate is humid continental (Köppen climate classification "Dfb") bordering on a mild subarctic climate ("Dfc"). Winter is long and cold but not severe and lasts for five months. Spring and autumn are cool, summer is warm, the coldest months are December and January, the warmest month is July. Rain is most frequent in the summer and autumn.The population of the city and the oblast consists mainly of ethnic Russians. A considerable part of the city population are government officials and civil servants of different levels – according to various estimates, their number reaches fifty thousand people. The reason is that Vologda is not only a big city but also the administrative center of Vologda Oblast. Around 43 million hectares of farmland is unused, hence government has announced giving away free land. Vologda will lend 468,000 hectares of land for agriculture and raising livestock purpose.Vologda is one of the best preserved big cities of Russia combining traditional wooden architecture and stone monuments. In Vologda, 193 monuments of architecture and history are designated as cultural monuments of federal significance. The most known of them areOf 116 historical cities of Russia only 16 have monuments of wooden architecture. Vologda is among them.Vologda's trademark products include Vologda lace, butter, and flax.In Vologda, there are ten museums, four showrooms of the Vologda Regional Art Gallery, and the gallery "Red bridge". The largest cultural center of the Russian North is the Vologda State Museum Reserve. Its structure now includes the following museums,Additionally, Vologda is home to a unique Russian private museum of political history—the Museum of Diplomatic Corps which highlights the short stay of diplomatic corps in Vologda in 1918.The following annual theater festivals are held in Vologda:Among annual exhibitions which take place in Vologda are the following:Many notable Russian writers and poets were born or worked in Vologda. The best known of them were Konstantin Batyushkov, Varlam Shalamov, Nikolay Rubtsov, and Vasily Belov and Vladimir Gilarovsky. Contemporary literature of Vologda is represented by a number of authors which include Nata Suchkova, Maria Markova, Galina Schekina, and Anton Chorny.Vologda is a major transportation hub, located at the intersection of highways, railways, and waterways.The public transport network is well developed in the city: There are both bus and trolleybus lines. The city has four big automobile bridges: two automobile bridges across the Vologda and two bridges across railways. There is one pedestrian bridge (the Red bridge) in the city center.Vologda is the largest sorting and transit spot of the Northern Railway. It includes the stations Vologda-1, Vologda-2, Rybkino, and Losta. The stretch between Vologda-2 and Losta is the most active one in the railroad network of the Russian Federation, with more than 120–150 pairs of trains running through it daily. Suburban trains and long-distance trains originate from the railway station of Vologda-1.The Vologda Airport is situated 10 km from the city centre along the Arkhangelsk highway. Yak-40 aircraft carry out regular passenger flights to Moscow, Ukhta, Velikiy Ustyug, Kichmengsky Gorodok, and Vytegra. Helicopters Mi-2 and Mi-8 are used by the Vologda aviation company. They are used for the emergency aircraft and for the oil pipeline service.The following highways go through Vologda:The new ring road with modern exits connecting roads A-114, Р-5 and М-8 (the Arkhangelsk destination) is under construction around Vologda. The Arkhangelsk direction is still not connected by the ring road.The municipal transportation of Vologda is carried out by bus and trolleybus routes, and also by lines of fixed-route taxis. Regular bus service started in Vologda in 1929, the trolleybus service was open in 1976. As of November 2009, in Vologda there were five trolleybus routes, nineteen municipal bus routes, and about forty "marshrutkas" (routed taxis). The main transport companies are the open society "VologdaElectroTrans" (trolleybuses), PATP-1 and PATP-32 (municipal bus routes).Currently, there are more than ten thousand enterprises of various patterns of ownership in Vologda. The most notable ones are:Traditional national crafts are presented by the closed joint-stock company «Snowflake» (lace), limited liability company "Hope" and other enterprises.Vologda has large sports venues such as the stadiums "Dynamo", "Locomotive", "Vityaz", the swimming pools "Dynamo" and "Lagoon", the sports and concert complex "Spectrum", fitness centers, regional athletic spots.Vologda is a home to:Vologda is twinned with:
|
[
"Alexei Jakunitschew",
"Yury Sapozhnikov"
] |
|
Who was the head of Vologda in Jul 15, 2015?
|
July 15, 2015
|
{
"text": [
"Evgeny Shulepov"
]
}
|
L2_Q1957_P6_1
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Yury Sapozhnikov is the head of the government of Vologda from Sep, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Alexei Jakunitschew is the head of the government of Vologda from May, 1995 to Jul, 2008.
Evgeny Shulepov is the head of the government of Vologda from Oct, 2008 to Sep, 2016.
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VologdaVologda () is a city and the administrative, cultural, and scientific center of Vologda Oblast, Russia, located on the river Vologda within the watershed of the Northern Dvina. Population: 293,046 (2002 Census); The city serves as a major transport hub of the Northwest of Russia. The Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation has classified Vologda as an historic city, one of forty-one in Russia and one of only three in Vologda Oblast. 224 buildings in Vologda have been officially recognized as cultural heritage monuments.Two conflicting theories exist as to the date of Vologda's foundation.The year 1147 is the official date first fixed in 1780 by Alexey Zasetsky in his book "Stories about miracles of Gerasimus of Vologda". The story mentions that in 1147 the Trinity Monastery was founded close to the river Vologda. The date of the foundation of the monastery is then taken as the date of the foundation of the city of Vologda and is mentioned in official city documents. This date, which would make Vologda to be of the same age as Moscow, is, however, not supported by any scientific data and is considered by authoritative sources to be fictional. The story was only written in 1666 by a certain Foma, who got a request from Archbishop Markel to produce the vita of Gerasimus. Foma himself admitted that he had no sufficient data on the biography. The story contains many contradicting details. Besides, the monastic life in the Russian north was not known in the 12th century: the first monastery in Vladimir was founded in 1152, in Rostov in 1212, in the Belozersk area in 1251. Archeological excavations do not confirm this date either. Instead, they demonstrate that the city of Vologda was founded in the 13th century.The year 1264 was the first mention of Vologda when it was included in the list of possessions of the Novgorod Republic in the agreement between the Republic and the Grand Prince of Vladimir. This date is also supported by archaeological data.The nucleus of Vologda in the 13th century was not located in the area which is now the city center, but rather the area known now as "Lazy ground" (), close to the Resurrection church. This area was the center of Vologda up to 1565. Until that year, no stone constructions existed in Vologda; all of the city fortifications, bridges, houses, churches, and industrial enterprises were made of wood.The unique position of Vologda on important waterways connecting Moscow, Novgorod, and the White Sea (via the Northern Dvina) made it attractive for the Novgorod Republic, as well as for the princes of Tver and Moscow, who fought numerous wars between the 13th and the 15th centuries.In 1371, Dmitry Prilutsky, a monk from the Nikolsky Monastery in Pereslavl-Zalessky, founded Nikolsky Monastery, now known as Spaso-Prilutsky Monastery, close to the city. Dmitry Donskoy, the Grand Prince of Moscow, was the chief benefactor of the monastery and viewed it as a stronghold of the influence of the Grand Duchy of Moscow in the Northern lands in competition with Novgorod.In 1397, during the reign of Vasily I, Vologda was added to the Grand Duchy of Moscow. Subsequently, the city was several times attacked by Novgorod forces. During the Muscovite Civil War, Vologda played a key role. After Vasily II the Blind, the Grand Prince of Moscow, was defeated by Dmitry Shemyaka in 1447, he swore to never start a war against Shemyaka, was exiled to Vologda, and got the city as a personal possession. From there Vasily traveled to the Kirillo-Belozersky Monastery where the hegumen released him from the oath. The civil war continued, and in 1450, Vologda was besieged by the troops of Dmitry Shemyaka; however, they did not manage to occupy the town.After the death of Vasily in 1462, Vologda passed to the possession of his son Andrey Menshoy and became the center of the Principality of Vologda. In 1481, after the death of Andrey who had no successors, Vologda passed to Ivan III, the Grand Duke of Moscow, and was included to the Grand Duchy of Moscow.During the reign of Tsar Ivan the Terrible, Vologda became one of the major transit centers of Russia's trade. The foreign trade was conducted mostly with England, Holland, and other western countries via the White Sea. Arkhangelsk was the major foreign trade haven, and Vologda stood on the waterway connecting Moscow with Arkhangelsk. The trade with Siberia was conducted via the Sukhona and the Vychegda, and Vologda also played an important role as a transit center. The state courtyard was built in the city on the bank of the Vologda. In 1553, Vologda was visited by the English seafarer Richard Chancellor who officially established diplomatic relations between the Tsardom of Russia and England. In 1554, trading agent John Gass described Vologda to English merchants as a city with an abundance of bread where the goods were twice as cheap as in Moscow and Novgorod, and that there was no city in Russia that would not trade with Vologda. Following the reports of John Gass, in 1555 England opened a trading office in the city, and the first Russian ambassador sent to England for negotiations became Osip Nepeya, a native of Vologda.In 1565, Ivan the Terrible introduced the policy of Oprichnina and included Vologda into the structure of Oprichnina lands. That year, he visited the city for the first time and decided to make it the center of Oprichnina and consequently the capital of the country. The Tsar ordered to build a new fortress. It was decided to build it not in the former town center, but rather in another part of the town, limited on the one side by the river, and on the other side by what are now Leningradskaya, Oktyabrskaya, and Mira Streets. The fortress was surrounded by a moat. Ivan the Terrible traveled to Vologda in person to supervise the foundation of the fortress on April 28, 1566, which was the day to celebrate the memory of Saint Jason (Nason in Russian tradition) and Saint Sosipater. Therefore, the territory of the fortress located in the new part of Vologda was named the "Nason-gorod" (Nason-town). The other name of the Nason-gorod was the Vologda Kremlin (currently the name is sometimes referred only to the Bishop's courtyard).Between 1568 and 1570, a new cathedral was built in the new fortress. The Saint Sophia Cathedral became the first stone building in Vologda. The design of the cathedral copied the Dormition Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin. This was the idea of Ivan the Terrible who wanted to make his new capital similar to Moscow. He personally supervised the construction, headed by the architect Razmysl Petrov. In 1571, Vologda became the center of the Diocese of Vologda and Perm that was formed in 1492 and previously had its main church in the distant settlement of Ust-Vym in Perm lands. Thereby, Vologda was strengthened not only in trading, military and political influence, but also in ecclesiastical affairs.However, in 1571 Ivan the Terrible unexpectedly stopped the construction work in Vologda and left the city for good. Presumably, this was connected with his decision to abolish Oprichnina, and Vologda was not needed as the second capital any longer. According to the legend, when Ivan visited the Saint Sophia Cathedral, a little stone fell from the roof on his head. The superstitious Tsar who received a serious head injury took it as an sign of misfortune and decided to leave the city. In any case, it is known that the Tsar wanted even to demolish the cathedral, and that the cathedral was never consecrated during his lifetime. The consecration took place only during the reign his son Feodor I in 1587. Parts of the incomplete fortress which were later in the 17th century strengthened with wooden walls stayed up to the 19th century when they were disassembled by the city authorities and local residents and used as a material for stone building.The Time of Troubles for Vologda began with a plague epidemic in 1605. In 1608, when Russia was split into areas controlled by Tsar Vasily Shuysky and areas controlled by the pretender False Dmitry II supported by Polish troops, the people of Vologda made an oath to False Dmitry. By gaining Vologda not only did he get control over Russian and English trading warehouses, but he also positioned himself to gain control over northern Russia. However, abuses and property seizures by the new administration sent to Vologda caused extreme discontent among the population. As a result, Vologda denounced False Dmitry II and supported Shuysky. Moreover, in February 1609 a national home guard headed by Nikita Vysheslavtsev was formed in Vologda and went to fight against False Dmitry II.In 1612, people of Vologda rendered sizable food and military help to the home guard organized by Kuzma Minin and Dmitry Pozharsky, which eventually defeated Polish troops. However, after the city sent huge military forces to support the second home guard, it remained without sufficient protection, and on September 22, 1612 one of the Lithuanian extortionate groups seized Vologda without resistance, later burning down the city and killing and imprisoning many of its inhabitants.After 1613, Vologda quickly recovered due to its convenient location and once again became an important center of foreign trade. During the reign of Peter the Great, Vologda became one of the main military bases of Russia. Military and technical equipment for fortresses and military ships under construction was stored there. Vessels which delivered food supplies to Arkhangelsk were constructed in Vologda. Peter intended to hold them on Lake Kubenskoye, north of Vologda. However, after personally inspecting the lake in 1692, he abandoned the idea deciding that the lake is improper for that purpose.Peter the Great visited Vologda on no less than ten occasions, on six of which (in 1692, 1693, 1694, 1702, 1722, and 1724) he stayed in the city for extended time. He always stayed in a small house of the Dutch merchant Goutman, which in 1872 was bought by the city authorities, and in 1885 was transformed into the memorial museum of Peter the Great and became the first museum of Vologda.However, after St. Petersburg was founded and foreign trade was rerouted to the Baltic Sea, the importance of Vologda as a center of foreign trade decayed. In 1722, Peter issued the decree restricting trade through Arkhangelsk, which damaged Vologda even further. In the course of the administrative reform carried out in 1708, Vologda lost its functions as an administrative center and was included as a town of Archangelgorod Governorate.The revival began only during the reign of Catherine the Great who in 1780 made Vologda the center of Vologda Viceroyalty, a successor of Archangelgorod Governorate. In 1796, the viceroyalty, administered by a governor-general, was transformed into Vologda Governorate, the borders of which stretched up to the Ural mountains in the east. The center of Vologda was rebuilt according to the plan of a provincial city issued in 1781. The street network is still in use now.A new economic lifting of the city was connected with a steamship movement across the Sukhona and with the building of a new railroad line connecting Vologda with Yaroslavl and Moscow (1872), with Arkhangelsk (1898), with St. Petersburg and Vyatka (1905).In 1871, the Danish merchant Friedrich Buman opened a specialized butter factory in the manor of Fominskoye, from Vologda. It was the first butter factory both in Vologda Governorate and in Russia. Since then Vologda became the center of the butter industry, and the Vologda butter, a special type of butter with the taste of nuts invented by Nikolay Vereschagin and Buman, became a world trademark. In 1911, the manor of Fominskoye together with the Buman's creamery was given to the state and became the base for the Vologda dairy institute. Thereby Vologda turned to one of the largest dairy centers of Russia.Since the 15th century, Vologda was a political exile destination and was even known as "Siberia close to the capital". In the 19th–20th centuries, such persons as Joseph Stalin, Vyacheslav Molotov (later the Minister of Foreign Affairs), Nikolai Berdyaev (the famous Russian philosopher), Boris Savinkov (later known as a successful terrorist), Mariya Ulyanova, and Alexander Bogdanov were sent to Vologda. Anatoly Lunacharsky chose to go there to join Bogdanov, and to marry Anna Alexandrovna Malinovskaya, Bogdanov's sister.Soviet power was established in Vologda in December 1917, and up to the summer of 1918 co-existed with the "zemstvo" and municipal administration. In February 1918, Vologda became the "diplomatic capital of Russia" for several months. Embassies located in Saint Petersburg were threatened by the German army, so Western powers, led by American Ambassador David R. Francis, relocated them to Vologda. However, pressured by the Bolsheviks, on July 24, 1918 the diplomats were compelled to leave Vologda and repatriate via Arkhangelsk.During the Russian Civil War, Vologda was the location of the headquarters of the 6th Red Army. The army opposed the White Army under command of Evgeny Miller and the military forces of Entente in northern Russia.In 1924 the government ordered to close the Vsegradsky cathedral, that used to be one of the biggest and most revered in the city. In 1929, the Vologda Governorate was abolished and included into the structure of a new formation, Northern Krai, which also included former Arkhangelsk and Northern Dvina Governorates, as well as the Komi-Zyryan Autonomous Oblast. The administrative center of Northern Krai was located in Arkhangelsk. In December 1936, Northern Krai was abolished and divided into the Komi ASSR and Northern Oblast, with the administrative center still located in Arkhangelsk. On September 23, 1937, Northern Oblast was divided into Arkhangelsk Oblast and Vologda Oblast by the decision of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviet Union. According to the same decision, districts of former Cherepovets Okrug of Leningrad Oblast were attached to Vologda Oblast. These districts currently make for the western part of Vologda Oblast. Thereby the current borders of Vologda Oblast were determined.In the 1930s, a flax factory, a coach-repair factory, and a sawmill, "Northern Communard," were constructed.During World War II, martial law was declared in Vologda, and its industrial enterprises shifted to military production. In the fall of 1941, Finnish troops crossed the borders of Vologda Oblast, and Vologda thus became a front city. The inhabitants were mobilized to dig trenches. In the city, bomb-proof shelters and elementary shelters were under construction, systems of air defense which protected the railway junction and the military-industrial enterprises were developed. As a result, though attempts of bombardments were numerous, no bombs fell on the city. To commemorate these events, a monument to the air defense forces was later erected on Zosimovskaya Street in Vologda. The monument has the shape of an anti-aircraft gun. In addition, Vologda was a railway hub used to supply the army and to evacuate equipment. It also served as a large hospital center. Residents of Vologda donated blood, money, and jewellery. The tank detachment "Vologda Collective Farmer" was funded by these donations. To commemorate these events the monument to the tank T-34 was built on Mira Street.Between 1961 and 1985, Anatoly Drygin was the first secretary of the CPSU Vologda Oblast Committee and the head of the oblast. During this period, notable changes in many aspects of economy both of the city and of the oblast occurred. In particular, a bearing plant, a mechanical plant, and an optical-mechanical factory were built in Vologda. A polytechnical university was opened. A large-scale poultry farm was established. A major construction initiative was carried out, and, in particular, the first buildings higher than five floors were constructed. The city expanded, with new residential areas built; in particular, Byvalovo, GPZ, the 5th and the 6th Microdistricts. In 1976, the Vologda trolleybus system opened.In November 1991, the city administration was formed and the reform of local governments began. In October 1993, the Soviets of People's Deputies of all levels were abolished. After the dissolution of the Vologda Soviet, the City Duma was established. The first Duma elections took place on March 20, 1994. This first Duma only had six seats, but in 1995, after the next elections, it was expanded to thirty deputies.On July 25, 1996, the City Duma adopted the main city document: the Charter of Vologda. On October 6, 1996, the first mayoral elections in the history of Vologda took place. Alexey Yakunichev was elected and became the head of the city. His term ended in 2008.In 2003, the construction of a ring road started. Before that, the М8 highway connecting Moscow and Arkhangelsk ran through the city center, causing congestion. Since the completion, the ring road connects the highways А114 (Vologda – Novaya Ladoga), Р5 (Vologda – Medvezhyegorsk), and М8 (Moscow – Arkhangelsk). On August 25, 2005, the City Duma approved the new Charter of Vologda. Even though the deputies introduced more than four hundred amendments and the document increased more than twice in volume as compared with the Charter of 1996, the changes were relatively minor. On October 12, 2008, Yevgeny Shulepov was elected to be the City Head.Vologda is the administrative center of the oblast and, within the framework of administrative divisions, it also serves as the administrative center of Vologodsky District, even though it is not a part of it. As an administrative division, it is, together with one rural locality, incorporated separately as the city of oblast significance of Vologda (one of the four in Vologda Oblast)—an administrative unit with the status equal to that of the districts. As a municipal division, the city of oblast significance of Vologda is incorporated as Vologda Urban Okrug.Vologda's climate is humid continental (Köppen climate classification "Dfb") bordering on a mild subarctic climate ("Dfc"). Winter is long and cold but not severe and lasts for five months. Spring and autumn are cool, summer is warm, the coldest months are December and January, the warmest month is July. Rain is most frequent in the summer and autumn.The population of the city and the oblast consists mainly of ethnic Russians. A considerable part of the city population are government officials and civil servants of different levels – according to various estimates, their number reaches fifty thousand people. The reason is that Vologda is not only a big city but also the administrative center of Vologda Oblast. Around 43 million hectares of farmland is unused, hence government has announced giving away free land. Vologda will lend 468,000 hectares of land for agriculture and raising livestock purpose.Vologda is one of the best preserved big cities of Russia combining traditional wooden architecture and stone monuments. In Vologda, 193 monuments of architecture and history are designated as cultural monuments of federal significance. The most known of them areOf 116 historical cities of Russia only 16 have monuments of wooden architecture. Vologda is among them.Vologda's trademark products include Vologda lace, butter, and flax.In Vologda, there are ten museums, four showrooms of the Vologda Regional Art Gallery, and the gallery "Red bridge". The largest cultural center of the Russian North is the Vologda State Museum Reserve. Its structure now includes the following museums,Additionally, Vologda is home to a unique Russian private museum of political history—the Museum of Diplomatic Corps which highlights the short stay of diplomatic corps in Vologda in 1918.The following annual theater festivals are held in Vologda:Among annual exhibitions which take place in Vologda are the following:Many notable Russian writers and poets were born or worked in Vologda. The best known of them were Konstantin Batyushkov, Varlam Shalamov, Nikolay Rubtsov, and Vasily Belov and Vladimir Gilarovsky. Contemporary literature of Vologda is represented by a number of authors which include Nata Suchkova, Maria Markova, Galina Schekina, and Anton Chorny.Vologda is a major transportation hub, located at the intersection of highways, railways, and waterways.The public transport network is well developed in the city: There are both bus and trolleybus lines. The city has four big automobile bridges: two automobile bridges across the Vologda and two bridges across railways. There is one pedestrian bridge (the Red bridge) in the city center.Vologda is the largest sorting and transit spot of the Northern Railway. It includes the stations Vologda-1, Vologda-2, Rybkino, and Losta. The stretch between Vologda-2 and Losta is the most active one in the railroad network of the Russian Federation, with more than 120–150 pairs of trains running through it daily. Suburban trains and long-distance trains originate from the railway station of Vologda-1.The Vologda Airport is situated 10 km from the city centre along the Arkhangelsk highway. Yak-40 aircraft carry out regular passenger flights to Moscow, Ukhta, Velikiy Ustyug, Kichmengsky Gorodok, and Vytegra. Helicopters Mi-2 and Mi-8 are used by the Vologda aviation company. They are used for the emergency aircraft and for the oil pipeline service.The following highways go through Vologda:The new ring road with modern exits connecting roads A-114, Р-5 and М-8 (the Arkhangelsk destination) is under construction around Vologda. The Arkhangelsk direction is still not connected by the ring road.The municipal transportation of Vologda is carried out by bus and trolleybus routes, and also by lines of fixed-route taxis. Regular bus service started in Vologda in 1929, the trolleybus service was open in 1976. As of November 2009, in Vologda there were five trolleybus routes, nineteen municipal bus routes, and about forty "marshrutkas" (routed taxis). The main transport companies are the open society "VologdaElectroTrans" (trolleybuses), PATP-1 and PATP-32 (municipal bus routes).Currently, there are more than ten thousand enterprises of various patterns of ownership in Vologda. The most notable ones are:Traditional national crafts are presented by the closed joint-stock company «Snowflake» (lace), limited liability company "Hope" and other enterprises.Vologda has large sports venues such as the stadiums "Dynamo", "Locomotive", "Vityaz", the swimming pools "Dynamo" and "Lagoon", the sports and concert complex "Spectrum", fitness centers, regional athletic spots.Vologda is a home to:Vologda is twinned with:
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[
"Alexei Jakunitschew",
"Yury Sapozhnikov"
] |
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Who was the head of Vologda in 07/15/2015?
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July 15, 2015
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{
"text": [
"Evgeny Shulepov"
]
}
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L2_Q1957_P6_1
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Yury Sapozhnikov is the head of the government of Vologda from Sep, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Alexei Jakunitschew is the head of the government of Vologda from May, 1995 to Jul, 2008.
Evgeny Shulepov is the head of the government of Vologda from Oct, 2008 to Sep, 2016.
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VologdaVologda () is a city and the administrative, cultural, and scientific center of Vologda Oblast, Russia, located on the river Vologda within the watershed of the Northern Dvina. Population: 293,046 (2002 Census); The city serves as a major transport hub of the Northwest of Russia. The Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation has classified Vologda as an historic city, one of forty-one in Russia and one of only three in Vologda Oblast. 224 buildings in Vologda have been officially recognized as cultural heritage monuments.Two conflicting theories exist as to the date of Vologda's foundation.The year 1147 is the official date first fixed in 1780 by Alexey Zasetsky in his book "Stories about miracles of Gerasimus of Vologda". The story mentions that in 1147 the Trinity Monastery was founded close to the river Vologda. The date of the foundation of the monastery is then taken as the date of the foundation of the city of Vologda and is mentioned in official city documents. This date, which would make Vologda to be of the same age as Moscow, is, however, not supported by any scientific data and is considered by authoritative sources to be fictional. The story was only written in 1666 by a certain Foma, who got a request from Archbishop Markel to produce the vita of Gerasimus. Foma himself admitted that he had no sufficient data on the biography. The story contains many contradicting details. Besides, the monastic life in the Russian north was not known in the 12th century: the first monastery in Vladimir was founded in 1152, in Rostov in 1212, in the Belozersk area in 1251. Archeological excavations do not confirm this date either. Instead, they demonstrate that the city of Vologda was founded in the 13th century.The year 1264 was the first mention of Vologda when it was included in the list of possessions of the Novgorod Republic in the agreement between the Republic and the Grand Prince of Vladimir. This date is also supported by archaeological data.The nucleus of Vologda in the 13th century was not located in the area which is now the city center, but rather the area known now as "Lazy ground" (), close to the Resurrection church. This area was the center of Vologda up to 1565. Until that year, no stone constructions existed in Vologda; all of the city fortifications, bridges, houses, churches, and industrial enterprises were made of wood.The unique position of Vologda on important waterways connecting Moscow, Novgorod, and the White Sea (via the Northern Dvina) made it attractive for the Novgorod Republic, as well as for the princes of Tver and Moscow, who fought numerous wars between the 13th and the 15th centuries.In 1371, Dmitry Prilutsky, a monk from the Nikolsky Monastery in Pereslavl-Zalessky, founded Nikolsky Monastery, now known as Spaso-Prilutsky Monastery, close to the city. Dmitry Donskoy, the Grand Prince of Moscow, was the chief benefactor of the monastery and viewed it as a stronghold of the influence of the Grand Duchy of Moscow in the Northern lands in competition with Novgorod.In 1397, during the reign of Vasily I, Vologda was added to the Grand Duchy of Moscow. Subsequently, the city was several times attacked by Novgorod forces. During the Muscovite Civil War, Vologda played a key role. After Vasily II the Blind, the Grand Prince of Moscow, was defeated by Dmitry Shemyaka in 1447, he swore to never start a war against Shemyaka, was exiled to Vologda, and got the city as a personal possession. From there Vasily traveled to the Kirillo-Belozersky Monastery where the hegumen released him from the oath. The civil war continued, and in 1450, Vologda was besieged by the troops of Dmitry Shemyaka; however, they did not manage to occupy the town.After the death of Vasily in 1462, Vologda passed to the possession of his son Andrey Menshoy and became the center of the Principality of Vologda. In 1481, after the death of Andrey who had no successors, Vologda passed to Ivan III, the Grand Duke of Moscow, and was included to the Grand Duchy of Moscow.During the reign of Tsar Ivan the Terrible, Vologda became one of the major transit centers of Russia's trade. The foreign trade was conducted mostly with England, Holland, and other western countries via the White Sea. Arkhangelsk was the major foreign trade haven, and Vologda stood on the waterway connecting Moscow with Arkhangelsk. The trade with Siberia was conducted via the Sukhona and the Vychegda, and Vologda also played an important role as a transit center. The state courtyard was built in the city on the bank of the Vologda. In 1553, Vologda was visited by the English seafarer Richard Chancellor who officially established diplomatic relations between the Tsardom of Russia and England. In 1554, trading agent John Gass described Vologda to English merchants as a city with an abundance of bread where the goods were twice as cheap as in Moscow and Novgorod, and that there was no city in Russia that would not trade with Vologda. Following the reports of John Gass, in 1555 England opened a trading office in the city, and the first Russian ambassador sent to England for negotiations became Osip Nepeya, a native of Vologda.In 1565, Ivan the Terrible introduced the policy of Oprichnina and included Vologda into the structure of Oprichnina lands. That year, he visited the city for the first time and decided to make it the center of Oprichnina and consequently the capital of the country. The Tsar ordered to build a new fortress. It was decided to build it not in the former town center, but rather in another part of the town, limited on the one side by the river, and on the other side by what are now Leningradskaya, Oktyabrskaya, and Mira Streets. The fortress was surrounded by a moat. Ivan the Terrible traveled to Vologda in person to supervise the foundation of the fortress on April 28, 1566, which was the day to celebrate the memory of Saint Jason (Nason in Russian tradition) and Saint Sosipater. Therefore, the territory of the fortress located in the new part of Vologda was named the "Nason-gorod" (Nason-town). The other name of the Nason-gorod was the Vologda Kremlin (currently the name is sometimes referred only to the Bishop's courtyard).Between 1568 and 1570, a new cathedral was built in the new fortress. The Saint Sophia Cathedral became the first stone building in Vologda. The design of the cathedral copied the Dormition Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin. This was the idea of Ivan the Terrible who wanted to make his new capital similar to Moscow. He personally supervised the construction, headed by the architect Razmysl Petrov. In 1571, Vologda became the center of the Diocese of Vologda and Perm that was formed in 1492 and previously had its main church in the distant settlement of Ust-Vym in Perm lands. Thereby, Vologda was strengthened not only in trading, military and political influence, but also in ecclesiastical affairs.However, in 1571 Ivan the Terrible unexpectedly stopped the construction work in Vologda and left the city for good. Presumably, this was connected with his decision to abolish Oprichnina, and Vologda was not needed as the second capital any longer. According to the legend, when Ivan visited the Saint Sophia Cathedral, a little stone fell from the roof on his head. The superstitious Tsar who received a serious head injury took it as an sign of misfortune and decided to leave the city. In any case, it is known that the Tsar wanted even to demolish the cathedral, and that the cathedral was never consecrated during his lifetime. The consecration took place only during the reign his son Feodor I in 1587. Parts of the incomplete fortress which were later in the 17th century strengthened with wooden walls stayed up to the 19th century when they were disassembled by the city authorities and local residents and used as a material for stone building.The Time of Troubles for Vologda began with a plague epidemic in 1605. In 1608, when Russia was split into areas controlled by Tsar Vasily Shuysky and areas controlled by the pretender False Dmitry II supported by Polish troops, the people of Vologda made an oath to False Dmitry. By gaining Vologda not only did he get control over Russian and English trading warehouses, but he also positioned himself to gain control over northern Russia. However, abuses and property seizures by the new administration sent to Vologda caused extreme discontent among the population. As a result, Vologda denounced False Dmitry II and supported Shuysky. Moreover, in February 1609 a national home guard headed by Nikita Vysheslavtsev was formed in Vologda and went to fight against False Dmitry II.In 1612, people of Vologda rendered sizable food and military help to the home guard organized by Kuzma Minin and Dmitry Pozharsky, which eventually defeated Polish troops. However, after the city sent huge military forces to support the second home guard, it remained without sufficient protection, and on September 22, 1612 one of the Lithuanian extortionate groups seized Vologda without resistance, later burning down the city and killing and imprisoning many of its inhabitants.After 1613, Vologda quickly recovered due to its convenient location and once again became an important center of foreign trade. During the reign of Peter the Great, Vologda became one of the main military bases of Russia. Military and technical equipment for fortresses and military ships under construction was stored there. Vessels which delivered food supplies to Arkhangelsk were constructed in Vologda. Peter intended to hold them on Lake Kubenskoye, north of Vologda. However, after personally inspecting the lake in 1692, he abandoned the idea deciding that the lake is improper for that purpose.Peter the Great visited Vologda on no less than ten occasions, on six of which (in 1692, 1693, 1694, 1702, 1722, and 1724) he stayed in the city for extended time. He always stayed in a small house of the Dutch merchant Goutman, which in 1872 was bought by the city authorities, and in 1885 was transformed into the memorial museum of Peter the Great and became the first museum of Vologda.However, after St. Petersburg was founded and foreign trade was rerouted to the Baltic Sea, the importance of Vologda as a center of foreign trade decayed. In 1722, Peter issued the decree restricting trade through Arkhangelsk, which damaged Vologda even further. In the course of the administrative reform carried out in 1708, Vologda lost its functions as an administrative center and was included as a town of Archangelgorod Governorate.The revival began only during the reign of Catherine the Great who in 1780 made Vologda the center of Vologda Viceroyalty, a successor of Archangelgorod Governorate. In 1796, the viceroyalty, administered by a governor-general, was transformed into Vologda Governorate, the borders of which stretched up to the Ural mountains in the east. The center of Vologda was rebuilt according to the plan of a provincial city issued in 1781. The street network is still in use now.A new economic lifting of the city was connected with a steamship movement across the Sukhona and with the building of a new railroad line connecting Vologda with Yaroslavl and Moscow (1872), with Arkhangelsk (1898), with St. Petersburg and Vyatka (1905).In 1871, the Danish merchant Friedrich Buman opened a specialized butter factory in the manor of Fominskoye, from Vologda. It was the first butter factory both in Vologda Governorate and in Russia. Since then Vologda became the center of the butter industry, and the Vologda butter, a special type of butter with the taste of nuts invented by Nikolay Vereschagin and Buman, became a world trademark. In 1911, the manor of Fominskoye together with the Buman's creamery was given to the state and became the base for the Vologda dairy institute. Thereby Vologda turned to one of the largest dairy centers of Russia.Since the 15th century, Vologda was a political exile destination and was even known as "Siberia close to the capital". In the 19th–20th centuries, such persons as Joseph Stalin, Vyacheslav Molotov (later the Minister of Foreign Affairs), Nikolai Berdyaev (the famous Russian philosopher), Boris Savinkov (later known as a successful terrorist), Mariya Ulyanova, and Alexander Bogdanov were sent to Vologda. Anatoly Lunacharsky chose to go there to join Bogdanov, and to marry Anna Alexandrovna Malinovskaya, Bogdanov's sister.Soviet power was established in Vologda in December 1917, and up to the summer of 1918 co-existed with the "zemstvo" and municipal administration. In February 1918, Vologda became the "diplomatic capital of Russia" for several months. Embassies located in Saint Petersburg were threatened by the German army, so Western powers, led by American Ambassador David R. Francis, relocated them to Vologda. However, pressured by the Bolsheviks, on July 24, 1918 the diplomats were compelled to leave Vologda and repatriate via Arkhangelsk.During the Russian Civil War, Vologda was the location of the headquarters of the 6th Red Army. The army opposed the White Army under command of Evgeny Miller and the military forces of Entente in northern Russia.In 1924 the government ordered to close the Vsegradsky cathedral, that used to be one of the biggest and most revered in the city. In 1929, the Vologda Governorate was abolished and included into the structure of a new formation, Northern Krai, which also included former Arkhangelsk and Northern Dvina Governorates, as well as the Komi-Zyryan Autonomous Oblast. The administrative center of Northern Krai was located in Arkhangelsk. In December 1936, Northern Krai was abolished and divided into the Komi ASSR and Northern Oblast, with the administrative center still located in Arkhangelsk. On September 23, 1937, Northern Oblast was divided into Arkhangelsk Oblast and Vologda Oblast by the decision of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviet Union. According to the same decision, districts of former Cherepovets Okrug of Leningrad Oblast were attached to Vologda Oblast. These districts currently make for the western part of Vologda Oblast. Thereby the current borders of Vologda Oblast were determined.In the 1930s, a flax factory, a coach-repair factory, and a sawmill, "Northern Communard," were constructed.During World War II, martial law was declared in Vologda, and its industrial enterprises shifted to military production. In the fall of 1941, Finnish troops crossed the borders of Vologda Oblast, and Vologda thus became a front city. The inhabitants were mobilized to dig trenches. In the city, bomb-proof shelters and elementary shelters were under construction, systems of air defense which protected the railway junction and the military-industrial enterprises were developed. As a result, though attempts of bombardments were numerous, no bombs fell on the city. To commemorate these events, a monument to the air defense forces was later erected on Zosimovskaya Street in Vologda. The monument has the shape of an anti-aircraft gun. In addition, Vologda was a railway hub used to supply the army and to evacuate equipment. It also served as a large hospital center. Residents of Vologda donated blood, money, and jewellery. The tank detachment "Vologda Collective Farmer" was funded by these donations. To commemorate these events the monument to the tank T-34 was built on Mira Street.Between 1961 and 1985, Anatoly Drygin was the first secretary of the CPSU Vologda Oblast Committee and the head of the oblast. During this period, notable changes in many aspects of economy both of the city and of the oblast occurred. In particular, a bearing plant, a mechanical plant, and an optical-mechanical factory were built in Vologda. A polytechnical university was opened. A large-scale poultry farm was established. A major construction initiative was carried out, and, in particular, the first buildings higher than five floors were constructed. The city expanded, with new residential areas built; in particular, Byvalovo, GPZ, the 5th and the 6th Microdistricts. In 1976, the Vologda trolleybus system opened.In November 1991, the city administration was formed and the reform of local governments began. In October 1993, the Soviets of People's Deputies of all levels were abolished. After the dissolution of the Vologda Soviet, the City Duma was established. The first Duma elections took place on March 20, 1994. This first Duma only had six seats, but in 1995, after the next elections, it was expanded to thirty deputies.On July 25, 1996, the City Duma adopted the main city document: the Charter of Vologda. On October 6, 1996, the first mayoral elections in the history of Vologda took place. Alexey Yakunichev was elected and became the head of the city. His term ended in 2008.In 2003, the construction of a ring road started. Before that, the М8 highway connecting Moscow and Arkhangelsk ran through the city center, causing congestion. Since the completion, the ring road connects the highways А114 (Vologda – Novaya Ladoga), Р5 (Vologda – Medvezhyegorsk), and М8 (Moscow – Arkhangelsk). On August 25, 2005, the City Duma approved the new Charter of Vologda. Even though the deputies introduced more than four hundred amendments and the document increased more than twice in volume as compared with the Charter of 1996, the changes were relatively minor. On October 12, 2008, Yevgeny Shulepov was elected to be the City Head.Vologda is the administrative center of the oblast and, within the framework of administrative divisions, it also serves as the administrative center of Vologodsky District, even though it is not a part of it. As an administrative division, it is, together with one rural locality, incorporated separately as the city of oblast significance of Vologda (one of the four in Vologda Oblast)—an administrative unit with the status equal to that of the districts. As a municipal division, the city of oblast significance of Vologda is incorporated as Vologda Urban Okrug.Vologda's climate is humid continental (Köppen climate classification "Dfb") bordering on a mild subarctic climate ("Dfc"). Winter is long and cold but not severe and lasts for five months. Spring and autumn are cool, summer is warm, the coldest months are December and January, the warmest month is July. Rain is most frequent in the summer and autumn.The population of the city and the oblast consists mainly of ethnic Russians. A considerable part of the city population are government officials and civil servants of different levels – according to various estimates, their number reaches fifty thousand people. The reason is that Vologda is not only a big city but also the administrative center of Vologda Oblast. Around 43 million hectares of farmland is unused, hence government has announced giving away free land. Vologda will lend 468,000 hectares of land for agriculture and raising livestock purpose.Vologda is one of the best preserved big cities of Russia combining traditional wooden architecture and stone monuments. In Vologda, 193 monuments of architecture and history are designated as cultural monuments of federal significance. The most known of them areOf 116 historical cities of Russia only 16 have monuments of wooden architecture. Vologda is among them.Vologda's trademark products include Vologda lace, butter, and flax.In Vologda, there are ten museums, four showrooms of the Vologda Regional Art Gallery, and the gallery "Red bridge". The largest cultural center of the Russian North is the Vologda State Museum Reserve. Its structure now includes the following museums,Additionally, Vologda is home to a unique Russian private museum of political history—the Museum of Diplomatic Corps which highlights the short stay of diplomatic corps in Vologda in 1918.The following annual theater festivals are held in Vologda:Among annual exhibitions which take place in Vologda are the following:Many notable Russian writers and poets were born or worked in Vologda. The best known of them were Konstantin Batyushkov, Varlam Shalamov, Nikolay Rubtsov, and Vasily Belov and Vladimir Gilarovsky. Contemporary literature of Vologda is represented by a number of authors which include Nata Suchkova, Maria Markova, Galina Schekina, and Anton Chorny.Vologda is a major transportation hub, located at the intersection of highways, railways, and waterways.The public transport network is well developed in the city: There are both bus and trolleybus lines. The city has four big automobile bridges: two automobile bridges across the Vologda and two bridges across railways. There is one pedestrian bridge (the Red bridge) in the city center.Vologda is the largest sorting and transit spot of the Northern Railway. It includes the stations Vologda-1, Vologda-2, Rybkino, and Losta. The stretch between Vologda-2 and Losta is the most active one in the railroad network of the Russian Federation, with more than 120–150 pairs of trains running through it daily. Suburban trains and long-distance trains originate from the railway station of Vologda-1.The Vologda Airport is situated 10 km from the city centre along the Arkhangelsk highway. Yak-40 aircraft carry out regular passenger flights to Moscow, Ukhta, Velikiy Ustyug, Kichmengsky Gorodok, and Vytegra. Helicopters Mi-2 and Mi-8 are used by the Vologda aviation company. They are used for the emergency aircraft and for the oil pipeline service.The following highways go through Vologda:The new ring road with modern exits connecting roads A-114, Р-5 and М-8 (the Arkhangelsk destination) is under construction around Vologda. The Arkhangelsk direction is still not connected by the ring road.The municipal transportation of Vologda is carried out by bus and trolleybus routes, and also by lines of fixed-route taxis. Regular bus service started in Vologda in 1929, the trolleybus service was open in 1976. As of November 2009, in Vologda there were five trolleybus routes, nineteen municipal bus routes, and about forty "marshrutkas" (routed taxis). The main transport companies are the open society "VologdaElectroTrans" (trolleybuses), PATP-1 and PATP-32 (municipal bus routes).Currently, there are more than ten thousand enterprises of various patterns of ownership in Vologda. The most notable ones are:Traditional national crafts are presented by the closed joint-stock company «Snowflake» (lace), limited liability company "Hope" and other enterprises.Vologda has large sports venues such as the stadiums "Dynamo", "Locomotive", "Vityaz", the swimming pools "Dynamo" and "Lagoon", the sports and concert complex "Spectrum", fitness centers, regional athletic spots.Vologda is a home to:Vologda is twinned with:
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[
"Alexei Jakunitschew",
"Yury Sapozhnikov"
] |
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Who was the head of Vologda in 15-Jul-201515-July-2015?
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July 15, 2015
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{
"text": [
"Evgeny Shulepov"
]
}
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L2_Q1957_P6_1
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Yury Sapozhnikov is the head of the government of Vologda from Sep, 2016 to Dec, 2022.
Alexei Jakunitschew is the head of the government of Vologda from May, 1995 to Jul, 2008.
Evgeny Shulepov is the head of the government of Vologda from Oct, 2008 to Sep, 2016.
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VologdaVologda () is a city and the administrative, cultural, and scientific center of Vologda Oblast, Russia, located on the river Vologda within the watershed of the Northern Dvina. Population: 293,046 (2002 Census); The city serves as a major transport hub of the Northwest of Russia. The Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation has classified Vologda as an historic city, one of forty-one in Russia and one of only three in Vologda Oblast. 224 buildings in Vologda have been officially recognized as cultural heritage monuments.Two conflicting theories exist as to the date of Vologda's foundation.The year 1147 is the official date first fixed in 1780 by Alexey Zasetsky in his book "Stories about miracles of Gerasimus of Vologda". The story mentions that in 1147 the Trinity Monastery was founded close to the river Vologda. The date of the foundation of the monastery is then taken as the date of the foundation of the city of Vologda and is mentioned in official city documents. This date, which would make Vologda to be of the same age as Moscow, is, however, not supported by any scientific data and is considered by authoritative sources to be fictional. The story was only written in 1666 by a certain Foma, who got a request from Archbishop Markel to produce the vita of Gerasimus. Foma himself admitted that he had no sufficient data on the biography. The story contains many contradicting details. Besides, the monastic life in the Russian north was not known in the 12th century: the first monastery in Vladimir was founded in 1152, in Rostov in 1212, in the Belozersk area in 1251. Archeological excavations do not confirm this date either. Instead, they demonstrate that the city of Vologda was founded in the 13th century.The year 1264 was the first mention of Vologda when it was included in the list of possessions of the Novgorod Republic in the agreement between the Republic and the Grand Prince of Vladimir. This date is also supported by archaeological data.The nucleus of Vologda in the 13th century was not located in the area which is now the city center, but rather the area known now as "Lazy ground" (), close to the Resurrection church. This area was the center of Vologda up to 1565. Until that year, no stone constructions existed in Vologda; all of the city fortifications, bridges, houses, churches, and industrial enterprises were made of wood.The unique position of Vologda on important waterways connecting Moscow, Novgorod, and the White Sea (via the Northern Dvina) made it attractive for the Novgorod Republic, as well as for the princes of Tver and Moscow, who fought numerous wars between the 13th and the 15th centuries.In 1371, Dmitry Prilutsky, a monk from the Nikolsky Monastery in Pereslavl-Zalessky, founded Nikolsky Monastery, now known as Spaso-Prilutsky Monastery, close to the city. Dmitry Donskoy, the Grand Prince of Moscow, was the chief benefactor of the monastery and viewed it as a stronghold of the influence of the Grand Duchy of Moscow in the Northern lands in competition with Novgorod.In 1397, during the reign of Vasily I, Vologda was added to the Grand Duchy of Moscow. Subsequently, the city was several times attacked by Novgorod forces. During the Muscovite Civil War, Vologda played a key role. After Vasily II the Blind, the Grand Prince of Moscow, was defeated by Dmitry Shemyaka in 1447, he swore to never start a war against Shemyaka, was exiled to Vologda, and got the city as a personal possession. From there Vasily traveled to the Kirillo-Belozersky Monastery where the hegumen released him from the oath. The civil war continued, and in 1450, Vologda was besieged by the troops of Dmitry Shemyaka; however, they did not manage to occupy the town.After the death of Vasily in 1462, Vologda passed to the possession of his son Andrey Menshoy and became the center of the Principality of Vologda. In 1481, after the death of Andrey who had no successors, Vologda passed to Ivan III, the Grand Duke of Moscow, and was included to the Grand Duchy of Moscow.During the reign of Tsar Ivan the Terrible, Vologda became one of the major transit centers of Russia's trade. The foreign trade was conducted mostly with England, Holland, and other western countries via the White Sea. Arkhangelsk was the major foreign trade haven, and Vologda stood on the waterway connecting Moscow with Arkhangelsk. The trade with Siberia was conducted via the Sukhona and the Vychegda, and Vologda also played an important role as a transit center. The state courtyard was built in the city on the bank of the Vologda. In 1553, Vologda was visited by the English seafarer Richard Chancellor who officially established diplomatic relations between the Tsardom of Russia and England. In 1554, trading agent John Gass described Vologda to English merchants as a city with an abundance of bread where the goods were twice as cheap as in Moscow and Novgorod, and that there was no city in Russia that would not trade with Vologda. Following the reports of John Gass, in 1555 England opened a trading office in the city, and the first Russian ambassador sent to England for negotiations became Osip Nepeya, a native of Vologda.In 1565, Ivan the Terrible introduced the policy of Oprichnina and included Vologda into the structure of Oprichnina lands. That year, he visited the city for the first time and decided to make it the center of Oprichnina and consequently the capital of the country. The Tsar ordered to build a new fortress. It was decided to build it not in the former town center, but rather in another part of the town, limited on the one side by the river, and on the other side by what are now Leningradskaya, Oktyabrskaya, and Mira Streets. The fortress was surrounded by a moat. Ivan the Terrible traveled to Vologda in person to supervise the foundation of the fortress on April 28, 1566, which was the day to celebrate the memory of Saint Jason (Nason in Russian tradition) and Saint Sosipater. Therefore, the territory of the fortress located in the new part of Vologda was named the "Nason-gorod" (Nason-town). The other name of the Nason-gorod was the Vologda Kremlin (currently the name is sometimes referred only to the Bishop's courtyard).Between 1568 and 1570, a new cathedral was built in the new fortress. The Saint Sophia Cathedral became the first stone building in Vologda. The design of the cathedral copied the Dormition Cathedral of the Moscow Kremlin. This was the idea of Ivan the Terrible who wanted to make his new capital similar to Moscow. He personally supervised the construction, headed by the architect Razmysl Petrov. In 1571, Vologda became the center of the Diocese of Vologda and Perm that was formed in 1492 and previously had its main church in the distant settlement of Ust-Vym in Perm lands. Thereby, Vologda was strengthened not only in trading, military and political influence, but also in ecclesiastical affairs.However, in 1571 Ivan the Terrible unexpectedly stopped the construction work in Vologda and left the city for good. Presumably, this was connected with his decision to abolish Oprichnina, and Vologda was not needed as the second capital any longer. According to the legend, when Ivan visited the Saint Sophia Cathedral, a little stone fell from the roof on his head. The superstitious Tsar who received a serious head injury took it as an sign of misfortune and decided to leave the city. In any case, it is known that the Tsar wanted even to demolish the cathedral, and that the cathedral was never consecrated during his lifetime. The consecration took place only during the reign his son Feodor I in 1587. Parts of the incomplete fortress which were later in the 17th century strengthened with wooden walls stayed up to the 19th century when they were disassembled by the city authorities and local residents and used as a material for stone building.The Time of Troubles for Vologda began with a plague epidemic in 1605. In 1608, when Russia was split into areas controlled by Tsar Vasily Shuysky and areas controlled by the pretender False Dmitry II supported by Polish troops, the people of Vologda made an oath to False Dmitry. By gaining Vologda not only did he get control over Russian and English trading warehouses, but he also positioned himself to gain control over northern Russia. However, abuses and property seizures by the new administration sent to Vologda caused extreme discontent among the population. As a result, Vologda denounced False Dmitry II and supported Shuysky. Moreover, in February 1609 a national home guard headed by Nikita Vysheslavtsev was formed in Vologda and went to fight against False Dmitry II.In 1612, people of Vologda rendered sizable food and military help to the home guard organized by Kuzma Minin and Dmitry Pozharsky, which eventually defeated Polish troops. However, after the city sent huge military forces to support the second home guard, it remained without sufficient protection, and on September 22, 1612 one of the Lithuanian extortionate groups seized Vologda without resistance, later burning down the city and killing and imprisoning many of its inhabitants.After 1613, Vologda quickly recovered due to its convenient location and once again became an important center of foreign trade. During the reign of Peter the Great, Vologda became one of the main military bases of Russia. Military and technical equipment for fortresses and military ships under construction was stored there. Vessels which delivered food supplies to Arkhangelsk were constructed in Vologda. Peter intended to hold them on Lake Kubenskoye, north of Vologda. However, after personally inspecting the lake in 1692, he abandoned the idea deciding that the lake is improper for that purpose.Peter the Great visited Vologda on no less than ten occasions, on six of which (in 1692, 1693, 1694, 1702, 1722, and 1724) he stayed in the city for extended time. He always stayed in a small house of the Dutch merchant Goutman, which in 1872 was bought by the city authorities, and in 1885 was transformed into the memorial museum of Peter the Great and became the first museum of Vologda.However, after St. Petersburg was founded and foreign trade was rerouted to the Baltic Sea, the importance of Vologda as a center of foreign trade decayed. In 1722, Peter issued the decree restricting trade through Arkhangelsk, which damaged Vologda even further. In the course of the administrative reform carried out in 1708, Vologda lost its functions as an administrative center and was included as a town of Archangelgorod Governorate.The revival began only during the reign of Catherine the Great who in 1780 made Vologda the center of Vologda Viceroyalty, a successor of Archangelgorod Governorate. In 1796, the viceroyalty, administered by a governor-general, was transformed into Vologda Governorate, the borders of which stretched up to the Ural mountains in the east. The center of Vologda was rebuilt according to the plan of a provincial city issued in 1781. The street network is still in use now.A new economic lifting of the city was connected with a steamship movement across the Sukhona and with the building of a new railroad line connecting Vologda with Yaroslavl and Moscow (1872), with Arkhangelsk (1898), with St. Petersburg and Vyatka (1905).In 1871, the Danish merchant Friedrich Buman opened a specialized butter factory in the manor of Fominskoye, from Vologda. It was the first butter factory both in Vologda Governorate and in Russia. Since then Vologda became the center of the butter industry, and the Vologda butter, a special type of butter with the taste of nuts invented by Nikolay Vereschagin and Buman, became a world trademark. In 1911, the manor of Fominskoye together with the Buman's creamery was given to the state and became the base for the Vologda dairy institute. Thereby Vologda turned to one of the largest dairy centers of Russia.Since the 15th century, Vologda was a political exile destination and was even known as "Siberia close to the capital". In the 19th–20th centuries, such persons as Joseph Stalin, Vyacheslav Molotov (later the Minister of Foreign Affairs), Nikolai Berdyaev (the famous Russian philosopher), Boris Savinkov (later known as a successful terrorist), Mariya Ulyanova, and Alexander Bogdanov were sent to Vologda. Anatoly Lunacharsky chose to go there to join Bogdanov, and to marry Anna Alexandrovna Malinovskaya, Bogdanov's sister.Soviet power was established in Vologda in December 1917, and up to the summer of 1918 co-existed with the "zemstvo" and municipal administration. In February 1918, Vologda became the "diplomatic capital of Russia" for several months. Embassies located in Saint Petersburg were threatened by the German army, so Western powers, led by American Ambassador David R. Francis, relocated them to Vologda. However, pressured by the Bolsheviks, on July 24, 1918 the diplomats were compelled to leave Vologda and repatriate via Arkhangelsk.During the Russian Civil War, Vologda was the location of the headquarters of the 6th Red Army. The army opposed the White Army under command of Evgeny Miller and the military forces of Entente in northern Russia.In 1924 the government ordered to close the Vsegradsky cathedral, that used to be one of the biggest and most revered in the city. In 1929, the Vologda Governorate was abolished and included into the structure of a new formation, Northern Krai, which also included former Arkhangelsk and Northern Dvina Governorates, as well as the Komi-Zyryan Autonomous Oblast. The administrative center of Northern Krai was located in Arkhangelsk. In December 1936, Northern Krai was abolished and divided into the Komi ASSR and Northern Oblast, with the administrative center still located in Arkhangelsk. On September 23, 1937, Northern Oblast was divided into Arkhangelsk Oblast and Vologda Oblast by the decision of the Central Executive Committee of the Soviet Union. According to the same decision, districts of former Cherepovets Okrug of Leningrad Oblast were attached to Vologda Oblast. These districts currently make for the western part of Vologda Oblast. Thereby the current borders of Vologda Oblast were determined.In the 1930s, a flax factory, a coach-repair factory, and a sawmill, "Northern Communard," were constructed.During World War II, martial law was declared in Vologda, and its industrial enterprises shifted to military production. In the fall of 1941, Finnish troops crossed the borders of Vologda Oblast, and Vologda thus became a front city. The inhabitants were mobilized to dig trenches. In the city, bomb-proof shelters and elementary shelters were under construction, systems of air defense which protected the railway junction and the military-industrial enterprises were developed. As a result, though attempts of bombardments were numerous, no bombs fell on the city. To commemorate these events, a monument to the air defense forces was later erected on Zosimovskaya Street in Vologda. The monument has the shape of an anti-aircraft gun. In addition, Vologda was a railway hub used to supply the army and to evacuate equipment. It also served as a large hospital center. Residents of Vologda donated blood, money, and jewellery. The tank detachment "Vologda Collective Farmer" was funded by these donations. To commemorate these events the monument to the tank T-34 was built on Mira Street.Between 1961 and 1985, Anatoly Drygin was the first secretary of the CPSU Vologda Oblast Committee and the head of the oblast. During this period, notable changes in many aspects of economy both of the city and of the oblast occurred. In particular, a bearing plant, a mechanical plant, and an optical-mechanical factory were built in Vologda. A polytechnical university was opened. A large-scale poultry farm was established. A major construction initiative was carried out, and, in particular, the first buildings higher than five floors were constructed. The city expanded, with new residential areas built; in particular, Byvalovo, GPZ, the 5th and the 6th Microdistricts. In 1976, the Vologda trolleybus system opened.In November 1991, the city administration was formed and the reform of local governments began. In October 1993, the Soviets of People's Deputies of all levels were abolished. After the dissolution of the Vologda Soviet, the City Duma was established. The first Duma elections took place on March 20, 1994. This first Duma only had six seats, but in 1995, after the next elections, it was expanded to thirty deputies.On July 25, 1996, the City Duma adopted the main city document: the Charter of Vologda. On October 6, 1996, the first mayoral elections in the history of Vologda took place. Alexey Yakunichev was elected and became the head of the city. His term ended in 2008.In 2003, the construction of a ring road started. Before that, the М8 highway connecting Moscow and Arkhangelsk ran through the city center, causing congestion. Since the completion, the ring road connects the highways А114 (Vologda – Novaya Ladoga), Р5 (Vologda – Medvezhyegorsk), and М8 (Moscow – Arkhangelsk). On August 25, 2005, the City Duma approved the new Charter of Vologda. Even though the deputies introduced more than four hundred amendments and the document increased more than twice in volume as compared with the Charter of 1996, the changes were relatively minor. On October 12, 2008, Yevgeny Shulepov was elected to be the City Head.Vologda is the administrative center of the oblast and, within the framework of administrative divisions, it also serves as the administrative center of Vologodsky District, even though it is not a part of it. As an administrative division, it is, together with one rural locality, incorporated separately as the city of oblast significance of Vologda (one of the four in Vologda Oblast)—an administrative unit with the status equal to that of the districts. As a municipal division, the city of oblast significance of Vologda is incorporated as Vologda Urban Okrug.Vologda's climate is humid continental (Köppen climate classification "Dfb") bordering on a mild subarctic climate ("Dfc"). Winter is long and cold but not severe and lasts for five months. Spring and autumn are cool, summer is warm, the coldest months are December and January, the warmest month is July. Rain is most frequent in the summer and autumn.The population of the city and the oblast consists mainly of ethnic Russians. A considerable part of the city population are government officials and civil servants of different levels – according to various estimates, their number reaches fifty thousand people. The reason is that Vologda is not only a big city but also the administrative center of Vologda Oblast. Around 43 million hectares of farmland is unused, hence government has announced giving away free land. Vologda will lend 468,000 hectares of land for agriculture and raising livestock purpose.Vologda is one of the best preserved big cities of Russia combining traditional wooden architecture and stone monuments. In Vologda, 193 monuments of architecture and history are designated as cultural monuments of federal significance. The most known of them areOf 116 historical cities of Russia only 16 have monuments of wooden architecture. Vologda is among them.Vologda's trademark products include Vologda lace, butter, and flax.In Vologda, there are ten museums, four showrooms of the Vologda Regional Art Gallery, and the gallery "Red bridge". The largest cultural center of the Russian North is the Vologda State Museum Reserve. Its structure now includes the following museums,Additionally, Vologda is home to a unique Russian private museum of political history—the Museum of Diplomatic Corps which highlights the short stay of diplomatic corps in Vologda in 1918.The following annual theater festivals are held in Vologda:Among annual exhibitions which take place in Vologda are the following:Many notable Russian writers and poets were born or worked in Vologda. The best known of them were Konstantin Batyushkov, Varlam Shalamov, Nikolay Rubtsov, and Vasily Belov and Vladimir Gilarovsky. Contemporary literature of Vologda is represented by a number of authors which include Nata Suchkova, Maria Markova, Galina Schekina, and Anton Chorny.Vologda is a major transportation hub, located at the intersection of highways, railways, and waterways.The public transport network is well developed in the city: There are both bus and trolleybus lines. The city has four big automobile bridges: two automobile bridges across the Vologda and two bridges across railways. There is one pedestrian bridge (the Red bridge) in the city center.Vologda is the largest sorting and transit spot of the Northern Railway. It includes the stations Vologda-1, Vologda-2, Rybkino, and Losta. The stretch between Vologda-2 and Losta is the most active one in the railroad network of the Russian Federation, with more than 120–150 pairs of trains running through it daily. Suburban trains and long-distance trains originate from the railway station of Vologda-1.The Vologda Airport is situated 10 km from the city centre along the Arkhangelsk highway. Yak-40 aircraft carry out regular passenger flights to Moscow, Ukhta, Velikiy Ustyug, Kichmengsky Gorodok, and Vytegra. Helicopters Mi-2 and Mi-8 are used by the Vologda aviation company. They are used for the emergency aircraft and for the oil pipeline service.The following highways go through Vologda:The new ring road with modern exits connecting roads A-114, Р-5 and М-8 (the Arkhangelsk destination) is under construction around Vologda. The Arkhangelsk direction is still not connected by the ring road.The municipal transportation of Vologda is carried out by bus and trolleybus routes, and also by lines of fixed-route taxis. Regular bus service started in Vologda in 1929, the trolleybus service was open in 1976. As of November 2009, in Vologda there were five trolleybus routes, nineteen municipal bus routes, and about forty "marshrutkas" (routed taxis). The main transport companies are the open society "VologdaElectroTrans" (trolleybuses), PATP-1 and PATP-32 (municipal bus routes).Currently, there are more than ten thousand enterprises of various patterns of ownership in Vologda. The most notable ones are:Traditional national crafts are presented by the closed joint-stock company «Snowflake» (lace), limited liability company "Hope" and other enterprises.Vologda has large sports venues such as the stadiums "Dynamo", "Locomotive", "Vityaz", the swimming pools "Dynamo" and "Lagoon", the sports and concert complex "Spectrum", fitness centers, regional athletic spots.Vologda is a home to:Vologda is twinned with:
|
[
"Alexei Jakunitschew",
"Yury Sapozhnikov"
] |
|
Which position did François Fillon hold in Sep, 1989?
|
September 18, 1989
|
{
"text": [
"Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"member of the general council",
"Mayor of Sablé-sur-Sarthe",
"vice president"
]
}
|
L2_Q101410_P39_0
|
François Fillon holds the position of municipal executive from Jan, 2001 to Dec, 2022.
François Fillon holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Jun, 1997 to Jan, 1998.
François Fillon holds the position of member of the French National Assembly from Jun, 2007 to Jul, 2007.
François Fillon holds the position of Prime Minister of France from May, 2007 to May, 2012.
François Fillon holds the position of vice president from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1992.
François Fillon holds the position of Minister of Labour from Mar, 2002 to Mar, 2004.
François Fillon holds the position of Mayor of Sablé-sur-Sarthe from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 2001.
François Fillon holds the position of president from Apr, 2001 to Sep, 2012.
François Fillon holds the position of Ministry of Higher Education and Research from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995.
François Fillon holds the position of Minister of National Education from Mar, 2004 to Jun, 2005.
François Fillon holds the position of Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Nov, 1988 to Sep, 1991.
François Fillon holds the position of member of the general council from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1998.
François Fillon holds the position of member of the Senate of France from Sep, 2005 to Jun, 2007.
|
François FillonFrançois Charles Armand Fillon (; born 4 March 1954) is a retired French politician who served as Prime Minister of France from 2007 to 2012 under President Nicolas Sarkozy. He was the nominee of the Republicans (previously known as the Union for a Popular Movement), the country's largest centre-right political party, for the 2017 presidential election.Fillon became Jean-Pierre Raffarin's Minister of Labour in 2002 and undertook controversial reforms of the 35-hour working week law and of the French retirement system. In 2004, as Minister of National Education he proposed the much debated Fillon law on Education.In 2005, Fillon was elected Senator for the Sarthe department. His role as a political advisor in Nicolas Sarkozy's successful race for President led to his becoming Prime Minister in 2007. Fillon resigned upon Sarkozy's defeat by François Hollande in the 2012 presidential elections.Running on a platform described as conservative, he won the 2016 Republican presidential primary, defeating Alain Juppé. Following his victory in the primary, opinion polls showed Fillon as the frontrunner for the 2017 presidential election. But in March 2017, he was formally charged in an embezzlement investigation in a case that became known as "Penelopegate" due to the involvement of his wife. In April, he finally came third in the first round with 20%.In 2020, he was convicted of fraud and misuse of funds, and sentenced to five years in prison (three of them suspended). He has appealed the sentence.Fillon was born on 4 March 1954 in Le Mans, Sarthe, France. His father, Michel, is a civil law notary, while his mother, Anne Soulet Fillon, is a history professor of Basque descent. His youngest brother, Dominique, is a pianist and jazz musician.Fillon received a baccalauréat in 1972. He then studied at the University of Maine in Le Mans where he received a master's degree in public law in 1976. He subsequently received a master of Advanced Studies ("diplôme d'études approfondies") in public law from Paris Descartes University.The day after Nicolas Sarkozy became President he appointed Fillon as Prime Minister of France, charging him with the task of forming a new cabinet, which was announced on 18 May 2007. By appointing as Secretary of State André Santini, who had been indicted in the "Fondation Hamon" affair on charges of corruption, Fillon made the first break since 1992 with the so-called "Balladur jurisprudence", according to which an indicted governmental personality should resign until the case is closed. On 13 November 2010, Fillon resigned, paving the way for a cabinet reshuffle. One day later Sarkozy reappointed Fillon as Prime Minister, allowing Fillon to formally name a new cabinet.Following the defeat of Nicolas Sarkozy to François Hollande in the 2012 presidential election, Fillon resigned on 10 May. Following the inauguration of Hollande as president on 15 May 2012, Jean-Marc Ayrault, Mayor of Nantes, was appointed to succeed Fillon as Prime Minister.Aiming at building consensus within the diverging views at the UMP after Francois Hollande's victory in the French presidential elections in 2012, Fillon declared his candidacy to become the President of the UMP party. On the day of the vote, both candidates (Fillon and Jean-François Copé) claimed victory and accused the other of cheating. This led to a major political crisis within the party with votes being recounted twice and Copé finally being declared winner.Fillon threatened to split from UMP unless new elections were organised. In December 2012, Copé agreed to organising elections in 2013, thus putting an end to the crisis.Fillon entered the 2016 Republican presidential primary, held on 20 November 2016, and seemed a likely third as late as a week before the vote. In early counting, Fillon emerged as the clear frontrunner, with Alain Juppé in second place. Third place Sarkozy conceded, bringing his support to Fillon, and Fillon and Juppé went into the run-off on 27 November 2016. Juppé conceded to Fillon, pledging his support for him as the Republican nominee in the 2017 presidential election.As of November 2016, Fillon was seen as the frontrunner for the Presidency against the Socialist candidate Benoît Hamon, Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen. However, revelations of series of political scandals at the end of January shattered his presidential bid, with polls rapidly showing him behind both Marine Le Pen and Emmanuel Macron and out of the runoff. Fillon's visits on the ground attracted protesters who further destabilised his campaign. The news provocated consternation in Germany where Fillon was seen as a serious and trusted candidate.On 23 April 2017, he secured 20.0% of the votes at the first round of the French presidential election, arriving third, and therefore failing to enter the runoff.Fillon has been described as economically liberal and fiscally conservative. For many observers, he is more liberal than his mentor Philippe Séguin. A few months after taking office as prime minister, he declared that he was "at the head of a state that is bankrupt financially, [...] which for 15 years has been in chronic deficit, [...] that has not voted a balanced budget for 25 years." He then committed publicly to "bring the state budget to balance by the end of the five-year", and reiterated this promise in 2012 and proposed a referendum on registration of the fiscal golden rule in the Constitution. In defending a policy of controlling the deficit, Fillon is in favour of abolishing the wealth tax, which he considers one of the causes of the debt of France. According to him, this tax discourages foreign entrepreneurs. This tax would be offset by the creation of a top slice of income tax to 50%, which would be included in the CSG.As a presidential candidate, Fillon aims to reduce the public sector and cut 500,000 civil-service jobs. Fillon has been compared to Margaret Thatcher due to his ambition to reduce the size of the state. He says in 2016 that he wants the state healthcare program ("securité sociale") to work better with fewer payments.Fillon is in favour of increasing the retirement age to 65. During the 2012 presidential election, he proposed that each job seeker should be offered vocational training and be forced to accept the employment offered to them after training.Fillon' stances on domestic and social issues are mostly perceived as conservative. As member of the National Assembly, he voted against the equalisation of the age of consent for homosexual relations in 1982, against civil solidarity pacts in 1999, and against the legalisation of same-sex marriage in 2013. However, he says he will not ban the same-sex marriage law if elected president. He opposes adoption by same-sex couples.Fillon has stated that he is personally opposed to abortion but would not vote to ban it.Fillon blamed the 2017 social unrest in French Guiana on President Hollande's policies, which he said had failed.Fillon is an advocate of cracking down on Salafism and Muslim Brotherhood-linked groups and has stridently warned against the threat of "Islamic totalitarianism". He has called for dialogue with Syria under Bashar al-Assad and with the Russian Federation, under Vladimir Putin. Putin has been described as a friend of Fillon, although Fillon himself rejects that description.Fillon lives with his wife, Penelope, and five children, Marie, Charles, Antoine, Édouard and Arnaud, in the 12th-century Manoir de Beaucé, set in 20 acres (8 ha) of woodland on the banks of the River Sarthe 4 km east of the monastery village of Solesmes, near Sablé-sur-Sarthe, and about halfway between Le Mans and Angers. They had lived in various other properties, always in the Sarthe, throughout their marriage, before buying Beaucé in 1993.Fillon has a reputation as an Anglophile. His wife Penelope Kathryn Fillon, "née" Clarke, was born in Llanover in Wales, the daughter of a solicitor. They met while she was teaching English during her gap year in Le Mans, and they were married in the bride's family church in June 1980.François Fillon has spoken at a wide variety of universities in Britain, notably King's College London and the London School of Economics. On 1 September 2017, Fillon became a partner at asset manager Tikehau Capital.Fillon's younger brother, Pierre, an ophthalmic specialist (and now President of the Automobile Club de l'Ouest), later married Penelope Fillon's younger sister, Jane.In January 2017, "Le Canard enchaîné" published an article in which Penelope Fillon was accused of alleged fictitious employment, as her husband's ""assistante parlementaire"" for a total salary of €500,000 over eight years on the one hand, and as a "literary adviser" of "Revue des deux Mondes" on the other, with a monthly salary of €5,000, amounting to a total of another €100,000. A preliminary hearing immediately opened. The public outcry around this so-called "Penelopegate" was such that doubts were voiced about François Fillon himself, who was the frontrunner for the 2017 presidential election, with an immediate sharp decline in the opinion polls.On 31 January, new reporting by "Le Canard enchaîné" found that Penelope Fillon was actually paid €300,000 more than previously reported, for a total sum of €831,440 for 15 years of her parliamentary assistant work. It also reported that Fillon had paid two of his children €84,000 for little apparent actual work. On 6 February 2017 Fillon held a press conference. He said "It was a mistake and I apologize to the French [people]" but also said that the salary of his wife was "perfectly justified".On 3 March 2017, the (Central office for the fight against corruption and financial and fiscal crime) executed a search at the Manoir de Beaucé where François and Penelope Fillon reside in the Sarthe department. This followed a search by the same agency on 2 March 2017 at the Fillons' Paris residence in the 7th arrondissement. On 6 March 2017, the inner circle of Fillon's party had a crisis meeting. Beforehand, Alain Juppé had definitively excluded becoming a replacement candidate. Fillon continues his candidacy, despite his promise (given on 26 January on TV) to withdraw from the race if subjected to criminal prosecution. On 23 March, Fillon said on national television that "Bienvenue Place Beauvau", a book co-authored by Didier Hassoux of "Le Canard enchaîné", suggested President François Hollande ran a shadow cabinet to spread rumours about his opponents. Hassoux denied this was the case.On 24 February 2020, Fillon became one of the few Prime Ministers to ever go on trial. On 29 June 2020, he was convicted of fraud and misuse of funds, and sentenced to five years in prison - three of them suspended. Their lawyers said he will appeal the sentence. He remains free pending the outcome of the appeal.In its 22 March 2017 issue, satirical weekly "Le Canard enchaîné" reported that Fillon had introduced a Lebanese billionaire to Russian President Vladimir Putin at a business forum in St. Petersburg in 2015 as part of a $50,000 contract for Fillon's 2F Conseil consulting firm.Having lived his whole life in the Le Mans area and having represented it politically, Fillon is an enthusiastic supporter of the city's famous 24-hour sportscar race, which he has attended nearly every year since he was a small child. He is a member of the Automobile Club de l'Ouest, which stages the event, and is on the race's organisation committee. He has also competed in the Le Mans Legend historic sportscar races on the full 24-hour circuit and in a number of other classic road rallies. Fillon's younger brother Pierre currently serves as the President of the ACO, having been elected in 2013.
|
[
"Prime Minister of France",
"member of the French National Assembly",
"Minister of National Education",
"municipal executive",
"Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"Minister of Labour",
"member of the Senate of France",
"Ministry of Higher Education and Research",
"president"
] |
|
Which position did François Fillon hold in 1989-09-18?
|
September 18, 1989
|
{
"text": [
"Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"member of the general council",
"Mayor of Sablé-sur-Sarthe",
"vice president"
]
}
|
L2_Q101410_P39_0
|
François Fillon holds the position of municipal executive from Jan, 2001 to Dec, 2022.
François Fillon holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Jun, 1997 to Jan, 1998.
François Fillon holds the position of member of the French National Assembly from Jun, 2007 to Jul, 2007.
François Fillon holds the position of Prime Minister of France from May, 2007 to May, 2012.
François Fillon holds the position of vice president from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1992.
François Fillon holds the position of Minister of Labour from Mar, 2002 to Mar, 2004.
François Fillon holds the position of Mayor of Sablé-sur-Sarthe from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 2001.
François Fillon holds the position of president from Apr, 2001 to Sep, 2012.
François Fillon holds the position of Ministry of Higher Education and Research from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995.
François Fillon holds the position of Minister of National Education from Mar, 2004 to Jun, 2005.
François Fillon holds the position of Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Nov, 1988 to Sep, 1991.
François Fillon holds the position of member of the general council from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1998.
François Fillon holds the position of member of the Senate of France from Sep, 2005 to Jun, 2007.
|
François FillonFrançois Charles Armand Fillon (; born 4 March 1954) is a retired French politician who served as Prime Minister of France from 2007 to 2012 under President Nicolas Sarkozy. He was the nominee of the Republicans (previously known as the Union for a Popular Movement), the country's largest centre-right political party, for the 2017 presidential election.Fillon became Jean-Pierre Raffarin's Minister of Labour in 2002 and undertook controversial reforms of the 35-hour working week law and of the French retirement system. In 2004, as Minister of National Education he proposed the much debated Fillon law on Education.In 2005, Fillon was elected Senator for the Sarthe department. His role as a political advisor in Nicolas Sarkozy's successful race for President led to his becoming Prime Minister in 2007. Fillon resigned upon Sarkozy's defeat by François Hollande in the 2012 presidential elections.Running on a platform described as conservative, he won the 2016 Republican presidential primary, defeating Alain Juppé. Following his victory in the primary, opinion polls showed Fillon as the frontrunner for the 2017 presidential election. But in March 2017, he was formally charged in an embezzlement investigation in a case that became known as "Penelopegate" due to the involvement of his wife. In April, he finally came third in the first round with 20%.In 2020, he was convicted of fraud and misuse of funds, and sentenced to five years in prison (three of them suspended). He has appealed the sentence.Fillon was born on 4 March 1954 in Le Mans, Sarthe, France. His father, Michel, is a civil law notary, while his mother, Anne Soulet Fillon, is a history professor of Basque descent. His youngest brother, Dominique, is a pianist and jazz musician.Fillon received a baccalauréat in 1972. He then studied at the University of Maine in Le Mans where he received a master's degree in public law in 1976. He subsequently received a master of Advanced Studies ("diplôme d'études approfondies") in public law from Paris Descartes University.The day after Nicolas Sarkozy became President he appointed Fillon as Prime Minister of France, charging him with the task of forming a new cabinet, which was announced on 18 May 2007. By appointing as Secretary of State André Santini, who had been indicted in the "Fondation Hamon" affair on charges of corruption, Fillon made the first break since 1992 with the so-called "Balladur jurisprudence", according to which an indicted governmental personality should resign until the case is closed. On 13 November 2010, Fillon resigned, paving the way for a cabinet reshuffle. One day later Sarkozy reappointed Fillon as Prime Minister, allowing Fillon to formally name a new cabinet.Following the defeat of Nicolas Sarkozy to François Hollande in the 2012 presidential election, Fillon resigned on 10 May. Following the inauguration of Hollande as president on 15 May 2012, Jean-Marc Ayrault, Mayor of Nantes, was appointed to succeed Fillon as Prime Minister.Aiming at building consensus within the diverging views at the UMP after Francois Hollande's victory in the French presidential elections in 2012, Fillon declared his candidacy to become the President of the UMP party. On the day of the vote, both candidates (Fillon and Jean-François Copé) claimed victory and accused the other of cheating. This led to a major political crisis within the party with votes being recounted twice and Copé finally being declared winner.Fillon threatened to split from UMP unless new elections were organised. In December 2012, Copé agreed to organising elections in 2013, thus putting an end to the crisis.Fillon entered the 2016 Republican presidential primary, held on 20 November 2016, and seemed a likely third as late as a week before the vote. In early counting, Fillon emerged as the clear frontrunner, with Alain Juppé in second place. Third place Sarkozy conceded, bringing his support to Fillon, and Fillon and Juppé went into the run-off on 27 November 2016. Juppé conceded to Fillon, pledging his support for him as the Republican nominee in the 2017 presidential election.As of November 2016, Fillon was seen as the frontrunner for the Presidency against the Socialist candidate Benoît Hamon, Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen. However, revelations of series of political scandals at the end of January shattered his presidential bid, with polls rapidly showing him behind both Marine Le Pen and Emmanuel Macron and out of the runoff. Fillon's visits on the ground attracted protesters who further destabilised his campaign. The news provocated consternation in Germany where Fillon was seen as a serious and trusted candidate.On 23 April 2017, he secured 20.0% of the votes at the first round of the French presidential election, arriving third, and therefore failing to enter the runoff.Fillon has been described as economically liberal and fiscally conservative. For many observers, he is more liberal than his mentor Philippe Séguin. A few months after taking office as prime minister, he declared that he was "at the head of a state that is bankrupt financially, [...] which for 15 years has been in chronic deficit, [...] that has not voted a balanced budget for 25 years." He then committed publicly to "bring the state budget to balance by the end of the five-year", and reiterated this promise in 2012 and proposed a referendum on registration of the fiscal golden rule in the Constitution. In defending a policy of controlling the deficit, Fillon is in favour of abolishing the wealth tax, which he considers one of the causes of the debt of France. According to him, this tax discourages foreign entrepreneurs. This tax would be offset by the creation of a top slice of income tax to 50%, which would be included in the CSG.As a presidential candidate, Fillon aims to reduce the public sector and cut 500,000 civil-service jobs. Fillon has been compared to Margaret Thatcher due to his ambition to reduce the size of the state. He says in 2016 that he wants the state healthcare program ("securité sociale") to work better with fewer payments.Fillon is in favour of increasing the retirement age to 65. During the 2012 presidential election, he proposed that each job seeker should be offered vocational training and be forced to accept the employment offered to them after training.Fillon' stances on domestic and social issues are mostly perceived as conservative. As member of the National Assembly, he voted against the equalisation of the age of consent for homosexual relations in 1982, against civil solidarity pacts in 1999, and against the legalisation of same-sex marriage in 2013. However, he says he will not ban the same-sex marriage law if elected president. He opposes adoption by same-sex couples.Fillon has stated that he is personally opposed to abortion but would not vote to ban it.Fillon blamed the 2017 social unrest in French Guiana on President Hollande's policies, which he said had failed.Fillon is an advocate of cracking down on Salafism and Muslim Brotherhood-linked groups and has stridently warned against the threat of "Islamic totalitarianism". He has called for dialogue with Syria under Bashar al-Assad and with the Russian Federation, under Vladimir Putin. Putin has been described as a friend of Fillon, although Fillon himself rejects that description.Fillon lives with his wife, Penelope, and five children, Marie, Charles, Antoine, Édouard and Arnaud, in the 12th-century Manoir de Beaucé, set in 20 acres (8 ha) of woodland on the banks of the River Sarthe 4 km east of the monastery village of Solesmes, near Sablé-sur-Sarthe, and about halfway between Le Mans and Angers. They had lived in various other properties, always in the Sarthe, throughout their marriage, before buying Beaucé in 1993.Fillon has a reputation as an Anglophile. His wife Penelope Kathryn Fillon, "née" Clarke, was born in Llanover in Wales, the daughter of a solicitor. They met while she was teaching English during her gap year in Le Mans, and they were married in the bride's family church in June 1980.François Fillon has spoken at a wide variety of universities in Britain, notably King's College London and the London School of Economics. On 1 September 2017, Fillon became a partner at asset manager Tikehau Capital.Fillon's younger brother, Pierre, an ophthalmic specialist (and now President of the Automobile Club de l'Ouest), later married Penelope Fillon's younger sister, Jane.In January 2017, "Le Canard enchaîné" published an article in which Penelope Fillon was accused of alleged fictitious employment, as her husband's ""assistante parlementaire"" for a total salary of €500,000 over eight years on the one hand, and as a "literary adviser" of "Revue des deux Mondes" on the other, with a monthly salary of €5,000, amounting to a total of another €100,000. A preliminary hearing immediately opened. The public outcry around this so-called "Penelopegate" was such that doubts were voiced about François Fillon himself, who was the frontrunner for the 2017 presidential election, with an immediate sharp decline in the opinion polls.On 31 January, new reporting by "Le Canard enchaîné" found that Penelope Fillon was actually paid €300,000 more than previously reported, for a total sum of €831,440 for 15 years of her parliamentary assistant work. It also reported that Fillon had paid two of his children €84,000 for little apparent actual work. On 6 February 2017 Fillon held a press conference. He said "It was a mistake and I apologize to the French [people]" but also said that the salary of his wife was "perfectly justified".On 3 March 2017, the (Central office for the fight against corruption and financial and fiscal crime) executed a search at the Manoir de Beaucé where François and Penelope Fillon reside in the Sarthe department. This followed a search by the same agency on 2 March 2017 at the Fillons' Paris residence in the 7th arrondissement. On 6 March 2017, the inner circle of Fillon's party had a crisis meeting. Beforehand, Alain Juppé had definitively excluded becoming a replacement candidate. Fillon continues his candidacy, despite his promise (given on 26 January on TV) to withdraw from the race if subjected to criminal prosecution. On 23 March, Fillon said on national television that "Bienvenue Place Beauvau", a book co-authored by Didier Hassoux of "Le Canard enchaîné", suggested President François Hollande ran a shadow cabinet to spread rumours about his opponents. Hassoux denied this was the case.On 24 February 2020, Fillon became one of the few Prime Ministers to ever go on trial. On 29 June 2020, he was convicted of fraud and misuse of funds, and sentenced to five years in prison - three of them suspended. Their lawyers said he will appeal the sentence. He remains free pending the outcome of the appeal.In its 22 March 2017 issue, satirical weekly "Le Canard enchaîné" reported that Fillon had introduced a Lebanese billionaire to Russian President Vladimir Putin at a business forum in St. Petersburg in 2015 as part of a $50,000 contract for Fillon's 2F Conseil consulting firm.Having lived his whole life in the Le Mans area and having represented it politically, Fillon is an enthusiastic supporter of the city's famous 24-hour sportscar race, which he has attended nearly every year since he was a small child. He is a member of the Automobile Club de l'Ouest, which stages the event, and is on the race's organisation committee. He has also competed in the Le Mans Legend historic sportscar races on the full 24-hour circuit and in a number of other classic road rallies. Fillon's younger brother Pierre currently serves as the President of the ACO, having been elected in 2013.
|
[
"Prime Minister of France",
"member of the French National Assembly",
"Minister of National Education",
"municipal executive",
"Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"Minister of Labour",
"member of the Senate of France",
"Ministry of Higher Education and Research",
"president"
] |
|
Which position did François Fillon hold in 18/09/1989?
|
September 18, 1989
|
{
"text": [
"Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"member of the general council",
"Mayor of Sablé-sur-Sarthe",
"vice president"
]
}
|
L2_Q101410_P39_0
|
François Fillon holds the position of municipal executive from Jan, 2001 to Dec, 2022.
François Fillon holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Jun, 1997 to Jan, 1998.
François Fillon holds the position of member of the French National Assembly from Jun, 2007 to Jul, 2007.
François Fillon holds the position of Prime Minister of France from May, 2007 to May, 2012.
François Fillon holds the position of vice president from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1992.
François Fillon holds the position of Minister of Labour from Mar, 2002 to Mar, 2004.
François Fillon holds the position of Mayor of Sablé-sur-Sarthe from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 2001.
François Fillon holds the position of president from Apr, 2001 to Sep, 2012.
François Fillon holds the position of Ministry of Higher Education and Research from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995.
François Fillon holds the position of Minister of National Education from Mar, 2004 to Jun, 2005.
François Fillon holds the position of Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Nov, 1988 to Sep, 1991.
François Fillon holds the position of member of the general council from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1998.
François Fillon holds the position of member of the Senate of France from Sep, 2005 to Jun, 2007.
|
François FillonFrançois Charles Armand Fillon (; born 4 March 1954) is a retired French politician who served as Prime Minister of France from 2007 to 2012 under President Nicolas Sarkozy. He was the nominee of the Republicans (previously known as the Union for a Popular Movement), the country's largest centre-right political party, for the 2017 presidential election.Fillon became Jean-Pierre Raffarin's Minister of Labour in 2002 and undertook controversial reforms of the 35-hour working week law and of the French retirement system. In 2004, as Minister of National Education he proposed the much debated Fillon law on Education.In 2005, Fillon was elected Senator for the Sarthe department. His role as a political advisor in Nicolas Sarkozy's successful race for President led to his becoming Prime Minister in 2007. Fillon resigned upon Sarkozy's defeat by François Hollande in the 2012 presidential elections.Running on a platform described as conservative, he won the 2016 Republican presidential primary, defeating Alain Juppé. Following his victory in the primary, opinion polls showed Fillon as the frontrunner for the 2017 presidential election. But in March 2017, he was formally charged in an embezzlement investigation in a case that became known as "Penelopegate" due to the involvement of his wife. In April, he finally came third in the first round with 20%.In 2020, he was convicted of fraud and misuse of funds, and sentenced to five years in prison (three of them suspended). He has appealed the sentence.Fillon was born on 4 March 1954 in Le Mans, Sarthe, France. His father, Michel, is a civil law notary, while his mother, Anne Soulet Fillon, is a history professor of Basque descent. His youngest brother, Dominique, is a pianist and jazz musician.Fillon received a baccalauréat in 1972. He then studied at the University of Maine in Le Mans where he received a master's degree in public law in 1976. He subsequently received a master of Advanced Studies ("diplôme d'études approfondies") in public law from Paris Descartes University.The day after Nicolas Sarkozy became President he appointed Fillon as Prime Minister of France, charging him with the task of forming a new cabinet, which was announced on 18 May 2007. By appointing as Secretary of State André Santini, who had been indicted in the "Fondation Hamon" affair on charges of corruption, Fillon made the first break since 1992 with the so-called "Balladur jurisprudence", according to which an indicted governmental personality should resign until the case is closed. On 13 November 2010, Fillon resigned, paving the way for a cabinet reshuffle. One day later Sarkozy reappointed Fillon as Prime Minister, allowing Fillon to formally name a new cabinet.Following the defeat of Nicolas Sarkozy to François Hollande in the 2012 presidential election, Fillon resigned on 10 May. Following the inauguration of Hollande as president on 15 May 2012, Jean-Marc Ayrault, Mayor of Nantes, was appointed to succeed Fillon as Prime Minister.Aiming at building consensus within the diverging views at the UMP after Francois Hollande's victory in the French presidential elections in 2012, Fillon declared his candidacy to become the President of the UMP party. On the day of the vote, both candidates (Fillon and Jean-François Copé) claimed victory and accused the other of cheating. This led to a major political crisis within the party with votes being recounted twice and Copé finally being declared winner.Fillon threatened to split from UMP unless new elections were organised. In December 2012, Copé agreed to organising elections in 2013, thus putting an end to the crisis.Fillon entered the 2016 Republican presidential primary, held on 20 November 2016, and seemed a likely third as late as a week before the vote. In early counting, Fillon emerged as the clear frontrunner, with Alain Juppé in second place. Third place Sarkozy conceded, bringing his support to Fillon, and Fillon and Juppé went into the run-off on 27 November 2016. Juppé conceded to Fillon, pledging his support for him as the Republican nominee in the 2017 presidential election.As of November 2016, Fillon was seen as the frontrunner for the Presidency against the Socialist candidate Benoît Hamon, Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen. However, revelations of series of political scandals at the end of January shattered his presidential bid, with polls rapidly showing him behind both Marine Le Pen and Emmanuel Macron and out of the runoff. Fillon's visits on the ground attracted protesters who further destabilised his campaign. The news provocated consternation in Germany where Fillon was seen as a serious and trusted candidate.On 23 April 2017, he secured 20.0% of the votes at the first round of the French presidential election, arriving third, and therefore failing to enter the runoff.Fillon has been described as economically liberal and fiscally conservative. For many observers, he is more liberal than his mentor Philippe Séguin. A few months after taking office as prime minister, he declared that he was "at the head of a state that is bankrupt financially, [...] which for 15 years has been in chronic deficit, [...] that has not voted a balanced budget for 25 years." He then committed publicly to "bring the state budget to balance by the end of the five-year", and reiterated this promise in 2012 and proposed a referendum on registration of the fiscal golden rule in the Constitution. In defending a policy of controlling the deficit, Fillon is in favour of abolishing the wealth tax, which he considers one of the causes of the debt of France. According to him, this tax discourages foreign entrepreneurs. This tax would be offset by the creation of a top slice of income tax to 50%, which would be included in the CSG.As a presidential candidate, Fillon aims to reduce the public sector and cut 500,000 civil-service jobs. Fillon has been compared to Margaret Thatcher due to his ambition to reduce the size of the state. He says in 2016 that he wants the state healthcare program ("securité sociale") to work better with fewer payments.Fillon is in favour of increasing the retirement age to 65. During the 2012 presidential election, he proposed that each job seeker should be offered vocational training and be forced to accept the employment offered to them after training.Fillon' stances on domestic and social issues are mostly perceived as conservative. As member of the National Assembly, he voted against the equalisation of the age of consent for homosexual relations in 1982, against civil solidarity pacts in 1999, and against the legalisation of same-sex marriage in 2013. However, he says he will not ban the same-sex marriage law if elected president. He opposes adoption by same-sex couples.Fillon has stated that he is personally opposed to abortion but would not vote to ban it.Fillon blamed the 2017 social unrest in French Guiana on President Hollande's policies, which he said had failed.Fillon is an advocate of cracking down on Salafism and Muslim Brotherhood-linked groups and has stridently warned against the threat of "Islamic totalitarianism". He has called for dialogue with Syria under Bashar al-Assad and with the Russian Federation, under Vladimir Putin. Putin has been described as a friend of Fillon, although Fillon himself rejects that description.Fillon lives with his wife, Penelope, and five children, Marie, Charles, Antoine, Édouard and Arnaud, in the 12th-century Manoir de Beaucé, set in 20 acres (8 ha) of woodland on the banks of the River Sarthe 4 km east of the monastery village of Solesmes, near Sablé-sur-Sarthe, and about halfway between Le Mans and Angers. They had lived in various other properties, always in the Sarthe, throughout their marriage, before buying Beaucé in 1993.Fillon has a reputation as an Anglophile. His wife Penelope Kathryn Fillon, "née" Clarke, was born in Llanover in Wales, the daughter of a solicitor. They met while she was teaching English during her gap year in Le Mans, and they were married in the bride's family church in June 1980.François Fillon has spoken at a wide variety of universities in Britain, notably King's College London and the London School of Economics. On 1 September 2017, Fillon became a partner at asset manager Tikehau Capital.Fillon's younger brother, Pierre, an ophthalmic specialist (and now President of the Automobile Club de l'Ouest), later married Penelope Fillon's younger sister, Jane.In January 2017, "Le Canard enchaîné" published an article in which Penelope Fillon was accused of alleged fictitious employment, as her husband's ""assistante parlementaire"" for a total salary of €500,000 over eight years on the one hand, and as a "literary adviser" of "Revue des deux Mondes" on the other, with a monthly salary of €5,000, amounting to a total of another €100,000. A preliminary hearing immediately opened. The public outcry around this so-called "Penelopegate" was such that doubts were voiced about François Fillon himself, who was the frontrunner for the 2017 presidential election, with an immediate sharp decline in the opinion polls.On 31 January, new reporting by "Le Canard enchaîné" found that Penelope Fillon was actually paid €300,000 more than previously reported, for a total sum of €831,440 for 15 years of her parliamentary assistant work. It also reported that Fillon had paid two of his children €84,000 for little apparent actual work. On 6 February 2017 Fillon held a press conference. He said "It was a mistake and I apologize to the French [people]" but also said that the salary of his wife was "perfectly justified".On 3 March 2017, the (Central office for the fight against corruption and financial and fiscal crime) executed a search at the Manoir de Beaucé where François and Penelope Fillon reside in the Sarthe department. This followed a search by the same agency on 2 March 2017 at the Fillons' Paris residence in the 7th arrondissement. On 6 March 2017, the inner circle of Fillon's party had a crisis meeting. Beforehand, Alain Juppé had definitively excluded becoming a replacement candidate. Fillon continues his candidacy, despite his promise (given on 26 January on TV) to withdraw from the race if subjected to criminal prosecution. On 23 March, Fillon said on national television that "Bienvenue Place Beauvau", a book co-authored by Didier Hassoux of "Le Canard enchaîné", suggested President François Hollande ran a shadow cabinet to spread rumours about his opponents. Hassoux denied this was the case.On 24 February 2020, Fillon became one of the few Prime Ministers to ever go on trial. On 29 June 2020, he was convicted of fraud and misuse of funds, and sentenced to five years in prison - three of them suspended. Their lawyers said he will appeal the sentence. He remains free pending the outcome of the appeal.In its 22 March 2017 issue, satirical weekly "Le Canard enchaîné" reported that Fillon had introduced a Lebanese billionaire to Russian President Vladimir Putin at a business forum in St. Petersburg in 2015 as part of a $50,000 contract for Fillon's 2F Conseil consulting firm.Having lived his whole life in the Le Mans area and having represented it politically, Fillon is an enthusiastic supporter of the city's famous 24-hour sportscar race, which he has attended nearly every year since he was a small child. He is a member of the Automobile Club de l'Ouest, which stages the event, and is on the race's organisation committee. He has also competed in the Le Mans Legend historic sportscar races on the full 24-hour circuit and in a number of other classic road rallies. Fillon's younger brother Pierre currently serves as the President of the ACO, having been elected in 2013.
|
[
"Prime Minister of France",
"member of the French National Assembly",
"Minister of National Education",
"municipal executive",
"Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"Minister of Labour",
"member of the Senate of France",
"Ministry of Higher Education and Research",
"president"
] |
|
Which position did François Fillon hold in Sep 18, 1989?
|
September 18, 1989
|
{
"text": [
"Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"member of the general council",
"Mayor of Sablé-sur-Sarthe",
"vice president"
]
}
|
L2_Q101410_P39_0
|
François Fillon holds the position of municipal executive from Jan, 2001 to Dec, 2022.
François Fillon holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Jun, 1997 to Jan, 1998.
François Fillon holds the position of member of the French National Assembly from Jun, 2007 to Jul, 2007.
François Fillon holds the position of Prime Minister of France from May, 2007 to May, 2012.
François Fillon holds the position of vice president from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1992.
François Fillon holds the position of Minister of Labour from Mar, 2002 to Mar, 2004.
François Fillon holds the position of Mayor of Sablé-sur-Sarthe from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 2001.
François Fillon holds the position of president from Apr, 2001 to Sep, 2012.
François Fillon holds the position of Ministry of Higher Education and Research from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995.
François Fillon holds the position of Minister of National Education from Mar, 2004 to Jun, 2005.
François Fillon holds the position of Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Nov, 1988 to Sep, 1991.
François Fillon holds the position of member of the general council from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1998.
François Fillon holds the position of member of the Senate of France from Sep, 2005 to Jun, 2007.
|
François FillonFrançois Charles Armand Fillon (; born 4 March 1954) is a retired French politician who served as Prime Minister of France from 2007 to 2012 under President Nicolas Sarkozy. He was the nominee of the Republicans (previously known as the Union for a Popular Movement), the country's largest centre-right political party, for the 2017 presidential election.Fillon became Jean-Pierre Raffarin's Minister of Labour in 2002 and undertook controversial reforms of the 35-hour working week law and of the French retirement system. In 2004, as Minister of National Education he proposed the much debated Fillon law on Education.In 2005, Fillon was elected Senator for the Sarthe department. His role as a political advisor in Nicolas Sarkozy's successful race for President led to his becoming Prime Minister in 2007. Fillon resigned upon Sarkozy's defeat by François Hollande in the 2012 presidential elections.Running on a platform described as conservative, he won the 2016 Republican presidential primary, defeating Alain Juppé. Following his victory in the primary, opinion polls showed Fillon as the frontrunner for the 2017 presidential election. But in March 2017, he was formally charged in an embezzlement investigation in a case that became known as "Penelopegate" due to the involvement of his wife. In April, he finally came third in the first round with 20%.In 2020, he was convicted of fraud and misuse of funds, and sentenced to five years in prison (three of them suspended). He has appealed the sentence.Fillon was born on 4 March 1954 in Le Mans, Sarthe, France. His father, Michel, is a civil law notary, while his mother, Anne Soulet Fillon, is a history professor of Basque descent. His youngest brother, Dominique, is a pianist and jazz musician.Fillon received a baccalauréat in 1972. He then studied at the University of Maine in Le Mans where he received a master's degree in public law in 1976. He subsequently received a master of Advanced Studies ("diplôme d'études approfondies") in public law from Paris Descartes University.The day after Nicolas Sarkozy became President he appointed Fillon as Prime Minister of France, charging him with the task of forming a new cabinet, which was announced on 18 May 2007. By appointing as Secretary of State André Santini, who had been indicted in the "Fondation Hamon" affair on charges of corruption, Fillon made the first break since 1992 with the so-called "Balladur jurisprudence", according to which an indicted governmental personality should resign until the case is closed. On 13 November 2010, Fillon resigned, paving the way for a cabinet reshuffle. One day later Sarkozy reappointed Fillon as Prime Minister, allowing Fillon to formally name a new cabinet.Following the defeat of Nicolas Sarkozy to François Hollande in the 2012 presidential election, Fillon resigned on 10 May. Following the inauguration of Hollande as president on 15 May 2012, Jean-Marc Ayrault, Mayor of Nantes, was appointed to succeed Fillon as Prime Minister.Aiming at building consensus within the diverging views at the UMP after Francois Hollande's victory in the French presidential elections in 2012, Fillon declared his candidacy to become the President of the UMP party. On the day of the vote, both candidates (Fillon and Jean-François Copé) claimed victory and accused the other of cheating. This led to a major political crisis within the party with votes being recounted twice and Copé finally being declared winner.Fillon threatened to split from UMP unless new elections were organised. In December 2012, Copé agreed to organising elections in 2013, thus putting an end to the crisis.Fillon entered the 2016 Republican presidential primary, held on 20 November 2016, and seemed a likely third as late as a week before the vote. In early counting, Fillon emerged as the clear frontrunner, with Alain Juppé in second place. Third place Sarkozy conceded, bringing his support to Fillon, and Fillon and Juppé went into the run-off on 27 November 2016. Juppé conceded to Fillon, pledging his support for him as the Republican nominee in the 2017 presidential election.As of November 2016, Fillon was seen as the frontrunner for the Presidency against the Socialist candidate Benoît Hamon, Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen. However, revelations of series of political scandals at the end of January shattered his presidential bid, with polls rapidly showing him behind both Marine Le Pen and Emmanuel Macron and out of the runoff. Fillon's visits on the ground attracted protesters who further destabilised his campaign. The news provocated consternation in Germany where Fillon was seen as a serious and trusted candidate.On 23 April 2017, he secured 20.0% of the votes at the first round of the French presidential election, arriving third, and therefore failing to enter the runoff.Fillon has been described as economically liberal and fiscally conservative. For many observers, he is more liberal than his mentor Philippe Séguin. A few months after taking office as prime minister, he declared that he was "at the head of a state that is bankrupt financially, [...] which for 15 years has been in chronic deficit, [...] that has not voted a balanced budget for 25 years." He then committed publicly to "bring the state budget to balance by the end of the five-year", and reiterated this promise in 2012 and proposed a referendum on registration of the fiscal golden rule in the Constitution. In defending a policy of controlling the deficit, Fillon is in favour of abolishing the wealth tax, which he considers one of the causes of the debt of France. According to him, this tax discourages foreign entrepreneurs. This tax would be offset by the creation of a top slice of income tax to 50%, which would be included in the CSG.As a presidential candidate, Fillon aims to reduce the public sector and cut 500,000 civil-service jobs. Fillon has been compared to Margaret Thatcher due to his ambition to reduce the size of the state. He says in 2016 that he wants the state healthcare program ("securité sociale") to work better with fewer payments.Fillon is in favour of increasing the retirement age to 65. During the 2012 presidential election, he proposed that each job seeker should be offered vocational training and be forced to accept the employment offered to them after training.Fillon' stances on domestic and social issues are mostly perceived as conservative. As member of the National Assembly, he voted against the equalisation of the age of consent for homosexual relations in 1982, against civil solidarity pacts in 1999, and against the legalisation of same-sex marriage in 2013. However, he says he will not ban the same-sex marriage law if elected president. He opposes adoption by same-sex couples.Fillon has stated that he is personally opposed to abortion but would not vote to ban it.Fillon blamed the 2017 social unrest in French Guiana on President Hollande's policies, which he said had failed.Fillon is an advocate of cracking down on Salafism and Muslim Brotherhood-linked groups and has stridently warned against the threat of "Islamic totalitarianism". He has called for dialogue with Syria under Bashar al-Assad and with the Russian Federation, under Vladimir Putin. Putin has been described as a friend of Fillon, although Fillon himself rejects that description.Fillon lives with his wife, Penelope, and five children, Marie, Charles, Antoine, Édouard and Arnaud, in the 12th-century Manoir de Beaucé, set in 20 acres (8 ha) of woodland on the banks of the River Sarthe 4 km east of the monastery village of Solesmes, near Sablé-sur-Sarthe, and about halfway between Le Mans and Angers. They had lived in various other properties, always in the Sarthe, throughout their marriage, before buying Beaucé in 1993.Fillon has a reputation as an Anglophile. His wife Penelope Kathryn Fillon, "née" Clarke, was born in Llanover in Wales, the daughter of a solicitor. They met while she was teaching English during her gap year in Le Mans, and they were married in the bride's family church in June 1980.François Fillon has spoken at a wide variety of universities in Britain, notably King's College London and the London School of Economics. On 1 September 2017, Fillon became a partner at asset manager Tikehau Capital.Fillon's younger brother, Pierre, an ophthalmic specialist (and now President of the Automobile Club de l'Ouest), later married Penelope Fillon's younger sister, Jane.In January 2017, "Le Canard enchaîné" published an article in which Penelope Fillon was accused of alleged fictitious employment, as her husband's ""assistante parlementaire"" for a total salary of €500,000 over eight years on the one hand, and as a "literary adviser" of "Revue des deux Mondes" on the other, with a monthly salary of €5,000, amounting to a total of another €100,000. A preliminary hearing immediately opened. The public outcry around this so-called "Penelopegate" was such that doubts were voiced about François Fillon himself, who was the frontrunner for the 2017 presidential election, with an immediate sharp decline in the opinion polls.On 31 January, new reporting by "Le Canard enchaîné" found that Penelope Fillon was actually paid €300,000 more than previously reported, for a total sum of €831,440 for 15 years of her parliamentary assistant work. It also reported that Fillon had paid two of his children €84,000 for little apparent actual work. On 6 February 2017 Fillon held a press conference. He said "It was a mistake and I apologize to the French [people]" but also said that the salary of his wife was "perfectly justified".On 3 March 2017, the (Central office for the fight against corruption and financial and fiscal crime) executed a search at the Manoir de Beaucé where François and Penelope Fillon reside in the Sarthe department. This followed a search by the same agency on 2 March 2017 at the Fillons' Paris residence in the 7th arrondissement. On 6 March 2017, the inner circle of Fillon's party had a crisis meeting. Beforehand, Alain Juppé had definitively excluded becoming a replacement candidate. Fillon continues his candidacy, despite his promise (given on 26 January on TV) to withdraw from the race if subjected to criminal prosecution. On 23 March, Fillon said on national television that "Bienvenue Place Beauvau", a book co-authored by Didier Hassoux of "Le Canard enchaîné", suggested President François Hollande ran a shadow cabinet to spread rumours about his opponents. Hassoux denied this was the case.On 24 February 2020, Fillon became one of the few Prime Ministers to ever go on trial. On 29 June 2020, he was convicted of fraud and misuse of funds, and sentenced to five years in prison - three of them suspended. Their lawyers said he will appeal the sentence. He remains free pending the outcome of the appeal.In its 22 March 2017 issue, satirical weekly "Le Canard enchaîné" reported that Fillon had introduced a Lebanese billionaire to Russian President Vladimir Putin at a business forum in St. Petersburg in 2015 as part of a $50,000 contract for Fillon's 2F Conseil consulting firm.Having lived his whole life in the Le Mans area and having represented it politically, Fillon is an enthusiastic supporter of the city's famous 24-hour sportscar race, which he has attended nearly every year since he was a small child. He is a member of the Automobile Club de l'Ouest, which stages the event, and is on the race's organisation committee. He has also competed in the Le Mans Legend historic sportscar races on the full 24-hour circuit and in a number of other classic road rallies. Fillon's younger brother Pierre currently serves as the President of the ACO, having been elected in 2013.
|
[
"Prime Minister of France",
"member of the French National Assembly",
"Minister of National Education",
"municipal executive",
"Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"Minister of Labour",
"member of the Senate of France",
"Ministry of Higher Education and Research",
"president"
] |
|
Which position did François Fillon hold in 09/18/1989?
|
September 18, 1989
|
{
"text": [
"Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"member of the general council",
"Mayor of Sablé-sur-Sarthe",
"vice president"
]
}
|
L2_Q101410_P39_0
|
François Fillon holds the position of municipal executive from Jan, 2001 to Dec, 2022.
François Fillon holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Jun, 1997 to Jan, 1998.
François Fillon holds the position of member of the French National Assembly from Jun, 2007 to Jul, 2007.
François Fillon holds the position of Prime Minister of France from May, 2007 to May, 2012.
François Fillon holds the position of vice president from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1992.
François Fillon holds the position of Minister of Labour from Mar, 2002 to Mar, 2004.
François Fillon holds the position of Mayor of Sablé-sur-Sarthe from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 2001.
François Fillon holds the position of president from Apr, 2001 to Sep, 2012.
François Fillon holds the position of Ministry of Higher Education and Research from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995.
François Fillon holds the position of Minister of National Education from Mar, 2004 to Jun, 2005.
François Fillon holds the position of Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Nov, 1988 to Sep, 1991.
François Fillon holds the position of member of the general council from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1998.
François Fillon holds the position of member of the Senate of France from Sep, 2005 to Jun, 2007.
|
François FillonFrançois Charles Armand Fillon (; born 4 March 1954) is a retired French politician who served as Prime Minister of France from 2007 to 2012 under President Nicolas Sarkozy. He was the nominee of the Republicans (previously known as the Union for a Popular Movement), the country's largest centre-right political party, for the 2017 presidential election.Fillon became Jean-Pierre Raffarin's Minister of Labour in 2002 and undertook controversial reforms of the 35-hour working week law and of the French retirement system. In 2004, as Minister of National Education he proposed the much debated Fillon law on Education.In 2005, Fillon was elected Senator for the Sarthe department. His role as a political advisor in Nicolas Sarkozy's successful race for President led to his becoming Prime Minister in 2007. Fillon resigned upon Sarkozy's defeat by François Hollande in the 2012 presidential elections.Running on a platform described as conservative, he won the 2016 Republican presidential primary, defeating Alain Juppé. Following his victory in the primary, opinion polls showed Fillon as the frontrunner for the 2017 presidential election. But in March 2017, he was formally charged in an embezzlement investigation in a case that became known as "Penelopegate" due to the involvement of his wife. In April, he finally came third in the first round with 20%.In 2020, he was convicted of fraud and misuse of funds, and sentenced to five years in prison (three of them suspended). He has appealed the sentence.Fillon was born on 4 March 1954 in Le Mans, Sarthe, France. His father, Michel, is a civil law notary, while his mother, Anne Soulet Fillon, is a history professor of Basque descent. His youngest brother, Dominique, is a pianist and jazz musician.Fillon received a baccalauréat in 1972. He then studied at the University of Maine in Le Mans where he received a master's degree in public law in 1976. He subsequently received a master of Advanced Studies ("diplôme d'études approfondies") in public law from Paris Descartes University.The day after Nicolas Sarkozy became President he appointed Fillon as Prime Minister of France, charging him with the task of forming a new cabinet, which was announced on 18 May 2007. By appointing as Secretary of State André Santini, who had been indicted in the "Fondation Hamon" affair on charges of corruption, Fillon made the first break since 1992 with the so-called "Balladur jurisprudence", according to which an indicted governmental personality should resign until the case is closed. On 13 November 2010, Fillon resigned, paving the way for a cabinet reshuffle. One day later Sarkozy reappointed Fillon as Prime Minister, allowing Fillon to formally name a new cabinet.Following the defeat of Nicolas Sarkozy to François Hollande in the 2012 presidential election, Fillon resigned on 10 May. Following the inauguration of Hollande as president on 15 May 2012, Jean-Marc Ayrault, Mayor of Nantes, was appointed to succeed Fillon as Prime Minister.Aiming at building consensus within the diverging views at the UMP after Francois Hollande's victory in the French presidential elections in 2012, Fillon declared his candidacy to become the President of the UMP party. On the day of the vote, both candidates (Fillon and Jean-François Copé) claimed victory and accused the other of cheating. This led to a major political crisis within the party with votes being recounted twice and Copé finally being declared winner.Fillon threatened to split from UMP unless new elections were organised. In December 2012, Copé agreed to organising elections in 2013, thus putting an end to the crisis.Fillon entered the 2016 Republican presidential primary, held on 20 November 2016, and seemed a likely third as late as a week before the vote. In early counting, Fillon emerged as the clear frontrunner, with Alain Juppé in second place. Third place Sarkozy conceded, bringing his support to Fillon, and Fillon and Juppé went into the run-off on 27 November 2016. Juppé conceded to Fillon, pledging his support for him as the Republican nominee in the 2017 presidential election.As of November 2016, Fillon was seen as the frontrunner for the Presidency against the Socialist candidate Benoît Hamon, Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen. However, revelations of series of political scandals at the end of January shattered his presidential bid, with polls rapidly showing him behind both Marine Le Pen and Emmanuel Macron and out of the runoff. Fillon's visits on the ground attracted protesters who further destabilised his campaign. The news provocated consternation in Germany where Fillon was seen as a serious and trusted candidate.On 23 April 2017, he secured 20.0% of the votes at the first round of the French presidential election, arriving third, and therefore failing to enter the runoff.Fillon has been described as economically liberal and fiscally conservative. For many observers, he is more liberal than his mentor Philippe Séguin. A few months after taking office as prime minister, he declared that he was "at the head of a state that is bankrupt financially, [...] which for 15 years has been in chronic deficit, [...] that has not voted a balanced budget for 25 years." He then committed publicly to "bring the state budget to balance by the end of the five-year", and reiterated this promise in 2012 and proposed a referendum on registration of the fiscal golden rule in the Constitution. In defending a policy of controlling the deficit, Fillon is in favour of abolishing the wealth tax, which he considers one of the causes of the debt of France. According to him, this tax discourages foreign entrepreneurs. This tax would be offset by the creation of a top slice of income tax to 50%, which would be included in the CSG.As a presidential candidate, Fillon aims to reduce the public sector and cut 500,000 civil-service jobs. Fillon has been compared to Margaret Thatcher due to his ambition to reduce the size of the state. He says in 2016 that he wants the state healthcare program ("securité sociale") to work better with fewer payments.Fillon is in favour of increasing the retirement age to 65. During the 2012 presidential election, he proposed that each job seeker should be offered vocational training and be forced to accept the employment offered to them after training.Fillon' stances on domestic and social issues are mostly perceived as conservative. As member of the National Assembly, he voted against the equalisation of the age of consent for homosexual relations in 1982, against civil solidarity pacts in 1999, and against the legalisation of same-sex marriage in 2013. However, he says he will not ban the same-sex marriage law if elected president. He opposes adoption by same-sex couples.Fillon has stated that he is personally opposed to abortion but would not vote to ban it.Fillon blamed the 2017 social unrest in French Guiana on President Hollande's policies, which he said had failed.Fillon is an advocate of cracking down on Salafism and Muslim Brotherhood-linked groups and has stridently warned against the threat of "Islamic totalitarianism". He has called for dialogue with Syria under Bashar al-Assad and with the Russian Federation, under Vladimir Putin. Putin has been described as a friend of Fillon, although Fillon himself rejects that description.Fillon lives with his wife, Penelope, and five children, Marie, Charles, Antoine, Édouard and Arnaud, in the 12th-century Manoir de Beaucé, set in 20 acres (8 ha) of woodland on the banks of the River Sarthe 4 km east of the monastery village of Solesmes, near Sablé-sur-Sarthe, and about halfway between Le Mans and Angers. They had lived in various other properties, always in the Sarthe, throughout their marriage, before buying Beaucé in 1993.Fillon has a reputation as an Anglophile. His wife Penelope Kathryn Fillon, "née" Clarke, was born in Llanover in Wales, the daughter of a solicitor. They met while she was teaching English during her gap year in Le Mans, and they were married in the bride's family church in June 1980.François Fillon has spoken at a wide variety of universities in Britain, notably King's College London and the London School of Economics. On 1 September 2017, Fillon became a partner at asset manager Tikehau Capital.Fillon's younger brother, Pierre, an ophthalmic specialist (and now President of the Automobile Club de l'Ouest), later married Penelope Fillon's younger sister, Jane.In January 2017, "Le Canard enchaîné" published an article in which Penelope Fillon was accused of alleged fictitious employment, as her husband's ""assistante parlementaire"" for a total salary of €500,000 over eight years on the one hand, and as a "literary adviser" of "Revue des deux Mondes" on the other, with a monthly salary of €5,000, amounting to a total of another €100,000. A preliminary hearing immediately opened. The public outcry around this so-called "Penelopegate" was such that doubts were voiced about François Fillon himself, who was the frontrunner for the 2017 presidential election, with an immediate sharp decline in the opinion polls.On 31 January, new reporting by "Le Canard enchaîné" found that Penelope Fillon was actually paid €300,000 more than previously reported, for a total sum of €831,440 for 15 years of her parliamentary assistant work. It also reported that Fillon had paid two of his children €84,000 for little apparent actual work. On 6 February 2017 Fillon held a press conference. He said "It was a mistake and I apologize to the French [people]" but also said that the salary of his wife was "perfectly justified".On 3 March 2017, the (Central office for the fight against corruption and financial and fiscal crime) executed a search at the Manoir de Beaucé where François and Penelope Fillon reside in the Sarthe department. This followed a search by the same agency on 2 March 2017 at the Fillons' Paris residence in the 7th arrondissement. On 6 March 2017, the inner circle of Fillon's party had a crisis meeting. Beforehand, Alain Juppé had definitively excluded becoming a replacement candidate. Fillon continues his candidacy, despite his promise (given on 26 January on TV) to withdraw from the race if subjected to criminal prosecution. On 23 March, Fillon said on national television that "Bienvenue Place Beauvau", a book co-authored by Didier Hassoux of "Le Canard enchaîné", suggested President François Hollande ran a shadow cabinet to spread rumours about his opponents. Hassoux denied this was the case.On 24 February 2020, Fillon became one of the few Prime Ministers to ever go on trial. On 29 June 2020, he was convicted of fraud and misuse of funds, and sentenced to five years in prison - three of them suspended. Their lawyers said he will appeal the sentence. He remains free pending the outcome of the appeal.In its 22 March 2017 issue, satirical weekly "Le Canard enchaîné" reported that Fillon had introduced a Lebanese billionaire to Russian President Vladimir Putin at a business forum in St. Petersburg in 2015 as part of a $50,000 contract for Fillon's 2F Conseil consulting firm.Having lived his whole life in the Le Mans area and having represented it politically, Fillon is an enthusiastic supporter of the city's famous 24-hour sportscar race, which he has attended nearly every year since he was a small child. He is a member of the Automobile Club de l'Ouest, which stages the event, and is on the race's organisation committee. He has also competed in the Le Mans Legend historic sportscar races on the full 24-hour circuit and in a number of other classic road rallies. Fillon's younger brother Pierre currently serves as the President of the ACO, having been elected in 2013.
|
[
"Prime Minister of France",
"member of the French National Assembly",
"Minister of National Education",
"municipal executive",
"Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"Minister of Labour",
"member of the Senate of France",
"Ministry of Higher Education and Research",
"president"
] |
|
Which position did François Fillon hold in 18-Sep-198918-September-1989?
|
September 18, 1989
|
{
"text": [
"Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"member of the general council",
"Mayor of Sablé-sur-Sarthe",
"vice president"
]
}
|
L2_Q101410_P39_0
|
François Fillon holds the position of municipal executive from Jan, 2001 to Dec, 2022.
François Fillon holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Jun, 1997 to Jan, 1998.
François Fillon holds the position of member of the French National Assembly from Jun, 2007 to Jul, 2007.
François Fillon holds the position of Prime Minister of France from May, 2007 to May, 2012.
François Fillon holds the position of vice president from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1992.
François Fillon holds the position of Minister of Labour from Mar, 2002 to Mar, 2004.
François Fillon holds the position of Mayor of Sablé-sur-Sarthe from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 2001.
François Fillon holds the position of president from Apr, 2001 to Sep, 2012.
François Fillon holds the position of Ministry of Higher Education and Research from Jan, 1993 to Jan, 1995.
François Fillon holds the position of Minister of National Education from Mar, 2004 to Jun, 2005.
François Fillon holds the position of Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Nov, 1988 to Sep, 1991.
François Fillon holds the position of member of the general council from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1998.
François Fillon holds the position of member of the Senate of France from Sep, 2005 to Jun, 2007.
|
François FillonFrançois Charles Armand Fillon (; born 4 March 1954) is a retired French politician who served as Prime Minister of France from 2007 to 2012 under President Nicolas Sarkozy. He was the nominee of the Republicans (previously known as the Union for a Popular Movement), the country's largest centre-right political party, for the 2017 presidential election.Fillon became Jean-Pierre Raffarin's Minister of Labour in 2002 and undertook controversial reforms of the 35-hour working week law and of the French retirement system. In 2004, as Minister of National Education he proposed the much debated Fillon law on Education.In 2005, Fillon was elected Senator for the Sarthe department. His role as a political advisor in Nicolas Sarkozy's successful race for President led to his becoming Prime Minister in 2007. Fillon resigned upon Sarkozy's defeat by François Hollande in the 2012 presidential elections.Running on a platform described as conservative, he won the 2016 Republican presidential primary, defeating Alain Juppé. Following his victory in the primary, opinion polls showed Fillon as the frontrunner for the 2017 presidential election. But in March 2017, he was formally charged in an embezzlement investigation in a case that became known as "Penelopegate" due to the involvement of his wife. In April, he finally came third in the first round with 20%.In 2020, he was convicted of fraud and misuse of funds, and sentenced to five years in prison (three of them suspended). He has appealed the sentence.Fillon was born on 4 March 1954 in Le Mans, Sarthe, France. His father, Michel, is a civil law notary, while his mother, Anne Soulet Fillon, is a history professor of Basque descent. His youngest brother, Dominique, is a pianist and jazz musician.Fillon received a baccalauréat in 1972. He then studied at the University of Maine in Le Mans where he received a master's degree in public law in 1976. He subsequently received a master of Advanced Studies ("diplôme d'études approfondies") in public law from Paris Descartes University.The day after Nicolas Sarkozy became President he appointed Fillon as Prime Minister of France, charging him with the task of forming a new cabinet, which was announced on 18 May 2007. By appointing as Secretary of State André Santini, who had been indicted in the "Fondation Hamon" affair on charges of corruption, Fillon made the first break since 1992 with the so-called "Balladur jurisprudence", according to which an indicted governmental personality should resign until the case is closed. On 13 November 2010, Fillon resigned, paving the way for a cabinet reshuffle. One day later Sarkozy reappointed Fillon as Prime Minister, allowing Fillon to formally name a new cabinet.Following the defeat of Nicolas Sarkozy to François Hollande in the 2012 presidential election, Fillon resigned on 10 May. Following the inauguration of Hollande as president on 15 May 2012, Jean-Marc Ayrault, Mayor of Nantes, was appointed to succeed Fillon as Prime Minister.Aiming at building consensus within the diverging views at the UMP after Francois Hollande's victory in the French presidential elections in 2012, Fillon declared his candidacy to become the President of the UMP party. On the day of the vote, both candidates (Fillon and Jean-François Copé) claimed victory and accused the other of cheating. This led to a major political crisis within the party with votes being recounted twice and Copé finally being declared winner.Fillon threatened to split from UMP unless new elections were organised. In December 2012, Copé agreed to organising elections in 2013, thus putting an end to the crisis.Fillon entered the 2016 Republican presidential primary, held on 20 November 2016, and seemed a likely third as late as a week before the vote. In early counting, Fillon emerged as the clear frontrunner, with Alain Juppé in second place. Third place Sarkozy conceded, bringing his support to Fillon, and Fillon and Juppé went into the run-off on 27 November 2016. Juppé conceded to Fillon, pledging his support for him as the Republican nominee in the 2017 presidential election.As of November 2016, Fillon was seen as the frontrunner for the Presidency against the Socialist candidate Benoît Hamon, Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen. However, revelations of series of political scandals at the end of January shattered his presidential bid, with polls rapidly showing him behind both Marine Le Pen and Emmanuel Macron and out of the runoff. Fillon's visits on the ground attracted protesters who further destabilised his campaign. The news provocated consternation in Germany where Fillon was seen as a serious and trusted candidate.On 23 April 2017, he secured 20.0% of the votes at the first round of the French presidential election, arriving third, and therefore failing to enter the runoff.Fillon has been described as economically liberal and fiscally conservative. For many observers, he is more liberal than his mentor Philippe Séguin. A few months after taking office as prime minister, he declared that he was "at the head of a state that is bankrupt financially, [...] which for 15 years has been in chronic deficit, [...] that has not voted a balanced budget for 25 years." He then committed publicly to "bring the state budget to balance by the end of the five-year", and reiterated this promise in 2012 and proposed a referendum on registration of the fiscal golden rule in the Constitution. In defending a policy of controlling the deficit, Fillon is in favour of abolishing the wealth tax, which he considers one of the causes of the debt of France. According to him, this tax discourages foreign entrepreneurs. This tax would be offset by the creation of a top slice of income tax to 50%, which would be included in the CSG.As a presidential candidate, Fillon aims to reduce the public sector and cut 500,000 civil-service jobs. Fillon has been compared to Margaret Thatcher due to his ambition to reduce the size of the state. He says in 2016 that he wants the state healthcare program ("securité sociale") to work better with fewer payments.Fillon is in favour of increasing the retirement age to 65. During the 2012 presidential election, he proposed that each job seeker should be offered vocational training and be forced to accept the employment offered to them after training.Fillon' stances on domestic and social issues are mostly perceived as conservative. As member of the National Assembly, he voted against the equalisation of the age of consent for homosexual relations in 1982, against civil solidarity pacts in 1999, and against the legalisation of same-sex marriage in 2013. However, he says he will not ban the same-sex marriage law if elected president. He opposes adoption by same-sex couples.Fillon has stated that he is personally opposed to abortion but would not vote to ban it.Fillon blamed the 2017 social unrest in French Guiana on President Hollande's policies, which he said had failed.Fillon is an advocate of cracking down on Salafism and Muslim Brotherhood-linked groups and has stridently warned against the threat of "Islamic totalitarianism". He has called for dialogue with Syria under Bashar al-Assad and with the Russian Federation, under Vladimir Putin. Putin has been described as a friend of Fillon, although Fillon himself rejects that description.Fillon lives with his wife, Penelope, and five children, Marie, Charles, Antoine, Édouard and Arnaud, in the 12th-century Manoir de Beaucé, set in 20 acres (8 ha) of woodland on the banks of the River Sarthe 4 km east of the monastery village of Solesmes, near Sablé-sur-Sarthe, and about halfway between Le Mans and Angers. They had lived in various other properties, always in the Sarthe, throughout their marriage, before buying Beaucé in 1993.Fillon has a reputation as an Anglophile. His wife Penelope Kathryn Fillon, "née" Clarke, was born in Llanover in Wales, the daughter of a solicitor. They met while she was teaching English during her gap year in Le Mans, and they were married in the bride's family church in June 1980.François Fillon has spoken at a wide variety of universities in Britain, notably King's College London and the London School of Economics. On 1 September 2017, Fillon became a partner at asset manager Tikehau Capital.Fillon's younger brother, Pierre, an ophthalmic specialist (and now President of the Automobile Club de l'Ouest), later married Penelope Fillon's younger sister, Jane.In January 2017, "Le Canard enchaîné" published an article in which Penelope Fillon was accused of alleged fictitious employment, as her husband's ""assistante parlementaire"" for a total salary of €500,000 over eight years on the one hand, and as a "literary adviser" of "Revue des deux Mondes" on the other, with a monthly salary of €5,000, amounting to a total of another €100,000. A preliminary hearing immediately opened. The public outcry around this so-called "Penelopegate" was such that doubts were voiced about François Fillon himself, who was the frontrunner for the 2017 presidential election, with an immediate sharp decline in the opinion polls.On 31 January, new reporting by "Le Canard enchaîné" found that Penelope Fillon was actually paid €300,000 more than previously reported, for a total sum of €831,440 for 15 years of her parliamentary assistant work. It also reported that Fillon had paid two of his children €84,000 for little apparent actual work. On 6 February 2017 Fillon held a press conference. He said "It was a mistake and I apologize to the French [people]" but also said that the salary of his wife was "perfectly justified".On 3 March 2017, the (Central office for the fight against corruption and financial and fiscal crime) executed a search at the Manoir de Beaucé where François and Penelope Fillon reside in the Sarthe department. This followed a search by the same agency on 2 March 2017 at the Fillons' Paris residence in the 7th arrondissement. On 6 March 2017, the inner circle of Fillon's party had a crisis meeting. Beforehand, Alain Juppé had definitively excluded becoming a replacement candidate. Fillon continues his candidacy, despite his promise (given on 26 January on TV) to withdraw from the race if subjected to criminal prosecution. On 23 March, Fillon said on national television that "Bienvenue Place Beauvau", a book co-authored by Didier Hassoux of "Le Canard enchaîné", suggested President François Hollande ran a shadow cabinet to spread rumours about his opponents. Hassoux denied this was the case.On 24 February 2020, Fillon became one of the few Prime Ministers to ever go on trial. On 29 June 2020, he was convicted of fraud and misuse of funds, and sentenced to five years in prison - three of them suspended. Their lawyers said he will appeal the sentence. He remains free pending the outcome of the appeal.In its 22 March 2017 issue, satirical weekly "Le Canard enchaîné" reported that Fillon had introduced a Lebanese billionaire to Russian President Vladimir Putin at a business forum in St. Petersburg in 2015 as part of a $50,000 contract for Fillon's 2F Conseil consulting firm.Having lived his whole life in the Le Mans area and having represented it politically, Fillon is an enthusiastic supporter of the city's famous 24-hour sportscar race, which he has attended nearly every year since he was a small child. He is a member of the Automobile Club de l'Ouest, which stages the event, and is on the race's organisation committee. He has also competed in the Le Mans Legend historic sportscar races on the full 24-hour circuit and in a number of other classic road rallies. Fillon's younger brother Pierre currently serves as the President of the ACO, having been elected in 2013.
|
[
"Prime Minister of France",
"member of the French National Assembly",
"Minister of National Education",
"municipal executive",
"Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"Minister of Labour",
"member of the Senate of France",
"Ministry of Higher Education and Research",
"president"
] |
|
Who was the head of Émerchicourt in Aug, 2022?
|
August 04, 2022
|
{
"text": [
"Régis Roussel"
]
}
|
L2_Q737269_P6_13
|
Émile Thuillot is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1935.
Jean Midavaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 1965 to Mar, 2001.
Rémi Lemoine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1914.
Cyprien Oblin is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1903 to Jan, 1912.
Cosmes-Joseph Defontaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1816 to Jan, 1824.
Alfred Locquet is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 1940 to Jan, 1944.
Daniel Dufour is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 2001 to Mar, 2008.
Auguste-César Defontaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1824 to Jan, 1852.
Joseph Hayez is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1852 to Jan, 1862.
Gustave Dessin is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1914 to Jan, 1919.
Philippe Eugène Dupire is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1801 to Jan, 1816.
Narcisse Midavaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1965.
Régis Roussel is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jul, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Michel Loubert is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 2008 to Jul, 2020.
|
ÉmerchicourtÉmerchicourt is a commune in the Nord department in northern France.
|
[
"Auguste-César Defontaine",
"Alfred Locquet",
"Joseph Hayez",
"Cyprien Oblin",
"Émile Thuillot",
"Philippe Eugène Dupire",
"Rémi Lemoine",
"Daniel Dufour",
"Gustave Dessin",
"Jean Midavaine",
"Michel Loubert",
"Cosmes-Joseph Defontaine",
"Narcisse Midavaine"
] |
|
Who was the head of Émerchicourt in 2022-08-04?
|
August 04, 2022
|
{
"text": [
"Régis Roussel"
]
}
|
L2_Q737269_P6_13
|
Émile Thuillot is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1935.
Jean Midavaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 1965 to Mar, 2001.
Rémi Lemoine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1914.
Cyprien Oblin is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1903 to Jan, 1912.
Cosmes-Joseph Defontaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1816 to Jan, 1824.
Alfred Locquet is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 1940 to Jan, 1944.
Daniel Dufour is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 2001 to Mar, 2008.
Auguste-César Defontaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1824 to Jan, 1852.
Joseph Hayez is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1852 to Jan, 1862.
Gustave Dessin is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1914 to Jan, 1919.
Philippe Eugène Dupire is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1801 to Jan, 1816.
Narcisse Midavaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1965.
Régis Roussel is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jul, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Michel Loubert is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 2008 to Jul, 2020.
|
ÉmerchicourtÉmerchicourt is a commune in the Nord department in northern France.
|
[
"Auguste-César Defontaine",
"Alfred Locquet",
"Joseph Hayez",
"Cyprien Oblin",
"Émile Thuillot",
"Philippe Eugène Dupire",
"Rémi Lemoine",
"Daniel Dufour",
"Gustave Dessin",
"Jean Midavaine",
"Michel Loubert",
"Cosmes-Joseph Defontaine",
"Narcisse Midavaine"
] |
|
Who was the head of Émerchicourt in 04/08/2022?
|
August 04, 2022
|
{
"text": [
"Régis Roussel"
]
}
|
L2_Q737269_P6_13
|
Émile Thuillot is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1935.
Jean Midavaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 1965 to Mar, 2001.
Rémi Lemoine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1914.
Cyprien Oblin is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1903 to Jan, 1912.
Cosmes-Joseph Defontaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1816 to Jan, 1824.
Alfred Locquet is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 1940 to Jan, 1944.
Daniel Dufour is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 2001 to Mar, 2008.
Auguste-César Defontaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1824 to Jan, 1852.
Joseph Hayez is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1852 to Jan, 1862.
Gustave Dessin is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1914 to Jan, 1919.
Philippe Eugène Dupire is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1801 to Jan, 1816.
Narcisse Midavaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1965.
Régis Roussel is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jul, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Michel Loubert is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 2008 to Jul, 2020.
|
ÉmerchicourtÉmerchicourt is a commune in the Nord department in northern France.
|
[
"Auguste-César Defontaine",
"Alfred Locquet",
"Joseph Hayez",
"Cyprien Oblin",
"Émile Thuillot",
"Philippe Eugène Dupire",
"Rémi Lemoine",
"Daniel Dufour",
"Gustave Dessin",
"Jean Midavaine",
"Michel Loubert",
"Cosmes-Joseph Defontaine",
"Narcisse Midavaine"
] |
|
Who was the head of Émerchicourt in Aug 04, 2022?
|
August 04, 2022
|
{
"text": [
"Régis Roussel"
]
}
|
L2_Q737269_P6_13
|
Émile Thuillot is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1935.
Jean Midavaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 1965 to Mar, 2001.
Rémi Lemoine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1914.
Cyprien Oblin is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1903 to Jan, 1912.
Cosmes-Joseph Defontaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1816 to Jan, 1824.
Alfred Locquet is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 1940 to Jan, 1944.
Daniel Dufour is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 2001 to Mar, 2008.
Auguste-César Defontaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1824 to Jan, 1852.
Joseph Hayez is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1852 to Jan, 1862.
Gustave Dessin is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1914 to Jan, 1919.
Philippe Eugène Dupire is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1801 to Jan, 1816.
Narcisse Midavaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1965.
Régis Roussel is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jul, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Michel Loubert is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 2008 to Jul, 2020.
|
ÉmerchicourtÉmerchicourt is a commune in the Nord department in northern France.
|
[
"Auguste-César Defontaine",
"Alfred Locquet",
"Joseph Hayez",
"Cyprien Oblin",
"Émile Thuillot",
"Philippe Eugène Dupire",
"Rémi Lemoine",
"Daniel Dufour",
"Gustave Dessin",
"Jean Midavaine",
"Michel Loubert",
"Cosmes-Joseph Defontaine",
"Narcisse Midavaine"
] |
|
Who was the head of Émerchicourt in 08/04/2022?
|
August 04, 2022
|
{
"text": [
"Régis Roussel"
]
}
|
L2_Q737269_P6_13
|
Émile Thuillot is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1935.
Jean Midavaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 1965 to Mar, 2001.
Rémi Lemoine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1914.
Cyprien Oblin is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1903 to Jan, 1912.
Cosmes-Joseph Defontaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1816 to Jan, 1824.
Alfred Locquet is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 1940 to Jan, 1944.
Daniel Dufour is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 2001 to Mar, 2008.
Auguste-César Defontaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1824 to Jan, 1852.
Joseph Hayez is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1852 to Jan, 1862.
Gustave Dessin is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1914 to Jan, 1919.
Philippe Eugène Dupire is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1801 to Jan, 1816.
Narcisse Midavaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1965.
Régis Roussel is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jul, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Michel Loubert is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 2008 to Jul, 2020.
|
ÉmerchicourtÉmerchicourt is a commune in the Nord department in northern France.
|
[
"Auguste-César Defontaine",
"Alfred Locquet",
"Joseph Hayez",
"Cyprien Oblin",
"Émile Thuillot",
"Philippe Eugène Dupire",
"Rémi Lemoine",
"Daniel Dufour",
"Gustave Dessin",
"Jean Midavaine",
"Michel Loubert",
"Cosmes-Joseph Defontaine",
"Narcisse Midavaine"
] |
|
Who was the head of Émerchicourt in 04-Aug-202204-August-2022?
|
August 04, 2022
|
{
"text": [
"Régis Roussel"
]
}
|
L2_Q737269_P6_13
|
Émile Thuillot is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1919 to Jan, 1935.
Jean Midavaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 1965 to Mar, 2001.
Rémi Lemoine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1914.
Cyprien Oblin is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1903 to Jan, 1912.
Cosmes-Joseph Defontaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1816 to Jan, 1824.
Alfred Locquet is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 1940 to Jan, 1944.
Daniel Dufour is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 2001 to Mar, 2008.
Auguste-César Defontaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1824 to Jan, 1852.
Joseph Hayez is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1852 to Jan, 1862.
Gustave Dessin is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1914 to Jan, 1919.
Philippe Eugène Dupire is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1801 to Jan, 1816.
Narcisse Midavaine is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1965.
Régis Roussel is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Jul, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Michel Loubert is the head of the government of Émerchicourt from Mar, 2008 to Jul, 2020.
|
ÉmerchicourtÉmerchicourt is a commune in the Nord department in northern France.
|
[
"Auguste-César Defontaine",
"Alfred Locquet",
"Joseph Hayez",
"Cyprien Oblin",
"Émile Thuillot",
"Philippe Eugène Dupire",
"Rémi Lemoine",
"Daniel Dufour",
"Gustave Dessin",
"Jean Midavaine",
"Michel Loubert",
"Cosmes-Joseph Defontaine",
"Narcisse Midavaine"
] |
|
Where was Kysre Gondrezick educated in Apr, 2016?
|
April 09, 2016
|
{
"text": [
"University of Michigan"
]
}
|
L2_Q106512805_P69_1
|
Kysre Gondrezick attended Benton Harbor High School from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2016.
Kysre Gondrezick attended West Virginia University from Jan, 2017 to Jan, 2021.
Kysre Gondrezick attended University of Michigan from Jan, 2016 to Jan, 2017.
|
Kysre GondrezickKysre Rae Gondrezick (born July 27, 1997) is an American basketball player for the Indiana Fever.Gondrezick attended Benton Harbor High School in Michigan. She was named 2017 Michigan Miss Basketball and Michigan Gatorade POY playing for Benton Harbor High School with her mom serving as an assistant coach. Gondrezick averaged 40.5 points per game as senior and graduated as No. 2 scorer in Michigan girls history (2,827). She played college basketball at the University of Michigan and West Virginia University.SourceGondrezick was the 4th pick in the 2021 WNBA draft by the Indiana Fever.In April 2021, it was announced that Gondrezick and Adidas entered into a multiyear endorsement agreement. Gondrezick is the daughter of former NBA player the late Grant Gondrezick and Lisa Harvey. Her father Grant played college basketball at Pepperdine, her mother Lisa won a National title at Louisiana Tech, and her sister played for Michigan State Spartans women's basketball.
|
[
"West Virginia University",
"Benton Harbor High School"
] |
|
Where was Kysre Gondrezick educated in 2016-04-09?
|
April 09, 2016
|
{
"text": [
"University of Michigan"
]
}
|
L2_Q106512805_P69_1
|
Kysre Gondrezick attended Benton Harbor High School from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2016.
Kysre Gondrezick attended West Virginia University from Jan, 2017 to Jan, 2021.
Kysre Gondrezick attended University of Michigan from Jan, 2016 to Jan, 2017.
|
Kysre GondrezickKysre Rae Gondrezick (born July 27, 1997) is an American basketball player for the Indiana Fever.Gondrezick attended Benton Harbor High School in Michigan. She was named 2017 Michigan Miss Basketball and Michigan Gatorade POY playing for Benton Harbor High School with her mom serving as an assistant coach. Gondrezick averaged 40.5 points per game as senior and graduated as No. 2 scorer in Michigan girls history (2,827). She played college basketball at the University of Michigan and West Virginia University.SourceGondrezick was the 4th pick in the 2021 WNBA draft by the Indiana Fever.In April 2021, it was announced that Gondrezick and Adidas entered into a multiyear endorsement agreement. Gondrezick is the daughter of former NBA player the late Grant Gondrezick and Lisa Harvey. Her father Grant played college basketball at Pepperdine, her mother Lisa won a National title at Louisiana Tech, and her sister played for Michigan State Spartans women's basketball.
|
[
"West Virginia University",
"Benton Harbor High School"
] |
|
Where was Kysre Gondrezick educated in 09/04/2016?
|
April 09, 2016
|
{
"text": [
"University of Michigan"
]
}
|
L2_Q106512805_P69_1
|
Kysre Gondrezick attended Benton Harbor High School from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2016.
Kysre Gondrezick attended West Virginia University from Jan, 2017 to Jan, 2021.
Kysre Gondrezick attended University of Michigan from Jan, 2016 to Jan, 2017.
|
Kysre GondrezickKysre Rae Gondrezick (born July 27, 1997) is an American basketball player for the Indiana Fever.Gondrezick attended Benton Harbor High School in Michigan. She was named 2017 Michigan Miss Basketball and Michigan Gatorade POY playing for Benton Harbor High School with her mom serving as an assistant coach. Gondrezick averaged 40.5 points per game as senior and graduated as No. 2 scorer in Michigan girls history (2,827). She played college basketball at the University of Michigan and West Virginia University.SourceGondrezick was the 4th pick in the 2021 WNBA draft by the Indiana Fever.In April 2021, it was announced that Gondrezick and Adidas entered into a multiyear endorsement agreement. Gondrezick is the daughter of former NBA player the late Grant Gondrezick and Lisa Harvey. Her father Grant played college basketball at Pepperdine, her mother Lisa won a National title at Louisiana Tech, and her sister played for Michigan State Spartans women's basketball.
|
[
"West Virginia University",
"Benton Harbor High School"
] |
|
Where was Kysre Gondrezick educated in Apr 09, 2016?
|
April 09, 2016
|
{
"text": [
"University of Michigan"
]
}
|
L2_Q106512805_P69_1
|
Kysre Gondrezick attended Benton Harbor High School from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2016.
Kysre Gondrezick attended West Virginia University from Jan, 2017 to Jan, 2021.
Kysre Gondrezick attended University of Michigan from Jan, 2016 to Jan, 2017.
|
Kysre GondrezickKysre Rae Gondrezick (born July 27, 1997) is an American basketball player for the Indiana Fever.Gondrezick attended Benton Harbor High School in Michigan. She was named 2017 Michigan Miss Basketball and Michigan Gatorade POY playing for Benton Harbor High School with her mom serving as an assistant coach. Gondrezick averaged 40.5 points per game as senior and graduated as No. 2 scorer in Michigan girls history (2,827). She played college basketball at the University of Michigan and West Virginia University.SourceGondrezick was the 4th pick in the 2021 WNBA draft by the Indiana Fever.In April 2021, it was announced that Gondrezick and Adidas entered into a multiyear endorsement agreement. Gondrezick is the daughter of former NBA player the late Grant Gondrezick and Lisa Harvey. Her father Grant played college basketball at Pepperdine, her mother Lisa won a National title at Louisiana Tech, and her sister played for Michigan State Spartans women's basketball.
|
[
"West Virginia University",
"Benton Harbor High School"
] |
|
Where was Kysre Gondrezick educated in 04/09/2016?
|
April 09, 2016
|
{
"text": [
"University of Michigan"
]
}
|
L2_Q106512805_P69_1
|
Kysre Gondrezick attended Benton Harbor High School from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2016.
Kysre Gondrezick attended West Virginia University from Jan, 2017 to Jan, 2021.
Kysre Gondrezick attended University of Michigan from Jan, 2016 to Jan, 2017.
|
Kysre GondrezickKysre Rae Gondrezick (born July 27, 1997) is an American basketball player for the Indiana Fever.Gondrezick attended Benton Harbor High School in Michigan. She was named 2017 Michigan Miss Basketball and Michigan Gatorade POY playing for Benton Harbor High School with her mom serving as an assistant coach. Gondrezick averaged 40.5 points per game as senior and graduated as No. 2 scorer in Michigan girls history (2,827). She played college basketball at the University of Michigan and West Virginia University.SourceGondrezick was the 4th pick in the 2021 WNBA draft by the Indiana Fever.In April 2021, it was announced that Gondrezick and Adidas entered into a multiyear endorsement agreement. Gondrezick is the daughter of former NBA player the late Grant Gondrezick and Lisa Harvey. Her father Grant played college basketball at Pepperdine, her mother Lisa won a National title at Louisiana Tech, and her sister played for Michigan State Spartans women's basketball.
|
[
"West Virginia University",
"Benton Harbor High School"
] |
|
Where was Kysre Gondrezick educated in 09-Apr-201609-April-2016?
|
April 09, 2016
|
{
"text": [
"University of Michigan"
]
}
|
L2_Q106512805_P69_1
|
Kysre Gondrezick attended Benton Harbor High School from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2016.
Kysre Gondrezick attended West Virginia University from Jan, 2017 to Jan, 2021.
Kysre Gondrezick attended University of Michigan from Jan, 2016 to Jan, 2017.
|
Kysre GondrezickKysre Rae Gondrezick (born July 27, 1997) is an American basketball player for the Indiana Fever.Gondrezick attended Benton Harbor High School in Michigan. She was named 2017 Michigan Miss Basketball and Michigan Gatorade POY playing for Benton Harbor High School with her mom serving as an assistant coach. Gondrezick averaged 40.5 points per game as senior and graduated as No. 2 scorer in Michigan girls history (2,827). She played college basketball at the University of Michigan and West Virginia University.SourceGondrezick was the 4th pick in the 2021 WNBA draft by the Indiana Fever.In April 2021, it was announced that Gondrezick and Adidas entered into a multiyear endorsement agreement. Gondrezick is the daughter of former NBA player the late Grant Gondrezick and Lisa Harvey. Her father Grant played college basketball at Pepperdine, her mother Lisa won a National title at Louisiana Tech, and her sister played for Michigan State Spartans women's basketball.
|
[
"West Virginia University",
"Benton Harbor High School"
] |
|
Which employer did Friedrich Leo work for in Sep, 1885?
|
September 23, 1885
|
{
"text": [
"University of Rostock"
]
}
|
L2_Q71353_P108_2
|
Friedrich Leo works for University of Rostock from Jan, 1883 to Jan, 1888.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Strasbourg from Jan, 1888 to Jan, 1889.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Göttingen from Jan, 1889 to Jan, 1914.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Bonn from Jan, 1877 to Jan, 1881.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Kiel from Jan, 1881 to Jan, 1883.
|
Friedrich LeoFriedrich Leo (July 10, 1851 – January 15, 1914) was a German classical philologist born in Regenwalde, in the then-province of Pomerania (present-day Resko, Poland).From 1868 he was a student at the University of Göttingen, and following military duty in the Franco-Prussian War, he continued his education at the University of Bonn, where he had as instructors Franz Bücheler and Hermann Usener. At Bonn his fellow students included Georg Kaibel, Friedrich von Duhn, Georg Dehio and Hans Delbrück. After graduation in 1873 he toured countries of the Mediterranean extensively.In 1881 he became an associate professor at the University of Kiel, followed by professorships at the Universities of Rostock (1883), Strasbourg (1888) and Göttingen (1889). At the latter institution he was university rector (1903–4), and was a colleague of Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff. In 1889 he became a member of the Göttingen Academy of Sciences.Much of Leo's earlier work concerned research of Seneca's tragedies and the writings of Venantius Fortunatus. Later his focus dealt largely with works of Roman playwright Plautus and early Roman literature in general. A few of his better known publications are the following:In 1883 Leo married Cécile Hensel (1858–1928), daughter of the landowner and entrepreneur Sebastian Hensel, granddaughter of the composer Fanny Mendelssohn and the painter Wilhelm Hensel and descendant of the entrepreneur and philosopher Moses Mendelssohn and sister of the philosopher Paul Hensel and the mathematician Kurt Hensel. Both Leo and his wife came from families who were assimilated German Jews, having converted to Lutheranism in the early 19th century. The couple had three children: Erika Brecht (1887–1949), the writer (1890–1964) and the theologian Paul Leo (1893–1958).
|
[
"University of Bonn",
"University of Strasbourg",
"University of Kiel",
"University of Göttingen"
] |
|
Which employer did Friedrich Leo work for in 1885-09-23?
|
September 23, 1885
|
{
"text": [
"University of Rostock"
]
}
|
L2_Q71353_P108_2
|
Friedrich Leo works for University of Rostock from Jan, 1883 to Jan, 1888.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Strasbourg from Jan, 1888 to Jan, 1889.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Göttingen from Jan, 1889 to Jan, 1914.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Bonn from Jan, 1877 to Jan, 1881.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Kiel from Jan, 1881 to Jan, 1883.
|
Friedrich LeoFriedrich Leo (July 10, 1851 – January 15, 1914) was a German classical philologist born in Regenwalde, in the then-province of Pomerania (present-day Resko, Poland).From 1868 he was a student at the University of Göttingen, and following military duty in the Franco-Prussian War, he continued his education at the University of Bonn, where he had as instructors Franz Bücheler and Hermann Usener. At Bonn his fellow students included Georg Kaibel, Friedrich von Duhn, Georg Dehio and Hans Delbrück. After graduation in 1873 he toured countries of the Mediterranean extensively.In 1881 he became an associate professor at the University of Kiel, followed by professorships at the Universities of Rostock (1883), Strasbourg (1888) and Göttingen (1889). At the latter institution he was university rector (1903–4), and was a colleague of Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff. In 1889 he became a member of the Göttingen Academy of Sciences.Much of Leo's earlier work concerned research of Seneca's tragedies and the writings of Venantius Fortunatus. Later his focus dealt largely with works of Roman playwright Plautus and early Roman literature in general. A few of his better known publications are the following:In 1883 Leo married Cécile Hensel (1858–1928), daughter of the landowner and entrepreneur Sebastian Hensel, granddaughter of the composer Fanny Mendelssohn and the painter Wilhelm Hensel and descendant of the entrepreneur and philosopher Moses Mendelssohn and sister of the philosopher Paul Hensel and the mathematician Kurt Hensel. Both Leo and his wife came from families who were assimilated German Jews, having converted to Lutheranism in the early 19th century. The couple had three children: Erika Brecht (1887–1949), the writer (1890–1964) and the theologian Paul Leo (1893–1958).
|
[
"University of Bonn",
"University of Strasbourg",
"University of Kiel",
"University of Göttingen"
] |
|
Which employer did Friedrich Leo work for in 23/09/1885?
|
September 23, 1885
|
{
"text": [
"University of Rostock"
]
}
|
L2_Q71353_P108_2
|
Friedrich Leo works for University of Rostock from Jan, 1883 to Jan, 1888.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Strasbourg from Jan, 1888 to Jan, 1889.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Göttingen from Jan, 1889 to Jan, 1914.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Bonn from Jan, 1877 to Jan, 1881.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Kiel from Jan, 1881 to Jan, 1883.
|
Friedrich LeoFriedrich Leo (July 10, 1851 – January 15, 1914) was a German classical philologist born in Regenwalde, in the then-province of Pomerania (present-day Resko, Poland).From 1868 he was a student at the University of Göttingen, and following military duty in the Franco-Prussian War, he continued his education at the University of Bonn, where he had as instructors Franz Bücheler and Hermann Usener. At Bonn his fellow students included Georg Kaibel, Friedrich von Duhn, Georg Dehio and Hans Delbrück. After graduation in 1873 he toured countries of the Mediterranean extensively.In 1881 he became an associate professor at the University of Kiel, followed by professorships at the Universities of Rostock (1883), Strasbourg (1888) and Göttingen (1889). At the latter institution he was university rector (1903–4), and was a colleague of Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff. In 1889 he became a member of the Göttingen Academy of Sciences.Much of Leo's earlier work concerned research of Seneca's tragedies and the writings of Venantius Fortunatus. Later his focus dealt largely with works of Roman playwright Plautus and early Roman literature in general. A few of his better known publications are the following:In 1883 Leo married Cécile Hensel (1858–1928), daughter of the landowner and entrepreneur Sebastian Hensel, granddaughter of the composer Fanny Mendelssohn and the painter Wilhelm Hensel and descendant of the entrepreneur and philosopher Moses Mendelssohn and sister of the philosopher Paul Hensel and the mathematician Kurt Hensel. Both Leo and his wife came from families who were assimilated German Jews, having converted to Lutheranism in the early 19th century. The couple had three children: Erika Brecht (1887–1949), the writer (1890–1964) and the theologian Paul Leo (1893–1958).
|
[
"University of Bonn",
"University of Strasbourg",
"University of Kiel",
"University of Göttingen"
] |
|
Which employer did Friedrich Leo work for in Sep 23, 1885?
|
September 23, 1885
|
{
"text": [
"University of Rostock"
]
}
|
L2_Q71353_P108_2
|
Friedrich Leo works for University of Rostock from Jan, 1883 to Jan, 1888.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Strasbourg from Jan, 1888 to Jan, 1889.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Göttingen from Jan, 1889 to Jan, 1914.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Bonn from Jan, 1877 to Jan, 1881.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Kiel from Jan, 1881 to Jan, 1883.
|
Friedrich LeoFriedrich Leo (July 10, 1851 – January 15, 1914) was a German classical philologist born in Regenwalde, in the then-province of Pomerania (present-day Resko, Poland).From 1868 he was a student at the University of Göttingen, and following military duty in the Franco-Prussian War, he continued his education at the University of Bonn, where he had as instructors Franz Bücheler and Hermann Usener. At Bonn his fellow students included Georg Kaibel, Friedrich von Duhn, Georg Dehio and Hans Delbrück. After graduation in 1873 he toured countries of the Mediterranean extensively.In 1881 he became an associate professor at the University of Kiel, followed by professorships at the Universities of Rostock (1883), Strasbourg (1888) and Göttingen (1889). At the latter institution he was university rector (1903–4), and was a colleague of Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff. In 1889 he became a member of the Göttingen Academy of Sciences.Much of Leo's earlier work concerned research of Seneca's tragedies and the writings of Venantius Fortunatus. Later his focus dealt largely with works of Roman playwright Plautus and early Roman literature in general. A few of his better known publications are the following:In 1883 Leo married Cécile Hensel (1858–1928), daughter of the landowner and entrepreneur Sebastian Hensel, granddaughter of the composer Fanny Mendelssohn and the painter Wilhelm Hensel and descendant of the entrepreneur and philosopher Moses Mendelssohn and sister of the philosopher Paul Hensel and the mathematician Kurt Hensel. Both Leo and his wife came from families who were assimilated German Jews, having converted to Lutheranism in the early 19th century. The couple had three children: Erika Brecht (1887–1949), the writer (1890–1964) and the theologian Paul Leo (1893–1958).
|
[
"University of Bonn",
"University of Strasbourg",
"University of Kiel",
"University of Göttingen"
] |
|
Which employer did Friedrich Leo work for in 09/23/1885?
|
September 23, 1885
|
{
"text": [
"University of Rostock"
]
}
|
L2_Q71353_P108_2
|
Friedrich Leo works for University of Rostock from Jan, 1883 to Jan, 1888.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Strasbourg from Jan, 1888 to Jan, 1889.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Göttingen from Jan, 1889 to Jan, 1914.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Bonn from Jan, 1877 to Jan, 1881.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Kiel from Jan, 1881 to Jan, 1883.
|
Friedrich LeoFriedrich Leo (July 10, 1851 – January 15, 1914) was a German classical philologist born in Regenwalde, in the then-province of Pomerania (present-day Resko, Poland).From 1868 he was a student at the University of Göttingen, and following military duty in the Franco-Prussian War, he continued his education at the University of Bonn, where he had as instructors Franz Bücheler and Hermann Usener. At Bonn his fellow students included Georg Kaibel, Friedrich von Duhn, Georg Dehio and Hans Delbrück. After graduation in 1873 he toured countries of the Mediterranean extensively.In 1881 he became an associate professor at the University of Kiel, followed by professorships at the Universities of Rostock (1883), Strasbourg (1888) and Göttingen (1889). At the latter institution he was university rector (1903–4), and was a colleague of Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff. In 1889 he became a member of the Göttingen Academy of Sciences.Much of Leo's earlier work concerned research of Seneca's tragedies and the writings of Venantius Fortunatus. Later his focus dealt largely with works of Roman playwright Plautus and early Roman literature in general. A few of his better known publications are the following:In 1883 Leo married Cécile Hensel (1858–1928), daughter of the landowner and entrepreneur Sebastian Hensel, granddaughter of the composer Fanny Mendelssohn and the painter Wilhelm Hensel and descendant of the entrepreneur and philosopher Moses Mendelssohn and sister of the philosopher Paul Hensel and the mathematician Kurt Hensel. Both Leo and his wife came from families who were assimilated German Jews, having converted to Lutheranism in the early 19th century. The couple had three children: Erika Brecht (1887–1949), the writer (1890–1964) and the theologian Paul Leo (1893–1958).
|
[
"University of Bonn",
"University of Strasbourg",
"University of Kiel",
"University of Göttingen"
] |
|
Which employer did Friedrich Leo work for in 23-Sep-188523-September-1885?
|
September 23, 1885
|
{
"text": [
"University of Rostock"
]
}
|
L2_Q71353_P108_2
|
Friedrich Leo works for University of Rostock from Jan, 1883 to Jan, 1888.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Strasbourg from Jan, 1888 to Jan, 1889.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Göttingen from Jan, 1889 to Jan, 1914.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Bonn from Jan, 1877 to Jan, 1881.
Friedrich Leo works for University of Kiel from Jan, 1881 to Jan, 1883.
|
Friedrich LeoFriedrich Leo (July 10, 1851 – January 15, 1914) was a German classical philologist born in Regenwalde, in the then-province of Pomerania (present-day Resko, Poland).From 1868 he was a student at the University of Göttingen, and following military duty in the Franco-Prussian War, he continued his education at the University of Bonn, where he had as instructors Franz Bücheler and Hermann Usener. At Bonn his fellow students included Georg Kaibel, Friedrich von Duhn, Georg Dehio and Hans Delbrück. After graduation in 1873 he toured countries of the Mediterranean extensively.In 1881 he became an associate professor at the University of Kiel, followed by professorships at the Universities of Rostock (1883), Strasbourg (1888) and Göttingen (1889). At the latter institution he was university rector (1903–4), and was a colleague of Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff. In 1889 he became a member of the Göttingen Academy of Sciences.Much of Leo's earlier work concerned research of Seneca's tragedies and the writings of Venantius Fortunatus. Later his focus dealt largely with works of Roman playwright Plautus and early Roman literature in general. A few of his better known publications are the following:In 1883 Leo married Cécile Hensel (1858–1928), daughter of the landowner and entrepreneur Sebastian Hensel, granddaughter of the composer Fanny Mendelssohn and the painter Wilhelm Hensel and descendant of the entrepreneur and philosopher Moses Mendelssohn and sister of the philosopher Paul Hensel and the mathematician Kurt Hensel. Both Leo and his wife came from families who were assimilated German Jews, having converted to Lutheranism in the early 19th century. The couple had three children: Erika Brecht (1887–1949), the writer (1890–1964) and the theologian Paul Leo (1893–1958).
|
[
"University of Bonn",
"University of Strasbourg",
"University of Kiel",
"University of Göttingen"
] |
|
Which team did Jedaias Capucho Neves play for in Apr, 2013?
|
April 02, 2013
|
{
"text": [
"U.S. Pergolettese 1932"
]
}
|
L2_Q2447035_P54_11
|
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Acqui U.S. 1911 from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Cagliari Calcio from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2010.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for F.C. Crotone from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Unione Sportiva Lecce from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2013.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Vicenza Calcio from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2003.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for A.C. Rimini 1912 from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Robur Siena from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2002.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Potenza Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Piacenza Calcio from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for S.S.D. Casarano Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Novara Calcio from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Calcio Catania from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2005.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Nuorese Calcio from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Palermo FC from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2004.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for U.S. Pergolettese 1932 from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for União São João E.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2000.
|
Jeda (footballer)Jedaias Capucho Neves (born 15 April 1979), better known as Jeda, is a Brazilian former footballer who played as a striker, and currently head coach of Italian amateur club Vimercatese Oreno.Born in Santarém, Pará, Jeda started his career at União São João. He then signed by Vicenza. He made his Serie A debut against Reggina on 23 December 2000. He then found using a fake passport in order to register as an EU player, he was banned for the first half of 2001–02 season.He followed the club relegated in summer 2001. He made 3 appearances before moved to A.C. Siena on loan. he then played regularly for Vicenza, but transferred to Palermo in January 2004. He won the Serie B Champions in summer 2004, but transferred to Piacenza of Serie B after became surplus of Palermo Serie A campaign. In January 2005, he moved, this time on loan to league rival Catania.In summer 2005, he joined F.C. Crotone, where he scored 15 goals. In summer 2006, he was signed by Rimini, where he scored 13 goals in 19 games in 2007–08 season.In January 2008, he joined Serie A club Cagliari, who was then struggling to keep from relegation. He eventually helped Cagliari recover and maintain their stay at Serie A.Signing on deadline day in the summer of 2010 from Cagliari, he moved to newly promoted Serie A team Lecce. He scored two goals in the decisive match against Bari on 15 May 2011 which allowed his team to avoid relegation with a game to spare.After a number of experiences in the minor leagues of Italian football, he retired in 2018 following a season with Eccellenza amateurs Vimercatese Oreno.After his retirement, he accepted an offer from Vimercatese Oreno to stay at the club on head coaching duty.
|
[
"A.C. Rimini 1912",
"Robur Siena",
"Palermo FC",
"Calcio Catania",
"Potenza Calcio",
"S.S.D. Casarano Calcio",
"Unione Sportiva Lecce",
"Cagliari Calcio",
"Nuorese Calcio",
"F.C. Crotone",
"União São João E.C.",
"Novara Calcio",
"Vicenza Calcio",
"Piacenza Calcio",
"Acqui U.S. 1911"
] |
|
Which team did Jedaias Capucho Neves play for in 2013-04-02?
|
April 02, 2013
|
{
"text": [
"U.S. Pergolettese 1932"
]
}
|
L2_Q2447035_P54_11
|
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Acqui U.S. 1911 from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Cagliari Calcio from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2010.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for F.C. Crotone from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Unione Sportiva Lecce from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2013.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Vicenza Calcio from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2003.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for A.C. Rimini 1912 from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Robur Siena from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2002.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Potenza Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Piacenza Calcio from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for S.S.D. Casarano Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Novara Calcio from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Calcio Catania from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2005.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Nuorese Calcio from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Palermo FC from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2004.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for U.S. Pergolettese 1932 from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for União São João E.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2000.
|
Jeda (footballer)Jedaias Capucho Neves (born 15 April 1979), better known as Jeda, is a Brazilian former footballer who played as a striker, and currently head coach of Italian amateur club Vimercatese Oreno.Born in Santarém, Pará, Jeda started his career at União São João. He then signed by Vicenza. He made his Serie A debut against Reggina on 23 December 2000. He then found using a fake passport in order to register as an EU player, he was banned for the first half of 2001–02 season.He followed the club relegated in summer 2001. He made 3 appearances before moved to A.C. Siena on loan. he then played regularly for Vicenza, but transferred to Palermo in January 2004. He won the Serie B Champions in summer 2004, but transferred to Piacenza of Serie B after became surplus of Palermo Serie A campaign. In January 2005, he moved, this time on loan to league rival Catania.In summer 2005, he joined F.C. Crotone, where he scored 15 goals. In summer 2006, he was signed by Rimini, where he scored 13 goals in 19 games in 2007–08 season.In January 2008, he joined Serie A club Cagliari, who was then struggling to keep from relegation. He eventually helped Cagliari recover and maintain their stay at Serie A.Signing on deadline day in the summer of 2010 from Cagliari, he moved to newly promoted Serie A team Lecce. He scored two goals in the decisive match against Bari on 15 May 2011 which allowed his team to avoid relegation with a game to spare.After a number of experiences in the minor leagues of Italian football, he retired in 2018 following a season with Eccellenza amateurs Vimercatese Oreno.After his retirement, he accepted an offer from Vimercatese Oreno to stay at the club on head coaching duty.
|
[
"A.C. Rimini 1912",
"Robur Siena",
"Palermo FC",
"Calcio Catania",
"Potenza Calcio",
"S.S.D. Casarano Calcio",
"Unione Sportiva Lecce",
"Cagliari Calcio",
"Nuorese Calcio",
"F.C. Crotone",
"União São João E.C.",
"Novara Calcio",
"Vicenza Calcio",
"Piacenza Calcio",
"Acqui U.S. 1911"
] |
|
Which team did Jedaias Capucho Neves play for in 02/04/2013?
|
April 02, 2013
|
{
"text": [
"U.S. Pergolettese 1932"
]
}
|
L2_Q2447035_P54_11
|
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Acqui U.S. 1911 from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Cagliari Calcio from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2010.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for F.C. Crotone from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Unione Sportiva Lecce from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2013.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Vicenza Calcio from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2003.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for A.C. Rimini 1912 from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Robur Siena from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2002.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Potenza Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Piacenza Calcio from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for S.S.D. Casarano Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Novara Calcio from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Calcio Catania from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2005.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Nuorese Calcio from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Palermo FC from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2004.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for U.S. Pergolettese 1932 from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for União São João E.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2000.
|
Jeda (footballer)Jedaias Capucho Neves (born 15 April 1979), better known as Jeda, is a Brazilian former footballer who played as a striker, and currently head coach of Italian amateur club Vimercatese Oreno.Born in Santarém, Pará, Jeda started his career at União São João. He then signed by Vicenza. He made his Serie A debut against Reggina on 23 December 2000. He then found using a fake passport in order to register as an EU player, he was banned for the first half of 2001–02 season.He followed the club relegated in summer 2001. He made 3 appearances before moved to A.C. Siena on loan. he then played regularly for Vicenza, but transferred to Palermo in January 2004. He won the Serie B Champions in summer 2004, but transferred to Piacenza of Serie B after became surplus of Palermo Serie A campaign. In January 2005, he moved, this time on loan to league rival Catania.In summer 2005, he joined F.C. Crotone, where he scored 15 goals. In summer 2006, he was signed by Rimini, where he scored 13 goals in 19 games in 2007–08 season.In January 2008, he joined Serie A club Cagliari, who was then struggling to keep from relegation. He eventually helped Cagliari recover and maintain their stay at Serie A.Signing on deadline day in the summer of 2010 from Cagliari, he moved to newly promoted Serie A team Lecce. He scored two goals in the decisive match against Bari on 15 May 2011 which allowed his team to avoid relegation with a game to spare.After a number of experiences in the minor leagues of Italian football, he retired in 2018 following a season with Eccellenza amateurs Vimercatese Oreno.After his retirement, he accepted an offer from Vimercatese Oreno to stay at the club on head coaching duty.
|
[
"A.C. Rimini 1912",
"Robur Siena",
"Palermo FC",
"Calcio Catania",
"Potenza Calcio",
"S.S.D. Casarano Calcio",
"Unione Sportiva Lecce",
"Cagliari Calcio",
"Nuorese Calcio",
"F.C. Crotone",
"União São João E.C.",
"Novara Calcio",
"Vicenza Calcio",
"Piacenza Calcio",
"Acqui U.S. 1911"
] |
|
Which team did Jedaias Capucho Neves play for in Apr 02, 2013?
|
April 02, 2013
|
{
"text": [
"U.S. Pergolettese 1932"
]
}
|
L2_Q2447035_P54_11
|
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Acqui U.S. 1911 from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Cagliari Calcio from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2010.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for F.C. Crotone from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Unione Sportiva Lecce from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2013.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Vicenza Calcio from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2003.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for A.C. Rimini 1912 from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Robur Siena from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2002.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Potenza Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Piacenza Calcio from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for S.S.D. Casarano Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Novara Calcio from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Calcio Catania from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2005.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Nuorese Calcio from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Palermo FC from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2004.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for U.S. Pergolettese 1932 from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for União São João E.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2000.
|
Jeda (footballer)Jedaias Capucho Neves (born 15 April 1979), better known as Jeda, is a Brazilian former footballer who played as a striker, and currently head coach of Italian amateur club Vimercatese Oreno.Born in Santarém, Pará, Jeda started his career at União São João. He then signed by Vicenza. He made his Serie A debut against Reggina on 23 December 2000. He then found using a fake passport in order to register as an EU player, he was banned for the first half of 2001–02 season.He followed the club relegated in summer 2001. He made 3 appearances before moved to A.C. Siena on loan. he then played regularly for Vicenza, but transferred to Palermo in January 2004. He won the Serie B Champions in summer 2004, but transferred to Piacenza of Serie B after became surplus of Palermo Serie A campaign. In January 2005, he moved, this time on loan to league rival Catania.In summer 2005, he joined F.C. Crotone, where he scored 15 goals. In summer 2006, he was signed by Rimini, where he scored 13 goals in 19 games in 2007–08 season.In January 2008, he joined Serie A club Cagliari, who was then struggling to keep from relegation. He eventually helped Cagliari recover and maintain their stay at Serie A.Signing on deadline day in the summer of 2010 from Cagliari, he moved to newly promoted Serie A team Lecce. He scored two goals in the decisive match against Bari on 15 May 2011 which allowed his team to avoid relegation with a game to spare.After a number of experiences in the minor leagues of Italian football, he retired in 2018 following a season with Eccellenza amateurs Vimercatese Oreno.After his retirement, he accepted an offer from Vimercatese Oreno to stay at the club on head coaching duty.
|
[
"A.C. Rimini 1912",
"Robur Siena",
"Palermo FC",
"Calcio Catania",
"Potenza Calcio",
"S.S.D. Casarano Calcio",
"Unione Sportiva Lecce",
"Cagliari Calcio",
"Nuorese Calcio",
"F.C. Crotone",
"União São João E.C.",
"Novara Calcio",
"Vicenza Calcio",
"Piacenza Calcio",
"Acqui U.S. 1911"
] |
|
Which team did Jedaias Capucho Neves play for in 04/02/2013?
|
April 02, 2013
|
{
"text": [
"U.S. Pergolettese 1932"
]
}
|
L2_Q2447035_P54_11
|
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Acqui U.S. 1911 from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Cagliari Calcio from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2010.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for F.C. Crotone from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Unione Sportiva Lecce from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2013.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Vicenza Calcio from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2003.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for A.C. Rimini 1912 from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Robur Siena from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2002.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Potenza Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Piacenza Calcio from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for S.S.D. Casarano Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Novara Calcio from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Calcio Catania from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2005.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Nuorese Calcio from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Palermo FC from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2004.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for U.S. Pergolettese 1932 from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for União São João E.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2000.
|
Jeda (footballer)Jedaias Capucho Neves (born 15 April 1979), better known as Jeda, is a Brazilian former footballer who played as a striker, and currently head coach of Italian amateur club Vimercatese Oreno.Born in Santarém, Pará, Jeda started his career at União São João. He then signed by Vicenza. He made his Serie A debut against Reggina on 23 December 2000. He then found using a fake passport in order to register as an EU player, he was banned for the first half of 2001–02 season.He followed the club relegated in summer 2001. He made 3 appearances before moved to A.C. Siena on loan. he then played regularly for Vicenza, but transferred to Palermo in January 2004. He won the Serie B Champions in summer 2004, but transferred to Piacenza of Serie B after became surplus of Palermo Serie A campaign. In January 2005, he moved, this time on loan to league rival Catania.In summer 2005, he joined F.C. Crotone, where he scored 15 goals. In summer 2006, he was signed by Rimini, where he scored 13 goals in 19 games in 2007–08 season.In January 2008, he joined Serie A club Cagliari, who was then struggling to keep from relegation. He eventually helped Cagliari recover and maintain their stay at Serie A.Signing on deadline day in the summer of 2010 from Cagliari, he moved to newly promoted Serie A team Lecce. He scored two goals in the decisive match against Bari on 15 May 2011 which allowed his team to avoid relegation with a game to spare.After a number of experiences in the minor leagues of Italian football, he retired in 2018 following a season with Eccellenza amateurs Vimercatese Oreno.After his retirement, he accepted an offer from Vimercatese Oreno to stay at the club on head coaching duty.
|
[
"A.C. Rimini 1912",
"Robur Siena",
"Palermo FC",
"Calcio Catania",
"Potenza Calcio",
"S.S.D. Casarano Calcio",
"Unione Sportiva Lecce",
"Cagliari Calcio",
"Nuorese Calcio",
"F.C. Crotone",
"União São João E.C.",
"Novara Calcio",
"Vicenza Calcio",
"Piacenza Calcio",
"Acqui U.S. 1911"
] |
|
Which team did Jedaias Capucho Neves play for in 02-Apr-201302-April-2013?
|
April 02, 2013
|
{
"text": [
"U.S. Pergolettese 1932"
]
}
|
L2_Q2447035_P54_11
|
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Acqui U.S. 1911 from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2014.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Cagliari Calcio from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2010.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for F.C. Crotone from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Unione Sportiva Lecce from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2013.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Vicenza Calcio from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2003.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for A.C. Rimini 1912 from Jan, 2006 to Jan, 2008.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Robur Siena from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2002.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Potenza Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2015.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Piacenza Calcio from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for S.S.D. Casarano Calcio from Jan, 2015 to Dec, 2022.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Novara Calcio from Jan, 2011 to Jan, 2012.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Calcio Catania from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2005.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Nuorese Calcio from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2015.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for Palermo FC from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2004.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for U.S. Pergolettese 1932 from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2014.
Jedaias Capucho Neves plays for União São João E.C. from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2000.
|
Jeda (footballer)Jedaias Capucho Neves (born 15 April 1979), better known as Jeda, is a Brazilian former footballer who played as a striker, and currently head coach of Italian amateur club Vimercatese Oreno.Born in Santarém, Pará, Jeda started his career at União São João. He then signed by Vicenza. He made his Serie A debut against Reggina on 23 December 2000. He then found using a fake passport in order to register as an EU player, he was banned for the first half of 2001–02 season.He followed the club relegated in summer 2001. He made 3 appearances before moved to A.C. Siena on loan. he then played regularly for Vicenza, but transferred to Palermo in January 2004. He won the Serie B Champions in summer 2004, but transferred to Piacenza of Serie B after became surplus of Palermo Serie A campaign. In January 2005, he moved, this time on loan to league rival Catania.In summer 2005, he joined F.C. Crotone, where he scored 15 goals. In summer 2006, he was signed by Rimini, where he scored 13 goals in 19 games in 2007–08 season.In January 2008, he joined Serie A club Cagliari, who was then struggling to keep from relegation. He eventually helped Cagliari recover and maintain their stay at Serie A.Signing on deadline day in the summer of 2010 from Cagliari, he moved to newly promoted Serie A team Lecce. He scored two goals in the decisive match against Bari on 15 May 2011 which allowed his team to avoid relegation with a game to spare.After a number of experiences in the minor leagues of Italian football, he retired in 2018 following a season with Eccellenza amateurs Vimercatese Oreno.After his retirement, he accepted an offer from Vimercatese Oreno to stay at the club on head coaching duty.
|
[
"A.C. Rimini 1912",
"Robur Siena",
"Palermo FC",
"Calcio Catania",
"Potenza Calcio",
"S.S.D. Casarano Calcio",
"Unione Sportiva Lecce",
"Cagliari Calcio",
"Nuorese Calcio",
"F.C. Crotone",
"União São João E.C.",
"Novara Calcio",
"Vicenza Calcio",
"Piacenza Calcio",
"Acqui U.S. 1911"
] |
|
Which political party did Vootele Hansen belong to in Mar, 1996?
|
March 08, 1996
|
{
"text": [
"People's Party of Republicans and Conservatives"
]
}
|
L2_Q16405288_P102_1
|
Vootele Hansen is a member of the People's Party of Republicans and Conservatives from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1998.
Vootele Hansen is a member of the National Coalition Party Pro Patria from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Vootele Hansen is a member of the Social Democratic Party from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2018.
Vootele Hansen is a member of the Isamaa from Jan, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
|
Vootele HansenVootele Hansen (19 January 1962 in Tallinn) was an Estonian politician. He was a member of VIII and IX Riigikogu. 1994-1995 he was Minister of the Environment.
|
[
"Isamaa",
"National Coalition Party Pro Patria",
"Social Democratic Party"
] |
|
Which political party did Vootele Hansen belong to in 1996-03-08?
|
March 08, 1996
|
{
"text": [
"People's Party of Republicans and Conservatives"
]
}
|
L2_Q16405288_P102_1
|
Vootele Hansen is a member of the People's Party of Republicans and Conservatives from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1998.
Vootele Hansen is a member of the National Coalition Party Pro Patria from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Vootele Hansen is a member of the Social Democratic Party from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2018.
Vootele Hansen is a member of the Isamaa from Jan, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
|
Vootele HansenVootele Hansen (19 January 1962 in Tallinn) was an Estonian politician. He was a member of VIII and IX Riigikogu. 1994-1995 he was Minister of the Environment.
|
[
"Isamaa",
"National Coalition Party Pro Patria",
"Social Democratic Party"
] |
|
Which political party did Vootele Hansen belong to in 08/03/1996?
|
March 08, 1996
|
{
"text": [
"People's Party of Republicans and Conservatives"
]
}
|
L2_Q16405288_P102_1
|
Vootele Hansen is a member of the People's Party of Republicans and Conservatives from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1998.
Vootele Hansen is a member of the National Coalition Party Pro Patria from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Vootele Hansen is a member of the Social Democratic Party from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2018.
Vootele Hansen is a member of the Isamaa from Jan, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
|
Vootele HansenVootele Hansen (19 January 1962 in Tallinn) was an Estonian politician. He was a member of VIII and IX Riigikogu. 1994-1995 he was Minister of the Environment.
|
[
"Isamaa",
"National Coalition Party Pro Patria",
"Social Democratic Party"
] |
|
Which political party did Vootele Hansen belong to in Mar 08, 1996?
|
March 08, 1996
|
{
"text": [
"People's Party of Republicans and Conservatives"
]
}
|
L2_Q16405288_P102_1
|
Vootele Hansen is a member of the People's Party of Republicans and Conservatives from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1998.
Vootele Hansen is a member of the National Coalition Party Pro Patria from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Vootele Hansen is a member of the Social Democratic Party from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2018.
Vootele Hansen is a member of the Isamaa from Jan, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
|
Vootele HansenVootele Hansen (19 January 1962 in Tallinn) was an Estonian politician. He was a member of VIII and IX Riigikogu. 1994-1995 he was Minister of the Environment.
|
[
"Isamaa",
"National Coalition Party Pro Patria",
"Social Democratic Party"
] |
|
Which political party did Vootele Hansen belong to in 03/08/1996?
|
March 08, 1996
|
{
"text": [
"People's Party of Republicans and Conservatives"
]
}
|
L2_Q16405288_P102_1
|
Vootele Hansen is a member of the People's Party of Republicans and Conservatives from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1998.
Vootele Hansen is a member of the National Coalition Party Pro Patria from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Vootele Hansen is a member of the Social Democratic Party from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2018.
Vootele Hansen is a member of the Isamaa from Jan, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
|
Vootele HansenVootele Hansen (19 January 1962 in Tallinn) was an Estonian politician. He was a member of VIII and IX Riigikogu. 1994-1995 he was Minister of the Environment.
|
[
"Isamaa",
"National Coalition Party Pro Patria",
"Social Democratic Party"
] |
|
Which political party did Vootele Hansen belong to in 08-Mar-199608-March-1996?
|
March 08, 1996
|
{
"text": [
"People's Party of Republicans and Conservatives"
]
}
|
L2_Q16405288_P102_1
|
Vootele Hansen is a member of the People's Party of Republicans and Conservatives from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1998.
Vootele Hansen is a member of the National Coalition Party Pro Patria from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Vootele Hansen is a member of the Social Democratic Party from Jan, 1998 to Jan, 2018.
Vootele Hansen is a member of the Isamaa from Jan, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
|
Vootele HansenVootele Hansen (19 January 1962 in Tallinn) was an Estonian politician. He was a member of VIII and IX Riigikogu. 1994-1995 he was Minister of the Environment.
|
[
"Isamaa",
"National Coalition Party Pro Patria",
"Social Democratic Party"
] |
|
Which team did Warren Jabali play for in Sep, 1969?
|
September 21, 1969
|
{
"text": [
"Virginia Squires"
]
}
|
L2_Q1608950_P54_1
|
Warren Jabali plays for San Diego Sails from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1975.
Warren Jabali plays for Virginia Squires from Jan, 1968 to Jan, 1970.
Warren Jabali plays for Denver Nuggets from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1974.
Warren Jabali plays for Miami Floridians from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1972.
Warren Jabali plays for Indiana Pacers from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1971.
Warren Jabali plays for Wichita State Shockers men's basketball from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1968.
|
Warren JabaliWarren Jabali (August 29, 1946 – July 13, 2012) was an American basketball player. He played professionally in the American Basketball Association (ABA) from 1968 to 1975.Born Warren Edward Armstrong, Jabali changed his name while attending Wichita State University to reflect his African roots. The name does not have any religious connotations as it is a Swahili word for "rock." A skilled defender and rebounder and a remarkable leaper, the 6'2" Jabali was reported to be able to touch a ten-foot high basketball rim with his forehead. Although Wichita State, and the Missouri Valley Conference in general, supplied many pro players of the era, he did not receive much attention from the National Basketball Association (NBA). He was drafted by the New York Knicks in the 4th round (8th pick, 44th overall) of the 1968 NBA draft; he signed instead with the Oakland Oaks of the rival ABA, who selected him in the 1968 ABA Draft.In his first season in the ABA, he won Rookie of the Year honors, prompting teammate Rick Barry to comment, "No doubt he's one of the best guards I've ever played with—or against". Later that season, Jabali averaged 33.2 points against the Indiana Pacers in the 1969 ABA Finals and was named Playoffs MVP.As one of the most physically gifted guards in the American Basketball Association, Warren Jabali muscled his way through seven straight seasons of double-digit scoring, including 1968–69, when his average of 21.5 points per game earned him ABA Rookie of the Year honors. That season Jabali's efforts helped bring an ABA Championship to the Oakland Oaks, a team that also featured Rick Barry, Larry Brown, and Doug Moe.Jabali became an instant star after coming into the league from Wichita State University. Although Barry, the Oaks' biggest attraction, won the league scoring title in 1968–69, he was only able to play in 35 games because of a severe knee ligament injury. It was Jabali, an immediate starter, who gave Coach Alex Hannum the extra scoring punch needed in Barry's absence.With Jabali aboard and Barry helping for part of the season, the Oaks recorded a stunning 38-game turnaround to post a league-best 60-18 record. In the playoffs, they went 12-4 on the way to claiming the ABA Championship. A year later at midseason, with the team playing as the Washington Caps, an injury sidelined Jabali. Hurt shortly after playing in his first of four ABA All-Star Games, he was carrying an average of 22.8 points per game at the time.Jabali made a comeback, although his final five years were spent with four teams. In his first season back, 1970–71, he was traded from the Kentucky Colonels to the Indiana Pacers on October 13, 1970, in exchange for a first-round draft choice and cash. Jabali saw action in 62 games with the Pacers. It was with the Pacers that Jabali started pulling the trigger from three-point land; he did it 163 times that year, making 47 treys.He had a big year with the Florida Floridians the following season, averaging 19.9 points and hitting 102 of his 286 three-point attempts, among the most in the league. When the Miami-based franchise folded, Jabali moved to the Denver Rockets (later the Denver Nuggets). During his first campaign with the Rockets, Jabali's 16-point effort in the 1973 ABA All-Star Game keyed the West's come-from-behind victory and earned him Most Valuable Player honors. That game is often referred to as the Jabali's Jamboree.After one more season in Denver and another with the San Diego Conquistadors, Jabali retired in 1975, at age 28.In his seven-year professional career, Jabali played for the Oakland Oaks, Washington Capitals, the Indiana Pacers, The Floridians, the Denver Rockets, and the San Diego Conquistadors. While playing for the Rockets in 1973, he was named the All-Star Game MVP and was named to the All-ABA First Team after averaging 17.0 points, 6.6 assists, and 5.2 rebounds. Knee problems would soon limit his effectiveness, however, and he retired in 1975, having achieved career averages of 17.1 points, 5.3 assists, and 6.7 rebounds.Warren Jabali died on July 13, 2012.
|
[
"Denver Nuggets",
"Wichita State Shockers men's basketball",
"Indiana Pacers",
"Miami Floridians",
"San Diego Sails"
] |
|
Which team did Warren Jabali play for in 1969-09-21?
|
September 21, 1969
|
{
"text": [
"Virginia Squires"
]
}
|
L2_Q1608950_P54_1
|
Warren Jabali plays for San Diego Sails from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1975.
Warren Jabali plays for Virginia Squires from Jan, 1968 to Jan, 1970.
Warren Jabali plays for Denver Nuggets from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1974.
Warren Jabali plays for Miami Floridians from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1972.
Warren Jabali plays for Indiana Pacers from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1971.
Warren Jabali plays for Wichita State Shockers men's basketball from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1968.
|
Warren JabaliWarren Jabali (August 29, 1946 – July 13, 2012) was an American basketball player. He played professionally in the American Basketball Association (ABA) from 1968 to 1975.Born Warren Edward Armstrong, Jabali changed his name while attending Wichita State University to reflect his African roots. The name does not have any religious connotations as it is a Swahili word for "rock." A skilled defender and rebounder and a remarkable leaper, the 6'2" Jabali was reported to be able to touch a ten-foot high basketball rim with his forehead. Although Wichita State, and the Missouri Valley Conference in general, supplied many pro players of the era, he did not receive much attention from the National Basketball Association (NBA). He was drafted by the New York Knicks in the 4th round (8th pick, 44th overall) of the 1968 NBA draft; he signed instead with the Oakland Oaks of the rival ABA, who selected him in the 1968 ABA Draft.In his first season in the ABA, he won Rookie of the Year honors, prompting teammate Rick Barry to comment, "No doubt he's one of the best guards I've ever played with—or against". Later that season, Jabali averaged 33.2 points against the Indiana Pacers in the 1969 ABA Finals and was named Playoffs MVP.As one of the most physically gifted guards in the American Basketball Association, Warren Jabali muscled his way through seven straight seasons of double-digit scoring, including 1968–69, when his average of 21.5 points per game earned him ABA Rookie of the Year honors. That season Jabali's efforts helped bring an ABA Championship to the Oakland Oaks, a team that also featured Rick Barry, Larry Brown, and Doug Moe.Jabali became an instant star after coming into the league from Wichita State University. Although Barry, the Oaks' biggest attraction, won the league scoring title in 1968–69, he was only able to play in 35 games because of a severe knee ligament injury. It was Jabali, an immediate starter, who gave Coach Alex Hannum the extra scoring punch needed in Barry's absence.With Jabali aboard and Barry helping for part of the season, the Oaks recorded a stunning 38-game turnaround to post a league-best 60-18 record. In the playoffs, they went 12-4 on the way to claiming the ABA Championship. A year later at midseason, with the team playing as the Washington Caps, an injury sidelined Jabali. Hurt shortly after playing in his first of four ABA All-Star Games, he was carrying an average of 22.8 points per game at the time.Jabali made a comeback, although his final five years were spent with four teams. In his first season back, 1970–71, he was traded from the Kentucky Colonels to the Indiana Pacers on October 13, 1970, in exchange for a first-round draft choice and cash. Jabali saw action in 62 games with the Pacers. It was with the Pacers that Jabali started pulling the trigger from three-point land; he did it 163 times that year, making 47 treys.He had a big year with the Florida Floridians the following season, averaging 19.9 points and hitting 102 of his 286 three-point attempts, among the most in the league. When the Miami-based franchise folded, Jabali moved to the Denver Rockets (later the Denver Nuggets). During his first campaign with the Rockets, Jabali's 16-point effort in the 1973 ABA All-Star Game keyed the West's come-from-behind victory and earned him Most Valuable Player honors. That game is often referred to as the Jabali's Jamboree.After one more season in Denver and another with the San Diego Conquistadors, Jabali retired in 1975, at age 28.In his seven-year professional career, Jabali played for the Oakland Oaks, Washington Capitals, the Indiana Pacers, The Floridians, the Denver Rockets, and the San Diego Conquistadors. While playing for the Rockets in 1973, he was named the All-Star Game MVP and was named to the All-ABA First Team after averaging 17.0 points, 6.6 assists, and 5.2 rebounds. Knee problems would soon limit his effectiveness, however, and he retired in 1975, having achieved career averages of 17.1 points, 5.3 assists, and 6.7 rebounds.Warren Jabali died on July 13, 2012.
|
[
"Denver Nuggets",
"Wichita State Shockers men's basketball",
"Indiana Pacers",
"Miami Floridians",
"San Diego Sails"
] |
|
Which team did Warren Jabali play for in 21/09/1969?
|
September 21, 1969
|
{
"text": [
"Virginia Squires"
]
}
|
L2_Q1608950_P54_1
|
Warren Jabali plays for San Diego Sails from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1975.
Warren Jabali plays for Virginia Squires from Jan, 1968 to Jan, 1970.
Warren Jabali plays for Denver Nuggets from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1974.
Warren Jabali plays for Miami Floridians from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1972.
Warren Jabali plays for Indiana Pacers from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1971.
Warren Jabali plays for Wichita State Shockers men's basketball from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1968.
|
Warren JabaliWarren Jabali (August 29, 1946 – July 13, 2012) was an American basketball player. He played professionally in the American Basketball Association (ABA) from 1968 to 1975.Born Warren Edward Armstrong, Jabali changed his name while attending Wichita State University to reflect his African roots. The name does not have any religious connotations as it is a Swahili word for "rock." A skilled defender and rebounder and a remarkable leaper, the 6'2" Jabali was reported to be able to touch a ten-foot high basketball rim with his forehead. Although Wichita State, and the Missouri Valley Conference in general, supplied many pro players of the era, he did not receive much attention from the National Basketball Association (NBA). He was drafted by the New York Knicks in the 4th round (8th pick, 44th overall) of the 1968 NBA draft; he signed instead with the Oakland Oaks of the rival ABA, who selected him in the 1968 ABA Draft.In his first season in the ABA, he won Rookie of the Year honors, prompting teammate Rick Barry to comment, "No doubt he's one of the best guards I've ever played with—or against". Later that season, Jabali averaged 33.2 points against the Indiana Pacers in the 1969 ABA Finals and was named Playoffs MVP.As one of the most physically gifted guards in the American Basketball Association, Warren Jabali muscled his way through seven straight seasons of double-digit scoring, including 1968–69, when his average of 21.5 points per game earned him ABA Rookie of the Year honors. That season Jabali's efforts helped bring an ABA Championship to the Oakland Oaks, a team that also featured Rick Barry, Larry Brown, and Doug Moe.Jabali became an instant star after coming into the league from Wichita State University. Although Barry, the Oaks' biggest attraction, won the league scoring title in 1968–69, he was only able to play in 35 games because of a severe knee ligament injury. It was Jabali, an immediate starter, who gave Coach Alex Hannum the extra scoring punch needed in Barry's absence.With Jabali aboard and Barry helping for part of the season, the Oaks recorded a stunning 38-game turnaround to post a league-best 60-18 record. In the playoffs, they went 12-4 on the way to claiming the ABA Championship. A year later at midseason, with the team playing as the Washington Caps, an injury sidelined Jabali. Hurt shortly after playing in his first of four ABA All-Star Games, he was carrying an average of 22.8 points per game at the time.Jabali made a comeback, although his final five years were spent with four teams. In his first season back, 1970–71, he was traded from the Kentucky Colonels to the Indiana Pacers on October 13, 1970, in exchange for a first-round draft choice and cash. Jabali saw action in 62 games with the Pacers. It was with the Pacers that Jabali started pulling the trigger from three-point land; he did it 163 times that year, making 47 treys.He had a big year with the Florida Floridians the following season, averaging 19.9 points and hitting 102 of his 286 three-point attempts, among the most in the league. When the Miami-based franchise folded, Jabali moved to the Denver Rockets (later the Denver Nuggets). During his first campaign with the Rockets, Jabali's 16-point effort in the 1973 ABA All-Star Game keyed the West's come-from-behind victory and earned him Most Valuable Player honors. That game is often referred to as the Jabali's Jamboree.After one more season in Denver and another with the San Diego Conquistadors, Jabali retired in 1975, at age 28.In his seven-year professional career, Jabali played for the Oakland Oaks, Washington Capitals, the Indiana Pacers, The Floridians, the Denver Rockets, and the San Diego Conquistadors. While playing for the Rockets in 1973, he was named the All-Star Game MVP and was named to the All-ABA First Team after averaging 17.0 points, 6.6 assists, and 5.2 rebounds. Knee problems would soon limit his effectiveness, however, and he retired in 1975, having achieved career averages of 17.1 points, 5.3 assists, and 6.7 rebounds.Warren Jabali died on July 13, 2012.
|
[
"Denver Nuggets",
"Wichita State Shockers men's basketball",
"Indiana Pacers",
"Miami Floridians",
"San Diego Sails"
] |
|
Which team did Warren Jabali play for in Sep 21, 1969?
|
September 21, 1969
|
{
"text": [
"Virginia Squires"
]
}
|
L2_Q1608950_P54_1
|
Warren Jabali plays for San Diego Sails from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1975.
Warren Jabali plays for Virginia Squires from Jan, 1968 to Jan, 1970.
Warren Jabali plays for Denver Nuggets from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1974.
Warren Jabali plays for Miami Floridians from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1972.
Warren Jabali plays for Indiana Pacers from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1971.
Warren Jabali plays for Wichita State Shockers men's basketball from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1968.
|
Warren JabaliWarren Jabali (August 29, 1946 – July 13, 2012) was an American basketball player. He played professionally in the American Basketball Association (ABA) from 1968 to 1975.Born Warren Edward Armstrong, Jabali changed his name while attending Wichita State University to reflect his African roots. The name does not have any religious connotations as it is a Swahili word for "rock." A skilled defender and rebounder and a remarkable leaper, the 6'2" Jabali was reported to be able to touch a ten-foot high basketball rim with his forehead. Although Wichita State, and the Missouri Valley Conference in general, supplied many pro players of the era, he did not receive much attention from the National Basketball Association (NBA). He was drafted by the New York Knicks in the 4th round (8th pick, 44th overall) of the 1968 NBA draft; he signed instead with the Oakland Oaks of the rival ABA, who selected him in the 1968 ABA Draft.In his first season in the ABA, he won Rookie of the Year honors, prompting teammate Rick Barry to comment, "No doubt he's one of the best guards I've ever played with—or against". Later that season, Jabali averaged 33.2 points against the Indiana Pacers in the 1969 ABA Finals and was named Playoffs MVP.As one of the most physically gifted guards in the American Basketball Association, Warren Jabali muscled his way through seven straight seasons of double-digit scoring, including 1968–69, when his average of 21.5 points per game earned him ABA Rookie of the Year honors. That season Jabali's efforts helped bring an ABA Championship to the Oakland Oaks, a team that also featured Rick Barry, Larry Brown, and Doug Moe.Jabali became an instant star after coming into the league from Wichita State University. Although Barry, the Oaks' biggest attraction, won the league scoring title in 1968–69, he was only able to play in 35 games because of a severe knee ligament injury. It was Jabali, an immediate starter, who gave Coach Alex Hannum the extra scoring punch needed in Barry's absence.With Jabali aboard and Barry helping for part of the season, the Oaks recorded a stunning 38-game turnaround to post a league-best 60-18 record. In the playoffs, they went 12-4 on the way to claiming the ABA Championship. A year later at midseason, with the team playing as the Washington Caps, an injury sidelined Jabali. Hurt shortly after playing in his first of four ABA All-Star Games, he was carrying an average of 22.8 points per game at the time.Jabali made a comeback, although his final five years were spent with four teams. In his first season back, 1970–71, he was traded from the Kentucky Colonels to the Indiana Pacers on October 13, 1970, in exchange for a first-round draft choice and cash. Jabali saw action in 62 games with the Pacers. It was with the Pacers that Jabali started pulling the trigger from three-point land; he did it 163 times that year, making 47 treys.He had a big year with the Florida Floridians the following season, averaging 19.9 points and hitting 102 of his 286 three-point attempts, among the most in the league. When the Miami-based franchise folded, Jabali moved to the Denver Rockets (later the Denver Nuggets). During his first campaign with the Rockets, Jabali's 16-point effort in the 1973 ABA All-Star Game keyed the West's come-from-behind victory and earned him Most Valuable Player honors. That game is often referred to as the Jabali's Jamboree.After one more season in Denver and another with the San Diego Conquistadors, Jabali retired in 1975, at age 28.In his seven-year professional career, Jabali played for the Oakland Oaks, Washington Capitals, the Indiana Pacers, The Floridians, the Denver Rockets, and the San Diego Conquistadors. While playing for the Rockets in 1973, he was named the All-Star Game MVP and was named to the All-ABA First Team after averaging 17.0 points, 6.6 assists, and 5.2 rebounds. Knee problems would soon limit his effectiveness, however, and he retired in 1975, having achieved career averages of 17.1 points, 5.3 assists, and 6.7 rebounds.Warren Jabali died on July 13, 2012.
|
[
"Denver Nuggets",
"Wichita State Shockers men's basketball",
"Indiana Pacers",
"Miami Floridians",
"San Diego Sails"
] |
|
Which team did Warren Jabali play for in 09/21/1969?
|
September 21, 1969
|
{
"text": [
"Virginia Squires"
]
}
|
L2_Q1608950_P54_1
|
Warren Jabali plays for San Diego Sails from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1975.
Warren Jabali plays for Virginia Squires from Jan, 1968 to Jan, 1970.
Warren Jabali plays for Denver Nuggets from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1974.
Warren Jabali plays for Miami Floridians from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1972.
Warren Jabali plays for Indiana Pacers from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1971.
Warren Jabali plays for Wichita State Shockers men's basketball from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1968.
|
Warren JabaliWarren Jabali (August 29, 1946 – July 13, 2012) was an American basketball player. He played professionally in the American Basketball Association (ABA) from 1968 to 1975.Born Warren Edward Armstrong, Jabali changed his name while attending Wichita State University to reflect his African roots. The name does not have any religious connotations as it is a Swahili word for "rock." A skilled defender and rebounder and a remarkable leaper, the 6'2" Jabali was reported to be able to touch a ten-foot high basketball rim with his forehead. Although Wichita State, and the Missouri Valley Conference in general, supplied many pro players of the era, he did not receive much attention from the National Basketball Association (NBA). He was drafted by the New York Knicks in the 4th round (8th pick, 44th overall) of the 1968 NBA draft; he signed instead with the Oakland Oaks of the rival ABA, who selected him in the 1968 ABA Draft.In his first season in the ABA, he won Rookie of the Year honors, prompting teammate Rick Barry to comment, "No doubt he's one of the best guards I've ever played with—or against". Later that season, Jabali averaged 33.2 points against the Indiana Pacers in the 1969 ABA Finals and was named Playoffs MVP.As one of the most physically gifted guards in the American Basketball Association, Warren Jabali muscled his way through seven straight seasons of double-digit scoring, including 1968–69, when his average of 21.5 points per game earned him ABA Rookie of the Year honors. That season Jabali's efforts helped bring an ABA Championship to the Oakland Oaks, a team that also featured Rick Barry, Larry Brown, and Doug Moe.Jabali became an instant star after coming into the league from Wichita State University. Although Barry, the Oaks' biggest attraction, won the league scoring title in 1968–69, he was only able to play in 35 games because of a severe knee ligament injury. It was Jabali, an immediate starter, who gave Coach Alex Hannum the extra scoring punch needed in Barry's absence.With Jabali aboard and Barry helping for part of the season, the Oaks recorded a stunning 38-game turnaround to post a league-best 60-18 record. In the playoffs, they went 12-4 on the way to claiming the ABA Championship. A year later at midseason, with the team playing as the Washington Caps, an injury sidelined Jabali. Hurt shortly after playing in his first of four ABA All-Star Games, he was carrying an average of 22.8 points per game at the time.Jabali made a comeback, although his final five years were spent with four teams. In his first season back, 1970–71, he was traded from the Kentucky Colonels to the Indiana Pacers on October 13, 1970, in exchange for a first-round draft choice and cash. Jabali saw action in 62 games with the Pacers. It was with the Pacers that Jabali started pulling the trigger from three-point land; he did it 163 times that year, making 47 treys.He had a big year with the Florida Floridians the following season, averaging 19.9 points and hitting 102 of his 286 three-point attempts, among the most in the league. When the Miami-based franchise folded, Jabali moved to the Denver Rockets (later the Denver Nuggets). During his first campaign with the Rockets, Jabali's 16-point effort in the 1973 ABA All-Star Game keyed the West's come-from-behind victory and earned him Most Valuable Player honors. That game is often referred to as the Jabali's Jamboree.After one more season in Denver and another with the San Diego Conquistadors, Jabali retired in 1975, at age 28.In his seven-year professional career, Jabali played for the Oakland Oaks, Washington Capitals, the Indiana Pacers, The Floridians, the Denver Rockets, and the San Diego Conquistadors. While playing for the Rockets in 1973, he was named the All-Star Game MVP and was named to the All-ABA First Team after averaging 17.0 points, 6.6 assists, and 5.2 rebounds. Knee problems would soon limit his effectiveness, however, and he retired in 1975, having achieved career averages of 17.1 points, 5.3 assists, and 6.7 rebounds.Warren Jabali died on July 13, 2012.
|
[
"Denver Nuggets",
"Wichita State Shockers men's basketball",
"Indiana Pacers",
"Miami Floridians",
"San Diego Sails"
] |
|
Which team did Warren Jabali play for in 21-Sep-196921-September-1969?
|
September 21, 1969
|
{
"text": [
"Virginia Squires"
]
}
|
L2_Q1608950_P54_1
|
Warren Jabali plays for San Diego Sails from Jan, 1974 to Jan, 1975.
Warren Jabali plays for Virginia Squires from Jan, 1968 to Jan, 1970.
Warren Jabali plays for Denver Nuggets from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1974.
Warren Jabali plays for Miami Floridians from Jan, 1971 to Jan, 1972.
Warren Jabali plays for Indiana Pacers from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1971.
Warren Jabali plays for Wichita State Shockers men's basketball from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1968.
|
Warren JabaliWarren Jabali (August 29, 1946 – July 13, 2012) was an American basketball player. He played professionally in the American Basketball Association (ABA) from 1968 to 1975.Born Warren Edward Armstrong, Jabali changed his name while attending Wichita State University to reflect his African roots. The name does not have any religious connotations as it is a Swahili word for "rock." A skilled defender and rebounder and a remarkable leaper, the 6'2" Jabali was reported to be able to touch a ten-foot high basketball rim with his forehead. Although Wichita State, and the Missouri Valley Conference in general, supplied many pro players of the era, he did not receive much attention from the National Basketball Association (NBA). He was drafted by the New York Knicks in the 4th round (8th pick, 44th overall) of the 1968 NBA draft; he signed instead with the Oakland Oaks of the rival ABA, who selected him in the 1968 ABA Draft.In his first season in the ABA, he won Rookie of the Year honors, prompting teammate Rick Barry to comment, "No doubt he's one of the best guards I've ever played with—or against". Later that season, Jabali averaged 33.2 points against the Indiana Pacers in the 1969 ABA Finals and was named Playoffs MVP.As one of the most physically gifted guards in the American Basketball Association, Warren Jabali muscled his way through seven straight seasons of double-digit scoring, including 1968–69, when his average of 21.5 points per game earned him ABA Rookie of the Year honors. That season Jabali's efforts helped bring an ABA Championship to the Oakland Oaks, a team that also featured Rick Barry, Larry Brown, and Doug Moe.Jabali became an instant star after coming into the league from Wichita State University. Although Barry, the Oaks' biggest attraction, won the league scoring title in 1968–69, he was only able to play in 35 games because of a severe knee ligament injury. It was Jabali, an immediate starter, who gave Coach Alex Hannum the extra scoring punch needed in Barry's absence.With Jabali aboard and Barry helping for part of the season, the Oaks recorded a stunning 38-game turnaround to post a league-best 60-18 record. In the playoffs, they went 12-4 on the way to claiming the ABA Championship. A year later at midseason, with the team playing as the Washington Caps, an injury sidelined Jabali. Hurt shortly after playing in his first of four ABA All-Star Games, he was carrying an average of 22.8 points per game at the time.Jabali made a comeback, although his final five years were spent with four teams. In his first season back, 1970–71, he was traded from the Kentucky Colonels to the Indiana Pacers on October 13, 1970, in exchange for a first-round draft choice and cash. Jabali saw action in 62 games with the Pacers. It was with the Pacers that Jabali started pulling the trigger from three-point land; he did it 163 times that year, making 47 treys.He had a big year with the Florida Floridians the following season, averaging 19.9 points and hitting 102 of his 286 three-point attempts, among the most in the league. When the Miami-based franchise folded, Jabali moved to the Denver Rockets (later the Denver Nuggets). During his first campaign with the Rockets, Jabali's 16-point effort in the 1973 ABA All-Star Game keyed the West's come-from-behind victory and earned him Most Valuable Player honors. That game is often referred to as the Jabali's Jamboree.After one more season in Denver and another with the San Diego Conquistadors, Jabali retired in 1975, at age 28.In his seven-year professional career, Jabali played for the Oakland Oaks, Washington Capitals, the Indiana Pacers, The Floridians, the Denver Rockets, and the San Diego Conquistadors. While playing for the Rockets in 1973, he was named the All-Star Game MVP and was named to the All-ABA First Team after averaging 17.0 points, 6.6 assists, and 5.2 rebounds. Knee problems would soon limit his effectiveness, however, and he retired in 1975, having achieved career averages of 17.1 points, 5.3 assists, and 6.7 rebounds.Warren Jabali died on July 13, 2012.
|
[
"Denver Nuggets",
"Wichita State Shockers men's basketball",
"Indiana Pacers",
"Miami Floridians",
"San Diego Sails"
] |
|
Which position did Charles Haughey hold in Nov, 1991?
|
November 10, 1991
|
{
"text": [
"Leader of Fianna Fáil",
"Minister for Finance"
]
}
|
L2_Q333735_P39_9
|
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Finance from Nov, 1991 to Nov, 1991.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Justice and Equality from Oct, 1961 to Oct, 1964.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Education and Skills from Oct, 1982 to Oct, 1982.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Leader of Fianna Fáil from Dec, 1979 to Feb, 1992.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine from Oct, 1964 to Nov, 1966.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Taoiseach from Dec, 1979 to Jun, 1981.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Defence from Nov, 1990 to Feb, 1991.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Social Protection from Jul, 1977 to Dec, 1979.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Health from Jul, 1977 to Dec, 1979.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Teachta Dála from Mar, 1957 to Sep, 1961.
|
Charles HaugheyCharles James Haughey (; 16 September 1925 – 13 June 2006) was an Irish Fianna Fáil politician who served as Taoiseach on three occasions – 1979 to 1981, March to December 1982 and 1987 to 1992. He was also Minister for the Gaeltacht from 1987 to 1992, Leader of the Opposition from 1981 to 1982 and 1982 to 1987, Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1979 to 1992, Minister for Social Welfare and for Health from 1977 to 1979, Minister for Finance from 1966 to 1970, Minister for Agriculture from 1964 to 1966, Minister for Justice from 1961 to 1964 and Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice from 1959 to 1961. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1957 to 1992.Haughey was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fianna Fáil TD in 1957 and was re-elected at every election until 1992, representing successively the Dublin North-East, Dublin Artane and Dublin North-Central constituencies.Haughey was the dominant Irish politician of his generation, as well as the most controversial. Upon entering government in the early 1960s, Haughey became the symbol of a new vanguard of Irish Ministers. As Taoiseach, he is credited by some economists with starting the positive transformation of the economy in the late 1980s. However, his career was also marked by several major scandals. Haughey was implicated in the Arms Crisis of 1970, which nearly destroyed his career. His political reputation revived, his tenure as Taoiseach was then damaged by the sensational GUBU Affair in 1982; his party leadership was challenged four times, each time unsuccessfully, earning Haughey the nickname "The Great Houdini". Revelations about his role in a phone tapping scandal forced him to resign as Taoiseach and retire from politics in 1992.After Haughey's retirement from politics, further revelations of corruption, embezzlement, tax evasion and a 27-year extra-marital affair tarnished his already divisive reputation. He died of prostate cancer in 2006, aged 80.He was born in Castlebar, County Mayo in 1925, the third of seven children, of Seán Haughey and Sarah McWilliams, both natives of Swatragh, County Londonderry. Haughey's father was in the Irish Republican Army during the Irish War of Independence, then in the National Army of the Irish Free State. Seán Haughey left the army in 1928 and the family moved to County Meath; there he developed multiple sclerosis and the family moved again to Donnycarney, where Charles Haughey spent his youth.Haughey was educated by the Irish Christian Brothers at St. Joseph's secondary school in Fairview, where one of his classmates was George Colley, subsequently his cabinet colleague and rival in Fianna Fáil. In his youth he was an amateur sportsman, playing Gaelic football with the Parnells GAA Club in Donnycarney. He won a Dublin Senior Football Championship medal in 1945. Haughey studied Commerce at University College Dublin (UCD), where he took a first class Honours degree in 1946. It was at UCD that Haughey became increasingly interested in politics and was elected Auditor of the Commerce & Economics Society. He also met there with one of his future political rivals, Garret FitzGerald.He joined the Local Defence Force during "The Emergency" in 1941 and considered a permanent career in the Army. He continued to serve in the FCÁ, until entering Dáil Éireann in 1957.On VE-day Haughey and other UCD students burnt the British Union Jack on College Green, outside Trinity College, Dublin, in response to a perceived disrespect afforded the Irish tricolour among the flags hung by the college in celebration of the Allied victory which ended World War II.Haughey qualified as a chartered accountant and also attended King's Inns. He was subsequently called to the Irish Bar. Shortly afterwards, he set up the accountancy firm of Haughey, Boland & Company with Harry Boland, son of Fianna Fáil Minister Gerald Boland.On 18 September 1951, he married Maureen Lemass, the daughter of the Fianna Fáil Minister and future Taoiseach Seán Lemass, having been close to her since their days at UCD, where they first met. They had four children together: Eimear, Conor, Ciarán and Seán.After selling his house in Raheny, in 1969, Haughey bought Abbeville, located at Kinsealy, north County Dublin, a historic house, once owned by Anglo-Irish politician John Beresford, for whom it had been extensively re-designed by the architect James Gandon in the late 18th century. Haughey purchased its existing estate of approximately at the same time; it became his family home and he lived there for the rest of his life. This marked the beginning of a long period when Haughey's spending was well beyond his apparent income level. For the rest of his life Haughey would refuse to say where the extra money came from.He started his political career as a local Councillor, being a member of Dublin Corporation from 1953 to 1955. Haughey's first attempt at election to Dáil Éireann came in June 1951, when he unsuccessfully contested the general election. While living in Raheny, Haughey was first elected to the Dáil as a Fianna Fáil TD at the 1957 general election for the Dublin North-East constituency. It was his fourth attempt.Haughey was re-elected in every election until 1992; he represented the Dublin North-East constituency from 1957 to 1977. The constituency lines were redrawn under the Electoral (Amendment) Act 1974, in an attempt to secure re-election for the sitting Fine Gael-Labour Party government in the 1977 election, when Haughey switched to representing Dublin Artane; but this constituency was abolished in 1981 and most of Haughey's electoral area was moved into the reformed Dublin North-Central constituency, which he represented from 1981 until his retirement in 1992.Haughey obtained his first government position, that of Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice, to his constituency colleague Oscar Traynor in 1960. It is unclear whether the choice was made by Lemass directly as Taoiseach, or by the cabinet against his wishes. Lemass had advised Haughey;"As Taoiseach it is my duty to offer you the post of parliamentary secretary, and as your father-in-law I am advising you not to take it."Haughey ignored Lemass's advice and accepted the offer. Although officially junior to Traynor, Haughey was the "de facto" Minister. Haughey and Traynor clashed openly.Haughey came to epitomise the new style of politician – the "men in the mohair suits". He regularly socialised with other younger cabinet colleagues, such as Donogh O'Malley and Brian Lenihan."By day he impressed the Dáil. By night he basked in the admiration of a fashionable audience in the Russell Hotel. There, or in Dublin's more expensive restaurants, the company included artists, musicians and entertainers, professionals, builders and business people.""His companions, Lenihan and O'Malley, took mischievous delight in entertaining the Russell with tales of the Old Guard. O'Malley in turn entertained the company in Limerick's Brazen Head or Cruise's Hotel with accounts of the crowd in the Russell. On the wings of such tales Haughey's reputation spread."Haughey's status by 1961 was such that Leader of the Opposition James Dillon complimented him lavishly on the floor of the Dáil, remarking on his opponent's "skill with which he has had recourse to his brief," as well as his "extraordinary erudition" and "his exceptional and outstanding ability."When Traynor retired in 1961, Haughey succeeded him as Minister for Justice. As such, he initiated an extensive scale of legislative reforms. He introduced new legislation including the Adoption Act; the Succession Act, which protected the inheritance rights of wives and children; the Criminal Justice Act, which severely restricted the application of capital punishment; and the Extradition Act, which virtually prevented extradition for IRA offences. Haughey also introduced the Special Military Courts which helped to defeat the Irish Republican Army's Border Campaign.In 1964, Lemass appointed Haughey as Minister for Agriculture. Criticism was voiced from the National Farmers Association (NFA) of the appointment of a non-rural person to the position, and there was increased antagonism from farmers towards the government. Haughey became embroiled in a series of controversies with the NFA and with another organisation, the Irish Creamery Milk Suppliers Association (ICMSA). Twenty-seven ICMSA picketers outside Leinster House, were arrested on 27 April 1966 under the "Offences Against the State Act", an act originally intended for use against the IRA. 78 were arrested the following day, and 80 a day later as the dispute escalated. The general public was supportive of the farmers, who were not in a position to hold a strike to air their grievances, and who were clearly only posing a problem to the Minister, rather than the state. The farmers then began a national solidarity campaign, and even farmers who supported Fianna Fáil turned against the government. Haughey, who did not rely on rural voters, was under intense pressure from fearful members of his own party to negotiate a deal and reduce the tension. It was Haughey's first alienation of a significant voting block, and probably damaged him electorally in later years as many farmers remembered the events, known in folk memory as the "Farmers' Strike".Haughey was appointed by Fianna Fáil to run President Éamon de Valera's re-election campaign for the 1966 presidential election. His interventions proved highly controversial. Fine Gael chose a comparatively young TD and barrister, Tom O'Higgins (nephew of Kevin O'Higgins), to run against de Valera. Aware that de Valera's age (84) and almost total blindness might compare unfavourably to O'Higgins, whose campaign drew comparisons with the equally youthful US President John F. Kennedy, Haughey launched what was seen as a political stroke. He insisted that it was beneath the presidency to actively campaign, meaning that de Valera would have a low profile. Therefore, in the interests of fairness the media was asked to give O'Higgins an equally low profile, ignoring his speeches and publicity campaign. The print media, both nationally and locally, ignored Haughey's suggestion. But the state-run Raidió Teilifís Éireann, facing criticism from Lemass' government for being too radical in other areas, agreed and largely ignored the O'Higgins campaign.De Valera got a high media profile from a different source, the fiftieth anniversary commemoration of the Easter Rising, of which he was the most senior survivor. While O'Higgins's campaign was ignored by RTÉ, de Valera appeared in RTÉ coverage of the Rising events regularly. To add further to de Valera's campaign, Haughey as Agriculture Minister arranged for milk price increases to be given to farmers on the eve of polling, as a way of reducing farmer disquiet after they had effectively become an opposition movement to the government.These tactics should have ensured an easy de Valera victory. Instead O'Higgins came within less than one percent of winning the vote. The President was re-elected by a narrow margin of ten thousand votes out of a total of nearly one million. De Valera came to distrust Haughey; Frank Aiken, Minister for Foreign Affairs under de Valera and his lifelong political confidant, dismissed Haughey's political motives as being entirely selfish, and believed he was motivated to hold power for its own sake and not duty.In 1966, the Taoiseach Seán Lemass retired. Haughey declared his candidature to succeed Lemass in the consequent leadership election, and George Colley and Neil Blaney did likewise. As this meant that there were three strong candidates who held strong and divisive views on the future of the party, the party elders sought to find a compromise candidate. Lemass himself encouraged his Minister for Finance Jack Lynch, to contest the party leadership, and encouraged Colley, Haughey and Blaney to withdraw in favour of Lynch, arguing that they would not win a contest against him. However, Colley refused the Taoiseach's request and insisted on remaining in the race, but he was defeated by Lynch. Upon Lynch's election as Taoiseach, Haughey was appointed Minister for Finance by Lynch, in a cabinet reshuffle, which indicated that Haughey's withdrawal was a gain at the expense of Colley. The inexpensive and socially inclusive initiatives that Haughey made caught the public imagination; these included popular decisions to introduce free travel on public transport for pensioners, subsidise electricity for pensioners, the granting of special tax concessions for the disabled and tax exemptions for artists. They increased Haughey's populist appeal and his support from certain elements in the media and artistic community.As Minister for Finance, Haughey on two occasions arranged foreign currency loans for the government which he then arranged to be left on deposit in foreign countries (Germany and the United States), in the local currencies, instead of immediately changing the loans to Irish punts and depositing them in the exchequer. These actions were unconstitutional, because it effectively meant that the Minister for Finance was making a currency speculation against his own currency. When this was challenged by the Comptroller and Auditor General Eugene Francis Suttle, Haughey introduced a law to retrospectively legalise his actions. The debate was very short and the record shows no understanding of the issue by the Opposition Spokesperson for Finance, O'Higgins for Fine Gael and Tully for Labour. The legislation was passed on 26 November 1969.The late 1960s saw the old tensions boil over into an eruption of violence in Northern Ireland. Haughey was generally seen as coming from the pragmatist wing of the party, and was not believed to have strong opinions on the matter, despite having family links with Derry. Indeed, many presumed that he had a strong antipathy to physical force Irish republicanism; during his period as Minister for Justice he had followed a tough anti-IRA line, including using internment without trial against the IRA. The "hawks" in the cabinet were seen as Kevin Boland and Neil Blaney, both sons of founding fathers in the party with strong Old IRA pasts. Blaney was also a TD for Donegal; a staunchly Republican area which bordered Derry. They were opposed by those described as the "doves" of the cabinet; Tánaiste Erskine Childers, George Colley and Patrick Hillery. A fund of £100,000 was set up to give to the Nationalist people in the form of aid. Haughey, as Finance Minister would have a central role in the management of this fund.There was general surprise when, in an incident known as the "Arms Crisis", Haughey, along with Blaney, was sacked from Lynch's cabinet amid allegations of the use of the funds to import arms for use by the IRA. The Garda Special Branch informed the Minister for Justice Mícheál Ó Móráin and Taoiseach Jack Lynch that a plot to import arms existed and included government members, however Lynch took no action until the Special Branch made Leader of the Opposition Liam Cosgrave aware of the plot. Cosgrave told Lynch he knew of the plot and would announce it in the Dáil the next day if he didn't act. Lynch subsequently requested Haughey and Blaney to resign from cabinet. Both men refused, saying they did nothing illegal. Lynch then asked President de Valera to terminate their appointments as members of the government, a request that de Valera was required to grant by convention. Boland resigned in sympathy, while Mícheál Ó Móráin was dismissed one day earlier in a preemptive strike to ensure a subservient Minister for Justice was in place when the crisis broke. Lynch chose government chief whip Desmond O'Malley for the role. Haughey and Blaney were subsequently tried in court along with an army Officer, Captain James Kelly, and Albert Luykx, a former Flemish National Socialist and businessman, who allegedly used his contacts to buy the arms. After trial all the accused were acquitted but many refused to recognise the verdict of the courts. Although cleared of wrongdoing, it looked as if Haughey's political career was finished. Blaney and Boland eventually resigned from Fianna Fáil but Haughey remained. He spent his years on the backbenches – the wilderness years – building support within the grassroots of the party; during this time, he remained loyal to the party and served the leader, but after the debacle of the "arms crises" neither man trusted the other.In 1975, Fianna Fáil was in opposition and Haughey had achieved enough grassroots support to warrant a recall to Jack Lynch's opposition front bench. Haughey was appointed Spokesman on Health and Social Welfare, a fairly minor portfolio at the time, but Haughey used the same imagination and skill he displayed in other positions to formulate innovative and far reaching policies. Two years later in 1977, Fianna Fáil returned to power with a massive parliamentary majority in Dáil Éireann, having had a very populist campaign (spearhead by Colley and O'Malley) to abolish rates, vehicle tax and other extraordinary concessions, which were short-lived. Haughey returned to the cabinet, after an absence of seven years, as Minister for Health and Social Welfare.In this position he continued the progressive policies he had shown earlier by, among others, beginning the first government anti-smoking campaigns and legalising contraception, previously banned. Following the finding by the Supreme Court of Ireland, in McGee v The Attorney General, that there was a constitutional right to use contraceptives, he introduced The Family Planning Bill which proved to be highly controversial. The bill allowed a pharmacist to sell contraceptives on presentation of a medical prescription. Haughey called this bill "an Irish solution to an Irish problem". It is often stated that the recipient of the prescription had to be married, but the legislation did not include this requirement.The fallout from the giveaway concessions that had re-elected the government under Lynch, led to a succession race to succeed Lynch. As well as this a group of backbenchers began to lobby in support of Haughey. This group, known as the "gang of five," consisted of Jackie Fahey, Tom McEllistrim, Seán Doherty, Mark Killilea Jnr and Albert Reynolds. Haughey was also helped by the TD Síle de Valera. The granddaughter of Éamon de Valera, she was highly critical of Jack Lynch's policy regards to Northern Ireland. In a speech at the Liam Lynch commemoration at Fermoy on 9 September, de Valera made a series of thinly veiled attacks on Lynch. Although Lynch quickly tried to impose party discipline, attempting to discipline her for opposing party policy at a parliamentary party meeting held at the 28th, de Valera correctly pointed out that she had not opposed the party policy regarding Northern Ireland which called for the declaration of the British intent to withdraw from Northern Ireland. Lynch left for a trip to the United States on 7 November. On the same day the government lost two by-elections to Fine Gael in Cork and in Cork North-East. During the trip Lynch claimed in an interview with "The Washington Post" that a five-kilometer air corridor between the border was agreed upon during the meeting with British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, to enhance security co-operation. This was something highly unsavoury to many in Fianna Fáil. When Lynch returned he was questioned on this by a Clare backbencher Bill Loughnane, along with Tom McEllistrim at a parliamentary party meeting. Lynch stated that the British did not have permission to overfly the border. Afterwards Loughnane went public with the details of the meeting and accused Lynch of deliberately misleading the party. An attempt to remove the whip from Loughnane failed. At this stage Lynch's position had become untenable, with supporters of Haughey and George Colley caucusing opinion within the party.In December 1979, Lynch announced his resignation as Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil. The leadership contest that resulted was a two-horse race between Haughey and the Tánaiste, George Colley. Colley had the support of the entire cabinet, with the exception of Michael O'Kennedy, and felt that this popularity would be reflected within the parliamentary party as a whole.Haughey on the other hand was distrusted by a number of his Cabinet colleagues, but was much more respected by new backbenchers who were worried about the safety of their Dáil seats. When the vote was taken Haughey emerged as the victor by a margin of 44 votes to 38, a very clear division within the party. In a conciliatory gesture, Colley was re-appointed as Tánaiste and had a veto over whom Haughey would appoint as Ministers for Justice and for Defence. This was due to his distrust of Haughey on security issues (because of the Arms Crisis). However, he was removed from the important position of Minister for Finance.Nonetheless, on 11 December 1979, Charles Haughey was elected Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil, almost a decade after the Arms Crisis nearly destroyed his political career. In 2010, a founder of the Saatchi & Saatchi advertising firm, said that Haughey had asked for 'a new image' similar to the one provided for Margaret Thatcher for the 1979 general election.When Haughey came to power, the country was sinking into a deep economic crisis, following the 1979 energy crisis. Haughey effectively acted as his own Minister for Finance, ignoring the views of his Minister. One of his first functions as Taoiseach was a televised address to the nation – only the third such address in the Republic's history – in which he outlined the bleak economic picture:While Haughey had identified the problem with the economy, his actions made the problem worse. He increased public spending, which soon became out of control, and led to increases in borrowing and taxation at an unacceptable level. By 1981, Haughey was still reasonably popular and decided to call a general election. However, the timing of the election was thwarted twice by external events, in particular the hunger strikes of IRA volunteers for political status. The Anti H-Block Committee announced that they would field abstentionist candidates which many predicted correctly would take Republican votes away from Fianna Fáil. This coincided with the Stardust Disaster, where a fire destroyed a night club in Haughey's constituency and claimed the lives of 48 young people; these caused Haughey to delay the Ard Fheis and the election. The poll was eventually held in June, much later than Haughey wanted. In the hope of winning an overall Dáil majority Haughey's campaign took a populist line with regard to taxation, spending and Northern Ireland. The campaign was enhanced and hyped up by a live debate on RTÉ between Haughey and the Leader of the Opposition Garret FitzGerald, of Fine Gael, over the major issues. On the day of the vote Fianna Fáil won 45.5%, failing to secure a majority in the 166-seat Dáil. A Fine Gael–Labour Party coalition came to power, under FitzGerald and Haughey went into opposition.Within days of his becoming Taoiseach, Allied Irish Banks forgave Haughey £400,000 of a £1,000,000 debt. No reason was given for this. The Economist obituary on Haughey (24 June 2006) asserted that he had warned the bank "I can be a very troublesome adversary".FitzGerald's government lasted until January 1982, when it collapsed due to a controversial budget which proposed the application of Value Added Tax to children's shoes, previously exempt. FitzGerald, no longer having a majority in the Dáil, went to Áras an Uachtaráin, to advise President Hillery to dissolve the Dáil and call a general election. However, the night the government collapsed the Fianna Fáil Front Bench issued a statement encouraging the President not to grant the dissolution and to allow Fianna Fáil to form a government. Phone calls were also made to the President by Brian Lenihan. Haughey, on attempting to contact his former colleague, the President, and on failing to be put through to him, was reported to have threatened the President's aide de camp by telling him that he would be Taoiseach one day and when that happened, "I intend to roast your fucking arse if you don't put me through immediately". Hillery considered such pressure to be gross misconduct, and granted the dissolution.A biography of Hillery blames Haughey for the sex scandal rumours which almost destroyed the presidency of Hillery in 1979.After the February 1982 election, when Haughey failed to win an overall majority again, questions were raised about his leadership. Some of Haughey's critics in the party suggested that an alternative candidate should stand as the party's nominee for Taoiseach. Desmond O'Malley emerged as the likely alternative candidate and was ready to challenge Haughey for the leadership. However, on the day of the vote O'Malley withdrew and Haughey went forward as the nominee. He engineered confidence and supply agreements with the Independent Socialist TD, Tony Gregory (in return for £100 million of investment in the Dublin North Inner City; a deal dubbed the Gregory Deal), the Independent Fianna Fáil TD Neil Blaney and three Workers' Party TDs, which saw him return as Taoiseach for a second time.Haughey's second term was dominated by even more economic mismanagement, based on Haughey's policy of using government policy and money, in an effort to induce a sufficiently large share of the electorate to vote him his elusive 'overall majority' in the Dáil. With Haughey and his supporters taking a dangerously populist line in every area of policy, and refusing to address serious shortcomings in the performance of the state, a growing minority in his own party were becoming increasingly concerned. The issue of his leadership cropped up again when in October the backbench TD, Charlie McCreevy, put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey. Desmond O'Malley disagreed with the timing but supported the hasty motion of no confidence all the same. O'Malley resigned from the cabinet prior to the vote as he was going to vote against Haughey. A campaign now started that was extremely vicious on the side of Haughey's supporters, with threats made to the careers of those who dissented from the leadership. After a marathon 15-hour party meeting, Haughey, who insisted on a roll-call as opposed to a secret ballot, and won the open ballot by 58 votes to 22. Not long after this, Haughey's government collapsed when the Workers' Party TD's and Tony Gregory withdrew their support for the government over a Fianna Fáil policy document called "The Way Forward," which would lead to massive spending cuts. Fianna Fáil lost the November 1982 election and FitzGerald once again returned as Taoiseach at the head of a Fine Gael-Labour coalition with a comfortable Dáil majority. Haughey found himself back in opposition.During this tenure of Haughey, the "GUBU" Incidents, involving the Attorney General to his Government, occurred in Dublin. At a press-conference on the affair, Haughey was paraphrased as having described the affair as ""grotesque, unbelievable, bizarre and unprecedented"", from which journalist and former politician Conor Cruise O'Brien coined the term GUBU.Haughey's leadership came under scrutiny for a third time when a report linked Haughey with the phone tapping of political journalists. In spite of huge pressure Haughey refused to resign and survived yet another vote of no-confidence in early 1983, albeit with a smaller majority. Haughey's success was partly due to the death of the Fianna Fáil TD Clement Coughlan, a supporter of O'Malley. Haughey's supporters managed to have the meeting moved to the following week after the funeral, which gave him more time to manoeuver. Having failed three times to oust Haughey, most of his critics gave up and returned to normal politics.In May 1984, the New-Ireland Forum Report was published. Haughey was involved in the drafting of this at the time he was in office and had agreed to potential scenarios for improving the political situation of Northern Ireland. However, on publication, Haughey rejected it and said the only possible solution was a United Ireland. This statement was criticised by the other leaders who forged the New-Ireland Forum, John Hume, Garret FitzGerald and Dick Spring. Desmond O'Malley supported the Forum report and criticised Haughey's ambiguous position, accusing him of stifling debate. At a Fianna Fáil Parliamentary Party meeting to discuss the report, the whip was removed from O'Malley, which meant he was no longer a Fianna Fáil TD. Ironically, when Haughey returned to power he embraced the Anglo-Irish Agreement that had developed from the New Ireland Forum Report.In early 1985, a bill was introduced by the Fine Gael-Labour government to liberalise the sale of contraceptives in the country. Fianna Fáil in opposition opposed the bill. O'Malley supported it as a matter of principle rather than a political point to oppose for opposition's sake. On the day of the vote O'Malley spoke in the Dáil chamber stated:He abstained rather than vote with the government. Despite this Haughey moved against O'Malley and in February 1985, O'Malley was charged with "conduct un-becoming". At a Party meeting, even though O'Malley did not have the Party whip, he was expelled from the Fianna Fáil organisation by 73 votes to 9 in roll-call vote. With George Colley dead, O'Malley expelled and other critics silenced, Haughey was finally in full control of Fianna Fáil.O'Malley decided to form a new political party and 21 December 1985, Desmond O'Malley announced the formation of the Progressive Democrats. Several Fianna Fáil TDs joined including Mary Harney and Bobby Molloy.In November 1985, the Anglo-Irish Agreement was signed between Garret FitzGerald and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. The agreement gave Ireland a formal say in Northern Ireland and its affairs. As was the case with the New Ireland Forum Report, the Anglo-Irish Agreement was harshly criticised by Haughey, who said that he would re-negotiate it, if re-elected. FitzGerald called a general election for February 1987. The campaign was dominated by attacks on the government over severe cuts in the budget and the general mismanagement of the economy. When the results were counted Haughey had failed once again to win an overall majority for Fianna Fáil. When it came to electing a Taoiseach in the Dáil Haughey's position looked particularly volatile. When it came to a vote the Independent TD Tony Gregory voted against Fitzgerald but abstained on Haughey, seeing Haughey as the "lesser of two evils" (the reason for this was Gregory's opposition to the Anglo-Irish agreement as well as his personal dislike of Garrett Fitzgerald and Fine Gael). Haughey was elected Taoiseach on the casting vote of the Ceann Comhairle.Haughey now headed a minority Fianna Fáil government. Fine Gael under leader Alan Dukes, made the unprecedented move, with its Tallaght strategy, of supporting the government and voting for it when it came to introducing tough economic policies. The national debt had doubled under previous administrations, so the government introduced severe budget cuts in all departments. The taxation system was transformed to encourage enterprise and employment. One of the major schemes put forward, and one which would have enormous economic benefits for the country, was the establishment of the International Financial Services Centre (IFSC) in Dublin.In late April 1989, Haughey returned from a trip to Japan, to the news that the government was about to be defeated in a Dáil vote, on a private members' motion regarding provision of funds for HIV/AIDS sufferers. The government lost the vote, which was seen as merely embarrassing, but Haughey, buoyed by opinion polls which indicated the possibility of winning an overall majority, called a general election for 15 June. Fianna Fáil however ended up losing four seats and the possibility of forming another minority government looked slim. For the first time in history a nominee for Taoiseach failed to achieve a majority when a vote was taken in the Dáil, on 29 June 1989. Constitutionally Haughey was obliged to resign, however he refused to, for a short period. He eventually tendered his resignation to President Hillery and remained on as Taoiseach, albeit in an acting capacity. A full 27 days after the election had taken place a coalition government was formed between Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats. It was the first time that Fianna Fáil had entered into a coalition, abandoning one of its "core values" in the overwhelming need to form a government.Haughey in 1990 had more difficulties than successes. The first half of the year saw Haughey in a leading role as European statesman, when Ireland held the presidency of the European Community, which rotated semi-annually between the member states of the European Union. Haughey supported German Reunification and during the extraordinary Dublin Summit, which he called for in April, he pressed this viewpoint forward. He believed both Ireland and Germany were similar in that both countries were divided. During a Dáil debate on German Reunification, Haughey stated "I have expressed a personal view that coming as we do from a country which is also divided many of us would have sympathy with any wish of the people of the two German States for unification".The Presidential election was disappointing for Haughey with Brian Lenihan, the Tánaiste, who was nominated as the party's candidate, being defeated by Mary Robinson. During the campaign the controversy over the phone calls made to the Áras an Uachtaráin in 1982, urging the then President not to dissolve the Dáil resurfaced. Lenihan was accused of calling and attempting to influence the President, who as Head of State is above politics. The Progressive Democrats threatened to pull out of the coalition and support a Fine Gael no-confidence motion unless Haughey forced Lenihan out. Haughey tried to force Lenihan to resign, and sacked him when he refused to do so. Lenihan's dismissal damaged Haughey's standing in the Fianna Fáil organisation.Haughey's grip on political power began to slip in the autumn of 1991. There was a series of resignations by chairmen of semi-state companies, followed by an open declaration by Minister for Finance Albert Reynolds, that he had every intention of standing for the party leadership if Haughey resigned. Following a heated parliamentary party meeting, Seán Power, one of Reynolds's supporters, put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey. Reynolds and his supporters were sacked from the government by Haughey, who went on to win the no-confidence motion by 55 votes to 22.Haughey's victory was short-lived, as a series of political errors would lead to his demise as Taoiseach. Controversy erupted over the attempted appointment of Jim McDaid as Minister for Defence, which saw him resign from the post before he had been officially installed, under pressure from O'Malley. Worse was to follow when Seán Doherty, the man who as Minister for Justice had taken the blame for the phone-tapping scandal of the early 1980s, went on RTÉ television, and after ten years of insisting that Haughey knew nothing of the tapping, claimed that Haughey had known and authorised it. Haughey denied this, but the Progressive Democrats members of the government stated that they could no longer continue in government with Haughey as Taoiseach. Haughey told Desmond O'Malley, the Progressive Democrats leader, that he intended to stand down shortly, but wanted to choose his own time of departure. O'Malley agreed to this and the government continued.On 30 January 1992, Haughey resigned as leader of Fianna Fáil at a parliamentary party meeting. He remained as Taoiseach until 11 February 1992, when he was succeeded by the former Finance Minister, Albert Reynolds. In his final address to the Dáil he quoted Othello, saying "inter alia" "I have done the state some service, they know it, no more of that." Haughey then returned to the backbenches before retiring from politics at the 1992 general election. His son, Seán Haughey, was elected at the election that followed, in his father's old constituency. Sean Haughey was appointed as a Junior Minister in the Department of Education and Science in December 2006.Haughey's personal wealth and extravagant lifestyle (he owned racehorses, a large motor sailing yacht "Celtic Mist", an Inishvickillane island and a Gandon-designed mansion) had long been a point of speculation. He refused throughout his career to answer any questions about how he financed this lifestyle on a government salary. Despite his professed desire to fade from public attention, these questions followed him into retirement, eventually exploding into a series of political, financial and personal scandals that tarnished his image and reputation.In 1997, a government-appointed tribunal, led by Judge Brian McCracken, first revealed that Haughey had received substantial monetary gifts from businessmen and that he had held secret offshore bank accounts in the Ansbacher Bank in the Cayman Islands. Haughey faced criminal charges for obstructing the work of the McCracken tribunal. His trial on these charges was postponed indefinitely after the judge in the case found that he would not be able to get a fair trial following prejudicial comments by the then PD leader and Tánaiste Mary Harney.Also in 1997, the public were shocked by allegations that Haughey had embezzled money destined for the Fianna Fáil party, taxpayers' money taken from government funds earmarked for the operation of a political party, and that he had spent large portions of these funds on Charvet shirts and expensive dinners in a top Dublin restaurant, while preaching belt-tightening and implementing budget cuts as a national policy.The subsequent Moriarty Tribunal delved further into Haughey's financial dealings. In his main report on Charles Haughey released on 19 December 2006, Mr Justice Moriarty made the following findings:The tribunal rejected Haughey's claims of ignorance of his own financial affairs and Haughey was accused by the tribunal of ""devaluing democracy"".Haughey eventually agreed a settlement with the revenue and paid a total of €6.5 million in back taxes and penalties to the Revenue Commissioners in relation to these donations. In August 2003 Haughey was forced to sell his large estate, Abbeville, in Kinsealy in north County Dublin for €45 million to settle legal fees he had incurred during the tribunals. He continued to live at Abbeville and own the island of Inishvickillane off the coast of County Kerry until his death.In May 1999, Terry Keane, gossip columnist and once wife of former Chief Justice of Ireland Ronan Keane, revealed on "The Late Late Show" that she and Haughey had conducted a 27-year extramarital affair. In a move that she subsequently said she deeply regretted, Keane confirmed that the man she had been referring to for years in her newspaper column as "sweetie" was indeed Haughey. The revelation on the television programme shocked at least some of the audience, including Haughey's son Seán who was watching the show. Haughey's wife Maureen was also said to have been deeply hurt by the circumstances of the revelation.Haughey's attendance before the tribunals had repeatedly been disrupted by illness. He died from prostate cancer, from which he had suffered for a decade, on 13 June 2006, at his home in Kinsealy, County Dublin, aged 80.Haughey received a state funeral on 16 June 2006. He was buried in St. Fintan's Cemetery, Sutton in County Dublin, following mass at Donnycarney. The then Taoiseach Bertie Ahern delivered the graveside oration.The funeral rites were screened live on RTÉ One and watched by a quarter of a million people. It was attended by President Mary McAleese, the Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, members of the Oireachtas, many from the world of politics, industry and business. The chief celebrant was Haughey's brother, Father Eoghan Haughey.Former Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald has said that he had the potential to be one of the best Taoisigh that the country ever had, had his preoccupation with wealth and power not clouded his judgement: Another former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern saidHistorian Diarmaid Ferriter said, Historian John A Murphy said, Haughey was characterised in a 2012 novel "Ratlines", by Stuart Neville. A three-part television drama "Charlie", covering Haughey between 1979 and 1992, débuted on RTÉ in January 2015.The following governments were led by Haughey:
|
[
"Minister for Education and Skills",
"Minister for Health",
"Minister for Defence",
"Teachta Dála",
"Minister for Social Protection",
"Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine",
"Minister for Justice and Equality",
"Taoiseach"
] |
|
Which position did Charles Haughey hold in 1991-11-10?
|
November 10, 1991
|
{
"text": [
"Leader of Fianna Fáil",
"Minister for Finance"
]
}
|
L2_Q333735_P39_9
|
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Finance from Nov, 1991 to Nov, 1991.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Justice and Equality from Oct, 1961 to Oct, 1964.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Education and Skills from Oct, 1982 to Oct, 1982.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Leader of Fianna Fáil from Dec, 1979 to Feb, 1992.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine from Oct, 1964 to Nov, 1966.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Taoiseach from Dec, 1979 to Jun, 1981.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Defence from Nov, 1990 to Feb, 1991.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Social Protection from Jul, 1977 to Dec, 1979.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Health from Jul, 1977 to Dec, 1979.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Teachta Dála from Mar, 1957 to Sep, 1961.
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Charles HaugheyCharles James Haughey (; 16 September 1925 – 13 June 2006) was an Irish Fianna Fáil politician who served as Taoiseach on three occasions – 1979 to 1981, March to December 1982 and 1987 to 1992. He was also Minister for the Gaeltacht from 1987 to 1992, Leader of the Opposition from 1981 to 1982 and 1982 to 1987, Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1979 to 1992, Minister for Social Welfare and for Health from 1977 to 1979, Minister for Finance from 1966 to 1970, Minister for Agriculture from 1964 to 1966, Minister for Justice from 1961 to 1964 and Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice from 1959 to 1961. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1957 to 1992.Haughey was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fianna Fáil TD in 1957 and was re-elected at every election until 1992, representing successively the Dublin North-East, Dublin Artane and Dublin North-Central constituencies.Haughey was the dominant Irish politician of his generation, as well as the most controversial. Upon entering government in the early 1960s, Haughey became the symbol of a new vanguard of Irish Ministers. As Taoiseach, he is credited by some economists with starting the positive transformation of the economy in the late 1980s. However, his career was also marked by several major scandals. Haughey was implicated in the Arms Crisis of 1970, which nearly destroyed his career. His political reputation revived, his tenure as Taoiseach was then damaged by the sensational GUBU Affair in 1982; his party leadership was challenged four times, each time unsuccessfully, earning Haughey the nickname "The Great Houdini". Revelations about his role in a phone tapping scandal forced him to resign as Taoiseach and retire from politics in 1992.After Haughey's retirement from politics, further revelations of corruption, embezzlement, tax evasion and a 27-year extra-marital affair tarnished his already divisive reputation. He died of prostate cancer in 2006, aged 80.He was born in Castlebar, County Mayo in 1925, the third of seven children, of Seán Haughey and Sarah McWilliams, both natives of Swatragh, County Londonderry. Haughey's father was in the Irish Republican Army during the Irish War of Independence, then in the National Army of the Irish Free State. Seán Haughey left the army in 1928 and the family moved to County Meath; there he developed multiple sclerosis and the family moved again to Donnycarney, where Charles Haughey spent his youth.Haughey was educated by the Irish Christian Brothers at St. Joseph's secondary school in Fairview, where one of his classmates was George Colley, subsequently his cabinet colleague and rival in Fianna Fáil. In his youth he was an amateur sportsman, playing Gaelic football with the Parnells GAA Club in Donnycarney. He won a Dublin Senior Football Championship medal in 1945. Haughey studied Commerce at University College Dublin (UCD), where he took a first class Honours degree in 1946. It was at UCD that Haughey became increasingly interested in politics and was elected Auditor of the Commerce & Economics Society. He also met there with one of his future political rivals, Garret FitzGerald.He joined the Local Defence Force during "The Emergency" in 1941 and considered a permanent career in the Army. He continued to serve in the FCÁ, until entering Dáil Éireann in 1957.On VE-day Haughey and other UCD students burnt the British Union Jack on College Green, outside Trinity College, Dublin, in response to a perceived disrespect afforded the Irish tricolour among the flags hung by the college in celebration of the Allied victory which ended World War II.Haughey qualified as a chartered accountant and also attended King's Inns. He was subsequently called to the Irish Bar. Shortly afterwards, he set up the accountancy firm of Haughey, Boland & Company with Harry Boland, son of Fianna Fáil Minister Gerald Boland.On 18 September 1951, he married Maureen Lemass, the daughter of the Fianna Fáil Minister and future Taoiseach Seán Lemass, having been close to her since their days at UCD, where they first met. They had four children together: Eimear, Conor, Ciarán and Seán.After selling his house in Raheny, in 1969, Haughey bought Abbeville, located at Kinsealy, north County Dublin, a historic house, once owned by Anglo-Irish politician John Beresford, for whom it had been extensively re-designed by the architect James Gandon in the late 18th century. Haughey purchased its existing estate of approximately at the same time; it became his family home and he lived there for the rest of his life. This marked the beginning of a long period when Haughey's spending was well beyond his apparent income level. For the rest of his life Haughey would refuse to say where the extra money came from.He started his political career as a local Councillor, being a member of Dublin Corporation from 1953 to 1955. Haughey's first attempt at election to Dáil Éireann came in June 1951, when he unsuccessfully contested the general election. While living in Raheny, Haughey was first elected to the Dáil as a Fianna Fáil TD at the 1957 general election for the Dublin North-East constituency. It was his fourth attempt.Haughey was re-elected in every election until 1992; he represented the Dublin North-East constituency from 1957 to 1977. The constituency lines were redrawn under the Electoral (Amendment) Act 1974, in an attempt to secure re-election for the sitting Fine Gael-Labour Party government in the 1977 election, when Haughey switched to representing Dublin Artane; but this constituency was abolished in 1981 and most of Haughey's electoral area was moved into the reformed Dublin North-Central constituency, which he represented from 1981 until his retirement in 1992.Haughey obtained his first government position, that of Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice, to his constituency colleague Oscar Traynor in 1960. It is unclear whether the choice was made by Lemass directly as Taoiseach, or by the cabinet against his wishes. Lemass had advised Haughey;"As Taoiseach it is my duty to offer you the post of parliamentary secretary, and as your father-in-law I am advising you not to take it."Haughey ignored Lemass's advice and accepted the offer. Although officially junior to Traynor, Haughey was the "de facto" Minister. Haughey and Traynor clashed openly.Haughey came to epitomise the new style of politician – the "men in the mohair suits". He regularly socialised with other younger cabinet colleagues, such as Donogh O'Malley and Brian Lenihan."By day he impressed the Dáil. By night he basked in the admiration of a fashionable audience in the Russell Hotel. There, or in Dublin's more expensive restaurants, the company included artists, musicians and entertainers, professionals, builders and business people.""His companions, Lenihan and O'Malley, took mischievous delight in entertaining the Russell with tales of the Old Guard. O'Malley in turn entertained the company in Limerick's Brazen Head or Cruise's Hotel with accounts of the crowd in the Russell. On the wings of such tales Haughey's reputation spread."Haughey's status by 1961 was such that Leader of the Opposition James Dillon complimented him lavishly on the floor of the Dáil, remarking on his opponent's "skill with which he has had recourse to his brief," as well as his "extraordinary erudition" and "his exceptional and outstanding ability."When Traynor retired in 1961, Haughey succeeded him as Minister for Justice. As such, he initiated an extensive scale of legislative reforms. He introduced new legislation including the Adoption Act; the Succession Act, which protected the inheritance rights of wives and children; the Criminal Justice Act, which severely restricted the application of capital punishment; and the Extradition Act, which virtually prevented extradition for IRA offences. Haughey also introduced the Special Military Courts which helped to defeat the Irish Republican Army's Border Campaign.In 1964, Lemass appointed Haughey as Minister for Agriculture. Criticism was voiced from the National Farmers Association (NFA) of the appointment of a non-rural person to the position, and there was increased antagonism from farmers towards the government. Haughey became embroiled in a series of controversies with the NFA and with another organisation, the Irish Creamery Milk Suppliers Association (ICMSA). Twenty-seven ICMSA picketers outside Leinster House, were arrested on 27 April 1966 under the "Offences Against the State Act", an act originally intended for use against the IRA. 78 were arrested the following day, and 80 a day later as the dispute escalated. The general public was supportive of the farmers, who were not in a position to hold a strike to air their grievances, and who were clearly only posing a problem to the Minister, rather than the state. The farmers then began a national solidarity campaign, and even farmers who supported Fianna Fáil turned against the government. Haughey, who did not rely on rural voters, was under intense pressure from fearful members of his own party to negotiate a deal and reduce the tension. It was Haughey's first alienation of a significant voting block, and probably damaged him electorally in later years as many farmers remembered the events, known in folk memory as the "Farmers' Strike".Haughey was appointed by Fianna Fáil to run President Éamon de Valera's re-election campaign for the 1966 presidential election. His interventions proved highly controversial. Fine Gael chose a comparatively young TD and barrister, Tom O'Higgins (nephew of Kevin O'Higgins), to run against de Valera. Aware that de Valera's age (84) and almost total blindness might compare unfavourably to O'Higgins, whose campaign drew comparisons with the equally youthful US President John F. Kennedy, Haughey launched what was seen as a political stroke. He insisted that it was beneath the presidency to actively campaign, meaning that de Valera would have a low profile. Therefore, in the interests of fairness the media was asked to give O'Higgins an equally low profile, ignoring his speeches and publicity campaign. The print media, both nationally and locally, ignored Haughey's suggestion. But the state-run Raidió Teilifís Éireann, facing criticism from Lemass' government for being too radical in other areas, agreed and largely ignored the O'Higgins campaign.De Valera got a high media profile from a different source, the fiftieth anniversary commemoration of the Easter Rising, of which he was the most senior survivor. While O'Higgins's campaign was ignored by RTÉ, de Valera appeared in RTÉ coverage of the Rising events regularly. To add further to de Valera's campaign, Haughey as Agriculture Minister arranged for milk price increases to be given to farmers on the eve of polling, as a way of reducing farmer disquiet after they had effectively become an opposition movement to the government.These tactics should have ensured an easy de Valera victory. Instead O'Higgins came within less than one percent of winning the vote. The President was re-elected by a narrow margin of ten thousand votes out of a total of nearly one million. De Valera came to distrust Haughey; Frank Aiken, Minister for Foreign Affairs under de Valera and his lifelong political confidant, dismissed Haughey's political motives as being entirely selfish, and believed he was motivated to hold power for its own sake and not duty.In 1966, the Taoiseach Seán Lemass retired. Haughey declared his candidature to succeed Lemass in the consequent leadership election, and George Colley and Neil Blaney did likewise. As this meant that there were three strong candidates who held strong and divisive views on the future of the party, the party elders sought to find a compromise candidate. Lemass himself encouraged his Minister for Finance Jack Lynch, to contest the party leadership, and encouraged Colley, Haughey and Blaney to withdraw in favour of Lynch, arguing that they would not win a contest against him. However, Colley refused the Taoiseach's request and insisted on remaining in the race, but he was defeated by Lynch. Upon Lynch's election as Taoiseach, Haughey was appointed Minister for Finance by Lynch, in a cabinet reshuffle, which indicated that Haughey's withdrawal was a gain at the expense of Colley. The inexpensive and socially inclusive initiatives that Haughey made caught the public imagination; these included popular decisions to introduce free travel on public transport for pensioners, subsidise electricity for pensioners, the granting of special tax concessions for the disabled and tax exemptions for artists. They increased Haughey's populist appeal and his support from certain elements in the media and artistic community.As Minister for Finance, Haughey on two occasions arranged foreign currency loans for the government which he then arranged to be left on deposit in foreign countries (Germany and the United States), in the local currencies, instead of immediately changing the loans to Irish punts and depositing them in the exchequer. These actions were unconstitutional, because it effectively meant that the Minister for Finance was making a currency speculation against his own currency. When this was challenged by the Comptroller and Auditor General Eugene Francis Suttle, Haughey introduced a law to retrospectively legalise his actions. The debate was very short and the record shows no understanding of the issue by the Opposition Spokesperson for Finance, O'Higgins for Fine Gael and Tully for Labour. The legislation was passed on 26 November 1969.The late 1960s saw the old tensions boil over into an eruption of violence in Northern Ireland. Haughey was generally seen as coming from the pragmatist wing of the party, and was not believed to have strong opinions on the matter, despite having family links with Derry. Indeed, many presumed that he had a strong antipathy to physical force Irish republicanism; during his period as Minister for Justice he had followed a tough anti-IRA line, including using internment without trial against the IRA. The "hawks" in the cabinet were seen as Kevin Boland and Neil Blaney, both sons of founding fathers in the party with strong Old IRA pasts. Blaney was also a TD for Donegal; a staunchly Republican area which bordered Derry. They were opposed by those described as the "doves" of the cabinet; Tánaiste Erskine Childers, George Colley and Patrick Hillery. A fund of £100,000 was set up to give to the Nationalist people in the form of aid. Haughey, as Finance Minister would have a central role in the management of this fund.There was general surprise when, in an incident known as the "Arms Crisis", Haughey, along with Blaney, was sacked from Lynch's cabinet amid allegations of the use of the funds to import arms for use by the IRA. The Garda Special Branch informed the Minister for Justice Mícheál Ó Móráin and Taoiseach Jack Lynch that a plot to import arms existed and included government members, however Lynch took no action until the Special Branch made Leader of the Opposition Liam Cosgrave aware of the plot. Cosgrave told Lynch he knew of the plot and would announce it in the Dáil the next day if he didn't act. Lynch subsequently requested Haughey and Blaney to resign from cabinet. Both men refused, saying they did nothing illegal. Lynch then asked President de Valera to terminate their appointments as members of the government, a request that de Valera was required to grant by convention. Boland resigned in sympathy, while Mícheál Ó Móráin was dismissed one day earlier in a preemptive strike to ensure a subservient Minister for Justice was in place when the crisis broke. Lynch chose government chief whip Desmond O'Malley for the role. Haughey and Blaney were subsequently tried in court along with an army Officer, Captain James Kelly, and Albert Luykx, a former Flemish National Socialist and businessman, who allegedly used his contacts to buy the arms. After trial all the accused were acquitted but many refused to recognise the verdict of the courts. Although cleared of wrongdoing, it looked as if Haughey's political career was finished. Blaney and Boland eventually resigned from Fianna Fáil but Haughey remained. He spent his years on the backbenches – the wilderness years – building support within the grassroots of the party; during this time, he remained loyal to the party and served the leader, but after the debacle of the "arms crises" neither man trusted the other.In 1975, Fianna Fáil was in opposition and Haughey had achieved enough grassroots support to warrant a recall to Jack Lynch's opposition front bench. Haughey was appointed Spokesman on Health and Social Welfare, a fairly minor portfolio at the time, but Haughey used the same imagination and skill he displayed in other positions to formulate innovative and far reaching policies. Two years later in 1977, Fianna Fáil returned to power with a massive parliamentary majority in Dáil Éireann, having had a very populist campaign (spearhead by Colley and O'Malley) to abolish rates, vehicle tax and other extraordinary concessions, which were short-lived. Haughey returned to the cabinet, after an absence of seven years, as Minister for Health and Social Welfare.In this position he continued the progressive policies he had shown earlier by, among others, beginning the first government anti-smoking campaigns and legalising contraception, previously banned. Following the finding by the Supreme Court of Ireland, in McGee v The Attorney General, that there was a constitutional right to use contraceptives, he introduced The Family Planning Bill which proved to be highly controversial. The bill allowed a pharmacist to sell contraceptives on presentation of a medical prescription. Haughey called this bill "an Irish solution to an Irish problem". It is often stated that the recipient of the prescription had to be married, but the legislation did not include this requirement.The fallout from the giveaway concessions that had re-elected the government under Lynch, led to a succession race to succeed Lynch. As well as this a group of backbenchers began to lobby in support of Haughey. This group, known as the "gang of five," consisted of Jackie Fahey, Tom McEllistrim, Seán Doherty, Mark Killilea Jnr and Albert Reynolds. Haughey was also helped by the TD Síle de Valera. The granddaughter of Éamon de Valera, she was highly critical of Jack Lynch's policy regards to Northern Ireland. In a speech at the Liam Lynch commemoration at Fermoy on 9 September, de Valera made a series of thinly veiled attacks on Lynch. Although Lynch quickly tried to impose party discipline, attempting to discipline her for opposing party policy at a parliamentary party meeting held at the 28th, de Valera correctly pointed out that she had not opposed the party policy regarding Northern Ireland which called for the declaration of the British intent to withdraw from Northern Ireland. Lynch left for a trip to the United States on 7 November. On the same day the government lost two by-elections to Fine Gael in Cork and in Cork North-East. During the trip Lynch claimed in an interview with "The Washington Post" that a five-kilometer air corridor between the border was agreed upon during the meeting with British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, to enhance security co-operation. This was something highly unsavoury to many in Fianna Fáil. When Lynch returned he was questioned on this by a Clare backbencher Bill Loughnane, along with Tom McEllistrim at a parliamentary party meeting. Lynch stated that the British did not have permission to overfly the border. Afterwards Loughnane went public with the details of the meeting and accused Lynch of deliberately misleading the party. An attempt to remove the whip from Loughnane failed. At this stage Lynch's position had become untenable, with supporters of Haughey and George Colley caucusing opinion within the party.In December 1979, Lynch announced his resignation as Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil. The leadership contest that resulted was a two-horse race between Haughey and the Tánaiste, George Colley. Colley had the support of the entire cabinet, with the exception of Michael O'Kennedy, and felt that this popularity would be reflected within the parliamentary party as a whole.Haughey on the other hand was distrusted by a number of his Cabinet colleagues, but was much more respected by new backbenchers who were worried about the safety of their Dáil seats. When the vote was taken Haughey emerged as the victor by a margin of 44 votes to 38, a very clear division within the party. In a conciliatory gesture, Colley was re-appointed as Tánaiste and had a veto over whom Haughey would appoint as Ministers for Justice and for Defence. This was due to his distrust of Haughey on security issues (because of the Arms Crisis). However, he was removed from the important position of Minister for Finance.Nonetheless, on 11 December 1979, Charles Haughey was elected Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil, almost a decade after the Arms Crisis nearly destroyed his political career. In 2010, a founder of the Saatchi & Saatchi advertising firm, said that Haughey had asked for 'a new image' similar to the one provided for Margaret Thatcher for the 1979 general election.When Haughey came to power, the country was sinking into a deep economic crisis, following the 1979 energy crisis. Haughey effectively acted as his own Minister for Finance, ignoring the views of his Minister. One of his first functions as Taoiseach was a televised address to the nation – only the third such address in the Republic's history – in which he outlined the bleak economic picture:While Haughey had identified the problem with the economy, his actions made the problem worse. He increased public spending, which soon became out of control, and led to increases in borrowing and taxation at an unacceptable level. By 1981, Haughey was still reasonably popular and decided to call a general election. However, the timing of the election was thwarted twice by external events, in particular the hunger strikes of IRA volunteers for political status. The Anti H-Block Committee announced that they would field abstentionist candidates which many predicted correctly would take Republican votes away from Fianna Fáil. This coincided with the Stardust Disaster, where a fire destroyed a night club in Haughey's constituency and claimed the lives of 48 young people; these caused Haughey to delay the Ard Fheis and the election. The poll was eventually held in June, much later than Haughey wanted. In the hope of winning an overall Dáil majority Haughey's campaign took a populist line with regard to taxation, spending and Northern Ireland. The campaign was enhanced and hyped up by a live debate on RTÉ between Haughey and the Leader of the Opposition Garret FitzGerald, of Fine Gael, over the major issues. On the day of the vote Fianna Fáil won 45.5%, failing to secure a majority in the 166-seat Dáil. A Fine Gael–Labour Party coalition came to power, under FitzGerald and Haughey went into opposition.Within days of his becoming Taoiseach, Allied Irish Banks forgave Haughey £400,000 of a £1,000,000 debt. No reason was given for this. The Economist obituary on Haughey (24 June 2006) asserted that he had warned the bank "I can be a very troublesome adversary".FitzGerald's government lasted until January 1982, when it collapsed due to a controversial budget which proposed the application of Value Added Tax to children's shoes, previously exempt. FitzGerald, no longer having a majority in the Dáil, went to Áras an Uachtaráin, to advise President Hillery to dissolve the Dáil and call a general election. However, the night the government collapsed the Fianna Fáil Front Bench issued a statement encouraging the President not to grant the dissolution and to allow Fianna Fáil to form a government. Phone calls were also made to the President by Brian Lenihan. Haughey, on attempting to contact his former colleague, the President, and on failing to be put through to him, was reported to have threatened the President's aide de camp by telling him that he would be Taoiseach one day and when that happened, "I intend to roast your fucking arse if you don't put me through immediately". Hillery considered such pressure to be gross misconduct, and granted the dissolution.A biography of Hillery blames Haughey for the sex scandal rumours which almost destroyed the presidency of Hillery in 1979.After the February 1982 election, when Haughey failed to win an overall majority again, questions were raised about his leadership. Some of Haughey's critics in the party suggested that an alternative candidate should stand as the party's nominee for Taoiseach. Desmond O'Malley emerged as the likely alternative candidate and was ready to challenge Haughey for the leadership. However, on the day of the vote O'Malley withdrew and Haughey went forward as the nominee. He engineered confidence and supply agreements with the Independent Socialist TD, Tony Gregory (in return for £100 million of investment in the Dublin North Inner City; a deal dubbed the Gregory Deal), the Independent Fianna Fáil TD Neil Blaney and three Workers' Party TDs, which saw him return as Taoiseach for a second time.Haughey's second term was dominated by even more economic mismanagement, based on Haughey's policy of using government policy and money, in an effort to induce a sufficiently large share of the electorate to vote him his elusive 'overall majority' in the Dáil. With Haughey and his supporters taking a dangerously populist line in every area of policy, and refusing to address serious shortcomings in the performance of the state, a growing minority in his own party were becoming increasingly concerned. The issue of his leadership cropped up again when in October the backbench TD, Charlie McCreevy, put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey. Desmond O'Malley disagreed with the timing but supported the hasty motion of no confidence all the same. O'Malley resigned from the cabinet prior to the vote as he was going to vote against Haughey. A campaign now started that was extremely vicious on the side of Haughey's supporters, with threats made to the careers of those who dissented from the leadership. After a marathon 15-hour party meeting, Haughey, who insisted on a roll-call as opposed to a secret ballot, and won the open ballot by 58 votes to 22. Not long after this, Haughey's government collapsed when the Workers' Party TD's and Tony Gregory withdrew their support for the government over a Fianna Fáil policy document called "The Way Forward," which would lead to massive spending cuts. Fianna Fáil lost the November 1982 election and FitzGerald once again returned as Taoiseach at the head of a Fine Gael-Labour coalition with a comfortable Dáil majority. Haughey found himself back in opposition.During this tenure of Haughey, the "GUBU" Incidents, involving the Attorney General to his Government, occurred in Dublin. At a press-conference on the affair, Haughey was paraphrased as having described the affair as ""grotesque, unbelievable, bizarre and unprecedented"", from which journalist and former politician Conor Cruise O'Brien coined the term GUBU.Haughey's leadership came under scrutiny for a third time when a report linked Haughey with the phone tapping of political journalists. In spite of huge pressure Haughey refused to resign and survived yet another vote of no-confidence in early 1983, albeit with a smaller majority. Haughey's success was partly due to the death of the Fianna Fáil TD Clement Coughlan, a supporter of O'Malley. Haughey's supporters managed to have the meeting moved to the following week after the funeral, which gave him more time to manoeuver. Having failed three times to oust Haughey, most of his critics gave up and returned to normal politics.In May 1984, the New-Ireland Forum Report was published. Haughey was involved in the drafting of this at the time he was in office and had agreed to potential scenarios for improving the political situation of Northern Ireland. However, on publication, Haughey rejected it and said the only possible solution was a United Ireland. This statement was criticised by the other leaders who forged the New-Ireland Forum, John Hume, Garret FitzGerald and Dick Spring. Desmond O'Malley supported the Forum report and criticised Haughey's ambiguous position, accusing him of stifling debate. At a Fianna Fáil Parliamentary Party meeting to discuss the report, the whip was removed from O'Malley, which meant he was no longer a Fianna Fáil TD. Ironically, when Haughey returned to power he embraced the Anglo-Irish Agreement that had developed from the New Ireland Forum Report.In early 1985, a bill was introduced by the Fine Gael-Labour government to liberalise the sale of contraceptives in the country. Fianna Fáil in opposition opposed the bill. O'Malley supported it as a matter of principle rather than a political point to oppose for opposition's sake. On the day of the vote O'Malley spoke in the Dáil chamber stated:He abstained rather than vote with the government. Despite this Haughey moved against O'Malley and in February 1985, O'Malley was charged with "conduct un-becoming". At a Party meeting, even though O'Malley did not have the Party whip, he was expelled from the Fianna Fáil organisation by 73 votes to 9 in roll-call vote. With George Colley dead, O'Malley expelled and other critics silenced, Haughey was finally in full control of Fianna Fáil.O'Malley decided to form a new political party and 21 December 1985, Desmond O'Malley announced the formation of the Progressive Democrats. Several Fianna Fáil TDs joined including Mary Harney and Bobby Molloy.In November 1985, the Anglo-Irish Agreement was signed between Garret FitzGerald and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. The agreement gave Ireland a formal say in Northern Ireland and its affairs. As was the case with the New Ireland Forum Report, the Anglo-Irish Agreement was harshly criticised by Haughey, who said that he would re-negotiate it, if re-elected. FitzGerald called a general election for February 1987. The campaign was dominated by attacks on the government over severe cuts in the budget and the general mismanagement of the economy. When the results were counted Haughey had failed once again to win an overall majority for Fianna Fáil. When it came to electing a Taoiseach in the Dáil Haughey's position looked particularly volatile. When it came to a vote the Independent TD Tony Gregory voted against Fitzgerald but abstained on Haughey, seeing Haughey as the "lesser of two evils" (the reason for this was Gregory's opposition to the Anglo-Irish agreement as well as his personal dislike of Garrett Fitzgerald and Fine Gael). Haughey was elected Taoiseach on the casting vote of the Ceann Comhairle.Haughey now headed a minority Fianna Fáil government. Fine Gael under leader Alan Dukes, made the unprecedented move, with its Tallaght strategy, of supporting the government and voting for it when it came to introducing tough economic policies. The national debt had doubled under previous administrations, so the government introduced severe budget cuts in all departments. The taxation system was transformed to encourage enterprise and employment. One of the major schemes put forward, and one which would have enormous economic benefits for the country, was the establishment of the International Financial Services Centre (IFSC) in Dublin.In late April 1989, Haughey returned from a trip to Japan, to the news that the government was about to be defeated in a Dáil vote, on a private members' motion regarding provision of funds for HIV/AIDS sufferers. The government lost the vote, which was seen as merely embarrassing, but Haughey, buoyed by opinion polls which indicated the possibility of winning an overall majority, called a general election for 15 June. Fianna Fáil however ended up losing four seats and the possibility of forming another minority government looked slim. For the first time in history a nominee for Taoiseach failed to achieve a majority when a vote was taken in the Dáil, on 29 June 1989. Constitutionally Haughey was obliged to resign, however he refused to, for a short period. He eventually tendered his resignation to President Hillery and remained on as Taoiseach, albeit in an acting capacity. A full 27 days after the election had taken place a coalition government was formed between Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats. It was the first time that Fianna Fáil had entered into a coalition, abandoning one of its "core values" in the overwhelming need to form a government.Haughey in 1990 had more difficulties than successes. The first half of the year saw Haughey in a leading role as European statesman, when Ireland held the presidency of the European Community, which rotated semi-annually between the member states of the European Union. Haughey supported German Reunification and during the extraordinary Dublin Summit, which he called for in April, he pressed this viewpoint forward. He believed both Ireland and Germany were similar in that both countries were divided. During a Dáil debate on German Reunification, Haughey stated "I have expressed a personal view that coming as we do from a country which is also divided many of us would have sympathy with any wish of the people of the two German States for unification".The Presidential election was disappointing for Haughey with Brian Lenihan, the Tánaiste, who was nominated as the party's candidate, being defeated by Mary Robinson. During the campaign the controversy over the phone calls made to the Áras an Uachtaráin in 1982, urging the then President not to dissolve the Dáil resurfaced. Lenihan was accused of calling and attempting to influence the President, who as Head of State is above politics. The Progressive Democrats threatened to pull out of the coalition and support a Fine Gael no-confidence motion unless Haughey forced Lenihan out. Haughey tried to force Lenihan to resign, and sacked him when he refused to do so. Lenihan's dismissal damaged Haughey's standing in the Fianna Fáil organisation.Haughey's grip on political power began to slip in the autumn of 1991. There was a series of resignations by chairmen of semi-state companies, followed by an open declaration by Minister for Finance Albert Reynolds, that he had every intention of standing for the party leadership if Haughey resigned. Following a heated parliamentary party meeting, Seán Power, one of Reynolds's supporters, put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey. Reynolds and his supporters were sacked from the government by Haughey, who went on to win the no-confidence motion by 55 votes to 22.Haughey's victory was short-lived, as a series of political errors would lead to his demise as Taoiseach. Controversy erupted over the attempted appointment of Jim McDaid as Minister for Defence, which saw him resign from the post before he had been officially installed, under pressure from O'Malley. Worse was to follow when Seán Doherty, the man who as Minister for Justice had taken the blame for the phone-tapping scandal of the early 1980s, went on RTÉ television, and after ten years of insisting that Haughey knew nothing of the tapping, claimed that Haughey had known and authorised it. Haughey denied this, but the Progressive Democrats members of the government stated that they could no longer continue in government with Haughey as Taoiseach. Haughey told Desmond O'Malley, the Progressive Democrats leader, that he intended to stand down shortly, but wanted to choose his own time of departure. O'Malley agreed to this and the government continued.On 30 January 1992, Haughey resigned as leader of Fianna Fáil at a parliamentary party meeting. He remained as Taoiseach until 11 February 1992, when he was succeeded by the former Finance Minister, Albert Reynolds. In his final address to the Dáil he quoted Othello, saying "inter alia" "I have done the state some service, they know it, no more of that." Haughey then returned to the backbenches before retiring from politics at the 1992 general election. His son, Seán Haughey, was elected at the election that followed, in his father's old constituency. Sean Haughey was appointed as a Junior Minister in the Department of Education and Science in December 2006.Haughey's personal wealth and extravagant lifestyle (he owned racehorses, a large motor sailing yacht "Celtic Mist", an Inishvickillane island and a Gandon-designed mansion) had long been a point of speculation. He refused throughout his career to answer any questions about how he financed this lifestyle on a government salary. Despite his professed desire to fade from public attention, these questions followed him into retirement, eventually exploding into a series of political, financial and personal scandals that tarnished his image and reputation.In 1997, a government-appointed tribunal, led by Judge Brian McCracken, first revealed that Haughey had received substantial monetary gifts from businessmen and that he had held secret offshore bank accounts in the Ansbacher Bank in the Cayman Islands. Haughey faced criminal charges for obstructing the work of the McCracken tribunal. His trial on these charges was postponed indefinitely after the judge in the case found that he would not be able to get a fair trial following prejudicial comments by the then PD leader and Tánaiste Mary Harney.Also in 1997, the public were shocked by allegations that Haughey had embezzled money destined for the Fianna Fáil party, taxpayers' money taken from government funds earmarked for the operation of a political party, and that he had spent large portions of these funds on Charvet shirts and expensive dinners in a top Dublin restaurant, while preaching belt-tightening and implementing budget cuts as a national policy.The subsequent Moriarty Tribunal delved further into Haughey's financial dealings. In his main report on Charles Haughey released on 19 December 2006, Mr Justice Moriarty made the following findings:The tribunal rejected Haughey's claims of ignorance of his own financial affairs and Haughey was accused by the tribunal of ""devaluing democracy"".Haughey eventually agreed a settlement with the revenue and paid a total of €6.5 million in back taxes and penalties to the Revenue Commissioners in relation to these donations. In August 2003 Haughey was forced to sell his large estate, Abbeville, in Kinsealy in north County Dublin for €45 million to settle legal fees he had incurred during the tribunals. He continued to live at Abbeville and own the island of Inishvickillane off the coast of County Kerry until his death.In May 1999, Terry Keane, gossip columnist and once wife of former Chief Justice of Ireland Ronan Keane, revealed on "The Late Late Show" that she and Haughey had conducted a 27-year extramarital affair. In a move that she subsequently said she deeply regretted, Keane confirmed that the man she had been referring to for years in her newspaper column as "sweetie" was indeed Haughey. The revelation on the television programme shocked at least some of the audience, including Haughey's son Seán who was watching the show. Haughey's wife Maureen was also said to have been deeply hurt by the circumstances of the revelation.Haughey's attendance before the tribunals had repeatedly been disrupted by illness. He died from prostate cancer, from which he had suffered for a decade, on 13 June 2006, at his home in Kinsealy, County Dublin, aged 80.Haughey received a state funeral on 16 June 2006. He was buried in St. Fintan's Cemetery, Sutton in County Dublin, following mass at Donnycarney. The then Taoiseach Bertie Ahern delivered the graveside oration.The funeral rites were screened live on RTÉ One and watched by a quarter of a million people. It was attended by President Mary McAleese, the Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, members of the Oireachtas, many from the world of politics, industry and business. The chief celebrant was Haughey's brother, Father Eoghan Haughey.Former Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald has said that he had the potential to be one of the best Taoisigh that the country ever had, had his preoccupation with wealth and power not clouded his judgement: Another former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern saidHistorian Diarmaid Ferriter said, Historian John A Murphy said, Haughey was characterised in a 2012 novel "Ratlines", by Stuart Neville. A three-part television drama "Charlie", covering Haughey between 1979 and 1992, débuted on RTÉ in January 2015.The following governments were led by Haughey:
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[
"Minister for Education and Skills",
"Minister for Health",
"Minister for Defence",
"Teachta Dála",
"Minister for Social Protection",
"Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine",
"Minister for Justice and Equality",
"Taoiseach"
] |
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Which position did Charles Haughey hold in 10/11/1991?
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November 10, 1991
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{
"text": [
"Leader of Fianna Fáil",
"Minister for Finance"
]
}
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L2_Q333735_P39_9
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Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Finance from Nov, 1991 to Nov, 1991.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Justice and Equality from Oct, 1961 to Oct, 1964.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Education and Skills from Oct, 1982 to Oct, 1982.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Leader of Fianna Fáil from Dec, 1979 to Feb, 1992.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine from Oct, 1964 to Nov, 1966.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Taoiseach from Dec, 1979 to Jun, 1981.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Defence from Nov, 1990 to Feb, 1991.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Social Protection from Jul, 1977 to Dec, 1979.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Health from Jul, 1977 to Dec, 1979.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Teachta Dála from Mar, 1957 to Sep, 1961.
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Charles HaugheyCharles James Haughey (; 16 September 1925 – 13 June 2006) was an Irish Fianna Fáil politician who served as Taoiseach on three occasions – 1979 to 1981, March to December 1982 and 1987 to 1992. He was also Minister for the Gaeltacht from 1987 to 1992, Leader of the Opposition from 1981 to 1982 and 1982 to 1987, Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1979 to 1992, Minister for Social Welfare and for Health from 1977 to 1979, Minister for Finance from 1966 to 1970, Minister for Agriculture from 1964 to 1966, Minister for Justice from 1961 to 1964 and Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice from 1959 to 1961. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1957 to 1992.Haughey was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fianna Fáil TD in 1957 and was re-elected at every election until 1992, representing successively the Dublin North-East, Dublin Artane and Dublin North-Central constituencies.Haughey was the dominant Irish politician of his generation, as well as the most controversial. Upon entering government in the early 1960s, Haughey became the symbol of a new vanguard of Irish Ministers. As Taoiseach, he is credited by some economists with starting the positive transformation of the economy in the late 1980s. However, his career was also marked by several major scandals. Haughey was implicated in the Arms Crisis of 1970, which nearly destroyed his career. His political reputation revived, his tenure as Taoiseach was then damaged by the sensational GUBU Affair in 1982; his party leadership was challenged four times, each time unsuccessfully, earning Haughey the nickname "The Great Houdini". Revelations about his role in a phone tapping scandal forced him to resign as Taoiseach and retire from politics in 1992.After Haughey's retirement from politics, further revelations of corruption, embezzlement, tax evasion and a 27-year extra-marital affair tarnished his already divisive reputation. He died of prostate cancer in 2006, aged 80.He was born in Castlebar, County Mayo in 1925, the third of seven children, of Seán Haughey and Sarah McWilliams, both natives of Swatragh, County Londonderry. Haughey's father was in the Irish Republican Army during the Irish War of Independence, then in the National Army of the Irish Free State. Seán Haughey left the army in 1928 and the family moved to County Meath; there he developed multiple sclerosis and the family moved again to Donnycarney, where Charles Haughey spent his youth.Haughey was educated by the Irish Christian Brothers at St. Joseph's secondary school in Fairview, where one of his classmates was George Colley, subsequently his cabinet colleague and rival in Fianna Fáil. In his youth he was an amateur sportsman, playing Gaelic football with the Parnells GAA Club in Donnycarney. He won a Dublin Senior Football Championship medal in 1945. Haughey studied Commerce at University College Dublin (UCD), where he took a first class Honours degree in 1946. It was at UCD that Haughey became increasingly interested in politics and was elected Auditor of the Commerce & Economics Society. He also met there with one of his future political rivals, Garret FitzGerald.He joined the Local Defence Force during "The Emergency" in 1941 and considered a permanent career in the Army. He continued to serve in the FCÁ, until entering Dáil Éireann in 1957.On VE-day Haughey and other UCD students burnt the British Union Jack on College Green, outside Trinity College, Dublin, in response to a perceived disrespect afforded the Irish tricolour among the flags hung by the college in celebration of the Allied victory which ended World War II.Haughey qualified as a chartered accountant and also attended King's Inns. He was subsequently called to the Irish Bar. Shortly afterwards, he set up the accountancy firm of Haughey, Boland & Company with Harry Boland, son of Fianna Fáil Minister Gerald Boland.On 18 September 1951, he married Maureen Lemass, the daughter of the Fianna Fáil Minister and future Taoiseach Seán Lemass, having been close to her since their days at UCD, where they first met. They had four children together: Eimear, Conor, Ciarán and Seán.After selling his house in Raheny, in 1969, Haughey bought Abbeville, located at Kinsealy, north County Dublin, a historic house, once owned by Anglo-Irish politician John Beresford, for whom it had been extensively re-designed by the architect James Gandon in the late 18th century. Haughey purchased its existing estate of approximately at the same time; it became his family home and he lived there for the rest of his life. This marked the beginning of a long period when Haughey's spending was well beyond his apparent income level. For the rest of his life Haughey would refuse to say where the extra money came from.He started his political career as a local Councillor, being a member of Dublin Corporation from 1953 to 1955. Haughey's first attempt at election to Dáil Éireann came in June 1951, when he unsuccessfully contested the general election. While living in Raheny, Haughey was first elected to the Dáil as a Fianna Fáil TD at the 1957 general election for the Dublin North-East constituency. It was his fourth attempt.Haughey was re-elected in every election until 1992; he represented the Dublin North-East constituency from 1957 to 1977. The constituency lines were redrawn under the Electoral (Amendment) Act 1974, in an attempt to secure re-election for the sitting Fine Gael-Labour Party government in the 1977 election, when Haughey switched to representing Dublin Artane; but this constituency was abolished in 1981 and most of Haughey's electoral area was moved into the reformed Dublin North-Central constituency, which he represented from 1981 until his retirement in 1992.Haughey obtained his first government position, that of Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice, to his constituency colleague Oscar Traynor in 1960. It is unclear whether the choice was made by Lemass directly as Taoiseach, or by the cabinet against his wishes. Lemass had advised Haughey;"As Taoiseach it is my duty to offer you the post of parliamentary secretary, and as your father-in-law I am advising you not to take it."Haughey ignored Lemass's advice and accepted the offer. Although officially junior to Traynor, Haughey was the "de facto" Minister. Haughey and Traynor clashed openly.Haughey came to epitomise the new style of politician – the "men in the mohair suits". He regularly socialised with other younger cabinet colleagues, such as Donogh O'Malley and Brian Lenihan."By day he impressed the Dáil. By night he basked in the admiration of a fashionable audience in the Russell Hotel. There, or in Dublin's more expensive restaurants, the company included artists, musicians and entertainers, professionals, builders and business people.""His companions, Lenihan and O'Malley, took mischievous delight in entertaining the Russell with tales of the Old Guard. O'Malley in turn entertained the company in Limerick's Brazen Head or Cruise's Hotel with accounts of the crowd in the Russell. On the wings of such tales Haughey's reputation spread."Haughey's status by 1961 was such that Leader of the Opposition James Dillon complimented him lavishly on the floor of the Dáil, remarking on his opponent's "skill with which he has had recourse to his brief," as well as his "extraordinary erudition" and "his exceptional and outstanding ability."When Traynor retired in 1961, Haughey succeeded him as Minister for Justice. As such, he initiated an extensive scale of legislative reforms. He introduced new legislation including the Adoption Act; the Succession Act, which protected the inheritance rights of wives and children; the Criminal Justice Act, which severely restricted the application of capital punishment; and the Extradition Act, which virtually prevented extradition for IRA offences. Haughey also introduced the Special Military Courts which helped to defeat the Irish Republican Army's Border Campaign.In 1964, Lemass appointed Haughey as Minister for Agriculture. Criticism was voiced from the National Farmers Association (NFA) of the appointment of a non-rural person to the position, and there was increased antagonism from farmers towards the government. Haughey became embroiled in a series of controversies with the NFA and with another organisation, the Irish Creamery Milk Suppliers Association (ICMSA). Twenty-seven ICMSA picketers outside Leinster House, were arrested on 27 April 1966 under the "Offences Against the State Act", an act originally intended for use against the IRA. 78 were arrested the following day, and 80 a day later as the dispute escalated. The general public was supportive of the farmers, who were not in a position to hold a strike to air their grievances, and who were clearly only posing a problem to the Minister, rather than the state. The farmers then began a national solidarity campaign, and even farmers who supported Fianna Fáil turned against the government. Haughey, who did not rely on rural voters, was under intense pressure from fearful members of his own party to negotiate a deal and reduce the tension. It was Haughey's first alienation of a significant voting block, and probably damaged him electorally in later years as many farmers remembered the events, known in folk memory as the "Farmers' Strike".Haughey was appointed by Fianna Fáil to run President Éamon de Valera's re-election campaign for the 1966 presidential election. His interventions proved highly controversial. Fine Gael chose a comparatively young TD and barrister, Tom O'Higgins (nephew of Kevin O'Higgins), to run against de Valera. Aware that de Valera's age (84) and almost total blindness might compare unfavourably to O'Higgins, whose campaign drew comparisons with the equally youthful US President John F. Kennedy, Haughey launched what was seen as a political stroke. He insisted that it was beneath the presidency to actively campaign, meaning that de Valera would have a low profile. Therefore, in the interests of fairness the media was asked to give O'Higgins an equally low profile, ignoring his speeches and publicity campaign. The print media, both nationally and locally, ignored Haughey's suggestion. But the state-run Raidió Teilifís Éireann, facing criticism from Lemass' government for being too radical in other areas, agreed and largely ignored the O'Higgins campaign.De Valera got a high media profile from a different source, the fiftieth anniversary commemoration of the Easter Rising, of which he was the most senior survivor. While O'Higgins's campaign was ignored by RTÉ, de Valera appeared in RTÉ coverage of the Rising events regularly. To add further to de Valera's campaign, Haughey as Agriculture Minister arranged for milk price increases to be given to farmers on the eve of polling, as a way of reducing farmer disquiet after they had effectively become an opposition movement to the government.These tactics should have ensured an easy de Valera victory. Instead O'Higgins came within less than one percent of winning the vote. The President was re-elected by a narrow margin of ten thousand votes out of a total of nearly one million. De Valera came to distrust Haughey; Frank Aiken, Minister for Foreign Affairs under de Valera and his lifelong political confidant, dismissed Haughey's political motives as being entirely selfish, and believed he was motivated to hold power for its own sake and not duty.In 1966, the Taoiseach Seán Lemass retired. Haughey declared his candidature to succeed Lemass in the consequent leadership election, and George Colley and Neil Blaney did likewise. As this meant that there were three strong candidates who held strong and divisive views on the future of the party, the party elders sought to find a compromise candidate. Lemass himself encouraged his Minister for Finance Jack Lynch, to contest the party leadership, and encouraged Colley, Haughey and Blaney to withdraw in favour of Lynch, arguing that they would not win a contest against him. However, Colley refused the Taoiseach's request and insisted on remaining in the race, but he was defeated by Lynch. Upon Lynch's election as Taoiseach, Haughey was appointed Minister for Finance by Lynch, in a cabinet reshuffle, which indicated that Haughey's withdrawal was a gain at the expense of Colley. The inexpensive and socially inclusive initiatives that Haughey made caught the public imagination; these included popular decisions to introduce free travel on public transport for pensioners, subsidise electricity for pensioners, the granting of special tax concessions for the disabled and tax exemptions for artists. They increased Haughey's populist appeal and his support from certain elements in the media and artistic community.As Minister for Finance, Haughey on two occasions arranged foreign currency loans for the government which he then arranged to be left on deposit in foreign countries (Germany and the United States), in the local currencies, instead of immediately changing the loans to Irish punts and depositing them in the exchequer. These actions were unconstitutional, because it effectively meant that the Minister for Finance was making a currency speculation against his own currency. When this was challenged by the Comptroller and Auditor General Eugene Francis Suttle, Haughey introduced a law to retrospectively legalise his actions. The debate was very short and the record shows no understanding of the issue by the Opposition Spokesperson for Finance, O'Higgins for Fine Gael and Tully for Labour. The legislation was passed on 26 November 1969.The late 1960s saw the old tensions boil over into an eruption of violence in Northern Ireland. Haughey was generally seen as coming from the pragmatist wing of the party, and was not believed to have strong opinions on the matter, despite having family links with Derry. Indeed, many presumed that he had a strong antipathy to physical force Irish republicanism; during his period as Minister for Justice he had followed a tough anti-IRA line, including using internment without trial against the IRA. The "hawks" in the cabinet were seen as Kevin Boland and Neil Blaney, both sons of founding fathers in the party with strong Old IRA pasts. Blaney was also a TD for Donegal; a staunchly Republican area which bordered Derry. They were opposed by those described as the "doves" of the cabinet; Tánaiste Erskine Childers, George Colley and Patrick Hillery. A fund of £100,000 was set up to give to the Nationalist people in the form of aid. Haughey, as Finance Minister would have a central role in the management of this fund.There was general surprise when, in an incident known as the "Arms Crisis", Haughey, along with Blaney, was sacked from Lynch's cabinet amid allegations of the use of the funds to import arms for use by the IRA. The Garda Special Branch informed the Minister for Justice Mícheál Ó Móráin and Taoiseach Jack Lynch that a plot to import arms existed and included government members, however Lynch took no action until the Special Branch made Leader of the Opposition Liam Cosgrave aware of the plot. Cosgrave told Lynch he knew of the plot and would announce it in the Dáil the next day if he didn't act. Lynch subsequently requested Haughey and Blaney to resign from cabinet. Both men refused, saying they did nothing illegal. Lynch then asked President de Valera to terminate their appointments as members of the government, a request that de Valera was required to grant by convention. Boland resigned in sympathy, while Mícheál Ó Móráin was dismissed one day earlier in a preemptive strike to ensure a subservient Minister for Justice was in place when the crisis broke. Lynch chose government chief whip Desmond O'Malley for the role. Haughey and Blaney were subsequently tried in court along with an army Officer, Captain James Kelly, and Albert Luykx, a former Flemish National Socialist and businessman, who allegedly used his contacts to buy the arms. After trial all the accused were acquitted but many refused to recognise the verdict of the courts. Although cleared of wrongdoing, it looked as if Haughey's political career was finished. Blaney and Boland eventually resigned from Fianna Fáil but Haughey remained. He spent his years on the backbenches – the wilderness years – building support within the grassroots of the party; during this time, he remained loyal to the party and served the leader, but after the debacle of the "arms crises" neither man trusted the other.In 1975, Fianna Fáil was in opposition and Haughey had achieved enough grassroots support to warrant a recall to Jack Lynch's opposition front bench. Haughey was appointed Spokesman on Health and Social Welfare, a fairly minor portfolio at the time, but Haughey used the same imagination and skill he displayed in other positions to formulate innovative and far reaching policies. Two years later in 1977, Fianna Fáil returned to power with a massive parliamentary majority in Dáil Éireann, having had a very populist campaign (spearhead by Colley and O'Malley) to abolish rates, vehicle tax and other extraordinary concessions, which were short-lived. Haughey returned to the cabinet, after an absence of seven years, as Minister for Health and Social Welfare.In this position he continued the progressive policies he had shown earlier by, among others, beginning the first government anti-smoking campaigns and legalising contraception, previously banned. Following the finding by the Supreme Court of Ireland, in McGee v The Attorney General, that there was a constitutional right to use contraceptives, he introduced The Family Planning Bill which proved to be highly controversial. The bill allowed a pharmacist to sell contraceptives on presentation of a medical prescription. Haughey called this bill "an Irish solution to an Irish problem". It is often stated that the recipient of the prescription had to be married, but the legislation did not include this requirement.The fallout from the giveaway concessions that had re-elected the government under Lynch, led to a succession race to succeed Lynch. As well as this a group of backbenchers began to lobby in support of Haughey. This group, known as the "gang of five," consisted of Jackie Fahey, Tom McEllistrim, Seán Doherty, Mark Killilea Jnr and Albert Reynolds. Haughey was also helped by the TD Síle de Valera. The granddaughter of Éamon de Valera, she was highly critical of Jack Lynch's policy regards to Northern Ireland. In a speech at the Liam Lynch commemoration at Fermoy on 9 September, de Valera made a series of thinly veiled attacks on Lynch. Although Lynch quickly tried to impose party discipline, attempting to discipline her for opposing party policy at a parliamentary party meeting held at the 28th, de Valera correctly pointed out that she had not opposed the party policy regarding Northern Ireland which called for the declaration of the British intent to withdraw from Northern Ireland. Lynch left for a trip to the United States on 7 November. On the same day the government lost two by-elections to Fine Gael in Cork and in Cork North-East. During the trip Lynch claimed in an interview with "The Washington Post" that a five-kilometer air corridor between the border was agreed upon during the meeting with British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, to enhance security co-operation. This was something highly unsavoury to many in Fianna Fáil. When Lynch returned he was questioned on this by a Clare backbencher Bill Loughnane, along with Tom McEllistrim at a parliamentary party meeting. Lynch stated that the British did not have permission to overfly the border. Afterwards Loughnane went public with the details of the meeting and accused Lynch of deliberately misleading the party. An attempt to remove the whip from Loughnane failed. At this stage Lynch's position had become untenable, with supporters of Haughey and George Colley caucusing opinion within the party.In December 1979, Lynch announced his resignation as Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil. The leadership contest that resulted was a two-horse race between Haughey and the Tánaiste, George Colley. Colley had the support of the entire cabinet, with the exception of Michael O'Kennedy, and felt that this popularity would be reflected within the parliamentary party as a whole.Haughey on the other hand was distrusted by a number of his Cabinet colleagues, but was much more respected by new backbenchers who were worried about the safety of their Dáil seats. When the vote was taken Haughey emerged as the victor by a margin of 44 votes to 38, a very clear division within the party. In a conciliatory gesture, Colley was re-appointed as Tánaiste and had a veto over whom Haughey would appoint as Ministers for Justice and for Defence. This was due to his distrust of Haughey on security issues (because of the Arms Crisis). However, he was removed from the important position of Minister for Finance.Nonetheless, on 11 December 1979, Charles Haughey was elected Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil, almost a decade after the Arms Crisis nearly destroyed his political career. In 2010, a founder of the Saatchi & Saatchi advertising firm, said that Haughey had asked for 'a new image' similar to the one provided for Margaret Thatcher for the 1979 general election.When Haughey came to power, the country was sinking into a deep economic crisis, following the 1979 energy crisis. Haughey effectively acted as his own Minister for Finance, ignoring the views of his Minister. One of his first functions as Taoiseach was a televised address to the nation – only the third such address in the Republic's history – in which he outlined the bleak economic picture:While Haughey had identified the problem with the economy, his actions made the problem worse. He increased public spending, which soon became out of control, and led to increases in borrowing and taxation at an unacceptable level. By 1981, Haughey was still reasonably popular and decided to call a general election. However, the timing of the election was thwarted twice by external events, in particular the hunger strikes of IRA volunteers for political status. The Anti H-Block Committee announced that they would field abstentionist candidates which many predicted correctly would take Republican votes away from Fianna Fáil. This coincided with the Stardust Disaster, where a fire destroyed a night club in Haughey's constituency and claimed the lives of 48 young people; these caused Haughey to delay the Ard Fheis and the election. The poll was eventually held in June, much later than Haughey wanted. In the hope of winning an overall Dáil majority Haughey's campaign took a populist line with regard to taxation, spending and Northern Ireland. The campaign was enhanced and hyped up by a live debate on RTÉ between Haughey and the Leader of the Opposition Garret FitzGerald, of Fine Gael, over the major issues. On the day of the vote Fianna Fáil won 45.5%, failing to secure a majority in the 166-seat Dáil. A Fine Gael–Labour Party coalition came to power, under FitzGerald and Haughey went into opposition.Within days of his becoming Taoiseach, Allied Irish Banks forgave Haughey £400,000 of a £1,000,000 debt. No reason was given for this. The Economist obituary on Haughey (24 June 2006) asserted that he had warned the bank "I can be a very troublesome adversary".FitzGerald's government lasted until January 1982, when it collapsed due to a controversial budget which proposed the application of Value Added Tax to children's shoes, previously exempt. FitzGerald, no longer having a majority in the Dáil, went to Áras an Uachtaráin, to advise President Hillery to dissolve the Dáil and call a general election. However, the night the government collapsed the Fianna Fáil Front Bench issued a statement encouraging the President not to grant the dissolution and to allow Fianna Fáil to form a government. Phone calls were also made to the President by Brian Lenihan. Haughey, on attempting to contact his former colleague, the President, and on failing to be put through to him, was reported to have threatened the President's aide de camp by telling him that he would be Taoiseach one day and when that happened, "I intend to roast your fucking arse if you don't put me through immediately". Hillery considered such pressure to be gross misconduct, and granted the dissolution.A biography of Hillery blames Haughey for the sex scandal rumours which almost destroyed the presidency of Hillery in 1979.After the February 1982 election, when Haughey failed to win an overall majority again, questions were raised about his leadership. Some of Haughey's critics in the party suggested that an alternative candidate should stand as the party's nominee for Taoiseach. Desmond O'Malley emerged as the likely alternative candidate and was ready to challenge Haughey for the leadership. However, on the day of the vote O'Malley withdrew and Haughey went forward as the nominee. He engineered confidence and supply agreements with the Independent Socialist TD, Tony Gregory (in return for £100 million of investment in the Dublin North Inner City; a deal dubbed the Gregory Deal), the Independent Fianna Fáil TD Neil Blaney and three Workers' Party TDs, which saw him return as Taoiseach for a second time.Haughey's second term was dominated by even more economic mismanagement, based on Haughey's policy of using government policy and money, in an effort to induce a sufficiently large share of the electorate to vote him his elusive 'overall majority' in the Dáil. With Haughey and his supporters taking a dangerously populist line in every area of policy, and refusing to address serious shortcomings in the performance of the state, a growing minority in his own party were becoming increasingly concerned. The issue of his leadership cropped up again when in October the backbench TD, Charlie McCreevy, put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey. Desmond O'Malley disagreed with the timing but supported the hasty motion of no confidence all the same. O'Malley resigned from the cabinet prior to the vote as he was going to vote against Haughey. A campaign now started that was extremely vicious on the side of Haughey's supporters, with threats made to the careers of those who dissented from the leadership. After a marathon 15-hour party meeting, Haughey, who insisted on a roll-call as opposed to a secret ballot, and won the open ballot by 58 votes to 22. Not long after this, Haughey's government collapsed when the Workers' Party TD's and Tony Gregory withdrew their support for the government over a Fianna Fáil policy document called "The Way Forward," which would lead to massive spending cuts. Fianna Fáil lost the November 1982 election and FitzGerald once again returned as Taoiseach at the head of a Fine Gael-Labour coalition with a comfortable Dáil majority. Haughey found himself back in opposition.During this tenure of Haughey, the "GUBU" Incidents, involving the Attorney General to his Government, occurred in Dublin. At a press-conference on the affair, Haughey was paraphrased as having described the affair as ""grotesque, unbelievable, bizarre and unprecedented"", from which journalist and former politician Conor Cruise O'Brien coined the term GUBU.Haughey's leadership came under scrutiny for a third time when a report linked Haughey with the phone tapping of political journalists. In spite of huge pressure Haughey refused to resign and survived yet another vote of no-confidence in early 1983, albeit with a smaller majority. Haughey's success was partly due to the death of the Fianna Fáil TD Clement Coughlan, a supporter of O'Malley. Haughey's supporters managed to have the meeting moved to the following week after the funeral, which gave him more time to manoeuver. Having failed three times to oust Haughey, most of his critics gave up and returned to normal politics.In May 1984, the New-Ireland Forum Report was published. Haughey was involved in the drafting of this at the time he was in office and had agreed to potential scenarios for improving the political situation of Northern Ireland. However, on publication, Haughey rejected it and said the only possible solution was a United Ireland. This statement was criticised by the other leaders who forged the New-Ireland Forum, John Hume, Garret FitzGerald and Dick Spring. Desmond O'Malley supported the Forum report and criticised Haughey's ambiguous position, accusing him of stifling debate. At a Fianna Fáil Parliamentary Party meeting to discuss the report, the whip was removed from O'Malley, which meant he was no longer a Fianna Fáil TD. Ironically, when Haughey returned to power he embraced the Anglo-Irish Agreement that had developed from the New Ireland Forum Report.In early 1985, a bill was introduced by the Fine Gael-Labour government to liberalise the sale of contraceptives in the country. Fianna Fáil in opposition opposed the bill. O'Malley supported it as a matter of principle rather than a political point to oppose for opposition's sake. On the day of the vote O'Malley spoke in the Dáil chamber stated:He abstained rather than vote with the government. Despite this Haughey moved against O'Malley and in February 1985, O'Malley was charged with "conduct un-becoming". At a Party meeting, even though O'Malley did not have the Party whip, he was expelled from the Fianna Fáil organisation by 73 votes to 9 in roll-call vote. With George Colley dead, O'Malley expelled and other critics silenced, Haughey was finally in full control of Fianna Fáil.O'Malley decided to form a new political party and 21 December 1985, Desmond O'Malley announced the formation of the Progressive Democrats. Several Fianna Fáil TDs joined including Mary Harney and Bobby Molloy.In November 1985, the Anglo-Irish Agreement was signed between Garret FitzGerald and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. The agreement gave Ireland a formal say in Northern Ireland and its affairs. As was the case with the New Ireland Forum Report, the Anglo-Irish Agreement was harshly criticised by Haughey, who said that he would re-negotiate it, if re-elected. FitzGerald called a general election for February 1987. The campaign was dominated by attacks on the government over severe cuts in the budget and the general mismanagement of the economy. When the results were counted Haughey had failed once again to win an overall majority for Fianna Fáil. When it came to electing a Taoiseach in the Dáil Haughey's position looked particularly volatile. When it came to a vote the Independent TD Tony Gregory voted against Fitzgerald but abstained on Haughey, seeing Haughey as the "lesser of two evils" (the reason for this was Gregory's opposition to the Anglo-Irish agreement as well as his personal dislike of Garrett Fitzgerald and Fine Gael). Haughey was elected Taoiseach on the casting vote of the Ceann Comhairle.Haughey now headed a minority Fianna Fáil government. Fine Gael under leader Alan Dukes, made the unprecedented move, with its Tallaght strategy, of supporting the government and voting for it when it came to introducing tough economic policies. The national debt had doubled under previous administrations, so the government introduced severe budget cuts in all departments. The taxation system was transformed to encourage enterprise and employment. One of the major schemes put forward, and one which would have enormous economic benefits for the country, was the establishment of the International Financial Services Centre (IFSC) in Dublin.In late April 1989, Haughey returned from a trip to Japan, to the news that the government was about to be defeated in a Dáil vote, on a private members' motion regarding provision of funds for HIV/AIDS sufferers. The government lost the vote, which was seen as merely embarrassing, but Haughey, buoyed by opinion polls which indicated the possibility of winning an overall majority, called a general election for 15 June. Fianna Fáil however ended up losing four seats and the possibility of forming another minority government looked slim. For the first time in history a nominee for Taoiseach failed to achieve a majority when a vote was taken in the Dáil, on 29 June 1989. Constitutionally Haughey was obliged to resign, however he refused to, for a short period. He eventually tendered his resignation to President Hillery and remained on as Taoiseach, albeit in an acting capacity. A full 27 days after the election had taken place a coalition government was formed between Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats. It was the first time that Fianna Fáil had entered into a coalition, abandoning one of its "core values" in the overwhelming need to form a government.Haughey in 1990 had more difficulties than successes. The first half of the year saw Haughey in a leading role as European statesman, when Ireland held the presidency of the European Community, which rotated semi-annually between the member states of the European Union. Haughey supported German Reunification and during the extraordinary Dublin Summit, which he called for in April, he pressed this viewpoint forward. He believed both Ireland and Germany were similar in that both countries were divided. During a Dáil debate on German Reunification, Haughey stated "I have expressed a personal view that coming as we do from a country which is also divided many of us would have sympathy with any wish of the people of the two German States for unification".The Presidential election was disappointing for Haughey with Brian Lenihan, the Tánaiste, who was nominated as the party's candidate, being defeated by Mary Robinson. During the campaign the controversy over the phone calls made to the Áras an Uachtaráin in 1982, urging the then President not to dissolve the Dáil resurfaced. Lenihan was accused of calling and attempting to influence the President, who as Head of State is above politics. The Progressive Democrats threatened to pull out of the coalition and support a Fine Gael no-confidence motion unless Haughey forced Lenihan out. Haughey tried to force Lenihan to resign, and sacked him when he refused to do so. Lenihan's dismissal damaged Haughey's standing in the Fianna Fáil organisation.Haughey's grip on political power began to slip in the autumn of 1991. There was a series of resignations by chairmen of semi-state companies, followed by an open declaration by Minister for Finance Albert Reynolds, that he had every intention of standing for the party leadership if Haughey resigned. Following a heated parliamentary party meeting, Seán Power, one of Reynolds's supporters, put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey. Reynolds and his supporters were sacked from the government by Haughey, who went on to win the no-confidence motion by 55 votes to 22.Haughey's victory was short-lived, as a series of political errors would lead to his demise as Taoiseach. Controversy erupted over the attempted appointment of Jim McDaid as Minister for Defence, which saw him resign from the post before he had been officially installed, under pressure from O'Malley. Worse was to follow when Seán Doherty, the man who as Minister for Justice had taken the blame for the phone-tapping scandal of the early 1980s, went on RTÉ television, and after ten years of insisting that Haughey knew nothing of the tapping, claimed that Haughey had known and authorised it. Haughey denied this, but the Progressive Democrats members of the government stated that they could no longer continue in government with Haughey as Taoiseach. Haughey told Desmond O'Malley, the Progressive Democrats leader, that he intended to stand down shortly, but wanted to choose his own time of departure. O'Malley agreed to this and the government continued.On 30 January 1992, Haughey resigned as leader of Fianna Fáil at a parliamentary party meeting. He remained as Taoiseach until 11 February 1992, when he was succeeded by the former Finance Minister, Albert Reynolds. In his final address to the Dáil he quoted Othello, saying "inter alia" "I have done the state some service, they know it, no more of that." Haughey then returned to the backbenches before retiring from politics at the 1992 general election. His son, Seán Haughey, was elected at the election that followed, in his father's old constituency. Sean Haughey was appointed as a Junior Minister in the Department of Education and Science in December 2006.Haughey's personal wealth and extravagant lifestyle (he owned racehorses, a large motor sailing yacht "Celtic Mist", an Inishvickillane island and a Gandon-designed mansion) had long been a point of speculation. He refused throughout his career to answer any questions about how he financed this lifestyle on a government salary. Despite his professed desire to fade from public attention, these questions followed him into retirement, eventually exploding into a series of political, financial and personal scandals that tarnished his image and reputation.In 1997, a government-appointed tribunal, led by Judge Brian McCracken, first revealed that Haughey had received substantial monetary gifts from businessmen and that he had held secret offshore bank accounts in the Ansbacher Bank in the Cayman Islands. Haughey faced criminal charges for obstructing the work of the McCracken tribunal. His trial on these charges was postponed indefinitely after the judge in the case found that he would not be able to get a fair trial following prejudicial comments by the then PD leader and Tánaiste Mary Harney.Also in 1997, the public were shocked by allegations that Haughey had embezzled money destined for the Fianna Fáil party, taxpayers' money taken from government funds earmarked for the operation of a political party, and that he had spent large portions of these funds on Charvet shirts and expensive dinners in a top Dublin restaurant, while preaching belt-tightening and implementing budget cuts as a national policy.The subsequent Moriarty Tribunal delved further into Haughey's financial dealings. In his main report on Charles Haughey released on 19 December 2006, Mr Justice Moriarty made the following findings:The tribunal rejected Haughey's claims of ignorance of his own financial affairs and Haughey was accused by the tribunal of ""devaluing democracy"".Haughey eventually agreed a settlement with the revenue and paid a total of €6.5 million in back taxes and penalties to the Revenue Commissioners in relation to these donations. In August 2003 Haughey was forced to sell his large estate, Abbeville, in Kinsealy in north County Dublin for €45 million to settle legal fees he had incurred during the tribunals. He continued to live at Abbeville and own the island of Inishvickillane off the coast of County Kerry until his death.In May 1999, Terry Keane, gossip columnist and once wife of former Chief Justice of Ireland Ronan Keane, revealed on "The Late Late Show" that she and Haughey had conducted a 27-year extramarital affair. In a move that she subsequently said she deeply regretted, Keane confirmed that the man she had been referring to for years in her newspaper column as "sweetie" was indeed Haughey. The revelation on the television programme shocked at least some of the audience, including Haughey's son Seán who was watching the show. Haughey's wife Maureen was also said to have been deeply hurt by the circumstances of the revelation.Haughey's attendance before the tribunals had repeatedly been disrupted by illness. He died from prostate cancer, from which he had suffered for a decade, on 13 June 2006, at his home in Kinsealy, County Dublin, aged 80.Haughey received a state funeral on 16 June 2006. He was buried in St. Fintan's Cemetery, Sutton in County Dublin, following mass at Donnycarney. The then Taoiseach Bertie Ahern delivered the graveside oration.The funeral rites were screened live on RTÉ One and watched by a quarter of a million people. It was attended by President Mary McAleese, the Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, members of the Oireachtas, many from the world of politics, industry and business. The chief celebrant was Haughey's brother, Father Eoghan Haughey.Former Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald has said that he had the potential to be one of the best Taoisigh that the country ever had, had his preoccupation with wealth and power not clouded his judgement: Another former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern saidHistorian Diarmaid Ferriter said, Historian John A Murphy said, Haughey was characterised in a 2012 novel "Ratlines", by Stuart Neville. A three-part television drama "Charlie", covering Haughey between 1979 and 1992, débuted on RTÉ in January 2015.The following governments were led by Haughey:
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[
"Minister for Education and Skills",
"Minister for Health",
"Minister for Defence",
"Teachta Dála",
"Minister for Social Protection",
"Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine",
"Minister for Justice and Equality",
"Taoiseach"
] |
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Which position did Charles Haughey hold in Nov 10, 1991?
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November 10, 1991
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{
"text": [
"Leader of Fianna Fáil",
"Minister for Finance"
]
}
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L2_Q333735_P39_9
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Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Finance from Nov, 1991 to Nov, 1991.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Justice and Equality from Oct, 1961 to Oct, 1964.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Education and Skills from Oct, 1982 to Oct, 1982.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Leader of Fianna Fáil from Dec, 1979 to Feb, 1992.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine from Oct, 1964 to Nov, 1966.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Taoiseach from Dec, 1979 to Jun, 1981.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Defence from Nov, 1990 to Feb, 1991.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Social Protection from Jul, 1977 to Dec, 1979.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Health from Jul, 1977 to Dec, 1979.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Teachta Dála from Mar, 1957 to Sep, 1961.
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Charles HaugheyCharles James Haughey (; 16 September 1925 – 13 June 2006) was an Irish Fianna Fáil politician who served as Taoiseach on three occasions – 1979 to 1981, March to December 1982 and 1987 to 1992. He was also Minister for the Gaeltacht from 1987 to 1992, Leader of the Opposition from 1981 to 1982 and 1982 to 1987, Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1979 to 1992, Minister for Social Welfare and for Health from 1977 to 1979, Minister for Finance from 1966 to 1970, Minister for Agriculture from 1964 to 1966, Minister for Justice from 1961 to 1964 and Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice from 1959 to 1961. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1957 to 1992.Haughey was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fianna Fáil TD in 1957 and was re-elected at every election until 1992, representing successively the Dublin North-East, Dublin Artane and Dublin North-Central constituencies.Haughey was the dominant Irish politician of his generation, as well as the most controversial. Upon entering government in the early 1960s, Haughey became the symbol of a new vanguard of Irish Ministers. As Taoiseach, he is credited by some economists with starting the positive transformation of the economy in the late 1980s. However, his career was also marked by several major scandals. Haughey was implicated in the Arms Crisis of 1970, which nearly destroyed his career. His political reputation revived, his tenure as Taoiseach was then damaged by the sensational GUBU Affair in 1982; his party leadership was challenged four times, each time unsuccessfully, earning Haughey the nickname "The Great Houdini". Revelations about his role in a phone tapping scandal forced him to resign as Taoiseach and retire from politics in 1992.After Haughey's retirement from politics, further revelations of corruption, embezzlement, tax evasion and a 27-year extra-marital affair tarnished his already divisive reputation. He died of prostate cancer in 2006, aged 80.He was born in Castlebar, County Mayo in 1925, the third of seven children, of Seán Haughey and Sarah McWilliams, both natives of Swatragh, County Londonderry. Haughey's father was in the Irish Republican Army during the Irish War of Independence, then in the National Army of the Irish Free State. Seán Haughey left the army in 1928 and the family moved to County Meath; there he developed multiple sclerosis and the family moved again to Donnycarney, where Charles Haughey spent his youth.Haughey was educated by the Irish Christian Brothers at St. Joseph's secondary school in Fairview, where one of his classmates was George Colley, subsequently his cabinet colleague and rival in Fianna Fáil. In his youth he was an amateur sportsman, playing Gaelic football with the Parnells GAA Club in Donnycarney. He won a Dublin Senior Football Championship medal in 1945. Haughey studied Commerce at University College Dublin (UCD), where he took a first class Honours degree in 1946. It was at UCD that Haughey became increasingly interested in politics and was elected Auditor of the Commerce & Economics Society. He also met there with one of his future political rivals, Garret FitzGerald.He joined the Local Defence Force during "The Emergency" in 1941 and considered a permanent career in the Army. He continued to serve in the FCÁ, until entering Dáil Éireann in 1957.On VE-day Haughey and other UCD students burnt the British Union Jack on College Green, outside Trinity College, Dublin, in response to a perceived disrespect afforded the Irish tricolour among the flags hung by the college in celebration of the Allied victory which ended World War II.Haughey qualified as a chartered accountant and also attended King's Inns. He was subsequently called to the Irish Bar. Shortly afterwards, he set up the accountancy firm of Haughey, Boland & Company with Harry Boland, son of Fianna Fáil Minister Gerald Boland.On 18 September 1951, he married Maureen Lemass, the daughter of the Fianna Fáil Minister and future Taoiseach Seán Lemass, having been close to her since their days at UCD, where they first met. They had four children together: Eimear, Conor, Ciarán and Seán.After selling his house in Raheny, in 1969, Haughey bought Abbeville, located at Kinsealy, north County Dublin, a historic house, once owned by Anglo-Irish politician John Beresford, for whom it had been extensively re-designed by the architect James Gandon in the late 18th century. Haughey purchased its existing estate of approximately at the same time; it became his family home and he lived there for the rest of his life. This marked the beginning of a long period when Haughey's spending was well beyond his apparent income level. For the rest of his life Haughey would refuse to say where the extra money came from.He started his political career as a local Councillor, being a member of Dublin Corporation from 1953 to 1955. Haughey's first attempt at election to Dáil Éireann came in June 1951, when he unsuccessfully contested the general election. While living in Raheny, Haughey was first elected to the Dáil as a Fianna Fáil TD at the 1957 general election for the Dublin North-East constituency. It was his fourth attempt.Haughey was re-elected in every election until 1992; he represented the Dublin North-East constituency from 1957 to 1977. The constituency lines were redrawn under the Electoral (Amendment) Act 1974, in an attempt to secure re-election for the sitting Fine Gael-Labour Party government in the 1977 election, when Haughey switched to representing Dublin Artane; but this constituency was abolished in 1981 and most of Haughey's electoral area was moved into the reformed Dublin North-Central constituency, which he represented from 1981 until his retirement in 1992.Haughey obtained his first government position, that of Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice, to his constituency colleague Oscar Traynor in 1960. It is unclear whether the choice was made by Lemass directly as Taoiseach, or by the cabinet against his wishes. Lemass had advised Haughey;"As Taoiseach it is my duty to offer you the post of parliamentary secretary, and as your father-in-law I am advising you not to take it."Haughey ignored Lemass's advice and accepted the offer. Although officially junior to Traynor, Haughey was the "de facto" Minister. Haughey and Traynor clashed openly.Haughey came to epitomise the new style of politician – the "men in the mohair suits". He regularly socialised with other younger cabinet colleagues, such as Donogh O'Malley and Brian Lenihan."By day he impressed the Dáil. By night he basked in the admiration of a fashionable audience in the Russell Hotel. There, or in Dublin's more expensive restaurants, the company included artists, musicians and entertainers, professionals, builders and business people.""His companions, Lenihan and O'Malley, took mischievous delight in entertaining the Russell with tales of the Old Guard. O'Malley in turn entertained the company in Limerick's Brazen Head or Cruise's Hotel with accounts of the crowd in the Russell. On the wings of such tales Haughey's reputation spread."Haughey's status by 1961 was such that Leader of the Opposition James Dillon complimented him lavishly on the floor of the Dáil, remarking on his opponent's "skill with which he has had recourse to his brief," as well as his "extraordinary erudition" and "his exceptional and outstanding ability."When Traynor retired in 1961, Haughey succeeded him as Minister for Justice. As such, he initiated an extensive scale of legislative reforms. He introduced new legislation including the Adoption Act; the Succession Act, which protected the inheritance rights of wives and children; the Criminal Justice Act, which severely restricted the application of capital punishment; and the Extradition Act, which virtually prevented extradition for IRA offences. Haughey also introduced the Special Military Courts which helped to defeat the Irish Republican Army's Border Campaign.In 1964, Lemass appointed Haughey as Minister for Agriculture. Criticism was voiced from the National Farmers Association (NFA) of the appointment of a non-rural person to the position, and there was increased antagonism from farmers towards the government. Haughey became embroiled in a series of controversies with the NFA and with another organisation, the Irish Creamery Milk Suppliers Association (ICMSA). Twenty-seven ICMSA picketers outside Leinster House, were arrested on 27 April 1966 under the "Offences Against the State Act", an act originally intended for use against the IRA. 78 were arrested the following day, and 80 a day later as the dispute escalated. The general public was supportive of the farmers, who were not in a position to hold a strike to air their grievances, and who were clearly only posing a problem to the Minister, rather than the state. The farmers then began a national solidarity campaign, and even farmers who supported Fianna Fáil turned against the government. Haughey, who did not rely on rural voters, was under intense pressure from fearful members of his own party to negotiate a deal and reduce the tension. It was Haughey's first alienation of a significant voting block, and probably damaged him electorally in later years as many farmers remembered the events, known in folk memory as the "Farmers' Strike".Haughey was appointed by Fianna Fáil to run President Éamon de Valera's re-election campaign for the 1966 presidential election. His interventions proved highly controversial. Fine Gael chose a comparatively young TD and barrister, Tom O'Higgins (nephew of Kevin O'Higgins), to run against de Valera. Aware that de Valera's age (84) and almost total blindness might compare unfavourably to O'Higgins, whose campaign drew comparisons with the equally youthful US President John F. Kennedy, Haughey launched what was seen as a political stroke. He insisted that it was beneath the presidency to actively campaign, meaning that de Valera would have a low profile. Therefore, in the interests of fairness the media was asked to give O'Higgins an equally low profile, ignoring his speeches and publicity campaign. The print media, both nationally and locally, ignored Haughey's suggestion. But the state-run Raidió Teilifís Éireann, facing criticism from Lemass' government for being too radical in other areas, agreed and largely ignored the O'Higgins campaign.De Valera got a high media profile from a different source, the fiftieth anniversary commemoration of the Easter Rising, of which he was the most senior survivor. While O'Higgins's campaign was ignored by RTÉ, de Valera appeared in RTÉ coverage of the Rising events regularly. To add further to de Valera's campaign, Haughey as Agriculture Minister arranged for milk price increases to be given to farmers on the eve of polling, as a way of reducing farmer disquiet after they had effectively become an opposition movement to the government.These tactics should have ensured an easy de Valera victory. Instead O'Higgins came within less than one percent of winning the vote. The President was re-elected by a narrow margin of ten thousand votes out of a total of nearly one million. De Valera came to distrust Haughey; Frank Aiken, Minister for Foreign Affairs under de Valera and his lifelong political confidant, dismissed Haughey's political motives as being entirely selfish, and believed he was motivated to hold power for its own sake and not duty.In 1966, the Taoiseach Seán Lemass retired. Haughey declared his candidature to succeed Lemass in the consequent leadership election, and George Colley and Neil Blaney did likewise. As this meant that there were three strong candidates who held strong and divisive views on the future of the party, the party elders sought to find a compromise candidate. Lemass himself encouraged his Minister for Finance Jack Lynch, to contest the party leadership, and encouraged Colley, Haughey and Blaney to withdraw in favour of Lynch, arguing that they would not win a contest against him. However, Colley refused the Taoiseach's request and insisted on remaining in the race, but he was defeated by Lynch. Upon Lynch's election as Taoiseach, Haughey was appointed Minister for Finance by Lynch, in a cabinet reshuffle, which indicated that Haughey's withdrawal was a gain at the expense of Colley. The inexpensive and socially inclusive initiatives that Haughey made caught the public imagination; these included popular decisions to introduce free travel on public transport for pensioners, subsidise electricity for pensioners, the granting of special tax concessions for the disabled and tax exemptions for artists. They increased Haughey's populist appeal and his support from certain elements in the media and artistic community.As Minister for Finance, Haughey on two occasions arranged foreign currency loans for the government which he then arranged to be left on deposit in foreign countries (Germany and the United States), in the local currencies, instead of immediately changing the loans to Irish punts and depositing them in the exchequer. These actions were unconstitutional, because it effectively meant that the Minister for Finance was making a currency speculation against his own currency. When this was challenged by the Comptroller and Auditor General Eugene Francis Suttle, Haughey introduced a law to retrospectively legalise his actions. The debate was very short and the record shows no understanding of the issue by the Opposition Spokesperson for Finance, O'Higgins for Fine Gael and Tully for Labour. The legislation was passed on 26 November 1969.The late 1960s saw the old tensions boil over into an eruption of violence in Northern Ireland. Haughey was generally seen as coming from the pragmatist wing of the party, and was not believed to have strong opinions on the matter, despite having family links with Derry. Indeed, many presumed that he had a strong antipathy to physical force Irish republicanism; during his period as Minister for Justice he had followed a tough anti-IRA line, including using internment without trial against the IRA. The "hawks" in the cabinet were seen as Kevin Boland and Neil Blaney, both sons of founding fathers in the party with strong Old IRA pasts. Blaney was also a TD for Donegal; a staunchly Republican area which bordered Derry. They were opposed by those described as the "doves" of the cabinet; Tánaiste Erskine Childers, George Colley and Patrick Hillery. A fund of £100,000 was set up to give to the Nationalist people in the form of aid. Haughey, as Finance Minister would have a central role in the management of this fund.There was general surprise when, in an incident known as the "Arms Crisis", Haughey, along with Blaney, was sacked from Lynch's cabinet amid allegations of the use of the funds to import arms for use by the IRA. The Garda Special Branch informed the Minister for Justice Mícheál Ó Móráin and Taoiseach Jack Lynch that a plot to import arms existed and included government members, however Lynch took no action until the Special Branch made Leader of the Opposition Liam Cosgrave aware of the plot. Cosgrave told Lynch he knew of the plot and would announce it in the Dáil the next day if he didn't act. Lynch subsequently requested Haughey and Blaney to resign from cabinet. Both men refused, saying they did nothing illegal. Lynch then asked President de Valera to terminate their appointments as members of the government, a request that de Valera was required to grant by convention. Boland resigned in sympathy, while Mícheál Ó Móráin was dismissed one day earlier in a preemptive strike to ensure a subservient Minister for Justice was in place when the crisis broke. Lynch chose government chief whip Desmond O'Malley for the role. Haughey and Blaney were subsequently tried in court along with an army Officer, Captain James Kelly, and Albert Luykx, a former Flemish National Socialist and businessman, who allegedly used his contacts to buy the arms. After trial all the accused were acquitted but many refused to recognise the verdict of the courts. Although cleared of wrongdoing, it looked as if Haughey's political career was finished. Blaney and Boland eventually resigned from Fianna Fáil but Haughey remained. He spent his years on the backbenches – the wilderness years – building support within the grassroots of the party; during this time, he remained loyal to the party and served the leader, but after the debacle of the "arms crises" neither man trusted the other.In 1975, Fianna Fáil was in opposition and Haughey had achieved enough grassroots support to warrant a recall to Jack Lynch's opposition front bench. Haughey was appointed Spokesman on Health and Social Welfare, a fairly minor portfolio at the time, but Haughey used the same imagination and skill he displayed in other positions to formulate innovative and far reaching policies. Two years later in 1977, Fianna Fáil returned to power with a massive parliamentary majority in Dáil Éireann, having had a very populist campaign (spearhead by Colley and O'Malley) to abolish rates, vehicle tax and other extraordinary concessions, which were short-lived. Haughey returned to the cabinet, after an absence of seven years, as Minister for Health and Social Welfare.In this position he continued the progressive policies he had shown earlier by, among others, beginning the first government anti-smoking campaigns and legalising contraception, previously banned. Following the finding by the Supreme Court of Ireland, in McGee v The Attorney General, that there was a constitutional right to use contraceptives, he introduced The Family Planning Bill which proved to be highly controversial. The bill allowed a pharmacist to sell contraceptives on presentation of a medical prescription. Haughey called this bill "an Irish solution to an Irish problem". It is often stated that the recipient of the prescription had to be married, but the legislation did not include this requirement.The fallout from the giveaway concessions that had re-elected the government under Lynch, led to a succession race to succeed Lynch. As well as this a group of backbenchers began to lobby in support of Haughey. This group, known as the "gang of five," consisted of Jackie Fahey, Tom McEllistrim, Seán Doherty, Mark Killilea Jnr and Albert Reynolds. Haughey was also helped by the TD Síle de Valera. The granddaughter of Éamon de Valera, she was highly critical of Jack Lynch's policy regards to Northern Ireland. In a speech at the Liam Lynch commemoration at Fermoy on 9 September, de Valera made a series of thinly veiled attacks on Lynch. Although Lynch quickly tried to impose party discipline, attempting to discipline her for opposing party policy at a parliamentary party meeting held at the 28th, de Valera correctly pointed out that she had not opposed the party policy regarding Northern Ireland which called for the declaration of the British intent to withdraw from Northern Ireland. Lynch left for a trip to the United States on 7 November. On the same day the government lost two by-elections to Fine Gael in Cork and in Cork North-East. During the trip Lynch claimed in an interview with "The Washington Post" that a five-kilometer air corridor between the border was agreed upon during the meeting with British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, to enhance security co-operation. This was something highly unsavoury to many in Fianna Fáil. When Lynch returned he was questioned on this by a Clare backbencher Bill Loughnane, along with Tom McEllistrim at a parliamentary party meeting. Lynch stated that the British did not have permission to overfly the border. Afterwards Loughnane went public with the details of the meeting and accused Lynch of deliberately misleading the party. An attempt to remove the whip from Loughnane failed. At this stage Lynch's position had become untenable, with supporters of Haughey and George Colley caucusing opinion within the party.In December 1979, Lynch announced his resignation as Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil. The leadership contest that resulted was a two-horse race between Haughey and the Tánaiste, George Colley. Colley had the support of the entire cabinet, with the exception of Michael O'Kennedy, and felt that this popularity would be reflected within the parliamentary party as a whole.Haughey on the other hand was distrusted by a number of his Cabinet colleagues, but was much more respected by new backbenchers who were worried about the safety of their Dáil seats. When the vote was taken Haughey emerged as the victor by a margin of 44 votes to 38, a very clear division within the party. In a conciliatory gesture, Colley was re-appointed as Tánaiste and had a veto over whom Haughey would appoint as Ministers for Justice and for Defence. This was due to his distrust of Haughey on security issues (because of the Arms Crisis). However, he was removed from the important position of Minister for Finance.Nonetheless, on 11 December 1979, Charles Haughey was elected Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil, almost a decade after the Arms Crisis nearly destroyed his political career. In 2010, a founder of the Saatchi & Saatchi advertising firm, said that Haughey had asked for 'a new image' similar to the one provided for Margaret Thatcher for the 1979 general election.When Haughey came to power, the country was sinking into a deep economic crisis, following the 1979 energy crisis. Haughey effectively acted as his own Minister for Finance, ignoring the views of his Minister. One of his first functions as Taoiseach was a televised address to the nation – only the third such address in the Republic's history – in which he outlined the bleak economic picture:While Haughey had identified the problem with the economy, his actions made the problem worse. He increased public spending, which soon became out of control, and led to increases in borrowing and taxation at an unacceptable level. By 1981, Haughey was still reasonably popular and decided to call a general election. However, the timing of the election was thwarted twice by external events, in particular the hunger strikes of IRA volunteers for political status. The Anti H-Block Committee announced that they would field abstentionist candidates which many predicted correctly would take Republican votes away from Fianna Fáil. This coincided with the Stardust Disaster, where a fire destroyed a night club in Haughey's constituency and claimed the lives of 48 young people; these caused Haughey to delay the Ard Fheis and the election. The poll was eventually held in June, much later than Haughey wanted. In the hope of winning an overall Dáil majority Haughey's campaign took a populist line with regard to taxation, spending and Northern Ireland. The campaign was enhanced and hyped up by a live debate on RTÉ between Haughey and the Leader of the Opposition Garret FitzGerald, of Fine Gael, over the major issues. On the day of the vote Fianna Fáil won 45.5%, failing to secure a majority in the 166-seat Dáil. A Fine Gael–Labour Party coalition came to power, under FitzGerald and Haughey went into opposition.Within days of his becoming Taoiseach, Allied Irish Banks forgave Haughey £400,000 of a £1,000,000 debt. No reason was given for this. The Economist obituary on Haughey (24 June 2006) asserted that he had warned the bank "I can be a very troublesome adversary".FitzGerald's government lasted until January 1982, when it collapsed due to a controversial budget which proposed the application of Value Added Tax to children's shoes, previously exempt. FitzGerald, no longer having a majority in the Dáil, went to Áras an Uachtaráin, to advise President Hillery to dissolve the Dáil and call a general election. However, the night the government collapsed the Fianna Fáil Front Bench issued a statement encouraging the President not to grant the dissolution and to allow Fianna Fáil to form a government. Phone calls were also made to the President by Brian Lenihan. Haughey, on attempting to contact his former colleague, the President, and on failing to be put through to him, was reported to have threatened the President's aide de camp by telling him that he would be Taoiseach one day and when that happened, "I intend to roast your fucking arse if you don't put me through immediately". Hillery considered such pressure to be gross misconduct, and granted the dissolution.A biography of Hillery blames Haughey for the sex scandal rumours which almost destroyed the presidency of Hillery in 1979.After the February 1982 election, when Haughey failed to win an overall majority again, questions were raised about his leadership. Some of Haughey's critics in the party suggested that an alternative candidate should stand as the party's nominee for Taoiseach. Desmond O'Malley emerged as the likely alternative candidate and was ready to challenge Haughey for the leadership. However, on the day of the vote O'Malley withdrew and Haughey went forward as the nominee. He engineered confidence and supply agreements with the Independent Socialist TD, Tony Gregory (in return for £100 million of investment in the Dublin North Inner City; a deal dubbed the Gregory Deal), the Independent Fianna Fáil TD Neil Blaney and three Workers' Party TDs, which saw him return as Taoiseach for a second time.Haughey's second term was dominated by even more economic mismanagement, based on Haughey's policy of using government policy and money, in an effort to induce a sufficiently large share of the electorate to vote him his elusive 'overall majority' in the Dáil. With Haughey and his supporters taking a dangerously populist line in every area of policy, and refusing to address serious shortcomings in the performance of the state, a growing minority in his own party were becoming increasingly concerned. The issue of his leadership cropped up again when in October the backbench TD, Charlie McCreevy, put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey. Desmond O'Malley disagreed with the timing but supported the hasty motion of no confidence all the same. O'Malley resigned from the cabinet prior to the vote as he was going to vote against Haughey. A campaign now started that was extremely vicious on the side of Haughey's supporters, with threats made to the careers of those who dissented from the leadership. After a marathon 15-hour party meeting, Haughey, who insisted on a roll-call as opposed to a secret ballot, and won the open ballot by 58 votes to 22. Not long after this, Haughey's government collapsed when the Workers' Party TD's and Tony Gregory withdrew their support for the government over a Fianna Fáil policy document called "The Way Forward," which would lead to massive spending cuts. Fianna Fáil lost the November 1982 election and FitzGerald once again returned as Taoiseach at the head of a Fine Gael-Labour coalition with a comfortable Dáil majority. Haughey found himself back in opposition.During this tenure of Haughey, the "GUBU" Incidents, involving the Attorney General to his Government, occurred in Dublin. At a press-conference on the affair, Haughey was paraphrased as having described the affair as ""grotesque, unbelievable, bizarre and unprecedented"", from which journalist and former politician Conor Cruise O'Brien coined the term GUBU.Haughey's leadership came under scrutiny for a third time when a report linked Haughey with the phone tapping of political journalists. In spite of huge pressure Haughey refused to resign and survived yet another vote of no-confidence in early 1983, albeit with a smaller majority. Haughey's success was partly due to the death of the Fianna Fáil TD Clement Coughlan, a supporter of O'Malley. Haughey's supporters managed to have the meeting moved to the following week after the funeral, which gave him more time to manoeuver. Having failed three times to oust Haughey, most of his critics gave up and returned to normal politics.In May 1984, the New-Ireland Forum Report was published. Haughey was involved in the drafting of this at the time he was in office and had agreed to potential scenarios for improving the political situation of Northern Ireland. However, on publication, Haughey rejected it and said the only possible solution was a United Ireland. This statement was criticised by the other leaders who forged the New-Ireland Forum, John Hume, Garret FitzGerald and Dick Spring. Desmond O'Malley supported the Forum report and criticised Haughey's ambiguous position, accusing him of stifling debate. At a Fianna Fáil Parliamentary Party meeting to discuss the report, the whip was removed from O'Malley, which meant he was no longer a Fianna Fáil TD. Ironically, when Haughey returned to power he embraced the Anglo-Irish Agreement that had developed from the New Ireland Forum Report.In early 1985, a bill was introduced by the Fine Gael-Labour government to liberalise the sale of contraceptives in the country. Fianna Fáil in opposition opposed the bill. O'Malley supported it as a matter of principle rather than a political point to oppose for opposition's sake. On the day of the vote O'Malley spoke in the Dáil chamber stated:He abstained rather than vote with the government. Despite this Haughey moved against O'Malley and in February 1985, O'Malley was charged with "conduct un-becoming". At a Party meeting, even though O'Malley did not have the Party whip, he was expelled from the Fianna Fáil organisation by 73 votes to 9 in roll-call vote. With George Colley dead, O'Malley expelled and other critics silenced, Haughey was finally in full control of Fianna Fáil.O'Malley decided to form a new political party and 21 December 1985, Desmond O'Malley announced the formation of the Progressive Democrats. Several Fianna Fáil TDs joined including Mary Harney and Bobby Molloy.In November 1985, the Anglo-Irish Agreement was signed between Garret FitzGerald and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. The agreement gave Ireland a formal say in Northern Ireland and its affairs. As was the case with the New Ireland Forum Report, the Anglo-Irish Agreement was harshly criticised by Haughey, who said that he would re-negotiate it, if re-elected. FitzGerald called a general election for February 1987. The campaign was dominated by attacks on the government over severe cuts in the budget and the general mismanagement of the economy. When the results were counted Haughey had failed once again to win an overall majority for Fianna Fáil. When it came to electing a Taoiseach in the Dáil Haughey's position looked particularly volatile. When it came to a vote the Independent TD Tony Gregory voted against Fitzgerald but abstained on Haughey, seeing Haughey as the "lesser of two evils" (the reason for this was Gregory's opposition to the Anglo-Irish agreement as well as his personal dislike of Garrett Fitzgerald and Fine Gael). Haughey was elected Taoiseach on the casting vote of the Ceann Comhairle.Haughey now headed a minority Fianna Fáil government. Fine Gael under leader Alan Dukes, made the unprecedented move, with its Tallaght strategy, of supporting the government and voting for it when it came to introducing tough economic policies. The national debt had doubled under previous administrations, so the government introduced severe budget cuts in all departments. The taxation system was transformed to encourage enterprise and employment. One of the major schemes put forward, and one which would have enormous economic benefits for the country, was the establishment of the International Financial Services Centre (IFSC) in Dublin.In late April 1989, Haughey returned from a trip to Japan, to the news that the government was about to be defeated in a Dáil vote, on a private members' motion regarding provision of funds for HIV/AIDS sufferers. The government lost the vote, which was seen as merely embarrassing, but Haughey, buoyed by opinion polls which indicated the possibility of winning an overall majority, called a general election for 15 June. Fianna Fáil however ended up losing four seats and the possibility of forming another minority government looked slim. For the first time in history a nominee for Taoiseach failed to achieve a majority when a vote was taken in the Dáil, on 29 June 1989. Constitutionally Haughey was obliged to resign, however he refused to, for a short period. He eventually tendered his resignation to President Hillery and remained on as Taoiseach, albeit in an acting capacity. A full 27 days after the election had taken place a coalition government was formed between Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats. It was the first time that Fianna Fáil had entered into a coalition, abandoning one of its "core values" in the overwhelming need to form a government.Haughey in 1990 had more difficulties than successes. The first half of the year saw Haughey in a leading role as European statesman, when Ireland held the presidency of the European Community, which rotated semi-annually between the member states of the European Union. Haughey supported German Reunification and during the extraordinary Dublin Summit, which he called for in April, he pressed this viewpoint forward. He believed both Ireland and Germany were similar in that both countries were divided. During a Dáil debate on German Reunification, Haughey stated "I have expressed a personal view that coming as we do from a country which is also divided many of us would have sympathy with any wish of the people of the two German States for unification".The Presidential election was disappointing for Haughey with Brian Lenihan, the Tánaiste, who was nominated as the party's candidate, being defeated by Mary Robinson. During the campaign the controversy over the phone calls made to the Áras an Uachtaráin in 1982, urging the then President not to dissolve the Dáil resurfaced. Lenihan was accused of calling and attempting to influence the President, who as Head of State is above politics. The Progressive Democrats threatened to pull out of the coalition and support a Fine Gael no-confidence motion unless Haughey forced Lenihan out. Haughey tried to force Lenihan to resign, and sacked him when he refused to do so. Lenihan's dismissal damaged Haughey's standing in the Fianna Fáil organisation.Haughey's grip on political power began to slip in the autumn of 1991. There was a series of resignations by chairmen of semi-state companies, followed by an open declaration by Minister for Finance Albert Reynolds, that he had every intention of standing for the party leadership if Haughey resigned. Following a heated parliamentary party meeting, Seán Power, one of Reynolds's supporters, put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey. Reynolds and his supporters were sacked from the government by Haughey, who went on to win the no-confidence motion by 55 votes to 22.Haughey's victory was short-lived, as a series of political errors would lead to his demise as Taoiseach. Controversy erupted over the attempted appointment of Jim McDaid as Minister for Defence, which saw him resign from the post before he had been officially installed, under pressure from O'Malley. Worse was to follow when Seán Doherty, the man who as Minister for Justice had taken the blame for the phone-tapping scandal of the early 1980s, went on RTÉ television, and after ten years of insisting that Haughey knew nothing of the tapping, claimed that Haughey had known and authorised it. Haughey denied this, but the Progressive Democrats members of the government stated that they could no longer continue in government with Haughey as Taoiseach. Haughey told Desmond O'Malley, the Progressive Democrats leader, that he intended to stand down shortly, but wanted to choose his own time of departure. O'Malley agreed to this and the government continued.On 30 January 1992, Haughey resigned as leader of Fianna Fáil at a parliamentary party meeting. He remained as Taoiseach until 11 February 1992, when he was succeeded by the former Finance Minister, Albert Reynolds. In his final address to the Dáil he quoted Othello, saying "inter alia" "I have done the state some service, they know it, no more of that." Haughey then returned to the backbenches before retiring from politics at the 1992 general election. His son, Seán Haughey, was elected at the election that followed, in his father's old constituency. Sean Haughey was appointed as a Junior Minister in the Department of Education and Science in December 2006.Haughey's personal wealth and extravagant lifestyle (he owned racehorses, a large motor sailing yacht "Celtic Mist", an Inishvickillane island and a Gandon-designed mansion) had long been a point of speculation. He refused throughout his career to answer any questions about how he financed this lifestyle on a government salary. Despite his professed desire to fade from public attention, these questions followed him into retirement, eventually exploding into a series of political, financial and personal scandals that tarnished his image and reputation.In 1997, a government-appointed tribunal, led by Judge Brian McCracken, first revealed that Haughey had received substantial monetary gifts from businessmen and that he had held secret offshore bank accounts in the Ansbacher Bank in the Cayman Islands. Haughey faced criminal charges for obstructing the work of the McCracken tribunal. His trial on these charges was postponed indefinitely after the judge in the case found that he would not be able to get a fair trial following prejudicial comments by the then PD leader and Tánaiste Mary Harney.Also in 1997, the public were shocked by allegations that Haughey had embezzled money destined for the Fianna Fáil party, taxpayers' money taken from government funds earmarked for the operation of a political party, and that he had spent large portions of these funds on Charvet shirts and expensive dinners in a top Dublin restaurant, while preaching belt-tightening and implementing budget cuts as a national policy.The subsequent Moriarty Tribunal delved further into Haughey's financial dealings. In his main report on Charles Haughey released on 19 December 2006, Mr Justice Moriarty made the following findings:The tribunal rejected Haughey's claims of ignorance of his own financial affairs and Haughey was accused by the tribunal of ""devaluing democracy"".Haughey eventually agreed a settlement with the revenue and paid a total of €6.5 million in back taxes and penalties to the Revenue Commissioners in relation to these donations. In August 2003 Haughey was forced to sell his large estate, Abbeville, in Kinsealy in north County Dublin for €45 million to settle legal fees he had incurred during the tribunals. He continued to live at Abbeville and own the island of Inishvickillane off the coast of County Kerry until his death.In May 1999, Terry Keane, gossip columnist and once wife of former Chief Justice of Ireland Ronan Keane, revealed on "The Late Late Show" that she and Haughey had conducted a 27-year extramarital affair. In a move that she subsequently said she deeply regretted, Keane confirmed that the man she had been referring to for years in her newspaper column as "sweetie" was indeed Haughey. The revelation on the television programme shocked at least some of the audience, including Haughey's son Seán who was watching the show. Haughey's wife Maureen was also said to have been deeply hurt by the circumstances of the revelation.Haughey's attendance before the tribunals had repeatedly been disrupted by illness. He died from prostate cancer, from which he had suffered for a decade, on 13 June 2006, at his home in Kinsealy, County Dublin, aged 80.Haughey received a state funeral on 16 June 2006. He was buried in St. Fintan's Cemetery, Sutton in County Dublin, following mass at Donnycarney. The then Taoiseach Bertie Ahern delivered the graveside oration.The funeral rites were screened live on RTÉ One and watched by a quarter of a million people. It was attended by President Mary McAleese, the Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, members of the Oireachtas, many from the world of politics, industry and business. The chief celebrant was Haughey's brother, Father Eoghan Haughey.Former Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald has said that he had the potential to be one of the best Taoisigh that the country ever had, had his preoccupation with wealth and power not clouded his judgement: Another former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern saidHistorian Diarmaid Ferriter said, Historian John A Murphy said, Haughey was characterised in a 2012 novel "Ratlines", by Stuart Neville. A three-part television drama "Charlie", covering Haughey between 1979 and 1992, débuted on RTÉ in January 2015.The following governments were led by Haughey:
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[
"Minister for Education and Skills",
"Minister for Health",
"Minister for Defence",
"Teachta Dála",
"Minister for Social Protection",
"Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine",
"Minister for Justice and Equality",
"Taoiseach"
] |
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Which position did Charles Haughey hold in 11/10/1991?
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November 10, 1991
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{
"text": [
"Leader of Fianna Fáil",
"Minister for Finance"
]
}
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L2_Q333735_P39_9
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Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Finance from Nov, 1991 to Nov, 1991.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Justice and Equality from Oct, 1961 to Oct, 1964.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Education and Skills from Oct, 1982 to Oct, 1982.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Leader of Fianna Fáil from Dec, 1979 to Feb, 1992.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine from Oct, 1964 to Nov, 1966.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Taoiseach from Dec, 1979 to Jun, 1981.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Defence from Nov, 1990 to Feb, 1991.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Social Protection from Jul, 1977 to Dec, 1979.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Health from Jul, 1977 to Dec, 1979.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Teachta Dála from Mar, 1957 to Sep, 1961.
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Charles HaugheyCharles James Haughey (; 16 September 1925 – 13 June 2006) was an Irish Fianna Fáil politician who served as Taoiseach on three occasions – 1979 to 1981, March to December 1982 and 1987 to 1992. He was also Minister for the Gaeltacht from 1987 to 1992, Leader of the Opposition from 1981 to 1982 and 1982 to 1987, Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1979 to 1992, Minister for Social Welfare and for Health from 1977 to 1979, Minister for Finance from 1966 to 1970, Minister for Agriculture from 1964 to 1966, Minister for Justice from 1961 to 1964 and Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice from 1959 to 1961. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1957 to 1992.Haughey was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fianna Fáil TD in 1957 and was re-elected at every election until 1992, representing successively the Dublin North-East, Dublin Artane and Dublin North-Central constituencies.Haughey was the dominant Irish politician of his generation, as well as the most controversial. Upon entering government in the early 1960s, Haughey became the symbol of a new vanguard of Irish Ministers. As Taoiseach, he is credited by some economists with starting the positive transformation of the economy in the late 1980s. However, his career was also marked by several major scandals. Haughey was implicated in the Arms Crisis of 1970, which nearly destroyed his career. His political reputation revived, his tenure as Taoiseach was then damaged by the sensational GUBU Affair in 1982; his party leadership was challenged four times, each time unsuccessfully, earning Haughey the nickname "The Great Houdini". Revelations about his role in a phone tapping scandal forced him to resign as Taoiseach and retire from politics in 1992.After Haughey's retirement from politics, further revelations of corruption, embezzlement, tax evasion and a 27-year extra-marital affair tarnished his already divisive reputation. He died of prostate cancer in 2006, aged 80.He was born in Castlebar, County Mayo in 1925, the third of seven children, of Seán Haughey and Sarah McWilliams, both natives of Swatragh, County Londonderry. Haughey's father was in the Irish Republican Army during the Irish War of Independence, then in the National Army of the Irish Free State. Seán Haughey left the army in 1928 and the family moved to County Meath; there he developed multiple sclerosis and the family moved again to Donnycarney, where Charles Haughey spent his youth.Haughey was educated by the Irish Christian Brothers at St. Joseph's secondary school in Fairview, where one of his classmates was George Colley, subsequently his cabinet colleague and rival in Fianna Fáil. In his youth he was an amateur sportsman, playing Gaelic football with the Parnells GAA Club in Donnycarney. He won a Dublin Senior Football Championship medal in 1945. Haughey studied Commerce at University College Dublin (UCD), where he took a first class Honours degree in 1946. It was at UCD that Haughey became increasingly interested in politics and was elected Auditor of the Commerce & Economics Society. He also met there with one of his future political rivals, Garret FitzGerald.He joined the Local Defence Force during "The Emergency" in 1941 and considered a permanent career in the Army. He continued to serve in the FCÁ, until entering Dáil Éireann in 1957.On VE-day Haughey and other UCD students burnt the British Union Jack on College Green, outside Trinity College, Dublin, in response to a perceived disrespect afforded the Irish tricolour among the flags hung by the college in celebration of the Allied victory which ended World War II.Haughey qualified as a chartered accountant and also attended King's Inns. He was subsequently called to the Irish Bar. Shortly afterwards, he set up the accountancy firm of Haughey, Boland & Company with Harry Boland, son of Fianna Fáil Minister Gerald Boland.On 18 September 1951, he married Maureen Lemass, the daughter of the Fianna Fáil Minister and future Taoiseach Seán Lemass, having been close to her since their days at UCD, where they first met. They had four children together: Eimear, Conor, Ciarán and Seán.After selling his house in Raheny, in 1969, Haughey bought Abbeville, located at Kinsealy, north County Dublin, a historic house, once owned by Anglo-Irish politician John Beresford, for whom it had been extensively re-designed by the architect James Gandon in the late 18th century. Haughey purchased its existing estate of approximately at the same time; it became his family home and he lived there for the rest of his life. This marked the beginning of a long period when Haughey's spending was well beyond his apparent income level. For the rest of his life Haughey would refuse to say where the extra money came from.He started his political career as a local Councillor, being a member of Dublin Corporation from 1953 to 1955. Haughey's first attempt at election to Dáil Éireann came in June 1951, when he unsuccessfully contested the general election. While living in Raheny, Haughey was first elected to the Dáil as a Fianna Fáil TD at the 1957 general election for the Dublin North-East constituency. It was his fourth attempt.Haughey was re-elected in every election until 1992; he represented the Dublin North-East constituency from 1957 to 1977. The constituency lines were redrawn under the Electoral (Amendment) Act 1974, in an attempt to secure re-election for the sitting Fine Gael-Labour Party government in the 1977 election, when Haughey switched to representing Dublin Artane; but this constituency was abolished in 1981 and most of Haughey's electoral area was moved into the reformed Dublin North-Central constituency, which he represented from 1981 until his retirement in 1992.Haughey obtained his first government position, that of Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice, to his constituency colleague Oscar Traynor in 1960. It is unclear whether the choice was made by Lemass directly as Taoiseach, or by the cabinet against his wishes. Lemass had advised Haughey;"As Taoiseach it is my duty to offer you the post of parliamentary secretary, and as your father-in-law I am advising you not to take it."Haughey ignored Lemass's advice and accepted the offer. Although officially junior to Traynor, Haughey was the "de facto" Minister. Haughey and Traynor clashed openly.Haughey came to epitomise the new style of politician – the "men in the mohair suits". He regularly socialised with other younger cabinet colleagues, such as Donogh O'Malley and Brian Lenihan."By day he impressed the Dáil. By night he basked in the admiration of a fashionable audience in the Russell Hotel. There, or in Dublin's more expensive restaurants, the company included artists, musicians and entertainers, professionals, builders and business people.""His companions, Lenihan and O'Malley, took mischievous delight in entertaining the Russell with tales of the Old Guard. O'Malley in turn entertained the company in Limerick's Brazen Head or Cruise's Hotel with accounts of the crowd in the Russell. On the wings of such tales Haughey's reputation spread."Haughey's status by 1961 was such that Leader of the Opposition James Dillon complimented him lavishly on the floor of the Dáil, remarking on his opponent's "skill with which he has had recourse to his brief," as well as his "extraordinary erudition" and "his exceptional and outstanding ability."When Traynor retired in 1961, Haughey succeeded him as Minister for Justice. As such, he initiated an extensive scale of legislative reforms. He introduced new legislation including the Adoption Act; the Succession Act, which protected the inheritance rights of wives and children; the Criminal Justice Act, which severely restricted the application of capital punishment; and the Extradition Act, which virtually prevented extradition for IRA offences. Haughey also introduced the Special Military Courts which helped to defeat the Irish Republican Army's Border Campaign.In 1964, Lemass appointed Haughey as Minister for Agriculture. Criticism was voiced from the National Farmers Association (NFA) of the appointment of a non-rural person to the position, and there was increased antagonism from farmers towards the government. Haughey became embroiled in a series of controversies with the NFA and with another organisation, the Irish Creamery Milk Suppliers Association (ICMSA). Twenty-seven ICMSA picketers outside Leinster House, were arrested on 27 April 1966 under the "Offences Against the State Act", an act originally intended for use against the IRA. 78 were arrested the following day, and 80 a day later as the dispute escalated. The general public was supportive of the farmers, who were not in a position to hold a strike to air their grievances, and who were clearly only posing a problem to the Minister, rather than the state. The farmers then began a national solidarity campaign, and even farmers who supported Fianna Fáil turned against the government. Haughey, who did not rely on rural voters, was under intense pressure from fearful members of his own party to negotiate a deal and reduce the tension. It was Haughey's first alienation of a significant voting block, and probably damaged him electorally in later years as many farmers remembered the events, known in folk memory as the "Farmers' Strike".Haughey was appointed by Fianna Fáil to run President Éamon de Valera's re-election campaign for the 1966 presidential election. His interventions proved highly controversial. Fine Gael chose a comparatively young TD and barrister, Tom O'Higgins (nephew of Kevin O'Higgins), to run against de Valera. Aware that de Valera's age (84) and almost total blindness might compare unfavourably to O'Higgins, whose campaign drew comparisons with the equally youthful US President John F. Kennedy, Haughey launched what was seen as a political stroke. He insisted that it was beneath the presidency to actively campaign, meaning that de Valera would have a low profile. Therefore, in the interests of fairness the media was asked to give O'Higgins an equally low profile, ignoring his speeches and publicity campaign. The print media, both nationally and locally, ignored Haughey's suggestion. But the state-run Raidió Teilifís Éireann, facing criticism from Lemass' government for being too radical in other areas, agreed and largely ignored the O'Higgins campaign.De Valera got a high media profile from a different source, the fiftieth anniversary commemoration of the Easter Rising, of which he was the most senior survivor. While O'Higgins's campaign was ignored by RTÉ, de Valera appeared in RTÉ coverage of the Rising events regularly. To add further to de Valera's campaign, Haughey as Agriculture Minister arranged for milk price increases to be given to farmers on the eve of polling, as a way of reducing farmer disquiet after they had effectively become an opposition movement to the government.These tactics should have ensured an easy de Valera victory. Instead O'Higgins came within less than one percent of winning the vote. The President was re-elected by a narrow margin of ten thousand votes out of a total of nearly one million. De Valera came to distrust Haughey; Frank Aiken, Minister for Foreign Affairs under de Valera and his lifelong political confidant, dismissed Haughey's political motives as being entirely selfish, and believed he was motivated to hold power for its own sake and not duty.In 1966, the Taoiseach Seán Lemass retired. Haughey declared his candidature to succeed Lemass in the consequent leadership election, and George Colley and Neil Blaney did likewise. As this meant that there were three strong candidates who held strong and divisive views on the future of the party, the party elders sought to find a compromise candidate. Lemass himself encouraged his Minister for Finance Jack Lynch, to contest the party leadership, and encouraged Colley, Haughey and Blaney to withdraw in favour of Lynch, arguing that they would not win a contest against him. However, Colley refused the Taoiseach's request and insisted on remaining in the race, but he was defeated by Lynch. Upon Lynch's election as Taoiseach, Haughey was appointed Minister for Finance by Lynch, in a cabinet reshuffle, which indicated that Haughey's withdrawal was a gain at the expense of Colley. The inexpensive and socially inclusive initiatives that Haughey made caught the public imagination; these included popular decisions to introduce free travel on public transport for pensioners, subsidise electricity for pensioners, the granting of special tax concessions for the disabled and tax exemptions for artists. They increased Haughey's populist appeal and his support from certain elements in the media and artistic community.As Minister for Finance, Haughey on two occasions arranged foreign currency loans for the government which he then arranged to be left on deposit in foreign countries (Germany and the United States), in the local currencies, instead of immediately changing the loans to Irish punts and depositing them in the exchequer. These actions were unconstitutional, because it effectively meant that the Minister for Finance was making a currency speculation against his own currency. When this was challenged by the Comptroller and Auditor General Eugene Francis Suttle, Haughey introduced a law to retrospectively legalise his actions. The debate was very short and the record shows no understanding of the issue by the Opposition Spokesperson for Finance, O'Higgins for Fine Gael and Tully for Labour. The legislation was passed on 26 November 1969.The late 1960s saw the old tensions boil over into an eruption of violence in Northern Ireland. Haughey was generally seen as coming from the pragmatist wing of the party, and was not believed to have strong opinions on the matter, despite having family links with Derry. Indeed, many presumed that he had a strong antipathy to physical force Irish republicanism; during his period as Minister for Justice he had followed a tough anti-IRA line, including using internment without trial against the IRA. The "hawks" in the cabinet were seen as Kevin Boland and Neil Blaney, both sons of founding fathers in the party with strong Old IRA pasts. Blaney was also a TD for Donegal; a staunchly Republican area which bordered Derry. They were opposed by those described as the "doves" of the cabinet; Tánaiste Erskine Childers, George Colley and Patrick Hillery. A fund of £100,000 was set up to give to the Nationalist people in the form of aid. Haughey, as Finance Minister would have a central role in the management of this fund.There was general surprise when, in an incident known as the "Arms Crisis", Haughey, along with Blaney, was sacked from Lynch's cabinet amid allegations of the use of the funds to import arms for use by the IRA. The Garda Special Branch informed the Minister for Justice Mícheál Ó Móráin and Taoiseach Jack Lynch that a plot to import arms existed and included government members, however Lynch took no action until the Special Branch made Leader of the Opposition Liam Cosgrave aware of the plot. Cosgrave told Lynch he knew of the plot and would announce it in the Dáil the next day if he didn't act. Lynch subsequently requested Haughey and Blaney to resign from cabinet. Both men refused, saying they did nothing illegal. Lynch then asked President de Valera to terminate their appointments as members of the government, a request that de Valera was required to grant by convention. Boland resigned in sympathy, while Mícheál Ó Móráin was dismissed one day earlier in a preemptive strike to ensure a subservient Minister for Justice was in place when the crisis broke. Lynch chose government chief whip Desmond O'Malley for the role. Haughey and Blaney were subsequently tried in court along with an army Officer, Captain James Kelly, and Albert Luykx, a former Flemish National Socialist and businessman, who allegedly used his contacts to buy the arms. After trial all the accused were acquitted but many refused to recognise the verdict of the courts. Although cleared of wrongdoing, it looked as if Haughey's political career was finished. Blaney and Boland eventually resigned from Fianna Fáil but Haughey remained. He spent his years on the backbenches – the wilderness years – building support within the grassroots of the party; during this time, he remained loyal to the party and served the leader, but after the debacle of the "arms crises" neither man trusted the other.In 1975, Fianna Fáil was in opposition and Haughey had achieved enough grassroots support to warrant a recall to Jack Lynch's opposition front bench. Haughey was appointed Spokesman on Health and Social Welfare, a fairly minor portfolio at the time, but Haughey used the same imagination and skill he displayed in other positions to formulate innovative and far reaching policies. Two years later in 1977, Fianna Fáil returned to power with a massive parliamentary majority in Dáil Éireann, having had a very populist campaign (spearhead by Colley and O'Malley) to abolish rates, vehicle tax and other extraordinary concessions, which were short-lived. Haughey returned to the cabinet, after an absence of seven years, as Minister for Health and Social Welfare.In this position he continued the progressive policies he had shown earlier by, among others, beginning the first government anti-smoking campaigns and legalising contraception, previously banned. Following the finding by the Supreme Court of Ireland, in McGee v The Attorney General, that there was a constitutional right to use contraceptives, he introduced The Family Planning Bill which proved to be highly controversial. The bill allowed a pharmacist to sell contraceptives on presentation of a medical prescription. Haughey called this bill "an Irish solution to an Irish problem". It is often stated that the recipient of the prescription had to be married, but the legislation did not include this requirement.The fallout from the giveaway concessions that had re-elected the government under Lynch, led to a succession race to succeed Lynch. As well as this a group of backbenchers began to lobby in support of Haughey. This group, known as the "gang of five," consisted of Jackie Fahey, Tom McEllistrim, Seán Doherty, Mark Killilea Jnr and Albert Reynolds. Haughey was also helped by the TD Síle de Valera. The granddaughter of Éamon de Valera, she was highly critical of Jack Lynch's policy regards to Northern Ireland. In a speech at the Liam Lynch commemoration at Fermoy on 9 September, de Valera made a series of thinly veiled attacks on Lynch. Although Lynch quickly tried to impose party discipline, attempting to discipline her for opposing party policy at a parliamentary party meeting held at the 28th, de Valera correctly pointed out that she had not opposed the party policy regarding Northern Ireland which called for the declaration of the British intent to withdraw from Northern Ireland. Lynch left for a trip to the United States on 7 November. On the same day the government lost two by-elections to Fine Gael in Cork and in Cork North-East. During the trip Lynch claimed in an interview with "The Washington Post" that a five-kilometer air corridor between the border was agreed upon during the meeting with British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, to enhance security co-operation. This was something highly unsavoury to many in Fianna Fáil. When Lynch returned he was questioned on this by a Clare backbencher Bill Loughnane, along with Tom McEllistrim at a parliamentary party meeting. Lynch stated that the British did not have permission to overfly the border. Afterwards Loughnane went public with the details of the meeting and accused Lynch of deliberately misleading the party. An attempt to remove the whip from Loughnane failed. At this stage Lynch's position had become untenable, with supporters of Haughey and George Colley caucusing opinion within the party.In December 1979, Lynch announced his resignation as Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil. The leadership contest that resulted was a two-horse race between Haughey and the Tánaiste, George Colley. Colley had the support of the entire cabinet, with the exception of Michael O'Kennedy, and felt that this popularity would be reflected within the parliamentary party as a whole.Haughey on the other hand was distrusted by a number of his Cabinet colleagues, but was much more respected by new backbenchers who were worried about the safety of their Dáil seats. When the vote was taken Haughey emerged as the victor by a margin of 44 votes to 38, a very clear division within the party. In a conciliatory gesture, Colley was re-appointed as Tánaiste and had a veto over whom Haughey would appoint as Ministers for Justice and for Defence. This was due to his distrust of Haughey on security issues (because of the Arms Crisis). However, he was removed from the important position of Minister for Finance.Nonetheless, on 11 December 1979, Charles Haughey was elected Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil, almost a decade after the Arms Crisis nearly destroyed his political career. In 2010, a founder of the Saatchi & Saatchi advertising firm, said that Haughey had asked for 'a new image' similar to the one provided for Margaret Thatcher for the 1979 general election.When Haughey came to power, the country was sinking into a deep economic crisis, following the 1979 energy crisis. Haughey effectively acted as his own Minister for Finance, ignoring the views of his Minister. One of his first functions as Taoiseach was a televised address to the nation – only the third such address in the Republic's history – in which he outlined the bleak economic picture:While Haughey had identified the problem with the economy, his actions made the problem worse. He increased public spending, which soon became out of control, and led to increases in borrowing and taxation at an unacceptable level. By 1981, Haughey was still reasonably popular and decided to call a general election. However, the timing of the election was thwarted twice by external events, in particular the hunger strikes of IRA volunteers for political status. The Anti H-Block Committee announced that they would field abstentionist candidates which many predicted correctly would take Republican votes away from Fianna Fáil. This coincided with the Stardust Disaster, where a fire destroyed a night club in Haughey's constituency and claimed the lives of 48 young people; these caused Haughey to delay the Ard Fheis and the election. The poll was eventually held in June, much later than Haughey wanted. In the hope of winning an overall Dáil majority Haughey's campaign took a populist line with regard to taxation, spending and Northern Ireland. The campaign was enhanced and hyped up by a live debate on RTÉ between Haughey and the Leader of the Opposition Garret FitzGerald, of Fine Gael, over the major issues. On the day of the vote Fianna Fáil won 45.5%, failing to secure a majority in the 166-seat Dáil. A Fine Gael–Labour Party coalition came to power, under FitzGerald and Haughey went into opposition.Within days of his becoming Taoiseach, Allied Irish Banks forgave Haughey £400,000 of a £1,000,000 debt. No reason was given for this. The Economist obituary on Haughey (24 June 2006) asserted that he had warned the bank "I can be a very troublesome adversary".FitzGerald's government lasted until January 1982, when it collapsed due to a controversial budget which proposed the application of Value Added Tax to children's shoes, previously exempt. FitzGerald, no longer having a majority in the Dáil, went to Áras an Uachtaráin, to advise President Hillery to dissolve the Dáil and call a general election. However, the night the government collapsed the Fianna Fáil Front Bench issued a statement encouraging the President not to grant the dissolution and to allow Fianna Fáil to form a government. Phone calls were also made to the President by Brian Lenihan. Haughey, on attempting to contact his former colleague, the President, and on failing to be put through to him, was reported to have threatened the President's aide de camp by telling him that he would be Taoiseach one day and when that happened, "I intend to roast your fucking arse if you don't put me through immediately". Hillery considered such pressure to be gross misconduct, and granted the dissolution.A biography of Hillery blames Haughey for the sex scandal rumours which almost destroyed the presidency of Hillery in 1979.After the February 1982 election, when Haughey failed to win an overall majority again, questions were raised about his leadership. Some of Haughey's critics in the party suggested that an alternative candidate should stand as the party's nominee for Taoiseach. Desmond O'Malley emerged as the likely alternative candidate and was ready to challenge Haughey for the leadership. However, on the day of the vote O'Malley withdrew and Haughey went forward as the nominee. He engineered confidence and supply agreements with the Independent Socialist TD, Tony Gregory (in return for £100 million of investment in the Dublin North Inner City; a deal dubbed the Gregory Deal), the Independent Fianna Fáil TD Neil Blaney and three Workers' Party TDs, which saw him return as Taoiseach for a second time.Haughey's second term was dominated by even more economic mismanagement, based on Haughey's policy of using government policy and money, in an effort to induce a sufficiently large share of the electorate to vote him his elusive 'overall majority' in the Dáil. With Haughey and his supporters taking a dangerously populist line in every area of policy, and refusing to address serious shortcomings in the performance of the state, a growing minority in his own party were becoming increasingly concerned. The issue of his leadership cropped up again when in October the backbench TD, Charlie McCreevy, put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey. Desmond O'Malley disagreed with the timing but supported the hasty motion of no confidence all the same. O'Malley resigned from the cabinet prior to the vote as he was going to vote against Haughey. A campaign now started that was extremely vicious on the side of Haughey's supporters, with threats made to the careers of those who dissented from the leadership. After a marathon 15-hour party meeting, Haughey, who insisted on a roll-call as opposed to a secret ballot, and won the open ballot by 58 votes to 22. Not long after this, Haughey's government collapsed when the Workers' Party TD's and Tony Gregory withdrew their support for the government over a Fianna Fáil policy document called "The Way Forward," which would lead to massive spending cuts. Fianna Fáil lost the November 1982 election and FitzGerald once again returned as Taoiseach at the head of a Fine Gael-Labour coalition with a comfortable Dáil majority. Haughey found himself back in opposition.During this tenure of Haughey, the "GUBU" Incidents, involving the Attorney General to his Government, occurred in Dublin. At a press-conference on the affair, Haughey was paraphrased as having described the affair as ""grotesque, unbelievable, bizarre and unprecedented"", from which journalist and former politician Conor Cruise O'Brien coined the term GUBU.Haughey's leadership came under scrutiny for a third time when a report linked Haughey with the phone tapping of political journalists. In spite of huge pressure Haughey refused to resign and survived yet another vote of no-confidence in early 1983, albeit with a smaller majority. Haughey's success was partly due to the death of the Fianna Fáil TD Clement Coughlan, a supporter of O'Malley. Haughey's supporters managed to have the meeting moved to the following week after the funeral, which gave him more time to manoeuver. Having failed three times to oust Haughey, most of his critics gave up and returned to normal politics.In May 1984, the New-Ireland Forum Report was published. Haughey was involved in the drafting of this at the time he was in office and had agreed to potential scenarios for improving the political situation of Northern Ireland. However, on publication, Haughey rejected it and said the only possible solution was a United Ireland. This statement was criticised by the other leaders who forged the New-Ireland Forum, John Hume, Garret FitzGerald and Dick Spring. Desmond O'Malley supported the Forum report and criticised Haughey's ambiguous position, accusing him of stifling debate. At a Fianna Fáil Parliamentary Party meeting to discuss the report, the whip was removed from O'Malley, which meant he was no longer a Fianna Fáil TD. Ironically, when Haughey returned to power he embraced the Anglo-Irish Agreement that had developed from the New Ireland Forum Report.In early 1985, a bill was introduced by the Fine Gael-Labour government to liberalise the sale of contraceptives in the country. Fianna Fáil in opposition opposed the bill. O'Malley supported it as a matter of principle rather than a political point to oppose for opposition's sake. On the day of the vote O'Malley spoke in the Dáil chamber stated:He abstained rather than vote with the government. Despite this Haughey moved against O'Malley and in February 1985, O'Malley was charged with "conduct un-becoming". At a Party meeting, even though O'Malley did not have the Party whip, he was expelled from the Fianna Fáil organisation by 73 votes to 9 in roll-call vote. With George Colley dead, O'Malley expelled and other critics silenced, Haughey was finally in full control of Fianna Fáil.O'Malley decided to form a new political party and 21 December 1985, Desmond O'Malley announced the formation of the Progressive Democrats. Several Fianna Fáil TDs joined including Mary Harney and Bobby Molloy.In November 1985, the Anglo-Irish Agreement was signed between Garret FitzGerald and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. The agreement gave Ireland a formal say in Northern Ireland and its affairs. As was the case with the New Ireland Forum Report, the Anglo-Irish Agreement was harshly criticised by Haughey, who said that he would re-negotiate it, if re-elected. FitzGerald called a general election for February 1987. The campaign was dominated by attacks on the government over severe cuts in the budget and the general mismanagement of the economy. When the results were counted Haughey had failed once again to win an overall majority for Fianna Fáil. When it came to electing a Taoiseach in the Dáil Haughey's position looked particularly volatile. When it came to a vote the Independent TD Tony Gregory voted against Fitzgerald but abstained on Haughey, seeing Haughey as the "lesser of two evils" (the reason for this was Gregory's opposition to the Anglo-Irish agreement as well as his personal dislike of Garrett Fitzgerald and Fine Gael). Haughey was elected Taoiseach on the casting vote of the Ceann Comhairle.Haughey now headed a minority Fianna Fáil government. Fine Gael under leader Alan Dukes, made the unprecedented move, with its Tallaght strategy, of supporting the government and voting for it when it came to introducing tough economic policies. The national debt had doubled under previous administrations, so the government introduced severe budget cuts in all departments. The taxation system was transformed to encourage enterprise and employment. One of the major schemes put forward, and one which would have enormous economic benefits for the country, was the establishment of the International Financial Services Centre (IFSC) in Dublin.In late April 1989, Haughey returned from a trip to Japan, to the news that the government was about to be defeated in a Dáil vote, on a private members' motion regarding provision of funds for HIV/AIDS sufferers. The government lost the vote, which was seen as merely embarrassing, but Haughey, buoyed by opinion polls which indicated the possibility of winning an overall majority, called a general election for 15 June. Fianna Fáil however ended up losing four seats and the possibility of forming another minority government looked slim. For the first time in history a nominee for Taoiseach failed to achieve a majority when a vote was taken in the Dáil, on 29 June 1989. Constitutionally Haughey was obliged to resign, however he refused to, for a short period. He eventually tendered his resignation to President Hillery and remained on as Taoiseach, albeit in an acting capacity. A full 27 days after the election had taken place a coalition government was formed between Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats. It was the first time that Fianna Fáil had entered into a coalition, abandoning one of its "core values" in the overwhelming need to form a government.Haughey in 1990 had more difficulties than successes. The first half of the year saw Haughey in a leading role as European statesman, when Ireland held the presidency of the European Community, which rotated semi-annually between the member states of the European Union. Haughey supported German Reunification and during the extraordinary Dublin Summit, which he called for in April, he pressed this viewpoint forward. He believed both Ireland and Germany were similar in that both countries were divided. During a Dáil debate on German Reunification, Haughey stated "I have expressed a personal view that coming as we do from a country which is also divided many of us would have sympathy with any wish of the people of the two German States for unification".The Presidential election was disappointing for Haughey with Brian Lenihan, the Tánaiste, who was nominated as the party's candidate, being defeated by Mary Robinson. During the campaign the controversy over the phone calls made to the Áras an Uachtaráin in 1982, urging the then President not to dissolve the Dáil resurfaced. Lenihan was accused of calling and attempting to influence the President, who as Head of State is above politics. The Progressive Democrats threatened to pull out of the coalition and support a Fine Gael no-confidence motion unless Haughey forced Lenihan out. Haughey tried to force Lenihan to resign, and sacked him when he refused to do so. Lenihan's dismissal damaged Haughey's standing in the Fianna Fáil organisation.Haughey's grip on political power began to slip in the autumn of 1991. There was a series of resignations by chairmen of semi-state companies, followed by an open declaration by Minister for Finance Albert Reynolds, that he had every intention of standing for the party leadership if Haughey resigned. Following a heated parliamentary party meeting, Seán Power, one of Reynolds's supporters, put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey. Reynolds and his supporters were sacked from the government by Haughey, who went on to win the no-confidence motion by 55 votes to 22.Haughey's victory was short-lived, as a series of political errors would lead to his demise as Taoiseach. Controversy erupted over the attempted appointment of Jim McDaid as Minister for Defence, which saw him resign from the post before he had been officially installed, under pressure from O'Malley. Worse was to follow when Seán Doherty, the man who as Minister for Justice had taken the blame for the phone-tapping scandal of the early 1980s, went on RTÉ television, and after ten years of insisting that Haughey knew nothing of the tapping, claimed that Haughey had known and authorised it. Haughey denied this, but the Progressive Democrats members of the government stated that they could no longer continue in government with Haughey as Taoiseach. Haughey told Desmond O'Malley, the Progressive Democrats leader, that he intended to stand down shortly, but wanted to choose his own time of departure. O'Malley agreed to this and the government continued.On 30 January 1992, Haughey resigned as leader of Fianna Fáil at a parliamentary party meeting. He remained as Taoiseach until 11 February 1992, when he was succeeded by the former Finance Minister, Albert Reynolds. In his final address to the Dáil he quoted Othello, saying "inter alia" "I have done the state some service, they know it, no more of that." Haughey then returned to the backbenches before retiring from politics at the 1992 general election. His son, Seán Haughey, was elected at the election that followed, in his father's old constituency. Sean Haughey was appointed as a Junior Minister in the Department of Education and Science in December 2006.Haughey's personal wealth and extravagant lifestyle (he owned racehorses, a large motor sailing yacht "Celtic Mist", an Inishvickillane island and a Gandon-designed mansion) had long been a point of speculation. He refused throughout his career to answer any questions about how he financed this lifestyle on a government salary. Despite his professed desire to fade from public attention, these questions followed him into retirement, eventually exploding into a series of political, financial and personal scandals that tarnished his image and reputation.In 1997, a government-appointed tribunal, led by Judge Brian McCracken, first revealed that Haughey had received substantial monetary gifts from businessmen and that he had held secret offshore bank accounts in the Ansbacher Bank in the Cayman Islands. Haughey faced criminal charges for obstructing the work of the McCracken tribunal. His trial on these charges was postponed indefinitely after the judge in the case found that he would not be able to get a fair trial following prejudicial comments by the then PD leader and Tánaiste Mary Harney.Also in 1997, the public were shocked by allegations that Haughey had embezzled money destined for the Fianna Fáil party, taxpayers' money taken from government funds earmarked for the operation of a political party, and that he had spent large portions of these funds on Charvet shirts and expensive dinners in a top Dublin restaurant, while preaching belt-tightening and implementing budget cuts as a national policy.The subsequent Moriarty Tribunal delved further into Haughey's financial dealings. In his main report on Charles Haughey released on 19 December 2006, Mr Justice Moriarty made the following findings:The tribunal rejected Haughey's claims of ignorance of his own financial affairs and Haughey was accused by the tribunal of ""devaluing democracy"".Haughey eventually agreed a settlement with the revenue and paid a total of €6.5 million in back taxes and penalties to the Revenue Commissioners in relation to these donations. In August 2003 Haughey was forced to sell his large estate, Abbeville, in Kinsealy in north County Dublin for €45 million to settle legal fees he had incurred during the tribunals. He continued to live at Abbeville and own the island of Inishvickillane off the coast of County Kerry until his death.In May 1999, Terry Keane, gossip columnist and once wife of former Chief Justice of Ireland Ronan Keane, revealed on "The Late Late Show" that she and Haughey had conducted a 27-year extramarital affair. In a move that she subsequently said she deeply regretted, Keane confirmed that the man she had been referring to for years in her newspaper column as "sweetie" was indeed Haughey. The revelation on the television programme shocked at least some of the audience, including Haughey's son Seán who was watching the show. Haughey's wife Maureen was also said to have been deeply hurt by the circumstances of the revelation.Haughey's attendance before the tribunals had repeatedly been disrupted by illness. He died from prostate cancer, from which he had suffered for a decade, on 13 June 2006, at his home in Kinsealy, County Dublin, aged 80.Haughey received a state funeral on 16 June 2006. He was buried in St. Fintan's Cemetery, Sutton in County Dublin, following mass at Donnycarney. The then Taoiseach Bertie Ahern delivered the graveside oration.The funeral rites were screened live on RTÉ One and watched by a quarter of a million people. It was attended by President Mary McAleese, the Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, members of the Oireachtas, many from the world of politics, industry and business. The chief celebrant was Haughey's brother, Father Eoghan Haughey.Former Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald has said that he had the potential to be one of the best Taoisigh that the country ever had, had his preoccupation with wealth and power not clouded his judgement: Another former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern saidHistorian Diarmaid Ferriter said, Historian John A Murphy said, Haughey was characterised in a 2012 novel "Ratlines", by Stuart Neville. A three-part television drama "Charlie", covering Haughey between 1979 and 1992, débuted on RTÉ in January 2015.The following governments were led by Haughey:
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[
"Minister for Education and Skills",
"Minister for Health",
"Minister for Defence",
"Teachta Dála",
"Minister for Social Protection",
"Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine",
"Minister for Justice and Equality",
"Taoiseach"
] |
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Which position did Charles Haughey hold in 10-Nov-199110-November-1991?
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November 10, 1991
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{
"text": [
"Leader of Fianna Fáil",
"Minister for Finance"
]
}
|
L2_Q333735_P39_9
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Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Finance from Nov, 1991 to Nov, 1991.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Justice and Equality from Oct, 1961 to Oct, 1964.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Education and Skills from Oct, 1982 to Oct, 1982.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Leader of Fianna Fáil from Dec, 1979 to Feb, 1992.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine from Oct, 1964 to Nov, 1966.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Taoiseach from Dec, 1979 to Jun, 1981.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Defence from Nov, 1990 to Feb, 1991.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Social Protection from Jul, 1977 to Dec, 1979.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Minister for Health from Jul, 1977 to Dec, 1979.
Charles Haughey holds the position of Teachta Dála from Mar, 1957 to Sep, 1961.
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Charles HaugheyCharles James Haughey (; 16 September 1925 – 13 June 2006) was an Irish Fianna Fáil politician who served as Taoiseach on three occasions – 1979 to 1981, March to December 1982 and 1987 to 1992. He was also Minister for the Gaeltacht from 1987 to 1992, Leader of the Opposition from 1981 to 1982 and 1982 to 1987, Leader of Fianna Fáil from 1979 to 1992, Minister for Social Welfare and for Health from 1977 to 1979, Minister for Finance from 1966 to 1970, Minister for Agriculture from 1964 to 1966, Minister for Justice from 1961 to 1964 and Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice from 1959 to 1961. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1957 to 1992.Haughey was first elected to Dáil Éireann as a Fianna Fáil TD in 1957 and was re-elected at every election until 1992, representing successively the Dublin North-East, Dublin Artane and Dublin North-Central constituencies.Haughey was the dominant Irish politician of his generation, as well as the most controversial. Upon entering government in the early 1960s, Haughey became the symbol of a new vanguard of Irish Ministers. As Taoiseach, he is credited by some economists with starting the positive transformation of the economy in the late 1980s. However, his career was also marked by several major scandals. Haughey was implicated in the Arms Crisis of 1970, which nearly destroyed his career. His political reputation revived, his tenure as Taoiseach was then damaged by the sensational GUBU Affair in 1982; his party leadership was challenged four times, each time unsuccessfully, earning Haughey the nickname "The Great Houdini". Revelations about his role in a phone tapping scandal forced him to resign as Taoiseach and retire from politics in 1992.After Haughey's retirement from politics, further revelations of corruption, embezzlement, tax evasion and a 27-year extra-marital affair tarnished his already divisive reputation. He died of prostate cancer in 2006, aged 80.He was born in Castlebar, County Mayo in 1925, the third of seven children, of Seán Haughey and Sarah McWilliams, both natives of Swatragh, County Londonderry. Haughey's father was in the Irish Republican Army during the Irish War of Independence, then in the National Army of the Irish Free State. Seán Haughey left the army in 1928 and the family moved to County Meath; there he developed multiple sclerosis and the family moved again to Donnycarney, where Charles Haughey spent his youth.Haughey was educated by the Irish Christian Brothers at St. Joseph's secondary school in Fairview, where one of his classmates was George Colley, subsequently his cabinet colleague and rival in Fianna Fáil. In his youth he was an amateur sportsman, playing Gaelic football with the Parnells GAA Club in Donnycarney. He won a Dublin Senior Football Championship medal in 1945. Haughey studied Commerce at University College Dublin (UCD), where he took a first class Honours degree in 1946. It was at UCD that Haughey became increasingly interested in politics and was elected Auditor of the Commerce & Economics Society. He also met there with one of his future political rivals, Garret FitzGerald.He joined the Local Defence Force during "The Emergency" in 1941 and considered a permanent career in the Army. He continued to serve in the FCÁ, until entering Dáil Éireann in 1957.On VE-day Haughey and other UCD students burnt the British Union Jack on College Green, outside Trinity College, Dublin, in response to a perceived disrespect afforded the Irish tricolour among the flags hung by the college in celebration of the Allied victory which ended World War II.Haughey qualified as a chartered accountant and also attended King's Inns. He was subsequently called to the Irish Bar. Shortly afterwards, he set up the accountancy firm of Haughey, Boland & Company with Harry Boland, son of Fianna Fáil Minister Gerald Boland.On 18 September 1951, he married Maureen Lemass, the daughter of the Fianna Fáil Minister and future Taoiseach Seán Lemass, having been close to her since their days at UCD, where they first met. They had four children together: Eimear, Conor, Ciarán and Seán.After selling his house in Raheny, in 1969, Haughey bought Abbeville, located at Kinsealy, north County Dublin, a historic house, once owned by Anglo-Irish politician John Beresford, for whom it had been extensively re-designed by the architect James Gandon in the late 18th century. Haughey purchased its existing estate of approximately at the same time; it became his family home and he lived there for the rest of his life. This marked the beginning of a long period when Haughey's spending was well beyond his apparent income level. For the rest of his life Haughey would refuse to say where the extra money came from.He started his political career as a local Councillor, being a member of Dublin Corporation from 1953 to 1955. Haughey's first attempt at election to Dáil Éireann came in June 1951, when he unsuccessfully contested the general election. While living in Raheny, Haughey was first elected to the Dáil as a Fianna Fáil TD at the 1957 general election for the Dublin North-East constituency. It was his fourth attempt.Haughey was re-elected in every election until 1992; he represented the Dublin North-East constituency from 1957 to 1977. The constituency lines were redrawn under the Electoral (Amendment) Act 1974, in an attempt to secure re-election for the sitting Fine Gael-Labour Party government in the 1977 election, when Haughey switched to representing Dublin Artane; but this constituency was abolished in 1981 and most of Haughey's electoral area was moved into the reformed Dublin North-Central constituency, which he represented from 1981 until his retirement in 1992.Haughey obtained his first government position, that of Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice, to his constituency colleague Oscar Traynor in 1960. It is unclear whether the choice was made by Lemass directly as Taoiseach, or by the cabinet against his wishes. Lemass had advised Haughey;"As Taoiseach it is my duty to offer you the post of parliamentary secretary, and as your father-in-law I am advising you not to take it."Haughey ignored Lemass's advice and accepted the offer. Although officially junior to Traynor, Haughey was the "de facto" Minister. Haughey and Traynor clashed openly.Haughey came to epitomise the new style of politician – the "men in the mohair suits". He regularly socialised with other younger cabinet colleagues, such as Donogh O'Malley and Brian Lenihan."By day he impressed the Dáil. By night he basked in the admiration of a fashionable audience in the Russell Hotel. There, or in Dublin's more expensive restaurants, the company included artists, musicians and entertainers, professionals, builders and business people.""His companions, Lenihan and O'Malley, took mischievous delight in entertaining the Russell with tales of the Old Guard. O'Malley in turn entertained the company in Limerick's Brazen Head or Cruise's Hotel with accounts of the crowd in the Russell. On the wings of such tales Haughey's reputation spread."Haughey's status by 1961 was such that Leader of the Opposition James Dillon complimented him lavishly on the floor of the Dáil, remarking on his opponent's "skill with which he has had recourse to his brief," as well as his "extraordinary erudition" and "his exceptional and outstanding ability."When Traynor retired in 1961, Haughey succeeded him as Minister for Justice. As such, he initiated an extensive scale of legislative reforms. He introduced new legislation including the Adoption Act; the Succession Act, which protected the inheritance rights of wives and children; the Criminal Justice Act, which severely restricted the application of capital punishment; and the Extradition Act, which virtually prevented extradition for IRA offences. Haughey also introduced the Special Military Courts which helped to defeat the Irish Republican Army's Border Campaign.In 1964, Lemass appointed Haughey as Minister for Agriculture. Criticism was voiced from the National Farmers Association (NFA) of the appointment of a non-rural person to the position, and there was increased antagonism from farmers towards the government. Haughey became embroiled in a series of controversies with the NFA and with another organisation, the Irish Creamery Milk Suppliers Association (ICMSA). Twenty-seven ICMSA picketers outside Leinster House, were arrested on 27 April 1966 under the "Offences Against the State Act", an act originally intended for use against the IRA. 78 were arrested the following day, and 80 a day later as the dispute escalated. The general public was supportive of the farmers, who were not in a position to hold a strike to air their grievances, and who were clearly only posing a problem to the Minister, rather than the state. The farmers then began a national solidarity campaign, and even farmers who supported Fianna Fáil turned against the government. Haughey, who did not rely on rural voters, was under intense pressure from fearful members of his own party to negotiate a deal and reduce the tension. It was Haughey's first alienation of a significant voting block, and probably damaged him electorally in later years as many farmers remembered the events, known in folk memory as the "Farmers' Strike".Haughey was appointed by Fianna Fáil to run President Éamon de Valera's re-election campaign for the 1966 presidential election. His interventions proved highly controversial. Fine Gael chose a comparatively young TD and barrister, Tom O'Higgins (nephew of Kevin O'Higgins), to run against de Valera. Aware that de Valera's age (84) and almost total blindness might compare unfavourably to O'Higgins, whose campaign drew comparisons with the equally youthful US President John F. Kennedy, Haughey launched what was seen as a political stroke. He insisted that it was beneath the presidency to actively campaign, meaning that de Valera would have a low profile. Therefore, in the interests of fairness the media was asked to give O'Higgins an equally low profile, ignoring his speeches and publicity campaign. The print media, both nationally and locally, ignored Haughey's suggestion. But the state-run Raidió Teilifís Éireann, facing criticism from Lemass' government for being too radical in other areas, agreed and largely ignored the O'Higgins campaign.De Valera got a high media profile from a different source, the fiftieth anniversary commemoration of the Easter Rising, of which he was the most senior survivor. While O'Higgins's campaign was ignored by RTÉ, de Valera appeared in RTÉ coverage of the Rising events regularly. To add further to de Valera's campaign, Haughey as Agriculture Minister arranged for milk price increases to be given to farmers on the eve of polling, as a way of reducing farmer disquiet after they had effectively become an opposition movement to the government.These tactics should have ensured an easy de Valera victory. Instead O'Higgins came within less than one percent of winning the vote. The President was re-elected by a narrow margin of ten thousand votes out of a total of nearly one million. De Valera came to distrust Haughey; Frank Aiken, Minister for Foreign Affairs under de Valera and his lifelong political confidant, dismissed Haughey's political motives as being entirely selfish, and believed he was motivated to hold power for its own sake and not duty.In 1966, the Taoiseach Seán Lemass retired. Haughey declared his candidature to succeed Lemass in the consequent leadership election, and George Colley and Neil Blaney did likewise. As this meant that there were three strong candidates who held strong and divisive views on the future of the party, the party elders sought to find a compromise candidate. Lemass himself encouraged his Minister for Finance Jack Lynch, to contest the party leadership, and encouraged Colley, Haughey and Blaney to withdraw in favour of Lynch, arguing that they would not win a contest against him. However, Colley refused the Taoiseach's request and insisted on remaining in the race, but he was defeated by Lynch. Upon Lynch's election as Taoiseach, Haughey was appointed Minister for Finance by Lynch, in a cabinet reshuffle, which indicated that Haughey's withdrawal was a gain at the expense of Colley. The inexpensive and socially inclusive initiatives that Haughey made caught the public imagination; these included popular decisions to introduce free travel on public transport for pensioners, subsidise electricity for pensioners, the granting of special tax concessions for the disabled and tax exemptions for artists. They increased Haughey's populist appeal and his support from certain elements in the media and artistic community.As Minister for Finance, Haughey on two occasions arranged foreign currency loans for the government which he then arranged to be left on deposit in foreign countries (Germany and the United States), in the local currencies, instead of immediately changing the loans to Irish punts and depositing them in the exchequer. These actions were unconstitutional, because it effectively meant that the Minister for Finance was making a currency speculation against his own currency. When this was challenged by the Comptroller and Auditor General Eugene Francis Suttle, Haughey introduced a law to retrospectively legalise his actions. The debate was very short and the record shows no understanding of the issue by the Opposition Spokesperson for Finance, O'Higgins for Fine Gael and Tully for Labour. The legislation was passed on 26 November 1969.The late 1960s saw the old tensions boil over into an eruption of violence in Northern Ireland. Haughey was generally seen as coming from the pragmatist wing of the party, and was not believed to have strong opinions on the matter, despite having family links with Derry. Indeed, many presumed that he had a strong antipathy to physical force Irish republicanism; during his period as Minister for Justice he had followed a tough anti-IRA line, including using internment without trial against the IRA. The "hawks" in the cabinet were seen as Kevin Boland and Neil Blaney, both sons of founding fathers in the party with strong Old IRA pasts. Blaney was also a TD for Donegal; a staunchly Republican area which bordered Derry. They were opposed by those described as the "doves" of the cabinet; Tánaiste Erskine Childers, George Colley and Patrick Hillery. A fund of £100,000 was set up to give to the Nationalist people in the form of aid. Haughey, as Finance Minister would have a central role in the management of this fund.There was general surprise when, in an incident known as the "Arms Crisis", Haughey, along with Blaney, was sacked from Lynch's cabinet amid allegations of the use of the funds to import arms for use by the IRA. The Garda Special Branch informed the Minister for Justice Mícheál Ó Móráin and Taoiseach Jack Lynch that a plot to import arms existed and included government members, however Lynch took no action until the Special Branch made Leader of the Opposition Liam Cosgrave aware of the plot. Cosgrave told Lynch he knew of the plot and would announce it in the Dáil the next day if he didn't act. Lynch subsequently requested Haughey and Blaney to resign from cabinet. Both men refused, saying they did nothing illegal. Lynch then asked President de Valera to terminate their appointments as members of the government, a request that de Valera was required to grant by convention. Boland resigned in sympathy, while Mícheál Ó Móráin was dismissed one day earlier in a preemptive strike to ensure a subservient Minister for Justice was in place when the crisis broke. Lynch chose government chief whip Desmond O'Malley for the role. Haughey and Blaney were subsequently tried in court along with an army Officer, Captain James Kelly, and Albert Luykx, a former Flemish National Socialist and businessman, who allegedly used his contacts to buy the arms. After trial all the accused were acquitted but many refused to recognise the verdict of the courts. Although cleared of wrongdoing, it looked as if Haughey's political career was finished. Blaney and Boland eventually resigned from Fianna Fáil but Haughey remained. He spent his years on the backbenches – the wilderness years – building support within the grassroots of the party; during this time, he remained loyal to the party and served the leader, but after the debacle of the "arms crises" neither man trusted the other.In 1975, Fianna Fáil was in opposition and Haughey had achieved enough grassroots support to warrant a recall to Jack Lynch's opposition front bench. Haughey was appointed Spokesman on Health and Social Welfare, a fairly minor portfolio at the time, but Haughey used the same imagination and skill he displayed in other positions to formulate innovative and far reaching policies. Two years later in 1977, Fianna Fáil returned to power with a massive parliamentary majority in Dáil Éireann, having had a very populist campaign (spearhead by Colley and O'Malley) to abolish rates, vehicle tax and other extraordinary concessions, which were short-lived. Haughey returned to the cabinet, after an absence of seven years, as Minister for Health and Social Welfare.In this position he continued the progressive policies he had shown earlier by, among others, beginning the first government anti-smoking campaigns and legalising contraception, previously banned. Following the finding by the Supreme Court of Ireland, in McGee v The Attorney General, that there was a constitutional right to use contraceptives, he introduced The Family Planning Bill which proved to be highly controversial. The bill allowed a pharmacist to sell contraceptives on presentation of a medical prescription. Haughey called this bill "an Irish solution to an Irish problem". It is often stated that the recipient of the prescription had to be married, but the legislation did not include this requirement.The fallout from the giveaway concessions that had re-elected the government under Lynch, led to a succession race to succeed Lynch. As well as this a group of backbenchers began to lobby in support of Haughey. This group, known as the "gang of five," consisted of Jackie Fahey, Tom McEllistrim, Seán Doherty, Mark Killilea Jnr and Albert Reynolds. Haughey was also helped by the TD Síle de Valera. The granddaughter of Éamon de Valera, she was highly critical of Jack Lynch's policy regards to Northern Ireland. In a speech at the Liam Lynch commemoration at Fermoy on 9 September, de Valera made a series of thinly veiled attacks on Lynch. Although Lynch quickly tried to impose party discipline, attempting to discipline her for opposing party policy at a parliamentary party meeting held at the 28th, de Valera correctly pointed out that she had not opposed the party policy regarding Northern Ireland which called for the declaration of the British intent to withdraw from Northern Ireland. Lynch left for a trip to the United States on 7 November. On the same day the government lost two by-elections to Fine Gael in Cork and in Cork North-East. During the trip Lynch claimed in an interview with "The Washington Post" that a five-kilometer air corridor between the border was agreed upon during the meeting with British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, to enhance security co-operation. This was something highly unsavoury to many in Fianna Fáil. When Lynch returned he was questioned on this by a Clare backbencher Bill Loughnane, along with Tom McEllistrim at a parliamentary party meeting. Lynch stated that the British did not have permission to overfly the border. Afterwards Loughnane went public with the details of the meeting and accused Lynch of deliberately misleading the party. An attempt to remove the whip from Loughnane failed. At this stage Lynch's position had become untenable, with supporters of Haughey and George Colley caucusing opinion within the party.In December 1979, Lynch announced his resignation as Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil. The leadership contest that resulted was a two-horse race between Haughey and the Tánaiste, George Colley. Colley had the support of the entire cabinet, with the exception of Michael O'Kennedy, and felt that this popularity would be reflected within the parliamentary party as a whole.Haughey on the other hand was distrusted by a number of his Cabinet colleagues, but was much more respected by new backbenchers who were worried about the safety of their Dáil seats. When the vote was taken Haughey emerged as the victor by a margin of 44 votes to 38, a very clear division within the party. In a conciliatory gesture, Colley was re-appointed as Tánaiste and had a veto over whom Haughey would appoint as Ministers for Justice and for Defence. This was due to his distrust of Haughey on security issues (because of the Arms Crisis). However, he was removed from the important position of Minister for Finance.Nonetheless, on 11 December 1979, Charles Haughey was elected Taoiseach and leader of Fianna Fáil, almost a decade after the Arms Crisis nearly destroyed his political career. In 2010, a founder of the Saatchi & Saatchi advertising firm, said that Haughey had asked for 'a new image' similar to the one provided for Margaret Thatcher for the 1979 general election.When Haughey came to power, the country was sinking into a deep economic crisis, following the 1979 energy crisis. Haughey effectively acted as his own Minister for Finance, ignoring the views of his Minister. One of his first functions as Taoiseach was a televised address to the nation – only the third such address in the Republic's history – in which he outlined the bleak economic picture:While Haughey had identified the problem with the economy, his actions made the problem worse. He increased public spending, which soon became out of control, and led to increases in borrowing and taxation at an unacceptable level. By 1981, Haughey was still reasonably popular and decided to call a general election. However, the timing of the election was thwarted twice by external events, in particular the hunger strikes of IRA volunteers for political status. The Anti H-Block Committee announced that they would field abstentionist candidates which many predicted correctly would take Republican votes away from Fianna Fáil. This coincided with the Stardust Disaster, where a fire destroyed a night club in Haughey's constituency and claimed the lives of 48 young people; these caused Haughey to delay the Ard Fheis and the election. The poll was eventually held in June, much later than Haughey wanted. In the hope of winning an overall Dáil majority Haughey's campaign took a populist line with regard to taxation, spending and Northern Ireland. The campaign was enhanced and hyped up by a live debate on RTÉ between Haughey and the Leader of the Opposition Garret FitzGerald, of Fine Gael, over the major issues. On the day of the vote Fianna Fáil won 45.5%, failing to secure a majority in the 166-seat Dáil. A Fine Gael–Labour Party coalition came to power, under FitzGerald and Haughey went into opposition.Within days of his becoming Taoiseach, Allied Irish Banks forgave Haughey £400,000 of a £1,000,000 debt. No reason was given for this. The Economist obituary on Haughey (24 June 2006) asserted that he had warned the bank "I can be a very troublesome adversary".FitzGerald's government lasted until January 1982, when it collapsed due to a controversial budget which proposed the application of Value Added Tax to children's shoes, previously exempt. FitzGerald, no longer having a majority in the Dáil, went to Áras an Uachtaráin, to advise President Hillery to dissolve the Dáil and call a general election. However, the night the government collapsed the Fianna Fáil Front Bench issued a statement encouraging the President not to grant the dissolution and to allow Fianna Fáil to form a government. Phone calls were also made to the President by Brian Lenihan. Haughey, on attempting to contact his former colleague, the President, and on failing to be put through to him, was reported to have threatened the President's aide de camp by telling him that he would be Taoiseach one day and when that happened, "I intend to roast your fucking arse if you don't put me through immediately". Hillery considered such pressure to be gross misconduct, and granted the dissolution.A biography of Hillery blames Haughey for the sex scandal rumours which almost destroyed the presidency of Hillery in 1979.After the February 1982 election, when Haughey failed to win an overall majority again, questions were raised about his leadership. Some of Haughey's critics in the party suggested that an alternative candidate should stand as the party's nominee for Taoiseach. Desmond O'Malley emerged as the likely alternative candidate and was ready to challenge Haughey for the leadership. However, on the day of the vote O'Malley withdrew and Haughey went forward as the nominee. He engineered confidence and supply agreements with the Independent Socialist TD, Tony Gregory (in return for £100 million of investment in the Dublin North Inner City; a deal dubbed the Gregory Deal), the Independent Fianna Fáil TD Neil Blaney and three Workers' Party TDs, which saw him return as Taoiseach for a second time.Haughey's second term was dominated by even more economic mismanagement, based on Haughey's policy of using government policy and money, in an effort to induce a sufficiently large share of the electorate to vote him his elusive 'overall majority' in the Dáil. With Haughey and his supporters taking a dangerously populist line in every area of policy, and refusing to address serious shortcomings in the performance of the state, a growing minority in his own party were becoming increasingly concerned. The issue of his leadership cropped up again when in October the backbench TD, Charlie McCreevy, put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey. Desmond O'Malley disagreed with the timing but supported the hasty motion of no confidence all the same. O'Malley resigned from the cabinet prior to the vote as he was going to vote against Haughey. A campaign now started that was extremely vicious on the side of Haughey's supporters, with threats made to the careers of those who dissented from the leadership. After a marathon 15-hour party meeting, Haughey, who insisted on a roll-call as opposed to a secret ballot, and won the open ballot by 58 votes to 22. Not long after this, Haughey's government collapsed when the Workers' Party TD's and Tony Gregory withdrew their support for the government over a Fianna Fáil policy document called "The Way Forward," which would lead to massive spending cuts. Fianna Fáil lost the November 1982 election and FitzGerald once again returned as Taoiseach at the head of a Fine Gael-Labour coalition with a comfortable Dáil majority. Haughey found himself back in opposition.During this tenure of Haughey, the "GUBU" Incidents, involving the Attorney General to his Government, occurred in Dublin. At a press-conference on the affair, Haughey was paraphrased as having described the affair as ""grotesque, unbelievable, bizarre and unprecedented"", from which journalist and former politician Conor Cruise O'Brien coined the term GUBU.Haughey's leadership came under scrutiny for a third time when a report linked Haughey with the phone tapping of political journalists. In spite of huge pressure Haughey refused to resign and survived yet another vote of no-confidence in early 1983, albeit with a smaller majority. Haughey's success was partly due to the death of the Fianna Fáil TD Clement Coughlan, a supporter of O'Malley. Haughey's supporters managed to have the meeting moved to the following week after the funeral, which gave him more time to manoeuver. Having failed three times to oust Haughey, most of his critics gave up and returned to normal politics.In May 1984, the New-Ireland Forum Report was published. Haughey was involved in the drafting of this at the time he was in office and had agreed to potential scenarios for improving the political situation of Northern Ireland. However, on publication, Haughey rejected it and said the only possible solution was a United Ireland. This statement was criticised by the other leaders who forged the New-Ireland Forum, John Hume, Garret FitzGerald and Dick Spring. Desmond O'Malley supported the Forum report and criticised Haughey's ambiguous position, accusing him of stifling debate. At a Fianna Fáil Parliamentary Party meeting to discuss the report, the whip was removed from O'Malley, which meant he was no longer a Fianna Fáil TD. Ironically, when Haughey returned to power he embraced the Anglo-Irish Agreement that had developed from the New Ireland Forum Report.In early 1985, a bill was introduced by the Fine Gael-Labour government to liberalise the sale of contraceptives in the country. Fianna Fáil in opposition opposed the bill. O'Malley supported it as a matter of principle rather than a political point to oppose for opposition's sake. On the day of the vote O'Malley spoke in the Dáil chamber stated:He abstained rather than vote with the government. Despite this Haughey moved against O'Malley and in February 1985, O'Malley was charged with "conduct un-becoming". At a Party meeting, even though O'Malley did not have the Party whip, he was expelled from the Fianna Fáil organisation by 73 votes to 9 in roll-call vote. With George Colley dead, O'Malley expelled and other critics silenced, Haughey was finally in full control of Fianna Fáil.O'Malley decided to form a new political party and 21 December 1985, Desmond O'Malley announced the formation of the Progressive Democrats. Several Fianna Fáil TDs joined including Mary Harney and Bobby Molloy.In November 1985, the Anglo-Irish Agreement was signed between Garret FitzGerald and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. The agreement gave Ireland a formal say in Northern Ireland and its affairs. As was the case with the New Ireland Forum Report, the Anglo-Irish Agreement was harshly criticised by Haughey, who said that he would re-negotiate it, if re-elected. FitzGerald called a general election for February 1987. The campaign was dominated by attacks on the government over severe cuts in the budget and the general mismanagement of the economy. When the results were counted Haughey had failed once again to win an overall majority for Fianna Fáil. When it came to electing a Taoiseach in the Dáil Haughey's position looked particularly volatile. When it came to a vote the Independent TD Tony Gregory voted against Fitzgerald but abstained on Haughey, seeing Haughey as the "lesser of two evils" (the reason for this was Gregory's opposition to the Anglo-Irish agreement as well as his personal dislike of Garrett Fitzgerald and Fine Gael). Haughey was elected Taoiseach on the casting vote of the Ceann Comhairle.Haughey now headed a minority Fianna Fáil government. Fine Gael under leader Alan Dukes, made the unprecedented move, with its Tallaght strategy, of supporting the government and voting for it when it came to introducing tough economic policies. The national debt had doubled under previous administrations, so the government introduced severe budget cuts in all departments. The taxation system was transformed to encourage enterprise and employment. One of the major schemes put forward, and one which would have enormous economic benefits for the country, was the establishment of the International Financial Services Centre (IFSC) in Dublin.In late April 1989, Haughey returned from a trip to Japan, to the news that the government was about to be defeated in a Dáil vote, on a private members' motion regarding provision of funds for HIV/AIDS sufferers. The government lost the vote, which was seen as merely embarrassing, but Haughey, buoyed by opinion polls which indicated the possibility of winning an overall majority, called a general election for 15 June. Fianna Fáil however ended up losing four seats and the possibility of forming another minority government looked slim. For the first time in history a nominee for Taoiseach failed to achieve a majority when a vote was taken in the Dáil, on 29 June 1989. Constitutionally Haughey was obliged to resign, however he refused to, for a short period. He eventually tendered his resignation to President Hillery and remained on as Taoiseach, albeit in an acting capacity. A full 27 days after the election had taken place a coalition government was formed between Fianna Fáil and the Progressive Democrats. It was the first time that Fianna Fáil had entered into a coalition, abandoning one of its "core values" in the overwhelming need to form a government.Haughey in 1990 had more difficulties than successes. The first half of the year saw Haughey in a leading role as European statesman, when Ireland held the presidency of the European Community, which rotated semi-annually between the member states of the European Union. Haughey supported German Reunification and during the extraordinary Dublin Summit, which he called for in April, he pressed this viewpoint forward. He believed both Ireland and Germany were similar in that both countries were divided. During a Dáil debate on German Reunification, Haughey stated "I have expressed a personal view that coming as we do from a country which is also divided many of us would have sympathy with any wish of the people of the two German States for unification".The Presidential election was disappointing for Haughey with Brian Lenihan, the Tánaiste, who was nominated as the party's candidate, being defeated by Mary Robinson. During the campaign the controversy over the phone calls made to the Áras an Uachtaráin in 1982, urging the then President not to dissolve the Dáil resurfaced. Lenihan was accused of calling and attempting to influence the President, who as Head of State is above politics. The Progressive Democrats threatened to pull out of the coalition and support a Fine Gael no-confidence motion unless Haughey forced Lenihan out. Haughey tried to force Lenihan to resign, and sacked him when he refused to do so. Lenihan's dismissal damaged Haughey's standing in the Fianna Fáil organisation.Haughey's grip on political power began to slip in the autumn of 1991. There was a series of resignations by chairmen of semi-state companies, followed by an open declaration by Minister for Finance Albert Reynolds, that he had every intention of standing for the party leadership if Haughey resigned. Following a heated parliamentary party meeting, Seán Power, one of Reynolds's supporters, put down a motion of no-confidence in Haughey. Reynolds and his supporters were sacked from the government by Haughey, who went on to win the no-confidence motion by 55 votes to 22.Haughey's victory was short-lived, as a series of political errors would lead to his demise as Taoiseach. Controversy erupted over the attempted appointment of Jim McDaid as Minister for Defence, which saw him resign from the post before he had been officially installed, under pressure from O'Malley. Worse was to follow when Seán Doherty, the man who as Minister for Justice had taken the blame for the phone-tapping scandal of the early 1980s, went on RTÉ television, and after ten years of insisting that Haughey knew nothing of the tapping, claimed that Haughey had known and authorised it. Haughey denied this, but the Progressive Democrats members of the government stated that they could no longer continue in government with Haughey as Taoiseach. Haughey told Desmond O'Malley, the Progressive Democrats leader, that he intended to stand down shortly, but wanted to choose his own time of departure. O'Malley agreed to this and the government continued.On 30 January 1992, Haughey resigned as leader of Fianna Fáil at a parliamentary party meeting. He remained as Taoiseach until 11 February 1992, when he was succeeded by the former Finance Minister, Albert Reynolds. In his final address to the Dáil he quoted Othello, saying "inter alia" "I have done the state some service, they know it, no more of that." Haughey then returned to the backbenches before retiring from politics at the 1992 general election. His son, Seán Haughey, was elected at the election that followed, in his father's old constituency. Sean Haughey was appointed as a Junior Minister in the Department of Education and Science in December 2006.Haughey's personal wealth and extravagant lifestyle (he owned racehorses, a large motor sailing yacht "Celtic Mist", an Inishvickillane island and a Gandon-designed mansion) had long been a point of speculation. He refused throughout his career to answer any questions about how he financed this lifestyle on a government salary. Despite his professed desire to fade from public attention, these questions followed him into retirement, eventually exploding into a series of political, financial and personal scandals that tarnished his image and reputation.In 1997, a government-appointed tribunal, led by Judge Brian McCracken, first revealed that Haughey had received substantial monetary gifts from businessmen and that he had held secret offshore bank accounts in the Ansbacher Bank in the Cayman Islands. Haughey faced criminal charges for obstructing the work of the McCracken tribunal. His trial on these charges was postponed indefinitely after the judge in the case found that he would not be able to get a fair trial following prejudicial comments by the then PD leader and Tánaiste Mary Harney.Also in 1997, the public were shocked by allegations that Haughey had embezzled money destined for the Fianna Fáil party, taxpayers' money taken from government funds earmarked for the operation of a political party, and that he had spent large portions of these funds on Charvet shirts and expensive dinners in a top Dublin restaurant, while preaching belt-tightening and implementing budget cuts as a national policy.The subsequent Moriarty Tribunal delved further into Haughey's financial dealings. In his main report on Charles Haughey released on 19 December 2006, Mr Justice Moriarty made the following findings:The tribunal rejected Haughey's claims of ignorance of his own financial affairs and Haughey was accused by the tribunal of ""devaluing democracy"".Haughey eventually agreed a settlement with the revenue and paid a total of €6.5 million in back taxes and penalties to the Revenue Commissioners in relation to these donations. In August 2003 Haughey was forced to sell his large estate, Abbeville, in Kinsealy in north County Dublin for €45 million to settle legal fees he had incurred during the tribunals. He continued to live at Abbeville and own the island of Inishvickillane off the coast of County Kerry until his death.In May 1999, Terry Keane, gossip columnist and once wife of former Chief Justice of Ireland Ronan Keane, revealed on "The Late Late Show" that she and Haughey had conducted a 27-year extramarital affair. In a move that she subsequently said she deeply regretted, Keane confirmed that the man she had been referring to for years in her newspaper column as "sweetie" was indeed Haughey. The revelation on the television programme shocked at least some of the audience, including Haughey's son Seán who was watching the show. Haughey's wife Maureen was also said to have been deeply hurt by the circumstances of the revelation.Haughey's attendance before the tribunals had repeatedly been disrupted by illness. He died from prostate cancer, from which he had suffered for a decade, on 13 June 2006, at his home in Kinsealy, County Dublin, aged 80.Haughey received a state funeral on 16 June 2006. He was buried in St. Fintan's Cemetery, Sutton in County Dublin, following mass at Donnycarney. The then Taoiseach Bertie Ahern delivered the graveside oration.The funeral rites were screened live on RTÉ One and watched by a quarter of a million people. It was attended by President Mary McAleese, the Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, members of the Oireachtas, many from the world of politics, industry and business. The chief celebrant was Haughey's brother, Father Eoghan Haughey.Former Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald has said that he had the potential to be one of the best Taoisigh that the country ever had, had his preoccupation with wealth and power not clouded his judgement: Another former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern saidHistorian Diarmaid Ferriter said, Historian John A Murphy said, Haughey was characterised in a 2012 novel "Ratlines", by Stuart Neville. A three-part television drama "Charlie", covering Haughey between 1979 and 1992, débuted on RTÉ in January 2015.The following governments were led by Haughey:
|
[
"Minister for Education and Skills",
"Minister for Health",
"Minister for Defence",
"Teachta Dála",
"Minister for Social Protection",
"Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine",
"Minister for Justice and Equality",
"Taoiseach"
] |
|
Which employer did Luigi Fantappiè work for in Sep, 1927?
|
September 19, 1927
|
{
"text": [
"University of Palermo"
]
}
|
L2_Q2755831_P108_3
|
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Bologna from Jan, 1932 to Jan, 1934.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Cagliari from Jan, 1925 to Jan, 1926.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of São Paulo from Jan, 1934 to Jan, 1939.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Palermo from Jan, 1927 to Jan, 1932.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Florence from Jan, 1926 to Jan, 1927.
Luigi Fantappiè works for Sapienza University of Rome from Jan, 1924 to Jan, 1925.
|
Luigi FantappièLuigi Fantappiè (15 September 1901 – 28 July 1956) was an Italian mathematician, known for work in mathematical analysis and for creating the theory of analytic functionals: he was a student and follower of Vito Volterra. Later in life he proposed scientific theories of sweeping scope.He was born in Viterbo, and studied at the University of Pisa, graduating in mathematics in 1922. After time spent abroad, he was offered a chair by the University of Florence in 1926, and a year later by the University of Palermo. He spent the years 1934 to 1939 in the University of São Paulo, Brazil. In 1939 he was offered a chair at the University of Rome.In 1941 he discovered that negative entropy has qualities that are associated to life: The cause of processes driven by negative energy lies in the future, exactly such as living beings work for a better day tomorrow. A process that is driven by negative entropy will increase order with time, such as all forms of life tend to do. This was a very controversial view at the time and not at all accepted by his colleagues. His findings indicate that negative entropy is associated to life in the same way as consciousness is. Consciousness could be a process based on negative entropy. In 1942 he put forth a unified theory of physics and biology, and the syntropy concept. In 1952 he started to work on a unified physical theory called "projective relativity", for which, he asserted, special relativity was a limiting case. Giuseppe Arcidiacono worked with him on this theory.
|
[
"University of Florence",
"University of Cagliari",
"University of Bologna",
"Sapienza University of Rome",
"University of São Paulo"
] |
|
Which employer did Luigi Fantappiè work for in 1927-09-19?
|
September 19, 1927
|
{
"text": [
"University of Palermo"
]
}
|
L2_Q2755831_P108_3
|
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Bologna from Jan, 1932 to Jan, 1934.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Cagliari from Jan, 1925 to Jan, 1926.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of São Paulo from Jan, 1934 to Jan, 1939.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Palermo from Jan, 1927 to Jan, 1932.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Florence from Jan, 1926 to Jan, 1927.
Luigi Fantappiè works for Sapienza University of Rome from Jan, 1924 to Jan, 1925.
|
Luigi FantappièLuigi Fantappiè (15 September 1901 – 28 July 1956) was an Italian mathematician, known for work in mathematical analysis and for creating the theory of analytic functionals: he was a student and follower of Vito Volterra. Later in life he proposed scientific theories of sweeping scope.He was born in Viterbo, and studied at the University of Pisa, graduating in mathematics in 1922. After time spent abroad, he was offered a chair by the University of Florence in 1926, and a year later by the University of Palermo. He spent the years 1934 to 1939 in the University of São Paulo, Brazil. In 1939 he was offered a chair at the University of Rome.In 1941 he discovered that negative entropy has qualities that are associated to life: The cause of processes driven by negative energy lies in the future, exactly such as living beings work for a better day tomorrow. A process that is driven by negative entropy will increase order with time, such as all forms of life tend to do. This was a very controversial view at the time and not at all accepted by his colleagues. His findings indicate that negative entropy is associated to life in the same way as consciousness is. Consciousness could be a process based on negative entropy. In 1942 he put forth a unified theory of physics and biology, and the syntropy concept. In 1952 he started to work on a unified physical theory called "projective relativity", for which, he asserted, special relativity was a limiting case. Giuseppe Arcidiacono worked with him on this theory.
|
[
"University of Florence",
"University of Cagliari",
"University of Bologna",
"Sapienza University of Rome",
"University of São Paulo"
] |
|
Which employer did Luigi Fantappiè work for in 19/09/1927?
|
September 19, 1927
|
{
"text": [
"University of Palermo"
]
}
|
L2_Q2755831_P108_3
|
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Bologna from Jan, 1932 to Jan, 1934.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Cagliari from Jan, 1925 to Jan, 1926.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of São Paulo from Jan, 1934 to Jan, 1939.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Palermo from Jan, 1927 to Jan, 1932.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Florence from Jan, 1926 to Jan, 1927.
Luigi Fantappiè works for Sapienza University of Rome from Jan, 1924 to Jan, 1925.
|
Luigi FantappièLuigi Fantappiè (15 September 1901 – 28 July 1956) was an Italian mathematician, known for work in mathematical analysis and for creating the theory of analytic functionals: he was a student and follower of Vito Volterra. Later in life he proposed scientific theories of sweeping scope.He was born in Viterbo, and studied at the University of Pisa, graduating in mathematics in 1922. After time spent abroad, he was offered a chair by the University of Florence in 1926, and a year later by the University of Palermo. He spent the years 1934 to 1939 in the University of São Paulo, Brazil. In 1939 he was offered a chair at the University of Rome.In 1941 he discovered that negative entropy has qualities that are associated to life: The cause of processes driven by negative energy lies in the future, exactly such as living beings work for a better day tomorrow. A process that is driven by negative entropy will increase order with time, such as all forms of life tend to do. This was a very controversial view at the time and not at all accepted by his colleagues. His findings indicate that negative entropy is associated to life in the same way as consciousness is. Consciousness could be a process based on negative entropy. In 1942 he put forth a unified theory of physics and biology, and the syntropy concept. In 1952 he started to work on a unified physical theory called "projective relativity", for which, he asserted, special relativity was a limiting case. Giuseppe Arcidiacono worked with him on this theory.
|
[
"University of Florence",
"University of Cagliari",
"University of Bologna",
"Sapienza University of Rome",
"University of São Paulo"
] |
|
Which employer did Luigi Fantappiè work for in Sep 19, 1927?
|
September 19, 1927
|
{
"text": [
"University of Palermo"
]
}
|
L2_Q2755831_P108_3
|
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Bologna from Jan, 1932 to Jan, 1934.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Cagliari from Jan, 1925 to Jan, 1926.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of São Paulo from Jan, 1934 to Jan, 1939.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Palermo from Jan, 1927 to Jan, 1932.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Florence from Jan, 1926 to Jan, 1927.
Luigi Fantappiè works for Sapienza University of Rome from Jan, 1924 to Jan, 1925.
|
Luigi FantappièLuigi Fantappiè (15 September 1901 – 28 July 1956) was an Italian mathematician, known for work in mathematical analysis and for creating the theory of analytic functionals: he was a student and follower of Vito Volterra. Later in life he proposed scientific theories of sweeping scope.He was born in Viterbo, and studied at the University of Pisa, graduating in mathematics in 1922. After time spent abroad, he was offered a chair by the University of Florence in 1926, and a year later by the University of Palermo. He spent the years 1934 to 1939 in the University of São Paulo, Brazil. In 1939 he was offered a chair at the University of Rome.In 1941 he discovered that negative entropy has qualities that are associated to life: The cause of processes driven by negative energy lies in the future, exactly such as living beings work for a better day tomorrow. A process that is driven by negative entropy will increase order with time, such as all forms of life tend to do. This was a very controversial view at the time and not at all accepted by his colleagues. His findings indicate that negative entropy is associated to life in the same way as consciousness is. Consciousness could be a process based on negative entropy. In 1942 he put forth a unified theory of physics and biology, and the syntropy concept. In 1952 he started to work on a unified physical theory called "projective relativity", for which, he asserted, special relativity was a limiting case. Giuseppe Arcidiacono worked with him on this theory.
|
[
"University of Florence",
"University of Cagliari",
"University of Bologna",
"Sapienza University of Rome",
"University of São Paulo"
] |
|
Which employer did Luigi Fantappiè work for in 09/19/1927?
|
September 19, 1927
|
{
"text": [
"University of Palermo"
]
}
|
L2_Q2755831_P108_3
|
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Bologna from Jan, 1932 to Jan, 1934.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Cagliari from Jan, 1925 to Jan, 1926.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of São Paulo from Jan, 1934 to Jan, 1939.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Palermo from Jan, 1927 to Jan, 1932.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Florence from Jan, 1926 to Jan, 1927.
Luigi Fantappiè works for Sapienza University of Rome from Jan, 1924 to Jan, 1925.
|
Luigi FantappièLuigi Fantappiè (15 September 1901 – 28 July 1956) was an Italian mathematician, known for work in mathematical analysis and for creating the theory of analytic functionals: he was a student and follower of Vito Volterra. Later in life he proposed scientific theories of sweeping scope.He was born in Viterbo, and studied at the University of Pisa, graduating in mathematics in 1922. After time spent abroad, he was offered a chair by the University of Florence in 1926, and a year later by the University of Palermo. He spent the years 1934 to 1939 in the University of São Paulo, Brazil. In 1939 he was offered a chair at the University of Rome.In 1941 he discovered that negative entropy has qualities that are associated to life: The cause of processes driven by negative energy lies in the future, exactly such as living beings work for a better day tomorrow. A process that is driven by negative entropy will increase order with time, such as all forms of life tend to do. This was a very controversial view at the time and not at all accepted by his colleagues. His findings indicate that negative entropy is associated to life in the same way as consciousness is. Consciousness could be a process based on negative entropy. In 1942 he put forth a unified theory of physics and biology, and the syntropy concept. In 1952 he started to work on a unified physical theory called "projective relativity", for which, he asserted, special relativity was a limiting case. Giuseppe Arcidiacono worked with him on this theory.
|
[
"University of Florence",
"University of Cagliari",
"University of Bologna",
"Sapienza University of Rome",
"University of São Paulo"
] |
|
Which employer did Luigi Fantappiè work for in 19-Sep-192719-September-1927?
|
September 19, 1927
|
{
"text": [
"University of Palermo"
]
}
|
L2_Q2755831_P108_3
|
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Bologna from Jan, 1932 to Jan, 1934.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Cagliari from Jan, 1925 to Jan, 1926.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of São Paulo from Jan, 1934 to Jan, 1939.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Palermo from Jan, 1927 to Jan, 1932.
Luigi Fantappiè works for University of Florence from Jan, 1926 to Jan, 1927.
Luigi Fantappiè works for Sapienza University of Rome from Jan, 1924 to Jan, 1925.
|
Luigi FantappièLuigi Fantappiè (15 September 1901 – 28 July 1956) was an Italian mathematician, known for work in mathematical analysis and for creating the theory of analytic functionals: he was a student and follower of Vito Volterra. Later in life he proposed scientific theories of sweeping scope.He was born in Viterbo, and studied at the University of Pisa, graduating in mathematics in 1922. After time spent abroad, he was offered a chair by the University of Florence in 1926, and a year later by the University of Palermo. He spent the years 1934 to 1939 in the University of São Paulo, Brazil. In 1939 he was offered a chair at the University of Rome.In 1941 he discovered that negative entropy has qualities that are associated to life: The cause of processes driven by negative energy lies in the future, exactly such as living beings work for a better day tomorrow. A process that is driven by negative entropy will increase order with time, such as all forms of life tend to do. This was a very controversial view at the time and not at all accepted by his colleagues. His findings indicate that negative entropy is associated to life in the same way as consciousness is. Consciousness could be a process based on negative entropy. In 1942 he put forth a unified theory of physics and biology, and the syntropy concept. In 1952 he started to work on a unified physical theory called "projective relativity", for which, he asserted, special relativity was a limiting case. Giuseppe Arcidiacono worked with him on this theory.
|
[
"University of Florence",
"University of Cagliari",
"University of Bologna",
"Sapienza University of Rome",
"University of São Paulo"
] |
|
Which political party did Kōichirō Genba belong to in Jan, 2011?
|
January 14, 2011
|
{
"text": [
"Democratic Party of Japan"
]
}
|
L2_Q58213_P102_3
|
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Reviewing Group on Social Security Policy from Jan, 2019 to Sep, 2020.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Democratic Party from Mar, 2016 to Apr, 2018.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the independent politician from Jan, 1993 to Nov, 1993.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Group of Independents from Apr, 2018 to Jan, 2019.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Democratic Party of Japan from Sep, 1996 to Jan, 2015.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan from Sep, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Liberal Democratic Party from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the New Party Sakigake from Dec, 1993 to Sep, 1996.
|
Kōichirō Genba
|
[
"Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan",
"Group of Independents",
"Democratic Party",
"New Party Sakigake",
"Reviewing Group on Social Security Policy",
"Liberal Democratic Party",
"independent politician"
] |
|
Which political party did Kōichirō Genba belong to in 2011-01-14?
|
January 14, 2011
|
{
"text": [
"Democratic Party of Japan"
]
}
|
L2_Q58213_P102_3
|
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Reviewing Group on Social Security Policy from Jan, 2019 to Sep, 2020.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Democratic Party from Mar, 2016 to Apr, 2018.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the independent politician from Jan, 1993 to Nov, 1993.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Group of Independents from Apr, 2018 to Jan, 2019.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Democratic Party of Japan from Sep, 1996 to Jan, 2015.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan from Sep, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Liberal Democratic Party from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the New Party Sakigake from Dec, 1993 to Sep, 1996.
|
Kōichirō Genba
|
[
"Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan",
"Group of Independents",
"Democratic Party",
"New Party Sakigake",
"Reviewing Group on Social Security Policy",
"Liberal Democratic Party",
"independent politician"
] |
|
Which political party did Kōichirō Genba belong to in 14/01/2011?
|
January 14, 2011
|
{
"text": [
"Democratic Party of Japan"
]
}
|
L2_Q58213_P102_3
|
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Reviewing Group on Social Security Policy from Jan, 2019 to Sep, 2020.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Democratic Party from Mar, 2016 to Apr, 2018.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the independent politician from Jan, 1993 to Nov, 1993.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Group of Independents from Apr, 2018 to Jan, 2019.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Democratic Party of Japan from Sep, 1996 to Jan, 2015.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan from Sep, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Liberal Democratic Party from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the New Party Sakigake from Dec, 1993 to Sep, 1996.
|
Kōichirō Genba
|
[
"Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan",
"Group of Independents",
"Democratic Party",
"New Party Sakigake",
"Reviewing Group on Social Security Policy",
"Liberal Democratic Party",
"independent politician"
] |
|
Which political party did Kōichirō Genba belong to in Jan 14, 2011?
|
January 14, 2011
|
{
"text": [
"Democratic Party of Japan"
]
}
|
L2_Q58213_P102_3
|
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Reviewing Group on Social Security Policy from Jan, 2019 to Sep, 2020.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Democratic Party from Mar, 2016 to Apr, 2018.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the independent politician from Jan, 1993 to Nov, 1993.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Group of Independents from Apr, 2018 to Jan, 2019.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Democratic Party of Japan from Sep, 1996 to Jan, 2015.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan from Sep, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Liberal Democratic Party from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the New Party Sakigake from Dec, 1993 to Sep, 1996.
|
Kōichirō Genba
|
[
"Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan",
"Group of Independents",
"Democratic Party",
"New Party Sakigake",
"Reviewing Group on Social Security Policy",
"Liberal Democratic Party",
"independent politician"
] |
|
Which political party did Kōichirō Genba belong to in 01/14/2011?
|
January 14, 2011
|
{
"text": [
"Democratic Party of Japan"
]
}
|
L2_Q58213_P102_3
|
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Reviewing Group on Social Security Policy from Jan, 2019 to Sep, 2020.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Democratic Party from Mar, 2016 to Apr, 2018.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the independent politician from Jan, 1993 to Nov, 1993.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Group of Independents from Apr, 2018 to Jan, 2019.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Democratic Party of Japan from Sep, 1996 to Jan, 2015.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan from Sep, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Liberal Democratic Party from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the New Party Sakigake from Dec, 1993 to Sep, 1996.
|
Kōichirō Genba
|
[
"Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan",
"Group of Independents",
"Democratic Party",
"New Party Sakigake",
"Reviewing Group on Social Security Policy",
"Liberal Democratic Party",
"independent politician"
] |
|
Which political party did Kōichirō Genba belong to in 14-Jan-201114-January-2011?
|
January 14, 2011
|
{
"text": [
"Democratic Party of Japan"
]
}
|
L2_Q58213_P102_3
|
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Reviewing Group on Social Security Policy from Jan, 2019 to Sep, 2020.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Democratic Party from Mar, 2016 to Apr, 2018.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the independent politician from Jan, 1993 to Nov, 1993.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Group of Independents from Apr, 2018 to Jan, 2019.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Democratic Party of Japan from Sep, 1996 to Jan, 2015.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan from Sep, 2020 to Dec, 2022.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the Liberal Democratic Party from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1993.
Kōichirō Genba is a member of the New Party Sakigake from Dec, 1993 to Sep, 1996.
|
Kōichirō Genba
|
[
"Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan",
"Group of Independents",
"Democratic Party",
"New Party Sakigake",
"Reviewing Group on Social Security Policy",
"Liberal Democratic Party",
"independent politician"
] |
|
Who was the head coach of the team Legia Warsaw in Feb, 1975?
|
February 13, 1975
|
{
"text": [
"Jaroslav Vejvoda"
]
}
|
L2_Q193749_P286_10
|
Edmund Zientara is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1969 to Jul, 1971.
Jacek Zieliński is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 2007 to Jun, 2007.
Romeo Jozak is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2017 to Apr, 2018.
Stefan Białas is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Mar, 2010 to May, 2010.
Dariusz Kubicki is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 1999 to Sep, 1999.
Kosta Runjaić is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from May, 2022 to Dec, 2022.
Longin Janeczek is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1965 to Jun, 1966.
Ricardo Sá Pinto is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Aug, 2018 to Mar, 2019.
Edward Drabiński is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Feb, 1948 to Sep, 1948.
Jaroslav Vejvoda is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1973 to Jul, 1975.
Rudolf Kapera is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1989 to Apr, 1990.
Franciszek Smuda is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 1999 to Mar, 2001.
Karol Hanke is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Mar, 1936 to Nov, 1936.
Andrzej Strejlau is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Dec, 1987 to Jun, 1989.
Henning Berg is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Dec, 2013 to Oct, 2015.
Jerzy Kopa is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 1998 to Jan, 1999.
Krzysztof Etmanowicz is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Aug, 1991 to Aug, 1992.
Lucjan Brychczy is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Oct, 2004 to Dec, 2004.
Janos Steiner is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Feb, 1954 to Dec, 1955.
Ryszard Koncewicz is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jan, 1956 to Dec, 1958.
Besnik Hasi is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 2016 to Sep, 2016.
Józef Kałuża is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from May, 1930 to Jul, 1930.
Kazimierz Górski is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1981 to Dec, 1982.
Aleksandar Vuković is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Dec, 2021 to May, 2022.
Czesław Michniewicz is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2020 to Oct, 2021.
Stanislav Cherchesov is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Oct, 2015 to Jun, 2016.
Maciej Skorża is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 2010 to May, 2012.
Janusz Wójcik is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Aug, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Dragan Okuka is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Mar, 2001 to Jun, 2003.
Wacław Kuchar is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1949 to Dec, 1953.
Krzysztof Gawara is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Oct, 2004 to Dec, 2004.
Jan Urban is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 2007 to Mar, 2010.
Stjepan Bobek is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 1959 to Dec, 1959.
Stanisław Mielech is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1933 to Sep, 1933.
Jacek Magiera is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2016 to Sep, 2017.
Jerzy Engel is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1985 to Aug, 1987.
Dean Klafurić is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 2018 to Aug, 2018.
Władysław Stachurski is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1996 to Jun, 1997.
Paweł Janas is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jan, 1994 to Jun, 1996.
Dariusz Wdowczyk is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2005 to Apr, 2007.
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Legia WarsawLegia Warszawa (), known in English as Legia Warsaw, is a professional football club based in Warsaw, Poland. Legia is the most successful Polish football club in history winning record 15 Ekstraklasa Champions titles, a record 19 Polish Cup and four Polish SuperCup trophies. The club's home venue is the Polish Army Stadium ("Stadion Wojska Polskiego"). Legia is the only Polish club never to have been relegated from the top flight of Polish football after World War II.Legia was formed between 5 and 15 March 1916 during military operations in World War I on the Eastern Front in the neighborhood of Maniewicze in Wołyń (now Volyn Oblast, Ukraine), as the main football club of the Polish Legions. After the war, the club was reactivated on 14 March 1920 in an officer casino in Warsaw as Wojskowy Klub Sportowy Warszawa, renamed Legia in 1923 after merger with another local club, Korona. It became the main official football club of the Polish Army – Wojskowy Klub Sportowy Legia Warszawa (). From 1949 to 1957, Legia was known as CWKS Warszawa ()Before 8 April 2004 it was owned by Pol-Mot and from 8 April 2004 (sold for 3 million złoty) until 9 January 2014, it was owned by media conglomerate ITI Group. Currently the club is owned by Dariusz Mioduski who serves as the club's chairman.Legia was formed between 5 and 15 March 1916 during military operations in World War I on the Eastern Front in the neighborhood of Maniewicze in Wołyń, as the main football club of the Polish Legions. The formation of the club in 1916 was greatly influenced by the outbreak of the First World War, because many Polish soldiers were involved in the formation of the Polish Legions before the war. Soldiers, often young men from the south of Poland (mainly from Kraków and Lviv) played football before the war, and therefore, after the formation of the team, they soon became successful. Football was a good way of spending free time, in the calm moments at the front, football matches were organized, which required the ball, making provisional goals, and finding a dozen or so players.The first team training began in the spring of 1915 in Piotrków, between 5 and 15 March 1916 – at the request of then Master Sergeant Zygmunt Wasserab (pre-war player of Pogoń Stryj ) – who was a part of the Polish Legion's Commanding Staff in Kostiuchnówka (near Maniewicze in Volhynia|Wołyń) to create a football club. The president of the organization was Władysław Groele, and corporal Stanislaw Mielech proposed the name "Sporting Team Legia", which was adopted (more commonly used term of the team later became Legionowa). Other names were: "Legion Command Squad" and "Styr". White-black colors and arms were also shown, showing the white letter "L" (symbol of the Legions) on the black dial. The players were dressed in white clothes with sloping black belts, which was a reference to Czarni Lwów.In the spring of 1916, the team played a number of matches with other teams, most of which ended with Legia victorious. The oldest recorded matches are: 7–0 with the Divisional Sanitary Division, 3–3 with the 6th Infantry Regiment and two victories (6–4 and 3–1) with the 4th Infantry Regiment. In July 1916 – because of the Brusilov Offensive – the Legions began to retreat west and the club relocated to Warsaw. The first match in which Polonia Warsaw was the rival was held on 29 April 1917 at Agrykola Park and ended with a 1–1 draw. Of the nine games played in Warsaw, Legia won six and drew three. At the first away game the team won a 2–1 victory over the then Polish champion KS Cracovia in Kraków, so Legia became an unofficial champion of the country. In 1918 the war ended, but the team continued to play only amateur-friendly matched.The club was reactivated on 14 March 1920. In the officers' casinos in the Royal Castle, a group of former officers formed the Military Sports Club (WKS) -Wojskowy Klub Sportowy- Warsaw, establishing the white and red colors of the statute. Among them was Zygmunt Wasserab, one of the founders of the club.Due to the Polish-Bolshevik war and the participation of many Warsaw players, WKS was not nominated for the premiership of the Polish championship league in 1920. In the 1921–1926 seasons, the team was not promoted beyond the A-class of the Warsaw district, but it was a very important period for the club. In 1922, a statute was passed allowing the team to play in civilian teams (as opposed to playing against only other soldiers). Zygmunt Wassarab and Jerzy Misiński worked together and the club's name was changed to the Military Sports Club "Legia" Warsaw. It was modeled on the document of LKS Pogoń Lwów. At that time, a merger with the oldest Warsaw sports club, Korona, was created, which resulted in the acquisition of new, white-green club colors.In the first international match played on 18 May 1922, Legia lost 2–9 at their own stadium with Czechoslovakian club Viktor Zichkov Prague. A year later, in the championship of Warsaw, the Army took 3rd place.After the first-ever promotion beyond Class A in 1927, Legia qualified for the newly formed Polish Football League. Roman Górecki, the then president of the Warsaw team, became the first president of the Polish League. Their debut was on 8 May in Łódź – Klub Turystów Łódź was the opponent and the match ended in a 6–1 result. At the same time, Legia player Marian Łańko scored his first league goal free kick and recorded his first hat-trick in club history. In the same year, in a match against Pogonia Lwów, the club suffered the highest league loss, losing 2–11. At the end of the season, Legia finished fifth, despite five defeats at the start of the season. Legia striker Marian Łańko finished second scoring 31 goals. The Warsaw club also made their debut in the Polish Cup, winning the match with Pogoń Warsaw 7–0. For the next two seasons Legia occupied higher positions in the league than the other clubs: Polonia and Warszawianka.In 1930, after three years of construction, the Polish Army Stadium was opened at Łazienkowska Street. In the first match of the new stadium, Legia drew 1–1 with Barcelona. In the same year the legionaries defeated Hajduki Wielkie 7–1 in their 100th match in the league. Legia also had the biggest pre-war successes in the Polish championships in 1930 and 1931, where they were short three points and one point respectively. Moreover, in the first edition of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs awards for the best results in international competition, the Army received a "traveling" trophy.In the 1935 season, Legia remained in the league, gaining one point advantage over the relegated Cracovia, and then in 1936 – in the club's 20th anniversary – lost seven consecutive games and recorded the only decline of the league in its history. In 1937 the club's board decided to return to the military statute. As a result, almost all civilians departed from the first team, mainly to other Warsaw teams. In 1937 – in the A class of the Warsaw district – Legia took fourth place, and one year later, took first place, and played in the first division play-offs. Legia was third place in the play-offs and they were not able to advance. The board reacted by withdrawing the club from all competitions and decided to play only friendly matches. In 1938, most of the team's sections were dissolved, leaving only three: tennis, swimming and motocross.After the end of World War II – in April 1945 – the club was reactivated under the name of I Wojskowy Klub Sportowy Warszawa (1st Military Sports Club Warsaw), and in June added a historical member of Legia. Among the people who contributed to the reconstruction of the club were: Julian Neuding – prewar player of Makabi Warszawa, Karol Rudolf – prewar player of Legia, Henryk Czarnik and Józef Ziemian – Legia players from the interwar period. The team initially played friendly matches with teams in the region, but later also with clubs from other countries, the likes of the Swedish IFK Norrköping and the Yugoslav FK Partizan.In the first postwar Polish championships held in 1946, Legia took second place in the elimination group, falling out of competition. In 1948, after qualifying for the nine-year break of the highest tier, Legia qualified after a victory in the inter-regional eliminations of the northeastern region and after took second place in the nationwide qualification. Legia eventually took fourth place, drawing 3–3 with Ruch Chorzów. It was the 250th league game of the club. The first post-war match in the first tier took place on 14 March 1948, beating Polonia Bytom 3–1.For the next two seasons, Legia only held on in the first division due to a better goal differential against the relegated teams, taking the 9th and 10th respectively. In November 1949, after the reforms introduced by the then Polish football association, the club once again changed its name to Centralny Wojskowy Klub Sportowy (Central Army Sports Club). Also, a new coat of arms (large letter C, and smaller letters in it: W, K, S). The official patron of the team was the Polish People's Army. Legia became a military club, so it was possible to get players of other clubs, players like Lucjan Brychczy, Ernest Pohl and Edmund Kowal all were brought to Legia.In 1951, Legia took third place in the league, and in the cup competitions lost in the eighth-finals with Polonia Warszawa. A year later, Legia achieved its first success in the Polish Cup competition, reaching the finals (in which Polonia Warszawa won 1–0). The reserve team reached this stage of the competition, while the first team dropped out in the eighth-finals, losing to Lechia Gdańsk. In the league, the club ranked sixth, and in the Puchar Zlotu Młodych Przodowników (the premiere edition of the League Cup) was eliminated in the group stage. In 1953, Legia took 5th place in the first league, and in the next season – in addition to the 7th place – the team managed to reach the semi-final of the Polish Cup, in which Warsaw Gwardia won 2–1.Legia won their first trophy on 29 September 1955, defeating Lechia Gdańsk 5–0 in the Polish Cup final. A month later – on 20 November after a 1–1 draw with Zagłębie in Sosnowiec – the club won their first Polish championship. The team trained by the Hungarian coach János Steiner won their first doublet in the history of Polish football. In the following season, Ryszard Koncewicz became the Legia coach. The club celebrated its 40th anniversary and repeated the achievements from the previous year. First he sealed the Polish championship after a 2–2 draw with ŁKS Lodz, and then he defeated in the cup final Górnik Zabrze in a 3–0 win. These successes were accomplished by strengthening the team by means of conscription to the army of players from such clubs as: Polonia Bytom, Ruch Chorzów, or Wawel Kraków. The latter, like most of the then Okręgowych Wojskowych Klubów Sportowych (District Military Sports Clubs, OWKS), was dissolved. Officially due to the "reorganization of the military division", in practice this meant strengthening CWKS Warszawa (Legia's name at the time). The team then won its highest victory in history, defeating Wisła Kraków 12–0 – the match took place on 19 August 1956 in Warsaw. In addition, the first three places in the goal classification at the end of the season were taken by legionnaires, and the title of the king of scorers was won by the Henryk Kempny who scored 21 goals.In 1956, in addition to winning the national doublet, Legia made their debut in European competition, competing in the round of 16 of the European Champions Cup with Czechoslovak champions Slovan Bratislava. In the first away meeting, the team lost 0–4, and in the second leg at home they won 2–0 after goals from Kowal and Brychcz, but they were eliminated from further games. The meeting in Warsaw was watched by 40,000 fans.At the meeting on 2 July 1957 – chaired by Colonel Edward Potorejko – the club's statute was approved and the first 31-member board of WKS Legia was elected, from which an 11-person presidium was then selected. The legal nature of the club has also changed. From the previous military unit, which was CWKS, a sports association was established with legal personality. The name of the club was also changed, as the historical name Legia was returned (Military Sports Club "Legia" Warsaw). In addition, new colors that are still used today were approved: white-red-green-black (later the order of the first two colors were changed) and the current coat of arms was adopted until today (with intervals).Legia players (appearing as a Warsaw team) were invited to Spain to play the first match on the new FC Barcelona stadium, Camp Nou on 24 September. The match ended with a 4–2 result for the hosts. They struggled in the league that season, finishing in fourth place, and were knocked out of the Polish Cup at the eighth-finals, losing to Ruch Chorzow 1–2 (in that period, until 1961, the I liga season was played from March to August). In 1958, Legia took 6th place in the Polish championship, and in 1959 took 4th.In the 1960s, Legia regularly held top positions in the league table. In 1960, artificial lighting was installed at the Polish Army Stadium, thanks to which the facility became the second in Poland where matches could be played after dark. The first meeting without natural light was played on 5 October with Danish club Aarhus Gymnastikforening as part of the qualification for the European Club Champions Cup. Legia won the match 1–0 after Helmut Nowak's goal. However, with a 0–3 defeat in the first match in Denmark, they dropped out of further games. In the same season, Tadeusz Błażejewski, in the 11th minute of a 2–2 draw against ŁKS Łódź, scored the thousandth league goal for Legia. The club celebrated another anniversary on 26 October 1960, playing the five-hundredth match in the premier league; Legia beat Zagłębie Sosnowiec 1–0. In the league table Legia took second place, winning the title of runner-up of Poland and losing to Ruch Chorzów by 1 point. The following season, the team won the bronze medal of the Polish championship for taking third place in the league.In the following year, the league shifted from the spring-fall system to fall-spring, which meant that the league matches started in the spring of 1962. The league was divided into two groups, in which the teams from the same regions played with each other. Legia – which took third place in its group – won the competition for 5th place with Wisła Kraków, drew a 1–1 away match and won 4–1 at home. In the Polish Cup, the team dropped out in the eighth-finals, losing 0–3 with Odra Opole. In the 1962/1963 season with the new league system, the team took the 7th place, and the fight for the Polish Cup again ended at stage eighth-finals (losing to later winner, Zagłębie Sosnowiec, 0–2).Legia ended the 1963–64 season in fourth place in the league, scoring the same number of goals as second place Zagłębie Sosnowiec and third place Odra Opole. The goal differential decided who took which place. The club achieved a much better result in the Polish Cup, where the team, led by the Romanian coach Virgil Popescu, reached the finals. In the match, played at the 10th-Anniversary Stadium, Legia won after extra time with Polonia Bytom 2–1. Henryk Apostel scored both goals for Legia. In the next season Legia again took 4th place in the league, and in the Polish Cup reached the semi-final, in which they lost after extra time 1–2 with Górnik Zabrze (who became the winner of the cup). The team also competed in the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup. In the first round, Legia eliminated the Austrian FC Admira Wacker Mödling. In the second they defeated the Turkish Galatasaray SK. After two matches there was a draw and third (the decisive step in the advancement) meeting in Bucharest. Legia won 1–0 and were the first Polish team to advance to the quarterfinals of any European club competition. At this stage of the tournament the team lost to German TSV 1860 Munich and was eliminated from the competition.The celebration of the 50th anniversary of the club's existence took place in 1966. In the league the team took 6th place, while a better result was achieved in the twelfth edition of the Polish Cup. In the game played on 15 August at the Warta Poznań stadium, Legia won after extra time in the final, beating Górnik Zabrze 2–1, with Bernard Blaut scoring in the last minute. Winning the Polish Cup allowed the club to compete in the Cup Winners' Cup in the 1966–67 season. In the round of 16, Legia was knocked out by FC Sachsen Leipzig after losing 0–3 away and drawing 2–2 at home. The team came fourth in the league table, and in the Polish Cup was eliminated after a 1–3 defeat in the eighth-finals with Wisła Kraków. That season, Kazimierz Deyna made his debut in the Legia team.In the 1967–68 season, for the second time in its history, the club was the vice-champion of Poland and was promoted as the first Polish team to the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup. In the Polish Cup Legia was knocked out by GKS Katowice in the eighth-finals. In the same year, the team made their debut in the Intertoto Cup. Legia won their group, but did not advance to the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup because the matches of the Intertoto Cup were not official UEFA competitions. Legia, led by Czechoslovakian trainer Jaroslav Vejvoda, finished the 1968–69 season in first place in the table, thus winning the third Polish championship. The team reached the final of the Polish Cup, in which they lost to Górnik Zabrze 0–2. The club also made its debut at the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup. In the first round Legia won twice, 6–0 and 3–2 against TSV 1860 Munich. In the next round they won 0–1 and 2–0 against Belgian team Waregem, and the third opponent was Újpest FC. In the next round, the Hungarian team's players were better and Legia were defeated 0–1 away. A 2–2 draw in Warsaw saw their rivals promoted to the next stage. In 1969 there was still one more success – the Legia juniors won the first championship in the history of the club.For the next season, former player Edmund Zientara was brought in as the new first team coach. His team won the title of Polish champion for the second time in a row. In the struggle for the Polish Cup, Legia was eliminated in the semi-final with Ruch Chorzów. The performances of the club in the European Champion Clubs' Cup was a great success – Legia reached the semi-finals of the competition. In the round of 16, they defeated Romanian club FC UTA Arad 2–1 and 8–0, French club Saint-Étienne in the eighth-finals 2–1 and 1–0, and Turkish club Galatasaray in the quarter-finals 2–1 and 1–0. In the semi-final, they played against Feyenoord. The first match in Warsaw ended in a 0–0 draw, while away the home team triumphed 2–0.The 1970s were known as Poland's golden age of football. In 1971, Legia were runner's up of Poland for the third time in their history, and ended their Polish Cup campaign in the quarter-finals. For the second year in a row the club competed in the European Club Champions Cup, where it reached the quarter-finals, dropping out against Atlético Madrid (2–1 and 0–1). They previously eliminated IFK Gothenburg (4–0, 2–1) and Standard Liège (0–1, 2–0). From December 1971 to February 1972, Legia went on a tour of Spain and the countries of South America, including Ecuador, Costa Rica and Colombia – this was the first time the team had visited this part of the world. In the 1971–72 season, the team finished third in the league table and lost in the Polish Cup final with Górnik Zabrze 2–5. In September 1972, the Warsaw club defeated Víkingur Reykjavík in the round of 16 European Cup Winners' Cup 9–0, which is the highest Polish team win in European competition. In the next round Legia was matched up against A.C. Milan. The first game was played at the 10th Anniversary Stadium and ended in a 1–1 draw. At the San Siro, after the regular time, the draw was also maintained – Milan scored the winning goal two minutes before the end of extra time to win the game 2–1. In that season, Legia took 8th place in the league and won its fifth Polish Cup – after eliminating Szombinrek in the semi-finals (3–1 and 1–1). In the final match against Polonia, on 17 June 1973 in Poznań, a goalless result was maintained for 90 minutes of regular time of the game, as well as for the entire extra time. The legionaries finally won in penalties, 4–2.The season of 1973–74 began with a defeat in the round of 16 of the European Club Champions Cup in aggregate with PAOK FC (1–1 in Warsaw, 0–1 in Thessaloniki). In early 1974, the club went to Spain and France to face Barcelona (1–1 at Camp Nou) and RC Lens (0–2). The team finished the league competition in 4th place, and in the Polish Cup they were knocked out in the quarterfinals, losing 1–2 to Stal Rzeszów. Right after the end of the league, the legionnaires went to an international tournament that took place in the Canary Islands – they drew with Cádiz CF, won with CD Tenerife and Hércules CF. Another foreign trip took place at the end of January 1975. Legia flew to Australia and became the first Polish team to visit all continents (except Antarctica). Legia took 6th place in the league, and lost in the round of 16 in the Polish Cup. After the season, the first transfer of Polish player to the West took place, which was allowed by PZPN and the Ministry of Sport. Robert Gadocha was bought by FC Nantes, later French champions.Legia in the 1975–76 season finished the league in the middle of the table (8th place), and in the Polish Cup reached the eighth-finals, where they lost to GKS Jastrzębie after penalties. In the autumn of 1976, the club's 60th anniversary was celebrated. On the anniversary, 12 October, two matches were played at the Polish Army stadium: a meeting with Legia and Warsaw Polonia (a 2–0 home win) and a match between Legia and Dukla, which ended 4–2 for the legionaries. In February 1977 the team made the next trip, this time to Indonesia. Six games were played at that time (four wins, two draws) and a total of 15 goals were scored – without Deyna, who was at a training camp in Yugoslavia and Greece. Legia also performed for the second time in the Intertoto Cup. Legia's opponents were: Landskrona BoIS (1–0 and 2–1), SK Slavia Prague (1–1 and 2–2) and BSC Young Boys (4–1 and 1–1). Legia took second place in the group and once again was not rewarded with a promotion to the UEFA Cup. The team – finishing in 8th position – repeated the result from the previous league season, while in the Polish Cup they were knocked out in the semi-final, losing to Polonia Bytom 1–2.During the second half of the 1970s, the legionaries did not make it to the top 3 positions to get into European competitions, and 5th place in the 1977–78 season was their highest position. In addition, the team repeated the result obtained a year earlier in the Polish Cup – Legia reached the semi-final, in which they were knocked out by Zagłębie Sosnowiec after penalties. The next season (1978–79) was the last in which Kazimierz Deyna represented the club. In addition, the club played their 1000th game in the highest football tier – the match took place on 25 April against Lech in Poznań (a 1–2 defeat). The season ended with a 6th-place finish in the league and at the eighth-final stage of the Polish Cup (where they lost against Zagłębie II Lubin 1–2). On 18 September 1979, a farewell to Kazimierz Deyna took place – a friendly with English club Manchester City, who had agreed to his transfer for £100,000. The game ended 2–1 to Legia. Deyna played the whole match and scored two goals – one for Legia (in the first half) and the second for his new club (in the second). The match was very popular and many fans had to watch it from behind the stadium gates.Legia started the decade by winning the Polish Cup, beating Lech Poznań 5–0 in the final on 9 May 1980. In the league, the legionaries took fourth place. A year later, the Warsaw club defended the Polish Cup with a 1–0 victory over Pogoń Szczecin on 24 June, but struggled in the league, finishing fifth place. The following season, the team played a match in the quarter-finals of the European Club Champions Cup with Dinamo Tbilisi. During the first meeting in Warsaw, fans, due to the very large number of policemen at the stadium, began to chant the slogans: "Down with communism" and "MO – Gestapo". After being defeated 0–1, the fans organized an anti-communist parade (this situation was repeated several times in the 1980s). The away match also ended 0–1, which was watched by 90 thousand fans in Tbilisi. In the 1981–82 season Legia finished fourth, and in the Polish Cup they were knocked out in the eighth-finals, losing to Arka Gdynia 1–2.The 1982–83 season began with a change of part of the team. Legia also gained a new coach, with Kazimierz Górski being replaced by Jerzy Kopa in the middle of the season. Legia finished eighth place in the league table, while in the Polish Cup they fell in the quarterfinals after losing 0–1 against Lech Poznań in Warsaw. A year later, Legia finished fifth in the fight for the title, and in the Polish Cup reached the 5th round, where they lost against Górnik Zabrze 2–3 after extra time.At the turn of 1984 and 1985, after the autumn round, Legia took first place in the table. They finished runners-up of Poland, which meant the club would participate in the UEFA Cup. In addition, the team reached the quarter-finals of the Polish Cup (a defeat in aggregate with Górnik Zabrze). The following season, 1985–86, the league success was repeated and the quarterfinals of the home cup were again obtained. Both titles went to Górnik Zabrze. In the same years, the legionaries made it to the round of 16 and eighth-finals of the UEFA Cup, losing twice with Inter Milan. In the first match, Milan drew 0–0 at home, which was considered a great success for the Warsaw club. The return match at Łazienkowska ended with the score 0–1 and the Italian team advanced to the next round. The next year in 1986 Legia faced Inter Milan again with a 3–2 win at Łazienkowska and a 0–1 defeat in Italy, which eliminated the Polish club on away goals.At the beginning of the 1986–87 season, the Warsaw team traveled to China and won the Great Wall Cup, defeating the hosts 2–0. The team played in Beijing and other cities for a week, at the turn of July and August. Following this, apart from other successful performance in Europe, Legia took 5th place in the league and reached the 5th round of knockout (losing against Wisła Kraków after penalties). At the end of 1987, at the Legia stadium, the speedway track was removed and the football field was widened.Legia finished the next year in the league in third place and reached the Polish Cup final. In Łódź, the legionaries drew 1–1 with Lech and the victory was decided by penalty kicks, which the Poznań team won 3–2. A year later, the Warsaw team took fourth place in the league and won the Polish Cup at the stadium in Olsztyn, beating Jagiellonia Białystok 5–2. Two weeks after the success, they also won the Polish Super Cup for the first time, defeating Ruch Chorzów 3–0 in Zamość.The trophy gained in Zamość was the first piece of silverware after the reorganization of the club – on 25 April 1989, the club's board decided to separate the football section from the multi-sport section CWKS and establish the Autonomous Football Section (ASPN CWKS "Legia" Warsaw).On 1 September, long-time footballer and Legia captain, Kazimierz Deyna, died in a car accident in San Diego.At the end of the decade, on 13 September, Legia competed against FC Barcelona in the first round of the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup. The match in Barcelona ended with a 1–1 draw, after an unrecognized goal for the legionnaires and a penalty kick for the opponents in the 85th minute of the match. In the rematch at Łazienkowska Legia lost 0–1, with 25 thousand fans in the stands. Michael Laudrup scored the only goal.The beginning of the nineties was not successful for the club, especially in the Polish league. In the 1989–90 season, the team finished in seventh place, and the next season in ninth. The 1991–92 season ended in a 10th-place finish – for the first time since World War II, Legia was fighting relegation to the second league. The team avoided relegation after winning 3–0 in an away match against Motor Lublin in the penultimate game of the season. The club achieved better results in the Polish Cup. In 1990, Legia defeated GKS Katowice in the final and won their ninth trophy. A year later, the Warsaw club again faced GKS Katowice in the final of the Polish Cup, but this time the rivals who won the match 1–0 turned out to be better. The next season, 1989–90, Legia won their ninth Polish Cup, meaning they were able to play in the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup in 1990–91. The Warsaw team, managed by Władysław Stachurski reached the semi-finals of the tournament, eliminating the likes of Sampdoria and Aberdeen. They lost in the semi-finals to Manchester United (1–3 in Warsaw and 1–1 in Manchester).In autumn 1992, the first private sponsor, businessman Janusz Romanowski, invested in the club. A two-year sponsorship deal was signed with FSO (worth PLN 2.4 billion at that time) as well as with Adidas. After the fourth round of the 1992–93 season, Janusz Wójcik became the Legia coach. The high budget from the sponsorship deals allowed players such as Maciej Śliwowski and Radosław Michalski to be brought in. This, in turn, translated into better results and joining the competition for the national championship. On 20 June 1993, after an away victory of 6–0 against Wisła Kraków, the team won the Polish championship. However, on the next day the president of the PZPN board, with a 5–4 vote, decided to take the title from Legia and award it to the third team in the table – Lech Poznań (after disallowing the last matches of Legia and ŁKS, the team from Poznań took first place in the table). The decision was due to the allegations of bribery in the last league match. In addition, Legia was forced to pay a fine of 500 million zlotys, and the UEFA authorities excluded the team from European competition. Twice (December 2004, January 2007),the club unsuccessfully requested that the unfavorable decision should be repealed and that the title should be restored. In the same season, the anti-doping committee decided that Legia player Roman Zub had played after doping before the match against Widzew Łódź. The player's urine sample was also tested in a laboratory in Moscow, where it was considered that increased testosterone levels were not the result of doping. The match was initially verified as a walkover for the Łódź team, but the decision of the PZPN games department was revoked by the president of the board.In the next season, Legia won the first triple crown in the history of Polish football. On 15 June 1994, thanks to a 1–1 draw in the last round with Górnik Zabrze in Warsaw, the legionaries maintained a one-point advantage over second place GKS Katowice and won their fifth Polish title, despite the fact that the season began with three negative points due to the events of the last round in the last season. After the match the press published accusations of corruption with referee Sławomir Redzinski, who, when the score was 1–0 to Górnik, sent off three of the Górnik players. These allegations have not been proven. On 18 June, in the Polish Cup final held at the Legia stadium, the Legia defeated ŁKS Łódź 2–0 and won the tenth trophy in their history. In the match for the Super Cup (24 July), Legia also faced ŁKS Łódź and won 6–4 at the stadium in Płock. The club's first experience of the Champions League ended in defeat in the qualifying stage – the team fell to Croatian side Hajduk Split (0–1 at home, 0–4 away).The next season began with the signing of a contract with Canal+ for broadcasting matches (the first match of the Polish league broadcast was the match of Legia against GKS Katowice, which took place on 1 April 1995). On 31 May 1995, Legia won their sixth Polish championship after a 3–0 victory against Raków Częstochowa in Warsaw, and also won the Polish Cup (2–0 in the final with GKS Katowice). At that time, one of the first protest actions took place at the stadium. The reason was high ticket prices and the ban on hanging flags and banners on the fence – the conflict ended after three matches in Warsaw thanks to an agreement with activists. After winning the championship in the 1994–95 season, Legia Warszawa qualified for the Champions League – in the last qualifying round it defeated the Swedish team IFK Göteborg (1–0 in Warsaw and 2–1 in Gothenburg). In the group stage, Legia drew with Rosenborg BK, Spartak Moscow and Blackburn Rovers. Legia finished the group in second place (with seven points) and in the quarterfinals they faced Panathinaikos Athens. The first match in Warsaw ended in a goalless draw, and in the rematch at the Olympic Stadium in Athens, the Greeks won 3–0. The club did not defend the national championship in the 1995–96 competition and took second place in the league table (behind Widzew Łódź).In 1997, the club was transformed into Sportowa Spółka Akcyjna (SSA) Legia Warsaw and a new sponsor was acquired, South Korean company Daewoo. This season, the legionaries took second place in the league, one reason being a 2–3 loss to Widzew Łódź in the decisive phase of the games (Legia led up until the 85th minute of the match 2–0). The same year Legia went on to win the Polish Cup and the Super Cup. A big change in that period was the addition of Daewoo as a member to the club's name (CWKS "Legia-Daewoo" Warsaw) – the new name did not please fans of Legia and was received coldly by them.The 1997–98 season saw the club's last appearance in the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup. After passing Glenavon in the qualifying round (with a 1–1 draw in Northern Ireland and a 4–0 win in Warsaw), the team fell to Italian team Vicenza Calcio in the first round of the tournament (losing away 0–2 and drawing at home 1–1). In the league the team took 5th place in the table, and in the Polish Cup reached the 1/8 finals, losing to Amica Wronki 0–3. The next season, 1998–99, ended with a bronze medal in the league. In the national cup the team for the second time in a row was eliminated at stage 1/8 of the tournament; This time, GKS Bełchatów was the one to beat the Warsaw team, who after a goalless result in the regular time of the game won 3–2 in the penalty shootout.The club played its 100th match in European competitions – the meeting with Macedonian team Vardar Skopje as part of the 1/64 UEFA Cup final ended with Legia's away victory 5–0 on 12 August 1999. In the 1999–2000 season, Legia took fourth place in the league and did not get to play in the European competitions. In the Polish Cup, the team fell in the quarterfinals to Amica Wronki after a series of penalty kicks (ended with a 3–1 result), while in the League Cup reached the final, in which they lost at home with Polonia Warsaw 1–2.In March 2001, the main shareholder of the club, Daewoo, withdrew from the club's financing, and on 1 July the name of the former sponsor was removed from the club's name and it was reverted to ASPN CWKS "Legia" Warszawa SSA. In the 2000–01 season, the team finished third in the Polish league, and in the Polish Cup lost in the quarterfinals, losing on aggregate 1–4 with Zagłębie Lubin. The same result was achieved by the team in the League Cup – in the quarterfinals of the tournament the team lost to Wisla Kraków, a draw in Warsaw 1–1 and a loss in Kraków 1–3. In the UEFA Cup qualifying round, Legia won against Etzella Ettelbruck (4–0 away, 2–1 in Warsaw), and in the next match they defeated IF Elfsborg (4–1 at home, 6–1 in Sweden). The rival of Legia in the second round was Valencia CF. In the first match at the Polish Army stadium there was a 1–1 draw, but in the rematch the Spaniards won 6–1.The 2001–02 season, which was led by Dragomir Okuki, ended in Legia's seventh championship title (after a 0–0 draw with Odra Wodzisław in Warsaw), as well as a triumph in the Polish League Cup (3–0 and 1–2 in the final with Wisła Kraków). In competing for the Polish Cup, the team reached the quarter-finals, where it lost to Ruch Chorzów (2–4 in Warsaw, 1–0 in Chorzów). Legia played in the Champions League qualifiers in the summer, but in the third round they fell against FC Barcelona – in the first match at Camp Nou, the Catalans won 3–0, in the second they beat Legia 1–0. After defeat against the Spaniards, the Warsaw team competed in the UEFA Cup. In the first round Legia beat FC Utrecht (4–1 at home and 3–1 away), in the second round they were eliminated by Schalke – 2–3 in Warsaw, 0–0 in Gelsenkirchen.The legionaries finished the 2002–03 season in 4th place, in the Polish Cup they fell in the 3rd round. On 13 June 2003, the name of the club changed to KP "Legia" Warszawa SSA and on the same day the team was greeted by a new coach, Dariusz Kubicki.The club was purchased by ITI Group on 8 April 2004. The team took second place in the league and played in the Polish Cup final, in which it lost to Lech Poznań. The next season, 2004–05, the Warsaw team came third in the league table, and in the national cup they lost in the semi-final, falling to Dyskobolia Grodzisk Wielkopolski – 1–1, 1–1, 1–4 on aggregate penalties.The 2005–06 season was exceptional in the club's history – Legia celebrated its 90th anniversary. First, the team dropped out of the UEFA Cup in the second qualifying round (0–1 in Warsaw and 2–4 in Zurich with FC Zürich) and had a weak start in the league. In addition, they only reached the quarter-finals of the Polish Cup, losing on the aggregate with Korona Kielce. Nevertheless, the legionaries won the eighth Polish championship after winning 1–0 in a match against Górnik Zabrze. After the arrival of the new coach Dariusz Wdowczyk, they managed to make up for seven points when they were behind Wisła Kraków and reach for the title; The Warsaw City Council decided at that time to finance the modernization of the Legia stadium through the construction of three new grandstands and the extension of the covered grandstand. After four years, the legionnaires again stood a chance of winning promotion to the group stage of the Champions League. In the second round of qualifying they beat Hafnarfjarðar – 1–0 away, 2–0 at home. Shakhtar Donetsk turned out to be the next rival in the decisive third stage. Both meetings ended with the defeat of Legia – 0–1 in Donetsk and 2–3 in Warsaw. They attempted to make up for the failure playing against Austria Vienna in the first round of the UEFA Cup. However, Legia did not manage to defeat the Austrian opponent; in the first match in Warsaw the team drew 1–1, and in the return the hosts won 1–0.In following competitions, Legia dropped out of the fight for the Polish Cup in the 1/16 finals, falling to fourth-division team Stal Sanok, and in the league they won third place. In addition, as part of the Ekstraklasa Cup, the team reached the quarterfinals and lost on aggregate with Górnik Łęczna. The year 2007 brought a change of the coat of arms. The club did not agree with CWKS, which had the rights to the previous logo. The club's board registered their logotype, boycotted by the fans, because it did not resemble the old mark (despite similar colors and the letter "L" had a different outline and arrangement of colors). Eventually, it was not implemented and it was established that the official sign will be modified with the white letter "L" on the black shield. However, the shape differed from the historical one and resembled a triangle, not like the original coat of arms.At the beginning of the 2007–08 season in Vilnius there were riots caused by Legia fans, which had their apogee at the stadium of FK Vėtra during the match of the second round of the Intertoto Cup. Hooligans, among others devastated the stadium and attacked the police, as a result of which the match was stopped at 2–0 for the Lithuanian club. A few days later, the UEFA Disciplinary Commission verified the result of the meeting with Vėtra for a 3–0 win for the hosts and banned Legia from the current European Cup and qualifying for European competition (UEFA Champions League, UEFA Cup, Intertoto Cup) for the next five years. UEFA also forced the Warsaw club to cover all losses caused by rioters at the host stadium. After submitting the appeal, the penalty was temporarily suspended, taking into account the changes made to enhance safety at Legia's matches.At the halfway point of the league games Legia took second place, even though it scored more points than in the championship season 2005–06. The legionaries were ten points behind first place Wisła Kraków. Eventually, the team reached the Polish Cup and Polish Super Cup after winning against Wisla Kraków twice (0–0, 4–3 pen. and 2–1), and also won the runner-up title. The legionaries secured their UEFA Cup performance in the next season. In addition, the team played in the Ekstraklasa Cup final. The meeting played in Grodzisk Wielkopolski was won by the local Dyskobolia, which after the 4–1 victory won the trophy. In the spring round of the competition, the club joined the campaign Let's Kick Racism from the Stadium, organized by the Never Again Association – "Nigdy Więcej" – the players ran out on 22 March in a match against Widzew Łódź in shirts with the campaign's name.In the 2008–09 season Legia started by defeating the Belarusian club FC Gomel (0–0 and 4–1) in the first round of the UEFA Cup qualifying round. In the second the legionaries went to the Russian FC Moscow. Both matches ended with the defeat of legionnaires: in Warsaw 1–2, and in Moscow 0–2. The only goal scored for Legia was by Roger Guerreiro. In the league, the team repeated the previous year's achievement, finishing second at the end of the season. The team also reached the semi-finals of the Polish Cup, in which they lost to Ruch Chorzow. In the competition for the Ekstraklasa Cup, Legia appeared in the quarterfinals and was eliminated by GKS Bełchatów.Legia won its 10th title with another league championship at the end of the 2013–14 Ekstraklasa season. Legia qualified for the 2016–17 Champions League group stages for the first time in 21 years after defeating Dundalk on 23 August 2016. The Legionnaires found themselves in group F with the likes of Real Madrid, Borussia Dortmund, and Sporting Lisbon. They finished third place after winning 1–0 against Sporting Lisbon on the last match day in the group stages, sending them to the round of 32 in the 2016–17 UEFA Europa League. Legia was drawn against Ajax where the first match fell goalless in Warsaw.Legia won its 12th League title in the 2016–17 Ekstraklasa season. They finished with a 0–0 draw against Lechia Gdańsk. Legia needed a draw in the match between Jagiellonia Białystok and Lech Poznań which finished 2–2 and gave Legia the title.Legia's third consecutive Eksrtaklasa title was won in dramatic circumstances. Needing to win away to Lech Poznan to guarantee the title, a 3–0 victory was awarded to Legia after the game was abandoned. Lech fans threw flares and invaded the pitch after Legia scored to make it 2–0 in the 77th minute, after which the referee called the game off. The result meant Legia won the league, finishing three points above second placed Jagiellonia Białystok.Legia plays its games at Legia Warsaw Municipal Stadium of Marshal Józef Piłsudski (Polish: "Stadion Miejski Legii Warszawa im. Marszałka Józefa Piłsudskiego"), traditionally also referred to as the Polish Army Stadium (Polish: "Stadion Wojska Polskiego"), which is an all-seater football-specific stadium in Warsaw, Poland. Legia has been playing there since 9 August 1930. With space for 31,800 spectators it is the 5th biggest football stadium in the Ekstraklasa. The stadium underwent significant reconstruction between 2008 and 2011, during which all of the stands were demolished and replaced with bigger and more modern ones which increased the stadium's capacity from 13,500 to 31,800 seats. The Polish Army Stadium is currently owned by the City of Warsaw.As one of the most successful clubs in Poland, Legia Warsaw is also one of its most popular clubs. Legia has gained devotion from generations of fans from Warsaw as well as around the country, mainly in Masovian Voivodeship. Legia supporters are considered very spontaneous, dedicated and fanatical. Accordingly, in terms of quality of football support, they are also often described as the best supporters in Poland. Groups of fans follow Legia for practically all away matches, both domestic and international. Supporters of Legia occasionally attract also some negative attention, in particular after events such as riots in Lithuania during a match against Vėtra Vilnius on 10 July 2007.Traditionally, the most devoted and spontaneous fans occupy the Żyleta stand in their stadium. Before the stadium renovation (2008–2011), the "old" Żyleta referred only to the center section within the eastern stand of the stadium (occasionally, it would also refer to eastern stand as a whole). There is a special exhibition dedicated to the "old" Żyleta in the Legia Warsaw Museum. Today, after the stadium's renovation, the "new" Żyleta means the whole northern stand of stadium (located behind the goal).As regards their political sentiments, the supporters of Legia tend to be more right wing. During communist times, in particular during the 1980s, Legia fans showed their patriotic and strongly anti-communistic views. Today, the fans actively participate in annual commemorations of the Warsaw Uprising and Polish Independence Day. Legia fans are also vocal with their views on domestic issues, e.g. their conflict with former Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk, as well as on international politics, e.g. by way of displaying banners reading "Kosovo is Serbian" at the stadium. On 22 October 2014, when Legia played with the Ukrainian Metalists they displayed a banner with the names Lwów (Lviv) and Wilno (Vilnius) along with the coat of arms of Rzeczpospolita and flag of Poland on background, what led to negative reactions. On 19 August 2015, in Lviv and Kyiv, where Legia played with Zorya, clashes between Ukrainian and Polish fans occurred.Domestically, Legia Warsaw supporters maintain friendly relations with fans of Radomiak Radom, Zagłębie Sosnowiec and Olimpia Elbląg. Internationally, Legia supporters maintain friendly relations with fans of ADO Den Haag and Juventus. Their domestic rivals include all the other Polish teams that play at the domestic top tier league level. Warsaw clubs, Polonia Warsaw, KS Warszawianka and Gwardia Warsaw, were Legia's main league rivals, but since 2013 none of them competes in Ekstraklasa.The Warsaw derby is a match between Legia and Polonia WarsawOther local rivalriesBetween Legia and Gwardia WarsawBetween Legia and KS Warszawianka"As of 1 October 2020"Note: "italics" means neutral place results or penalised resultAs of 26 June 2019 the players with the most appearances for Legia are:As of 26 June 2019 the ten players with the most goals for Legia are:"This is a list of former players and coaches who have been inducted into the Legia Warsaw Hall of Fame."
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[
"Władysław Stachurski",
"Jan Urban",
"Stanislav Cherchesov",
"Stefan Białas",
"Romeo Jozak",
"Franciszek Smuda",
"Kazimierz Górski",
"Ryszard Koncewicz",
"Stjepan Bobek",
"Czesław Michniewicz",
"Józef Kałuża",
"Stanisław Mielech",
"Lucjan Brychczy",
"Kosta Runjaić",
"Dariusz Kubicki",
"Jerzy Kopa",
"Andrzej Strejlau",
"Krzysztof Gawara",
"Jacek Magiera",
"Edward Drabiński",
"Janusz Wójcik",
"Dragan Okuka",
"Jacek Zieliński",
"Karol Hanke",
"Longin Janeczek",
"Rudolf Kapera",
"Dean Klafurić",
"Edmund Zientara",
"Aleksandar Vuković",
"Jerzy Engel",
"Henning Berg",
"Ricardo Sá Pinto",
"Krzysztof Etmanowicz",
"Dariusz Wdowczyk",
"Janos Steiner",
"Wacław Kuchar",
"Maciej Skorża",
"Paweł Janas",
"Besnik Hasi"
] |
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Who was the head coach of the team Legia Warsaw in 1975-02-13?
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February 13, 1975
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{
"text": [
"Jaroslav Vejvoda"
]
}
|
L2_Q193749_P286_10
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Edmund Zientara is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1969 to Jul, 1971.
Jacek Zieliński is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 2007 to Jun, 2007.
Romeo Jozak is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2017 to Apr, 2018.
Stefan Białas is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Mar, 2010 to May, 2010.
Dariusz Kubicki is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 1999 to Sep, 1999.
Kosta Runjaić is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from May, 2022 to Dec, 2022.
Longin Janeczek is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1965 to Jun, 1966.
Ricardo Sá Pinto is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Aug, 2018 to Mar, 2019.
Edward Drabiński is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Feb, 1948 to Sep, 1948.
Jaroslav Vejvoda is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1973 to Jul, 1975.
Rudolf Kapera is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1989 to Apr, 1990.
Franciszek Smuda is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 1999 to Mar, 2001.
Karol Hanke is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Mar, 1936 to Nov, 1936.
Andrzej Strejlau is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Dec, 1987 to Jun, 1989.
Henning Berg is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Dec, 2013 to Oct, 2015.
Jerzy Kopa is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 1998 to Jan, 1999.
Krzysztof Etmanowicz is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Aug, 1991 to Aug, 1992.
Lucjan Brychczy is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Oct, 2004 to Dec, 2004.
Janos Steiner is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Feb, 1954 to Dec, 1955.
Ryszard Koncewicz is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jan, 1956 to Dec, 1958.
Besnik Hasi is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 2016 to Sep, 2016.
Józef Kałuża is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from May, 1930 to Jul, 1930.
Kazimierz Górski is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1981 to Dec, 1982.
Aleksandar Vuković is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Dec, 2021 to May, 2022.
Czesław Michniewicz is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2020 to Oct, 2021.
Stanislav Cherchesov is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Oct, 2015 to Jun, 2016.
Maciej Skorża is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 2010 to May, 2012.
Janusz Wójcik is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Aug, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Dragan Okuka is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Mar, 2001 to Jun, 2003.
Wacław Kuchar is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1949 to Dec, 1953.
Krzysztof Gawara is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Oct, 2004 to Dec, 2004.
Jan Urban is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 2007 to Mar, 2010.
Stjepan Bobek is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 1959 to Dec, 1959.
Stanisław Mielech is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1933 to Sep, 1933.
Jacek Magiera is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2016 to Sep, 2017.
Jerzy Engel is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1985 to Aug, 1987.
Dean Klafurić is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 2018 to Aug, 2018.
Władysław Stachurski is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1996 to Jun, 1997.
Paweł Janas is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jan, 1994 to Jun, 1996.
Dariusz Wdowczyk is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2005 to Apr, 2007.
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Legia WarsawLegia Warszawa (), known in English as Legia Warsaw, is a professional football club based in Warsaw, Poland. Legia is the most successful Polish football club in history winning record 15 Ekstraklasa Champions titles, a record 19 Polish Cup and four Polish SuperCup trophies. The club's home venue is the Polish Army Stadium ("Stadion Wojska Polskiego"). Legia is the only Polish club never to have been relegated from the top flight of Polish football after World War II.Legia was formed between 5 and 15 March 1916 during military operations in World War I on the Eastern Front in the neighborhood of Maniewicze in Wołyń (now Volyn Oblast, Ukraine), as the main football club of the Polish Legions. After the war, the club was reactivated on 14 March 1920 in an officer casino in Warsaw as Wojskowy Klub Sportowy Warszawa, renamed Legia in 1923 after merger with another local club, Korona. It became the main official football club of the Polish Army – Wojskowy Klub Sportowy Legia Warszawa (). From 1949 to 1957, Legia was known as CWKS Warszawa ()Before 8 April 2004 it was owned by Pol-Mot and from 8 April 2004 (sold for 3 million złoty) until 9 January 2014, it was owned by media conglomerate ITI Group. Currently the club is owned by Dariusz Mioduski who serves as the club's chairman.Legia was formed between 5 and 15 March 1916 during military operations in World War I on the Eastern Front in the neighborhood of Maniewicze in Wołyń, as the main football club of the Polish Legions. The formation of the club in 1916 was greatly influenced by the outbreak of the First World War, because many Polish soldiers were involved in the formation of the Polish Legions before the war. Soldiers, often young men from the south of Poland (mainly from Kraków and Lviv) played football before the war, and therefore, after the formation of the team, they soon became successful. Football was a good way of spending free time, in the calm moments at the front, football matches were organized, which required the ball, making provisional goals, and finding a dozen or so players.The first team training began in the spring of 1915 in Piotrków, between 5 and 15 March 1916 – at the request of then Master Sergeant Zygmunt Wasserab (pre-war player of Pogoń Stryj ) – who was a part of the Polish Legion's Commanding Staff in Kostiuchnówka (near Maniewicze in Volhynia|Wołyń) to create a football club. The president of the organization was Władysław Groele, and corporal Stanislaw Mielech proposed the name "Sporting Team Legia", which was adopted (more commonly used term of the team later became Legionowa). Other names were: "Legion Command Squad" and "Styr". White-black colors and arms were also shown, showing the white letter "L" (symbol of the Legions) on the black dial. The players were dressed in white clothes with sloping black belts, which was a reference to Czarni Lwów.In the spring of 1916, the team played a number of matches with other teams, most of which ended with Legia victorious. The oldest recorded matches are: 7–0 with the Divisional Sanitary Division, 3–3 with the 6th Infantry Regiment and two victories (6–4 and 3–1) with the 4th Infantry Regiment. In July 1916 – because of the Brusilov Offensive – the Legions began to retreat west and the club relocated to Warsaw. The first match in which Polonia Warsaw was the rival was held on 29 April 1917 at Agrykola Park and ended with a 1–1 draw. Of the nine games played in Warsaw, Legia won six and drew three. At the first away game the team won a 2–1 victory over the then Polish champion KS Cracovia in Kraków, so Legia became an unofficial champion of the country. In 1918 the war ended, but the team continued to play only amateur-friendly matched.The club was reactivated on 14 March 1920. In the officers' casinos in the Royal Castle, a group of former officers formed the Military Sports Club (WKS) -Wojskowy Klub Sportowy- Warsaw, establishing the white and red colors of the statute. Among them was Zygmunt Wasserab, one of the founders of the club.Due to the Polish-Bolshevik war and the participation of many Warsaw players, WKS was not nominated for the premiership of the Polish championship league in 1920. In the 1921–1926 seasons, the team was not promoted beyond the A-class of the Warsaw district, but it was a very important period for the club. In 1922, a statute was passed allowing the team to play in civilian teams (as opposed to playing against only other soldiers). Zygmunt Wassarab and Jerzy Misiński worked together and the club's name was changed to the Military Sports Club "Legia" Warsaw. It was modeled on the document of LKS Pogoń Lwów. At that time, a merger with the oldest Warsaw sports club, Korona, was created, which resulted in the acquisition of new, white-green club colors.In the first international match played on 18 May 1922, Legia lost 2–9 at their own stadium with Czechoslovakian club Viktor Zichkov Prague. A year later, in the championship of Warsaw, the Army took 3rd place.After the first-ever promotion beyond Class A in 1927, Legia qualified for the newly formed Polish Football League. Roman Górecki, the then president of the Warsaw team, became the first president of the Polish League. Their debut was on 8 May in Łódź – Klub Turystów Łódź was the opponent and the match ended in a 6–1 result. At the same time, Legia player Marian Łańko scored his first league goal free kick and recorded his first hat-trick in club history. In the same year, in a match against Pogonia Lwów, the club suffered the highest league loss, losing 2–11. At the end of the season, Legia finished fifth, despite five defeats at the start of the season. Legia striker Marian Łańko finished second scoring 31 goals. The Warsaw club also made their debut in the Polish Cup, winning the match with Pogoń Warsaw 7–0. For the next two seasons Legia occupied higher positions in the league than the other clubs: Polonia and Warszawianka.In 1930, after three years of construction, the Polish Army Stadium was opened at Łazienkowska Street. In the first match of the new stadium, Legia drew 1–1 with Barcelona. In the same year the legionaries defeated Hajduki Wielkie 7–1 in their 100th match in the league. Legia also had the biggest pre-war successes in the Polish championships in 1930 and 1931, where they were short three points and one point respectively. Moreover, in the first edition of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs awards for the best results in international competition, the Army received a "traveling" trophy.In the 1935 season, Legia remained in the league, gaining one point advantage over the relegated Cracovia, and then in 1936 – in the club's 20th anniversary – lost seven consecutive games and recorded the only decline of the league in its history. In 1937 the club's board decided to return to the military statute. As a result, almost all civilians departed from the first team, mainly to other Warsaw teams. In 1937 – in the A class of the Warsaw district – Legia took fourth place, and one year later, took first place, and played in the first division play-offs. Legia was third place in the play-offs and they were not able to advance. The board reacted by withdrawing the club from all competitions and decided to play only friendly matches. In 1938, most of the team's sections were dissolved, leaving only three: tennis, swimming and motocross.After the end of World War II – in April 1945 – the club was reactivated under the name of I Wojskowy Klub Sportowy Warszawa (1st Military Sports Club Warsaw), and in June added a historical member of Legia. Among the people who contributed to the reconstruction of the club were: Julian Neuding – prewar player of Makabi Warszawa, Karol Rudolf – prewar player of Legia, Henryk Czarnik and Józef Ziemian – Legia players from the interwar period. The team initially played friendly matches with teams in the region, but later also with clubs from other countries, the likes of the Swedish IFK Norrköping and the Yugoslav FK Partizan.In the first postwar Polish championships held in 1946, Legia took second place in the elimination group, falling out of competition. In 1948, after qualifying for the nine-year break of the highest tier, Legia qualified after a victory in the inter-regional eliminations of the northeastern region and after took second place in the nationwide qualification. Legia eventually took fourth place, drawing 3–3 with Ruch Chorzów. It was the 250th league game of the club. The first post-war match in the first tier took place on 14 March 1948, beating Polonia Bytom 3–1.For the next two seasons, Legia only held on in the first division due to a better goal differential against the relegated teams, taking the 9th and 10th respectively. In November 1949, after the reforms introduced by the then Polish football association, the club once again changed its name to Centralny Wojskowy Klub Sportowy (Central Army Sports Club). Also, a new coat of arms (large letter C, and smaller letters in it: W, K, S). The official patron of the team was the Polish People's Army. Legia became a military club, so it was possible to get players of other clubs, players like Lucjan Brychczy, Ernest Pohl and Edmund Kowal all were brought to Legia.In 1951, Legia took third place in the league, and in the cup competitions lost in the eighth-finals with Polonia Warszawa. A year later, Legia achieved its first success in the Polish Cup competition, reaching the finals (in which Polonia Warszawa won 1–0). The reserve team reached this stage of the competition, while the first team dropped out in the eighth-finals, losing to Lechia Gdańsk. In the league, the club ranked sixth, and in the Puchar Zlotu Młodych Przodowników (the premiere edition of the League Cup) was eliminated in the group stage. In 1953, Legia took 5th place in the first league, and in the next season – in addition to the 7th place – the team managed to reach the semi-final of the Polish Cup, in which Warsaw Gwardia won 2–1.Legia won their first trophy on 29 September 1955, defeating Lechia Gdańsk 5–0 in the Polish Cup final. A month later – on 20 November after a 1–1 draw with Zagłębie in Sosnowiec – the club won their first Polish championship. The team trained by the Hungarian coach János Steiner won their first doublet in the history of Polish football. In the following season, Ryszard Koncewicz became the Legia coach. The club celebrated its 40th anniversary and repeated the achievements from the previous year. First he sealed the Polish championship after a 2–2 draw with ŁKS Lodz, and then he defeated in the cup final Górnik Zabrze in a 3–0 win. These successes were accomplished by strengthening the team by means of conscription to the army of players from such clubs as: Polonia Bytom, Ruch Chorzów, or Wawel Kraków. The latter, like most of the then Okręgowych Wojskowych Klubów Sportowych (District Military Sports Clubs, OWKS), was dissolved. Officially due to the "reorganization of the military division", in practice this meant strengthening CWKS Warszawa (Legia's name at the time). The team then won its highest victory in history, defeating Wisła Kraków 12–0 – the match took place on 19 August 1956 in Warsaw. In addition, the first three places in the goal classification at the end of the season were taken by legionnaires, and the title of the king of scorers was won by the Henryk Kempny who scored 21 goals.In 1956, in addition to winning the national doublet, Legia made their debut in European competition, competing in the round of 16 of the European Champions Cup with Czechoslovak champions Slovan Bratislava. In the first away meeting, the team lost 0–4, and in the second leg at home they won 2–0 after goals from Kowal and Brychcz, but they were eliminated from further games. The meeting in Warsaw was watched by 40,000 fans.At the meeting on 2 July 1957 – chaired by Colonel Edward Potorejko – the club's statute was approved and the first 31-member board of WKS Legia was elected, from which an 11-person presidium was then selected. The legal nature of the club has also changed. From the previous military unit, which was CWKS, a sports association was established with legal personality. The name of the club was also changed, as the historical name Legia was returned (Military Sports Club "Legia" Warsaw). In addition, new colors that are still used today were approved: white-red-green-black (later the order of the first two colors were changed) and the current coat of arms was adopted until today (with intervals).Legia players (appearing as a Warsaw team) were invited to Spain to play the first match on the new FC Barcelona stadium, Camp Nou on 24 September. The match ended with a 4–2 result for the hosts. They struggled in the league that season, finishing in fourth place, and were knocked out of the Polish Cup at the eighth-finals, losing to Ruch Chorzow 1–2 (in that period, until 1961, the I liga season was played from March to August). In 1958, Legia took 6th place in the Polish championship, and in 1959 took 4th.In the 1960s, Legia regularly held top positions in the league table. In 1960, artificial lighting was installed at the Polish Army Stadium, thanks to which the facility became the second in Poland where matches could be played after dark. The first meeting without natural light was played on 5 October with Danish club Aarhus Gymnastikforening as part of the qualification for the European Club Champions Cup. Legia won the match 1–0 after Helmut Nowak's goal. However, with a 0–3 defeat in the first match in Denmark, they dropped out of further games. In the same season, Tadeusz Błażejewski, in the 11th minute of a 2–2 draw against ŁKS Łódź, scored the thousandth league goal for Legia. The club celebrated another anniversary on 26 October 1960, playing the five-hundredth match in the premier league; Legia beat Zagłębie Sosnowiec 1–0. In the league table Legia took second place, winning the title of runner-up of Poland and losing to Ruch Chorzów by 1 point. The following season, the team won the bronze medal of the Polish championship for taking third place in the league.In the following year, the league shifted from the spring-fall system to fall-spring, which meant that the league matches started in the spring of 1962. The league was divided into two groups, in which the teams from the same regions played with each other. Legia – which took third place in its group – won the competition for 5th place with Wisła Kraków, drew a 1–1 away match and won 4–1 at home. In the Polish Cup, the team dropped out in the eighth-finals, losing 0–3 with Odra Opole. In the 1962/1963 season with the new league system, the team took the 7th place, and the fight for the Polish Cup again ended at stage eighth-finals (losing to later winner, Zagłębie Sosnowiec, 0–2).Legia ended the 1963–64 season in fourth place in the league, scoring the same number of goals as second place Zagłębie Sosnowiec and third place Odra Opole. The goal differential decided who took which place. The club achieved a much better result in the Polish Cup, where the team, led by the Romanian coach Virgil Popescu, reached the finals. In the match, played at the 10th-Anniversary Stadium, Legia won after extra time with Polonia Bytom 2–1. Henryk Apostel scored both goals for Legia. In the next season Legia again took 4th place in the league, and in the Polish Cup reached the semi-final, in which they lost after extra time 1–2 with Górnik Zabrze (who became the winner of the cup). The team also competed in the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup. In the first round, Legia eliminated the Austrian FC Admira Wacker Mödling. In the second they defeated the Turkish Galatasaray SK. After two matches there was a draw and third (the decisive step in the advancement) meeting in Bucharest. Legia won 1–0 and were the first Polish team to advance to the quarterfinals of any European club competition. At this stage of the tournament the team lost to German TSV 1860 Munich and was eliminated from the competition.The celebration of the 50th anniversary of the club's existence took place in 1966. In the league the team took 6th place, while a better result was achieved in the twelfth edition of the Polish Cup. In the game played on 15 August at the Warta Poznań stadium, Legia won after extra time in the final, beating Górnik Zabrze 2–1, with Bernard Blaut scoring in the last minute. Winning the Polish Cup allowed the club to compete in the Cup Winners' Cup in the 1966–67 season. In the round of 16, Legia was knocked out by FC Sachsen Leipzig after losing 0–3 away and drawing 2–2 at home. The team came fourth in the league table, and in the Polish Cup was eliminated after a 1–3 defeat in the eighth-finals with Wisła Kraków. That season, Kazimierz Deyna made his debut in the Legia team.In the 1967–68 season, for the second time in its history, the club was the vice-champion of Poland and was promoted as the first Polish team to the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup. In the Polish Cup Legia was knocked out by GKS Katowice in the eighth-finals. In the same year, the team made their debut in the Intertoto Cup. Legia won their group, but did not advance to the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup because the matches of the Intertoto Cup were not official UEFA competitions. Legia, led by Czechoslovakian trainer Jaroslav Vejvoda, finished the 1968–69 season in first place in the table, thus winning the third Polish championship. The team reached the final of the Polish Cup, in which they lost to Górnik Zabrze 0–2. The club also made its debut at the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup. In the first round Legia won twice, 6–0 and 3–2 against TSV 1860 Munich. In the next round they won 0–1 and 2–0 against Belgian team Waregem, and the third opponent was Újpest FC. In the next round, the Hungarian team's players were better and Legia were defeated 0–1 away. A 2–2 draw in Warsaw saw their rivals promoted to the next stage. In 1969 there was still one more success – the Legia juniors won the first championship in the history of the club.For the next season, former player Edmund Zientara was brought in as the new first team coach. His team won the title of Polish champion for the second time in a row. In the struggle for the Polish Cup, Legia was eliminated in the semi-final with Ruch Chorzów. The performances of the club in the European Champion Clubs' Cup was a great success – Legia reached the semi-finals of the competition. In the round of 16, they defeated Romanian club FC UTA Arad 2–1 and 8–0, French club Saint-Étienne in the eighth-finals 2–1 and 1–0, and Turkish club Galatasaray in the quarter-finals 2–1 and 1–0. In the semi-final, they played against Feyenoord. The first match in Warsaw ended in a 0–0 draw, while away the home team triumphed 2–0.The 1970s were known as Poland's golden age of football. In 1971, Legia were runner's up of Poland for the third time in their history, and ended their Polish Cup campaign in the quarter-finals. For the second year in a row the club competed in the European Club Champions Cup, where it reached the quarter-finals, dropping out against Atlético Madrid (2–1 and 0–1). They previously eliminated IFK Gothenburg (4–0, 2–1) and Standard Liège (0–1, 2–0). From December 1971 to February 1972, Legia went on a tour of Spain and the countries of South America, including Ecuador, Costa Rica and Colombia – this was the first time the team had visited this part of the world. In the 1971–72 season, the team finished third in the league table and lost in the Polish Cup final with Górnik Zabrze 2–5. In September 1972, the Warsaw club defeated Víkingur Reykjavík in the round of 16 European Cup Winners' Cup 9–0, which is the highest Polish team win in European competition. In the next round Legia was matched up against A.C. Milan. The first game was played at the 10th Anniversary Stadium and ended in a 1–1 draw. At the San Siro, after the regular time, the draw was also maintained – Milan scored the winning goal two minutes before the end of extra time to win the game 2–1. In that season, Legia took 8th place in the league and won its fifth Polish Cup – after eliminating Szombinrek in the semi-finals (3–1 and 1–1). In the final match against Polonia, on 17 June 1973 in Poznań, a goalless result was maintained for 90 minutes of regular time of the game, as well as for the entire extra time. The legionaries finally won in penalties, 4–2.The season of 1973–74 began with a defeat in the round of 16 of the European Club Champions Cup in aggregate with PAOK FC (1–1 in Warsaw, 0–1 in Thessaloniki). In early 1974, the club went to Spain and France to face Barcelona (1–1 at Camp Nou) and RC Lens (0–2). The team finished the league competition in 4th place, and in the Polish Cup they were knocked out in the quarterfinals, losing 1–2 to Stal Rzeszów. Right after the end of the league, the legionnaires went to an international tournament that took place in the Canary Islands – they drew with Cádiz CF, won with CD Tenerife and Hércules CF. Another foreign trip took place at the end of January 1975. Legia flew to Australia and became the first Polish team to visit all continents (except Antarctica). Legia took 6th place in the league, and lost in the round of 16 in the Polish Cup. After the season, the first transfer of Polish player to the West took place, which was allowed by PZPN and the Ministry of Sport. Robert Gadocha was bought by FC Nantes, later French champions.Legia in the 1975–76 season finished the league in the middle of the table (8th place), and in the Polish Cup reached the eighth-finals, where they lost to GKS Jastrzębie after penalties. In the autumn of 1976, the club's 60th anniversary was celebrated. On the anniversary, 12 October, two matches were played at the Polish Army stadium: a meeting with Legia and Warsaw Polonia (a 2–0 home win) and a match between Legia and Dukla, which ended 4–2 for the legionaries. In February 1977 the team made the next trip, this time to Indonesia. Six games were played at that time (four wins, two draws) and a total of 15 goals were scored – without Deyna, who was at a training camp in Yugoslavia and Greece. Legia also performed for the second time in the Intertoto Cup. Legia's opponents were: Landskrona BoIS (1–0 and 2–1), SK Slavia Prague (1–1 and 2–2) and BSC Young Boys (4–1 and 1–1). Legia took second place in the group and once again was not rewarded with a promotion to the UEFA Cup. The team – finishing in 8th position – repeated the result from the previous league season, while in the Polish Cup they were knocked out in the semi-final, losing to Polonia Bytom 1–2.During the second half of the 1970s, the legionaries did not make it to the top 3 positions to get into European competitions, and 5th place in the 1977–78 season was their highest position. In addition, the team repeated the result obtained a year earlier in the Polish Cup – Legia reached the semi-final, in which they were knocked out by Zagłębie Sosnowiec after penalties. The next season (1978–79) was the last in which Kazimierz Deyna represented the club. In addition, the club played their 1000th game in the highest football tier – the match took place on 25 April against Lech in Poznań (a 1–2 defeat). The season ended with a 6th-place finish in the league and at the eighth-final stage of the Polish Cup (where they lost against Zagłębie II Lubin 1–2). On 18 September 1979, a farewell to Kazimierz Deyna took place – a friendly with English club Manchester City, who had agreed to his transfer for £100,000. The game ended 2–1 to Legia. Deyna played the whole match and scored two goals – one for Legia (in the first half) and the second for his new club (in the second). The match was very popular and many fans had to watch it from behind the stadium gates.Legia started the decade by winning the Polish Cup, beating Lech Poznań 5–0 in the final on 9 May 1980. In the league, the legionaries took fourth place. A year later, the Warsaw club defended the Polish Cup with a 1–0 victory over Pogoń Szczecin on 24 June, but struggled in the league, finishing fifth place. The following season, the team played a match in the quarter-finals of the European Club Champions Cup with Dinamo Tbilisi. During the first meeting in Warsaw, fans, due to the very large number of policemen at the stadium, began to chant the slogans: "Down with communism" and "MO – Gestapo". After being defeated 0–1, the fans organized an anti-communist parade (this situation was repeated several times in the 1980s). The away match also ended 0–1, which was watched by 90 thousand fans in Tbilisi. In the 1981–82 season Legia finished fourth, and in the Polish Cup they were knocked out in the eighth-finals, losing to Arka Gdynia 1–2.The 1982–83 season began with a change of part of the team. Legia also gained a new coach, with Kazimierz Górski being replaced by Jerzy Kopa in the middle of the season. Legia finished eighth place in the league table, while in the Polish Cup they fell in the quarterfinals after losing 0–1 against Lech Poznań in Warsaw. A year later, Legia finished fifth in the fight for the title, and in the Polish Cup reached the 5th round, where they lost against Górnik Zabrze 2–3 after extra time.At the turn of 1984 and 1985, after the autumn round, Legia took first place in the table. They finished runners-up of Poland, which meant the club would participate in the UEFA Cup. In addition, the team reached the quarter-finals of the Polish Cup (a defeat in aggregate with Górnik Zabrze). The following season, 1985–86, the league success was repeated and the quarterfinals of the home cup were again obtained. Both titles went to Górnik Zabrze. In the same years, the legionaries made it to the round of 16 and eighth-finals of the UEFA Cup, losing twice with Inter Milan. In the first match, Milan drew 0–0 at home, which was considered a great success for the Warsaw club. The return match at Łazienkowska ended with the score 0–1 and the Italian team advanced to the next round. The next year in 1986 Legia faced Inter Milan again with a 3–2 win at Łazienkowska and a 0–1 defeat in Italy, which eliminated the Polish club on away goals.At the beginning of the 1986–87 season, the Warsaw team traveled to China and won the Great Wall Cup, defeating the hosts 2–0. The team played in Beijing and other cities for a week, at the turn of July and August. Following this, apart from other successful performance in Europe, Legia took 5th place in the league and reached the 5th round of knockout (losing against Wisła Kraków after penalties). At the end of 1987, at the Legia stadium, the speedway track was removed and the football field was widened.Legia finished the next year in the league in third place and reached the Polish Cup final. In Łódź, the legionaries drew 1–1 with Lech and the victory was decided by penalty kicks, which the Poznań team won 3–2. A year later, the Warsaw team took fourth place in the league and won the Polish Cup at the stadium in Olsztyn, beating Jagiellonia Białystok 5–2. Two weeks after the success, they also won the Polish Super Cup for the first time, defeating Ruch Chorzów 3–0 in Zamość.The trophy gained in Zamość was the first piece of silverware after the reorganization of the club – on 25 April 1989, the club's board decided to separate the football section from the multi-sport section CWKS and establish the Autonomous Football Section (ASPN CWKS "Legia" Warsaw).On 1 September, long-time footballer and Legia captain, Kazimierz Deyna, died in a car accident in San Diego.At the end of the decade, on 13 September, Legia competed against FC Barcelona in the first round of the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup. The match in Barcelona ended with a 1–1 draw, after an unrecognized goal for the legionnaires and a penalty kick for the opponents in the 85th minute of the match. In the rematch at Łazienkowska Legia lost 0–1, with 25 thousand fans in the stands. Michael Laudrup scored the only goal.The beginning of the nineties was not successful for the club, especially in the Polish league. In the 1989–90 season, the team finished in seventh place, and the next season in ninth. The 1991–92 season ended in a 10th-place finish – for the first time since World War II, Legia was fighting relegation to the second league. The team avoided relegation after winning 3–0 in an away match against Motor Lublin in the penultimate game of the season. The club achieved better results in the Polish Cup. In 1990, Legia defeated GKS Katowice in the final and won their ninth trophy. A year later, the Warsaw club again faced GKS Katowice in the final of the Polish Cup, but this time the rivals who won the match 1–0 turned out to be better. The next season, 1989–90, Legia won their ninth Polish Cup, meaning they were able to play in the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup in 1990–91. The Warsaw team, managed by Władysław Stachurski reached the semi-finals of the tournament, eliminating the likes of Sampdoria and Aberdeen. They lost in the semi-finals to Manchester United (1–3 in Warsaw and 1–1 in Manchester).In autumn 1992, the first private sponsor, businessman Janusz Romanowski, invested in the club. A two-year sponsorship deal was signed with FSO (worth PLN 2.4 billion at that time) as well as with Adidas. After the fourth round of the 1992–93 season, Janusz Wójcik became the Legia coach. The high budget from the sponsorship deals allowed players such as Maciej Śliwowski and Radosław Michalski to be brought in. This, in turn, translated into better results and joining the competition for the national championship. On 20 June 1993, after an away victory of 6–0 against Wisła Kraków, the team won the Polish championship. However, on the next day the president of the PZPN board, with a 5–4 vote, decided to take the title from Legia and award it to the third team in the table – Lech Poznań (after disallowing the last matches of Legia and ŁKS, the team from Poznań took first place in the table). The decision was due to the allegations of bribery in the last league match. In addition, Legia was forced to pay a fine of 500 million zlotys, and the UEFA authorities excluded the team from European competition. Twice (December 2004, January 2007),the club unsuccessfully requested that the unfavorable decision should be repealed and that the title should be restored. In the same season, the anti-doping committee decided that Legia player Roman Zub had played after doping before the match against Widzew Łódź. The player's urine sample was also tested in a laboratory in Moscow, where it was considered that increased testosterone levels were not the result of doping. The match was initially verified as a walkover for the Łódź team, but the decision of the PZPN games department was revoked by the president of the board.In the next season, Legia won the first triple crown in the history of Polish football. On 15 June 1994, thanks to a 1–1 draw in the last round with Górnik Zabrze in Warsaw, the legionaries maintained a one-point advantage over second place GKS Katowice and won their fifth Polish title, despite the fact that the season began with three negative points due to the events of the last round in the last season. After the match the press published accusations of corruption with referee Sławomir Redzinski, who, when the score was 1–0 to Górnik, sent off three of the Górnik players. These allegations have not been proven. On 18 June, in the Polish Cup final held at the Legia stadium, the Legia defeated ŁKS Łódź 2–0 and won the tenth trophy in their history. In the match for the Super Cup (24 July), Legia also faced ŁKS Łódź and won 6–4 at the stadium in Płock. The club's first experience of the Champions League ended in defeat in the qualifying stage – the team fell to Croatian side Hajduk Split (0–1 at home, 0–4 away).The next season began with the signing of a contract with Canal+ for broadcasting matches (the first match of the Polish league broadcast was the match of Legia against GKS Katowice, which took place on 1 April 1995). On 31 May 1995, Legia won their sixth Polish championship after a 3–0 victory against Raków Częstochowa in Warsaw, and also won the Polish Cup (2–0 in the final with GKS Katowice). At that time, one of the first protest actions took place at the stadium. The reason was high ticket prices and the ban on hanging flags and banners on the fence – the conflict ended after three matches in Warsaw thanks to an agreement with activists. After winning the championship in the 1994–95 season, Legia Warszawa qualified for the Champions League – in the last qualifying round it defeated the Swedish team IFK Göteborg (1–0 in Warsaw and 2–1 in Gothenburg). In the group stage, Legia drew with Rosenborg BK, Spartak Moscow and Blackburn Rovers. Legia finished the group in second place (with seven points) and in the quarterfinals they faced Panathinaikos Athens. The first match in Warsaw ended in a goalless draw, and in the rematch at the Olympic Stadium in Athens, the Greeks won 3–0. The club did not defend the national championship in the 1995–96 competition and took second place in the league table (behind Widzew Łódź).In 1997, the club was transformed into Sportowa Spółka Akcyjna (SSA) Legia Warsaw and a new sponsor was acquired, South Korean company Daewoo. This season, the legionaries took second place in the league, one reason being a 2–3 loss to Widzew Łódź in the decisive phase of the games (Legia led up until the 85th minute of the match 2–0). The same year Legia went on to win the Polish Cup and the Super Cup. A big change in that period was the addition of Daewoo as a member to the club's name (CWKS "Legia-Daewoo" Warsaw) – the new name did not please fans of Legia and was received coldly by them.The 1997–98 season saw the club's last appearance in the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup. After passing Glenavon in the qualifying round (with a 1–1 draw in Northern Ireland and a 4–0 win in Warsaw), the team fell to Italian team Vicenza Calcio in the first round of the tournament (losing away 0–2 and drawing at home 1–1). In the league the team took 5th place in the table, and in the Polish Cup reached the 1/8 finals, losing to Amica Wronki 0–3. The next season, 1998–99, ended with a bronze medal in the league. In the national cup the team for the second time in a row was eliminated at stage 1/8 of the tournament; This time, GKS Bełchatów was the one to beat the Warsaw team, who after a goalless result in the regular time of the game won 3–2 in the penalty shootout.The club played its 100th match in European competitions – the meeting with Macedonian team Vardar Skopje as part of the 1/64 UEFA Cup final ended with Legia's away victory 5–0 on 12 August 1999. In the 1999–2000 season, Legia took fourth place in the league and did not get to play in the European competitions. In the Polish Cup, the team fell in the quarterfinals to Amica Wronki after a series of penalty kicks (ended with a 3–1 result), while in the League Cup reached the final, in which they lost at home with Polonia Warsaw 1–2.In March 2001, the main shareholder of the club, Daewoo, withdrew from the club's financing, and on 1 July the name of the former sponsor was removed from the club's name and it was reverted to ASPN CWKS "Legia" Warszawa SSA. In the 2000–01 season, the team finished third in the Polish league, and in the Polish Cup lost in the quarterfinals, losing on aggregate 1–4 with Zagłębie Lubin. The same result was achieved by the team in the League Cup – in the quarterfinals of the tournament the team lost to Wisla Kraków, a draw in Warsaw 1–1 and a loss in Kraków 1–3. In the UEFA Cup qualifying round, Legia won against Etzella Ettelbruck (4–0 away, 2–1 in Warsaw), and in the next match they defeated IF Elfsborg (4–1 at home, 6–1 in Sweden). The rival of Legia in the second round was Valencia CF. In the first match at the Polish Army stadium there was a 1–1 draw, but in the rematch the Spaniards won 6–1.The 2001–02 season, which was led by Dragomir Okuki, ended in Legia's seventh championship title (after a 0–0 draw with Odra Wodzisław in Warsaw), as well as a triumph in the Polish League Cup (3–0 and 1–2 in the final with Wisła Kraków). In competing for the Polish Cup, the team reached the quarter-finals, where it lost to Ruch Chorzów (2–4 in Warsaw, 1–0 in Chorzów). Legia played in the Champions League qualifiers in the summer, but in the third round they fell against FC Barcelona – in the first match at Camp Nou, the Catalans won 3–0, in the second they beat Legia 1–0. After defeat against the Spaniards, the Warsaw team competed in the UEFA Cup. In the first round Legia beat FC Utrecht (4–1 at home and 3–1 away), in the second round they were eliminated by Schalke – 2–3 in Warsaw, 0–0 in Gelsenkirchen.The legionaries finished the 2002–03 season in 4th place, in the Polish Cup they fell in the 3rd round. On 13 June 2003, the name of the club changed to KP "Legia" Warszawa SSA and on the same day the team was greeted by a new coach, Dariusz Kubicki.The club was purchased by ITI Group on 8 April 2004. The team took second place in the league and played in the Polish Cup final, in which it lost to Lech Poznań. The next season, 2004–05, the Warsaw team came third in the league table, and in the national cup they lost in the semi-final, falling to Dyskobolia Grodzisk Wielkopolski – 1–1, 1–1, 1–4 on aggregate penalties.The 2005–06 season was exceptional in the club's history – Legia celebrated its 90th anniversary. First, the team dropped out of the UEFA Cup in the second qualifying round (0–1 in Warsaw and 2–4 in Zurich with FC Zürich) and had a weak start in the league. In addition, they only reached the quarter-finals of the Polish Cup, losing on the aggregate with Korona Kielce. Nevertheless, the legionaries won the eighth Polish championship after winning 1–0 in a match against Górnik Zabrze. After the arrival of the new coach Dariusz Wdowczyk, they managed to make up for seven points when they were behind Wisła Kraków and reach for the title; The Warsaw City Council decided at that time to finance the modernization of the Legia stadium through the construction of three new grandstands and the extension of the covered grandstand. After four years, the legionnaires again stood a chance of winning promotion to the group stage of the Champions League. In the second round of qualifying they beat Hafnarfjarðar – 1–0 away, 2–0 at home. Shakhtar Donetsk turned out to be the next rival in the decisive third stage. Both meetings ended with the defeat of Legia – 0–1 in Donetsk and 2–3 in Warsaw. They attempted to make up for the failure playing against Austria Vienna in the first round of the UEFA Cup. However, Legia did not manage to defeat the Austrian opponent; in the first match in Warsaw the team drew 1–1, and in the return the hosts won 1–0.In following competitions, Legia dropped out of the fight for the Polish Cup in the 1/16 finals, falling to fourth-division team Stal Sanok, and in the league they won third place. In addition, as part of the Ekstraklasa Cup, the team reached the quarterfinals and lost on aggregate with Górnik Łęczna. The year 2007 brought a change of the coat of arms. The club did not agree with CWKS, which had the rights to the previous logo. The club's board registered their logotype, boycotted by the fans, because it did not resemble the old mark (despite similar colors and the letter "L" had a different outline and arrangement of colors). Eventually, it was not implemented and it was established that the official sign will be modified with the white letter "L" on the black shield. However, the shape differed from the historical one and resembled a triangle, not like the original coat of arms.At the beginning of the 2007–08 season in Vilnius there were riots caused by Legia fans, which had their apogee at the stadium of FK Vėtra during the match of the second round of the Intertoto Cup. Hooligans, among others devastated the stadium and attacked the police, as a result of which the match was stopped at 2–0 for the Lithuanian club. A few days later, the UEFA Disciplinary Commission verified the result of the meeting with Vėtra for a 3–0 win for the hosts and banned Legia from the current European Cup and qualifying for European competition (UEFA Champions League, UEFA Cup, Intertoto Cup) for the next five years. UEFA also forced the Warsaw club to cover all losses caused by rioters at the host stadium. After submitting the appeal, the penalty was temporarily suspended, taking into account the changes made to enhance safety at Legia's matches.At the halfway point of the league games Legia took second place, even though it scored more points than in the championship season 2005–06. The legionaries were ten points behind first place Wisła Kraków. Eventually, the team reached the Polish Cup and Polish Super Cup after winning against Wisla Kraków twice (0–0, 4–3 pen. and 2–1), and also won the runner-up title. The legionaries secured their UEFA Cup performance in the next season. In addition, the team played in the Ekstraklasa Cup final. The meeting played in Grodzisk Wielkopolski was won by the local Dyskobolia, which after the 4–1 victory won the trophy. In the spring round of the competition, the club joined the campaign Let's Kick Racism from the Stadium, organized by the Never Again Association – "Nigdy Więcej" – the players ran out on 22 March in a match against Widzew Łódź in shirts with the campaign's name.In the 2008–09 season Legia started by defeating the Belarusian club FC Gomel (0–0 and 4–1) in the first round of the UEFA Cup qualifying round. In the second the legionaries went to the Russian FC Moscow. Both matches ended with the defeat of legionnaires: in Warsaw 1–2, and in Moscow 0–2. The only goal scored for Legia was by Roger Guerreiro. In the league, the team repeated the previous year's achievement, finishing second at the end of the season. The team also reached the semi-finals of the Polish Cup, in which they lost to Ruch Chorzow. In the competition for the Ekstraklasa Cup, Legia appeared in the quarterfinals and was eliminated by GKS Bełchatów.Legia won its 10th title with another league championship at the end of the 2013–14 Ekstraklasa season. Legia qualified for the 2016–17 Champions League group stages for the first time in 21 years after defeating Dundalk on 23 August 2016. The Legionnaires found themselves in group F with the likes of Real Madrid, Borussia Dortmund, and Sporting Lisbon. They finished third place after winning 1–0 against Sporting Lisbon on the last match day in the group stages, sending them to the round of 32 in the 2016–17 UEFA Europa League. Legia was drawn against Ajax where the first match fell goalless in Warsaw.Legia won its 12th League title in the 2016–17 Ekstraklasa season. They finished with a 0–0 draw against Lechia Gdańsk. Legia needed a draw in the match between Jagiellonia Białystok and Lech Poznań which finished 2–2 and gave Legia the title.Legia's third consecutive Eksrtaklasa title was won in dramatic circumstances. Needing to win away to Lech Poznan to guarantee the title, a 3–0 victory was awarded to Legia after the game was abandoned. Lech fans threw flares and invaded the pitch after Legia scored to make it 2–0 in the 77th minute, after which the referee called the game off. The result meant Legia won the league, finishing three points above second placed Jagiellonia Białystok.Legia plays its games at Legia Warsaw Municipal Stadium of Marshal Józef Piłsudski (Polish: "Stadion Miejski Legii Warszawa im. Marszałka Józefa Piłsudskiego"), traditionally also referred to as the Polish Army Stadium (Polish: "Stadion Wojska Polskiego"), which is an all-seater football-specific stadium in Warsaw, Poland. Legia has been playing there since 9 August 1930. With space for 31,800 spectators it is the 5th biggest football stadium in the Ekstraklasa. The stadium underwent significant reconstruction between 2008 and 2011, during which all of the stands were demolished and replaced with bigger and more modern ones which increased the stadium's capacity from 13,500 to 31,800 seats. The Polish Army Stadium is currently owned by the City of Warsaw.As one of the most successful clubs in Poland, Legia Warsaw is also one of its most popular clubs. Legia has gained devotion from generations of fans from Warsaw as well as around the country, mainly in Masovian Voivodeship. Legia supporters are considered very spontaneous, dedicated and fanatical. Accordingly, in terms of quality of football support, they are also often described as the best supporters in Poland. Groups of fans follow Legia for practically all away matches, both domestic and international. Supporters of Legia occasionally attract also some negative attention, in particular after events such as riots in Lithuania during a match against Vėtra Vilnius on 10 July 2007.Traditionally, the most devoted and spontaneous fans occupy the Żyleta stand in their stadium. Before the stadium renovation (2008–2011), the "old" Żyleta referred only to the center section within the eastern stand of the stadium (occasionally, it would also refer to eastern stand as a whole). There is a special exhibition dedicated to the "old" Żyleta in the Legia Warsaw Museum. Today, after the stadium's renovation, the "new" Żyleta means the whole northern stand of stadium (located behind the goal).As regards their political sentiments, the supporters of Legia tend to be more right wing. During communist times, in particular during the 1980s, Legia fans showed their patriotic and strongly anti-communistic views. Today, the fans actively participate in annual commemorations of the Warsaw Uprising and Polish Independence Day. Legia fans are also vocal with their views on domestic issues, e.g. their conflict with former Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk, as well as on international politics, e.g. by way of displaying banners reading "Kosovo is Serbian" at the stadium. On 22 October 2014, when Legia played with the Ukrainian Metalists they displayed a banner with the names Lwów (Lviv) and Wilno (Vilnius) along with the coat of arms of Rzeczpospolita and flag of Poland on background, what led to negative reactions. On 19 August 2015, in Lviv and Kyiv, where Legia played with Zorya, clashes between Ukrainian and Polish fans occurred.Domestically, Legia Warsaw supporters maintain friendly relations with fans of Radomiak Radom, Zagłębie Sosnowiec and Olimpia Elbląg. Internationally, Legia supporters maintain friendly relations with fans of ADO Den Haag and Juventus. Their domestic rivals include all the other Polish teams that play at the domestic top tier league level. Warsaw clubs, Polonia Warsaw, KS Warszawianka and Gwardia Warsaw, were Legia's main league rivals, but since 2013 none of them competes in Ekstraklasa.The Warsaw derby is a match between Legia and Polonia WarsawOther local rivalriesBetween Legia and Gwardia WarsawBetween Legia and KS Warszawianka"As of 1 October 2020"Note: "italics" means neutral place results or penalised resultAs of 26 June 2019 the players with the most appearances for Legia are:As of 26 June 2019 the ten players with the most goals for Legia are:"This is a list of former players and coaches who have been inducted into the Legia Warsaw Hall of Fame."
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[
"Władysław Stachurski",
"Jan Urban",
"Stanislav Cherchesov",
"Stefan Białas",
"Romeo Jozak",
"Franciszek Smuda",
"Kazimierz Górski",
"Ryszard Koncewicz",
"Stjepan Bobek",
"Czesław Michniewicz",
"Józef Kałuża",
"Stanisław Mielech",
"Lucjan Brychczy",
"Kosta Runjaić",
"Dariusz Kubicki",
"Jerzy Kopa",
"Andrzej Strejlau",
"Krzysztof Gawara",
"Jacek Magiera",
"Edward Drabiński",
"Janusz Wójcik",
"Dragan Okuka",
"Jacek Zieliński",
"Karol Hanke",
"Longin Janeczek",
"Rudolf Kapera",
"Dean Klafurić",
"Edmund Zientara",
"Aleksandar Vuković",
"Jerzy Engel",
"Henning Berg",
"Ricardo Sá Pinto",
"Krzysztof Etmanowicz",
"Dariusz Wdowczyk",
"Janos Steiner",
"Wacław Kuchar",
"Maciej Skorża",
"Paweł Janas",
"Besnik Hasi"
] |
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Who was the head coach of the team Legia Warsaw in 13/02/1975?
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February 13, 1975
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{
"text": [
"Jaroslav Vejvoda"
]
}
|
L2_Q193749_P286_10
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Edmund Zientara is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1969 to Jul, 1971.
Jacek Zieliński is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 2007 to Jun, 2007.
Romeo Jozak is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2017 to Apr, 2018.
Stefan Białas is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Mar, 2010 to May, 2010.
Dariusz Kubicki is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 1999 to Sep, 1999.
Kosta Runjaić is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from May, 2022 to Dec, 2022.
Longin Janeczek is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1965 to Jun, 1966.
Ricardo Sá Pinto is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Aug, 2018 to Mar, 2019.
Edward Drabiński is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Feb, 1948 to Sep, 1948.
Jaroslav Vejvoda is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1973 to Jul, 1975.
Rudolf Kapera is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1989 to Apr, 1990.
Franciszek Smuda is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 1999 to Mar, 2001.
Karol Hanke is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Mar, 1936 to Nov, 1936.
Andrzej Strejlau is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Dec, 1987 to Jun, 1989.
Henning Berg is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Dec, 2013 to Oct, 2015.
Jerzy Kopa is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 1998 to Jan, 1999.
Krzysztof Etmanowicz is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Aug, 1991 to Aug, 1992.
Lucjan Brychczy is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Oct, 2004 to Dec, 2004.
Janos Steiner is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Feb, 1954 to Dec, 1955.
Ryszard Koncewicz is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jan, 1956 to Dec, 1958.
Besnik Hasi is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 2016 to Sep, 2016.
Józef Kałuża is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from May, 1930 to Jul, 1930.
Kazimierz Górski is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1981 to Dec, 1982.
Aleksandar Vuković is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Dec, 2021 to May, 2022.
Czesław Michniewicz is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2020 to Oct, 2021.
Stanislav Cherchesov is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Oct, 2015 to Jun, 2016.
Maciej Skorża is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 2010 to May, 2012.
Janusz Wójcik is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Aug, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Dragan Okuka is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Mar, 2001 to Jun, 2003.
Wacław Kuchar is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1949 to Dec, 1953.
Krzysztof Gawara is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Oct, 2004 to Dec, 2004.
Jan Urban is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 2007 to Mar, 2010.
Stjepan Bobek is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 1959 to Dec, 1959.
Stanisław Mielech is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1933 to Sep, 1933.
Jacek Magiera is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2016 to Sep, 2017.
Jerzy Engel is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1985 to Aug, 1987.
Dean Klafurić is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 2018 to Aug, 2018.
Władysław Stachurski is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1996 to Jun, 1997.
Paweł Janas is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jan, 1994 to Jun, 1996.
Dariusz Wdowczyk is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2005 to Apr, 2007.
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Legia WarsawLegia Warszawa (), known in English as Legia Warsaw, is a professional football club based in Warsaw, Poland. Legia is the most successful Polish football club in history winning record 15 Ekstraklasa Champions titles, a record 19 Polish Cup and four Polish SuperCup trophies. The club's home venue is the Polish Army Stadium ("Stadion Wojska Polskiego"). Legia is the only Polish club never to have been relegated from the top flight of Polish football after World War II.Legia was formed between 5 and 15 March 1916 during military operations in World War I on the Eastern Front in the neighborhood of Maniewicze in Wołyń (now Volyn Oblast, Ukraine), as the main football club of the Polish Legions. After the war, the club was reactivated on 14 March 1920 in an officer casino in Warsaw as Wojskowy Klub Sportowy Warszawa, renamed Legia in 1923 after merger with another local club, Korona. It became the main official football club of the Polish Army – Wojskowy Klub Sportowy Legia Warszawa (). From 1949 to 1957, Legia was known as CWKS Warszawa ()Before 8 April 2004 it was owned by Pol-Mot and from 8 April 2004 (sold for 3 million złoty) until 9 January 2014, it was owned by media conglomerate ITI Group. Currently the club is owned by Dariusz Mioduski who serves as the club's chairman.Legia was formed between 5 and 15 March 1916 during military operations in World War I on the Eastern Front in the neighborhood of Maniewicze in Wołyń, as the main football club of the Polish Legions. The formation of the club in 1916 was greatly influenced by the outbreak of the First World War, because many Polish soldiers were involved in the formation of the Polish Legions before the war. Soldiers, often young men from the south of Poland (mainly from Kraków and Lviv) played football before the war, and therefore, after the formation of the team, they soon became successful. Football was a good way of spending free time, in the calm moments at the front, football matches were organized, which required the ball, making provisional goals, and finding a dozen or so players.The first team training began in the spring of 1915 in Piotrków, between 5 and 15 March 1916 – at the request of then Master Sergeant Zygmunt Wasserab (pre-war player of Pogoń Stryj ) – who was a part of the Polish Legion's Commanding Staff in Kostiuchnówka (near Maniewicze in Volhynia|Wołyń) to create a football club. The president of the organization was Władysław Groele, and corporal Stanislaw Mielech proposed the name "Sporting Team Legia", which was adopted (more commonly used term of the team later became Legionowa). Other names were: "Legion Command Squad" and "Styr". White-black colors and arms were also shown, showing the white letter "L" (symbol of the Legions) on the black dial. The players were dressed in white clothes with sloping black belts, which was a reference to Czarni Lwów.In the spring of 1916, the team played a number of matches with other teams, most of which ended with Legia victorious. The oldest recorded matches are: 7–0 with the Divisional Sanitary Division, 3–3 with the 6th Infantry Regiment and two victories (6–4 and 3–1) with the 4th Infantry Regiment. In July 1916 – because of the Brusilov Offensive – the Legions began to retreat west and the club relocated to Warsaw. The first match in which Polonia Warsaw was the rival was held on 29 April 1917 at Agrykola Park and ended with a 1–1 draw. Of the nine games played in Warsaw, Legia won six and drew three. At the first away game the team won a 2–1 victory over the then Polish champion KS Cracovia in Kraków, so Legia became an unofficial champion of the country. In 1918 the war ended, but the team continued to play only amateur-friendly matched.The club was reactivated on 14 March 1920. In the officers' casinos in the Royal Castle, a group of former officers formed the Military Sports Club (WKS) -Wojskowy Klub Sportowy- Warsaw, establishing the white and red colors of the statute. Among them was Zygmunt Wasserab, one of the founders of the club.Due to the Polish-Bolshevik war and the participation of many Warsaw players, WKS was not nominated for the premiership of the Polish championship league in 1920. In the 1921–1926 seasons, the team was not promoted beyond the A-class of the Warsaw district, but it was a very important period for the club. In 1922, a statute was passed allowing the team to play in civilian teams (as opposed to playing against only other soldiers). Zygmunt Wassarab and Jerzy Misiński worked together and the club's name was changed to the Military Sports Club "Legia" Warsaw. It was modeled on the document of LKS Pogoń Lwów. At that time, a merger with the oldest Warsaw sports club, Korona, was created, which resulted in the acquisition of new, white-green club colors.In the first international match played on 18 May 1922, Legia lost 2–9 at their own stadium with Czechoslovakian club Viktor Zichkov Prague. A year later, in the championship of Warsaw, the Army took 3rd place.After the first-ever promotion beyond Class A in 1927, Legia qualified for the newly formed Polish Football League. Roman Górecki, the then president of the Warsaw team, became the first president of the Polish League. Their debut was on 8 May in Łódź – Klub Turystów Łódź was the opponent and the match ended in a 6–1 result. At the same time, Legia player Marian Łańko scored his first league goal free kick and recorded his first hat-trick in club history. In the same year, in a match against Pogonia Lwów, the club suffered the highest league loss, losing 2–11. At the end of the season, Legia finished fifth, despite five defeats at the start of the season. Legia striker Marian Łańko finished second scoring 31 goals. The Warsaw club also made their debut in the Polish Cup, winning the match with Pogoń Warsaw 7–0. For the next two seasons Legia occupied higher positions in the league than the other clubs: Polonia and Warszawianka.In 1930, after three years of construction, the Polish Army Stadium was opened at Łazienkowska Street. In the first match of the new stadium, Legia drew 1–1 with Barcelona. In the same year the legionaries defeated Hajduki Wielkie 7–1 in their 100th match in the league. Legia also had the biggest pre-war successes in the Polish championships in 1930 and 1931, where they were short three points and one point respectively. Moreover, in the first edition of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs awards for the best results in international competition, the Army received a "traveling" trophy.In the 1935 season, Legia remained in the league, gaining one point advantage over the relegated Cracovia, and then in 1936 – in the club's 20th anniversary – lost seven consecutive games and recorded the only decline of the league in its history. In 1937 the club's board decided to return to the military statute. As a result, almost all civilians departed from the first team, mainly to other Warsaw teams. In 1937 – in the A class of the Warsaw district – Legia took fourth place, and one year later, took first place, and played in the first division play-offs. Legia was third place in the play-offs and they were not able to advance. The board reacted by withdrawing the club from all competitions and decided to play only friendly matches. In 1938, most of the team's sections were dissolved, leaving only three: tennis, swimming and motocross.After the end of World War II – in April 1945 – the club was reactivated under the name of I Wojskowy Klub Sportowy Warszawa (1st Military Sports Club Warsaw), and in June added a historical member of Legia. Among the people who contributed to the reconstruction of the club were: Julian Neuding – prewar player of Makabi Warszawa, Karol Rudolf – prewar player of Legia, Henryk Czarnik and Józef Ziemian – Legia players from the interwar period. The team initially played friendly matches with teams in the region, but later also with clubs from other countries, the likes of the Swedish IFK Norrköping and the Yugoslav FK Partizan.In the first postwar Polish championships held in 1946, Legia took second place in the elimination group, falling out of competition. In 1948, after qualifying for the nine-year break of the highest tier, Legia qualified after a victory in the inter-regional eliminations of the northeastern region and after took second place in the nationwide qualification. Legia eventually took fourth place, drawing 3–3 with Ruch Chorzów. It was the 250th league game of the club. The first post-war match in the first tier took place on 14 March 1948, beating Polonia Bytom 3–1.For the next two seasons, Legia only held on in the first division due to a better goal differential against the relegated teams, taking the 9th and 10th respectively. In November 1949, after the reforms introduced by the then Polish football association, the club once again changed its name to Centralny Wojskowy Klub Sportowy (Central Army Sports Club). Also, a new coat of arms (large letter C, and smaller letters in it: W, K, S). The official patron of the team was the Polish People's Army. Legia became a military club, so it was possible to get players of other clubs, players like Lucjan Brychczy, Ernest Pohl and Edmund Kowal all were brought to Legia.In 1951, Legia took third place in the league, and in the cup competitions lost in the eighth-finals with Polonia Warszawa. A year later, Legia achieved its first success in the Polish Cup competition, reaching the finals (in which Polonia Warszawa won 1–0). The reserve team reached this stage of the competition, while the first team dropped out in the eighth-finals, losing to Lechia Gdańsk. In the league, the club ranked sixth, and in the Puchar Zlotu Młodych Przodowników (the premiere edition of the League Cup) was eliminated in the group stage. In 1953, Legia took 5th place in the first league, and in the next season – in addition to the 7th place – the team managed to reach the semi-final of the Polish Cup, in which Warsaw Gwardia won 2–1.Legia won their first trophy on 29 September 1955, defeating Lechia Gdańsk 5–0 in the Polish Cup final. A month later – on 20 November after a 1–1 draw with Zagłębie in Sosnowiec – the club won their first Polish championship. The team trained by the Hungarian coach János Steiner won their first doublet in the history of Polish football. In the following season, Ryszard Koncewicz became the Legia coach. The club celebrated its 40th anniversary and repeated the achievements from the previous year. First he sealed the Polish championship after a 2–2 draw with ŁKS Lodz, and then he defeated in the cup final Górnik Zabrze in a 3–0 win. These successes were accomplished by strengthening the team by means of conscription to the army of players from such clubs as: Polonia Bytom, Ruch Chorzów, or Wawel Kraków. The latter, like most of the then Okręgowych Wojskowych Klubów Sportowych (District Military Sports Clubs, OWKS), was dissolved. Officially due to the "reorganization of the military division", in practice this meant strengthening CWKS Warszawa (Legia's name at the time). The team then won its highest victory in history, defeating Wisła Kraków 12–0 – the match took place on 19 August 1956 in Warsaw. In addition, the first three places in the goal classification at the end of the season were taken by legionnaires, and the title of the king of scorers was won by the Henryk Kempny who scored 21 goals.In 1956, in addition to winning the national doublet, Legia made their debut in European competition, competing in the round of 16 of the European Champions Cup with Czechoslovak champions Slovan Bratislava. In the first away meeting, the team lost 0–4, and in the second leg at home they won 2–0 after goals from Kowal and Brychcz, but they were eliminated from further games. The meeting in Warsaw was watched by 40,000 fans.At the meeting on 2 July 1957 – chaired by Colonel Edward Potorejko – the club's statute was approved and the first 31-member board of WKS Legia was elected, from which an 11-person presidium was then selected. The legal nature of the club has also changed. From the previous military unit, which was CWKS, a sports association was established with legal personality. The name of the club was also changed, as the historical name Legia was returned (Military Sports Club "Legia" Warsaw). In addition, new colors that are still used today were approved: white-red-green-black (later the order of the first two colors were changed) and the current coat of arms was adopted until today (with intervals).Legia players (appearing as a Warsaw team) were invited to Spain to play the first match on the new FC Barcelona stadium, Camp Nou on 24 September. The match ended with a 4–2 result for the hosts. They struggled in the league that season, finishing in fourth place, and were knocked out of the Polish Cup at the eighth-finals, losing to Ruch Chorzow 1–2 (in that period, until 1961, the I liga season was played from March to August). In 1958, Legia took 6th place in the Polish championship, and in 1959 took 4th.In the 1960s, Legia regularly held top positions in the league table. In 1960, artificial lighting was installed at the Polish Army Stadium, thanks to which the facility became the second in Poland where matches could be played after dark. The first meeting without natural light was played on 5 October with Danish club Aarhus Gymnastikforening as part of the qualification for the European Club Champions Cup. Legia won the match 1–0 after Helmut Nowak's goal. However, with a 0–3 defeat in the first match in Denmark, they dropped out of further games. In the same season, Tadeusz Błażejewski, in the 11th minute of a 2–2 draw against ŁKS Łódź, scored the thousandth league goal for Legia. The club celebrated another anniversary on 26 October 1960, playing the five-hundredth match in the premier league; Legia beat Zagłębie Sosnowiec 1–0. In the league table Legia took second place, winning the title of runner-up of Poland and losing to Ruch Chorzów by 1 point. The following season, the team won the bronze medal of the Polish championship for taking third place in the league.In the following year, the league shifted from the spring-fall system to fall-spring, which meant that the league matches started in the spring of 1962. The league was divided into two groups, in which the teams from the same regions played with each other. Legia – which took third place in its group – won the competition for 5th place with Wisła Kraków, drew a 1–1 away match and won 4–1 at home. In the Polish Cup, the team dropped out in the eighth-finals, losing 0–3 with Odra Opole. In the 1962/1963 season with the new league system, the team took the 7th place, and the fight for the Polish Cup again ended at stage eighth-finals (losing to later winner, Zagłębie Sosnowiec, 0–2).Legia ended the 1963–64 season in fourth place in the league, scoring the same number of goals as second place Zagłębie Sosnowiec and third place Odra Opole. The goal differential decided who took which place. The club achieved a much better result in the Polish Cup, where the team, led by the Romanian coach Virgil Popescu, reached the finals. In the match, played at the 10th-Anniversary Stadium, Legia won after extra time with Polonia Bytom 2–1. Henryk Apostel scored both goals for Legia. In the next season Legia again took 4th place in the league, and in the Polish Cup reached the semi-final, in which they lost after extra time 1–2 with Górnik Zabrze (who became the winner of the cup). The team also competed in the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup. In the first round, Legia eliminated the Austrian FC Admira Wacker Mödling. In the second they defeated the Turkish Galatasaray SK. After two matches there was a draw and third (the decisive step in the advancement) meeting in Bucharest. Legia won 1–0 and were the first Polish team to advance to the quarterfinals of any European club competition. At this stage of the tournament the team lost to German TSV 1860 Munich and was eliminated from the competition.The celebration of the 50th anniversary of the club's existence took place in 1966. In the league the team took 6th place, while a better result was achieved in the twelfth edition of the Polish Cup. In the game played on 15 August at the Warta Poznań stadium, Legia won after extra time in the final, beating Górnik Zabrze 2–1, with Bernard Blaut scoring in the last minute. Winning the Polish Cup allowed the club to compete in the Cup Winners' Cup in the 1966–67 season. In the round of 16, Legia was knocked out by FC Sachsen Leipzig after losing 0–3 away and drawing 2–2 at home. The team came fourth in the league table, and in the Polish Cup was eliminated after a 1–3 defeat in the eighth-finals with Wisła Kraków. That season, Kazimierz Deyna made his debut in the Legia team.In the 1967–68 season, for the second time in its history, the club was the vice-champion of Poland and was promoted as the first Polish team to the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup. In the Polish Cup Legia was knocked out by GKS Katowice in the eighth-finals. In the same year, the team made their debut in the Intertoto Cup. Legia won their group, but did not advance to the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup because the matches of the Intertoto Cup were not official UEFA competitions. Legia, led by Czechoslovakian trainer Jaroslav Vejvoda, finished the 1968–69 season in first place in the table, thus winning the third Polish championship. The team reached the final of the Polish Cup, in which they lost to Górnik Zabrze 0–2. The club also made its debut at the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup. In the first round Legia won twice, 6–0 and 3–2 against TSV 1860 Munich. In the next round they won 0–1 and 2–0 against Belgian team Waregem, and the third opponent was Újpest FC. In the next round, the Hungarian team's players were better and Legia were defeated 0–1 away. A 2–2 draw in Warsaw saw their rivals promoted to the next stage. In 1969 there was still one more success – the Legia juniors won the first championship in the history of the club.For the next season, former player Edmund Zientara was brought in as the new first team coach. His team won the title of Polish champion for the second time in a row. In the struggle for the Polish Cup, Legia was eliminated in the semi-final with Ruch Chorzów. The performances of the club in the European Champion Clubs' Cup was a great success – Legia reached the semi-finals of the competition. In the round of 16, they defeated Romanian club FC UTA Arad 2–1 and 8–0, French club Saint-Étienne in the eighth-finals 2–1 and 1–0, and Turkish club Galatasaray in the quarter-finals 2–1 and 1–0. In the semi-final, they played against Feyenoord. The first match in Warsaw ended in a 0–0 draw, while away the home team triumphed 2–0.The 1970s were known as Poland's golden age of football. In 1971, Legia were runner's up of Poland for the third time in their history, and ended their Polish Cup campaign in the quarter-finals. For the second year in a row the club competed in the European Club Champions Cup, where it reached the quarter-finals, dropping out against Atlético Madrid (2–1 and 0–1). They previously eliminated IFK Gothenburg (4–0, 2–1) and Standard Liège (0–1, 2–0). From December 1971 to February 1972, Legia went on a tour of Spain and the countries of South America, including Ecuador, Costa Rica and Colombia – this was the first time the team had visited this part of the world. In the 1971–72 season, the team finished third in the league table and lost in the Polish Cup final with Górnik Zabrze 2–5. In September 1972, the Warsaw club defeated Víkingur Reykjavík in the round of 16 European Cup Winners' Cup 9–0, which is the highest Polish team win in European competition. In the next round Legia was matched up against A.C. Milan. The first game was played at the 10th Anniversary Stadium and ended in a 1–1 draw. At the San Siro, after the regular time, the draw was also maintained – Milan scored the winning goal two minutes before the end of extra time to win the game 2–1. In that season, Legia took 8th place in the league and won its fifth Polish Cup – after eliminating Szombinrek in the semi-finals (3–1 and 1–1). In the final match against Polonia, on 17 June 1973 in Poznań, a goalless result was maintained for 90 minutes of regular time of the game, as well as for the entire extra time. The legionaries finally won in penalties, 4–2.The season of 1973–74 began with a defeat in the round of 16 of the European Club Champions Cup in aggregate with PAOK FC (1–1 in Warsaw, 0–1 in Thessaloniki). In early 1974, the club went to Spain and France to face Barcelona (1–1 at Camp Nou) and RC Lens (0–2). The team finished the league competition in 4th place, and in the Polish Cup they were knocked out in the quarterfinals, losing 1–2 to Stal Rzeszów. Right after the end of the league, the legionnaires went to an international tournament that took place in the Canary Islands – they drew with Cádiz CF, won with CD Tenerife and Hércules CF. Another foreign trip took place at the end of January 1975. Legia flew to Australia and became the first Polish team to visit all continents (except Antarctica). Legia took 6th place in the league, and lost in the round of 16 in the Polish Cup. After the season, the first transfer of Polish player to the West took place, which was allowed by PZPN and the Ministry of Sport. Robert Gadocha was bought by FC Nantes, later French champions.Legia in the 1975–76 season finished the league in the middle of the table (8th place), and in the Polish Cup reached the eighth-finals, where they lost to GKS Jastrzębie after penalties. In the autumn of 1976, the club's 60th anniversary was celebrated. On the anniversary, 12 October, two matches were played at the Polish Army stadium: a meeting with Legia and Warsaw Polonia (a 2–0 home win) and a match between Legia and Dukla, which ended 4–2 for the legionaries. In February 1977 the team made the next trip, this time to Indonesia. Six games were played at that time (four wins, two draws) and a total of 15 goals were scored – without Deyna, who was at a training camp in Yugoslavia and Greece. Legia also performed for the second time in the Intertoto Cup. Legia's opponents were: Landskrona BoIS (1–0 and 2–1), SK Slavia Prague (1–1 and 2–2) and BSC Young Boys (4–1 and 1–1). Legia took second place in the group and once again was not rewarded with a promotion to the UEFA Cup. The team – finishing in 8th position – repeated the result from the previous league season, while in the Polish Cup they were knocked out in the semi-final, losing to Polonia Bytom 1–2.During the second half of the 1970s, the legionaries did not make it to the top 3 positions to get into European competitions, and 5th place in the 1977–78 season was their highest position. In addition, the team repeated the result obtained a year earlier in the Polish Cup – Legia reached the semi-final, in which they were knocked out by Zagłębie Sosnowiec after penalties. The next season (1978–79) was the last in which Kazimierz Deyna represented the club. In addition, the club played their 1000th game in the highest football tier – the match took place on 25 April against Lech in Poznań (a 1–2 defeat). The season ended with a 6th-place finish in the league and at the eighth-final stage of the Polish Cup (where they lost against Zagłębie II Lubin 1–2). On 18 September 1979, a farewell to Kazimierz Deyna took place – a friendly with English club Manchester City, who had agreed to his transfer for £100,000. The game ended 2–1 to Legia. Deyna played the whole match and scored two goals – one for Legia (in the first half) and the second for his new club (in the second). The match was very popular and many fans had to watch it from behind the stadium gates.Legia started the decade by winning the Polish Cup, beating Lech Poznań 5–0 in the final on 9 May 1980. In the league, the legionaries took fourth place. A year later, the Warsaw club defended the Polish Cup with a 1–0 victory over Pogoń Szczecin on 24 June, but struggled in the league, finishing fifth place. The following season, the team played a match in the quarter-finals of the European Club Champions Cup with Dinamo Tbilisi. During the first meeting in Warsaw, fans, due to the very large number of policemen at the stadium, began to chant the slogans: "Down with communism" and "MO – Gestapo". After being defeated 0–1, the fans organized an anti-communist parade (this situation was repeated several times in the 1980s). The away match also ended 0–1, which was watched by 90 thousand fans in Tbilisi. In the 1981–82 season Legia finished fourth, and in the Polish Cup they were knocked out in the eighth-finals, losing to Arka Gdynia 1–2.The 1982–83 season began with a change of part of the team. Legia also gained a new coach, with Kazimierz Górski being replaced by Jerzy Kopa in the middle of the season. Legia finished eighth place in the league table, while in the Polish Cup they fell in the quarterfinals after losing 0–1 against Lech Poznań in Warsaw. A year later, Legia finished fifth in the fight for the title, and in the Polish Cup reached the 5th round, where they lost against Górnik Zabrze 2–3 after extra time.At the turn of 1984 and 1985, after the autumn round, Legia took first place in the table. They finished runners-up of Poland, which meant the club would participate in the UEFA Cup. In addition, the team reached the quarter-finals of the Polish Cup (a defeat in aggregate with Górnik Zabrze). The following season, 1985–86, the league success was repeated and the quarterfinals of the home cup were again obtained. Both titles went to Górnik Zabrze. In the same years, the legionaries made it to the round of 16 and eighth-finals of the UEFA Cup, losing twice with Inter Milan. In the first match, Milan drew 0–0 at home, which was considered a great success for the Warsaw club. The return match at Łazienkowska ended with the score 0–1 and the Italian team advanced to the next round. The next year in 1986 Legia faced Inter Milan again with a 3–2 win at Łazienkowska and a 0–1 defeat in Italy, which eliminated the Polish club on away goals.At the beginning of the 1986–87 season, the Warsaw team traveled to China and won the Great Wall Cup, defeating the hosts 2–0. The team played in Beijing and other cities for a week, at the turn of July and August. Following this, apart from other successful performance in Europe, Legia took 5th place in the league and reached the 5th round of knockout (losing against Wisła Kraków after penalties). At the end of 1987, at the Legia stadium, the speedway track was removed and the football field was widened.Legia finished the next year in the league in third place and reached the Polish Cup final. In Łódź, the legionaries drew 1–1 with Lech and the victory was decided by penalty kicks, which the Poznań team won 3–2. A year later, the Warsaw team took fourth place in the league and won the Polish Cup at the stadium in Olsztyn, beating Jagiellonia Białystok 5–2. Two weeks after the success, they also won the Polish Super Cup for the first time, defeating Ruch Chorzów 3–0 in Zamość.The trophy gained in Zamość was the first piece of silverware after the reorganization of the club – on 25 April 1989, the club's board decided to separate the football section from the multi-sport section CWKS and establish the Autonomous Football Section (ASPN CWKS "Legia" Warsaw).On 1 September, long-time footballer and Legia captain, Kazimierz Deyna, died in a car accident in San Diego.At the end of the decade, on 13 September, Legia competed against FC Barcelona in the first round of the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup. The match in Barcelona ended with a 1–1 draw, after an unrecognized goal for the legionnaires and a penalty kick for the opponents in the 85th minute of the match. In the rematch at Łazienkowska Legia lost 0–1, with 25 thousand fans in the stands. Michael Laudrup scored the only goal.The beginning of the nineties was not successful for the club, especially in the Polish league. In the 1989–90 season, the team finished in seventh place, and the next season in ninth. The 1991–92 season ended in a 10th-place finish – for the first time since World War II, Legia was fighting relegation to the second league. The team avoided relegation after winning 3–0 in an away match against Motor Lublin in the penultimate game of the season. The club achieved better results in the Polish Cup. In 1990, Legia defeated GKS Katowice in the final and won their ninth trophy. A year later, the Warsaw club again faced GKS Katowice in the final of the Polish Cup, but this time the rivals who won the match 1–0 turned out to be better. The next season, 1989–90, Legia won their ninth Polish Cup, meaning they were able to play in the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup in 1990–91. The Warsaw team, managed by Władysław Stachurski reached the semi-finals of the tournament, eliminating the likes of Sampdoria and Aberdeen. They lost in the semi-finals to Manchester United (1–3 in Warsaw and 1–1 in Manchester).In autumn 1992, the first private sponsor, businessman Janusz Romanowski, invested in the club. A two-year sponsorship deal was signed with FSO (worth PLN 2.4 billion at that time) as well as with Adidas. After the fourth round of the 1992–93 season, Janusz Wójcik became the Legia coach. The high budget from the sponsorship deals allowed players such as Maciej Śliwowski and Radosław Michalski to be brought in. This, in turn, translated into better results and joining the competition for the national championship. On 20 June 1993, after an away victory of 6–0 against Wisła Kraków, the team won the Polish championship. However, on the next day the president of the PZPN board, with a 5–4 vote, decided to take the title from Legia and award it to the third team in the table – Lech Poznań (after disallowing the last matches of Legia and ŁKS, the team from Poznań took first place in the table). The decision was due to the allegations of bribery in the last league match. In addition, Legia was forced to pay a fine of 500 million zlotys, and the UEFA authorities excluded the team from European competition. Twice (December 2004, January 2007),the club unsuccessfully requested that the unfavorable decision should be repealed and that the title should be restored. In the same season, the anti-doping committee decided that Legia player Roman Zub had played after doping before the match against Widzew Łódź. The player's urine sample was also tested in a laboratory in Moscow, where it was considered that increased testosterone levels were not the result of doping. The match was initially verified as a walkover for the Łódź team, but the decision of the PZPN games department was revoked by the president of the board.In the next season, Legia won the first triple crown in the history of Polish football. On 15 June 1994, thanks to a 1–1 draw in the last round with Górnik Zabrze in Warsaw, the legionaries maintained a one-point advantage over second place GKS Katowice and won their fifth Polish title, despite the fact that the season began with three negative points due to the events of the last round in the last season. After the match the press published accusations of corruption with referee Sławomir Redzinski, who, when the score was 1–0 to Górnik, sent off three of the Górnik players. These allegations have not been proven. On 18 June, in the Polish Cup final held at the Legia stadium, the Legia defeated ŁKS Łódź 2–0 and won the tenth trophy in their history. In the match for the Super Cup (24 July), Legia also faced ŁKS Łódź and won 6–4 at the stadium in Płock. The club's first experience of the Champions League ended in defeat in the qualifying stage – the team fell to Croatian side Hajduk Split (0–1 at home, 0–4 away).The next season began with the signing of a contract with Canal+ for broadcasting matches (the first match of the Polish league broadcast was the match of Legia against GKS Katowice, which took place on 1 April 1995). On 31 May 1995, Legia won their sixth Polish championship after a 3–0 victory against Raków Częstochowa in Warsaw, and also won the Polish Cup (2–0 in the final with GKS Katowice). At that time, one of the first protest actions took place at the stadium. The reason was high ticket prices and the ban on hanging flags and banners on the fence – the conflict ended after three matches in Warsaw thanks to an agreement with activists. After winning the championship in the 1994–95 season, Legia Warszawa qualified for the Champions League – in the last qualifying round it defeated the Swedish team IFK Göteborg (1–0 in Warsaw and 2–1 in Gothenburg). In the group stage, Legia drew with Rosenborg BK, Spartak Moscow and Blackburn Rovers. Legia finished the group in second place (with seven points) and in the quarterfinals they faced Panathinaikos Athens. The first match in Warsaw ended in a goalless draw, and in the rematch at the Olympic Stadium in Athens, the Greeks won 3–0. The club did not defend the national championship in the 1995–96 competition and took second place in the league table (behind Widzew Łódź).In 1997, the club was transformed into Sportowa Spółka Akcyjna (SSA) Legia Warsaw and a new sponsor was acquired, South Korean company Daewoo. This season, the legionaries took second place in the league, one reason being a 2–3 loss to Widzew Łódź in the decisive phase of the games (Legia led up until the 85th minute of the match 2–0). The same year Legia went on to win the Polish Cup and the Super Cup. A big change in that period was the addition of Daewoo as a member to the club's name (CWKS "Legia-Daewoo" Warsaw) – the new name did not please fans of Legia and was received coldly by them.The 1997–98 season saw the club's last appearance in the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup. After passing Glenavon in the qualifying round (with a 1–1 draw in Northern Ireland and a 4–0 win in Warsaw), the team fell to Italian team Vicenza Calcio in the first round of the tournament (losing away 0–2 and drawing at home 1–1). In the league the team took 5th place in the table, and in the Polish Cup reached the 1/8 finals, losing to Amica Wronki 0–3. The next season, 1998–99, ended with a bronze medal in the league. In the national cup the team for the second time in a row was eliminated at stage 1/8 of the tournament; This time, GKS Bełchatów was the one to beat the Warsaw team, who after a goalless result in the regular time of the game won 3–2 in the penalty shootout.The club played its 100th match in European competitions – the meeting with Macedonian team Vardar Skopje as part of the 1/64 UEFA Cup final ended with Legia's away victory 5–0 on 12 August 1999. In the 1999–2000 season, Legia took fourth place in the league and did not get to play in the European competitions. In the Polish Cup, the team fell in the quarterfinals to Amica Wronki after a series of penalty kicks (ended with a 3–1 result), while in the League Cup reached the final, in which they lost at home with Polonia Warsaw 1–2.In March 2001, the main shareholder of the club, Daewoo, withdrew from the club's financing, and on 1 July the name of the former sponsor was removed from the club's name and it was reverted to ASPN CWKS "Legia" Warszawa SSA. In the 2000–01 season, the team finished third in the Polish league, and in the Polish Cup lost in the quarterfinals, losing on aggregate 1–4 with Zagłębie Lubin. The same result was achieved by the team in the League Cup – in the quarterfinals of the tournament the team lost to Wisla Kraków, a draw in Warsaw 1–1 and a loss in Kraków 1–3. In the UEFA Cup qualifying round, Legia won against Etzella Ettelbruck (4–0 away, 2–1 in Warsaw), and in the next match they defeated IF Elfsborg (4–1 at home, 6–1 in Sweden). The rival of Legia in the second round was Valencia CF. In the first match at the Polish Army stadium there was a 1–1 draw, but in the rematch the Spaniards won 6–1.The 2001–02 season, which was led by Dragomir Okuki, ended in Legia's seventh championship title (after a 0–0 draw with Odra Wodzisław in Warsaw), as well as a triumph in the Polish League Cup (3–0 and 1–2 in the final with Wisła Kraków). In competing for the Polish Cup, the team reached the quarter-finals, where it lost to Ruch Chorzów (2–4 in Warsaw, 1–0 in Chorzów). Legia played in the Champions League qualifiers in the summer, but in the third round they fell against FC Barcelona – in the first match at Camp Nou, the Catalans won 3–0, in the second they beat Legia 1–0. After defeat against the Spaniards, the Warsaw team competed in the UEFA Cup. In the first round Legia beat FC Utrecht (4–1 at home and 3–1 away), in the second round they were eliminated by Schalke – 2–3 in Warsaw, 0–0 in Gelsenkirchen.The legionaries finished the 2002–03 season in 4th place, in the Polish Cup they fell in the 3rd round. On 13 June 2003, the name of the club changed to KP "Legia" Warszawa SSA and on the same day the team was greeted by a new coach, Dariusz Kubicki.The club was purchased by ITI Group on 8 April 2004. The team took second place in the league and played in the Polish Cup final, in which it lost to Lech Poznań. The next season, 2004–05, the Warsaw team came third in the league table, and in the national cup they lost in the semi-final, falling to Dyskobolia Grodzisk Wielkopolski – 1–1, 1–1, 1–4 on aggregate penalties.The 2005–06 season was exceptional in the club's history – Legia celebrated its 90th anniversary. First, the team dropped out of the UEFA Cup in the second qualifying round (0–1 in Warsaw and 2–4 in Zurich with FC Zürich) and had a weak start in the league. In addition, they only reached the quarter-finals of the Polish Cup, losing on the aggregate with Korona Kielce. Nevertheless, the legionaries won the eighth Polish championship after winning 1–0 in a match against Górnik Zabrze. After the arrival of the new coach Dariusz Wdowczyk, they managed to make up for seven points when they were behind Wisła Kraków and reach for the title; The Warsaw City Council decided at that time to finance the modernization of the Legia stadium through the construction of three new grandstands and the extension of the covered grandstand. After four years, the legionnaires again stood a chance of winning promotion to the group stage of the Champions League. In the second round of qualifying they beat Hafnarfjarðar – 1–0 away, 2–0 at home. Shakhtar Donetsk turned out to be the next rival in the decisive third stage. Both meetings ended with the defeat of Legia – 0–1 in Donetsk and 2–3 in Warsaw. They attempted to make up for the failure playing against Austria Vienna in the first round of the UEFA Cup. However, Legia did not manage to defeat the Austrian opponent; in the first match in Warsaw the team drew 1–1, and in the return the hosts won 1–0.In following competitions, Legia dropped out of the fight for the Polish Cup in the 1/16 finals, falling to fourth-division team Stal Sanok, and in the league they won third place. In addition, as part of the Ekstraklasa Cup, the team reached the quarterfinals and lost on aggregate with Górnik Łęczna. The year 2007 brought a change of the coat of arms. The club did not agree with CWKS, which had the rights to the previous logo. The club's board registered their logotype, boycotted by the fans, because it did not resemble the old mark (despite similar colors and the letter "L" had a different outline and arrangement of colors). Eventually, it was not implemented and it was established that the official sign will be modified with the white letter "L" on the black shield. However, the shape differed from the historical one and resembled a triangle, not like the original coat of arms.At the beginning of the 2007–08 season in Vilnius there were riots caused by Legia fans, which had their apogee at the stadium of FK Vėtra during the match of the second round of the Intertoto Cup. Hooligans, among others devastated the stadium and attacked the police, as a result of which the match was stopped at 2–0 for the Lithuanian club. A few days later, the UEFA Disciplinary Commission verified the result of the meeting with Vėtra for a 3–0 win for the hosts and banned Legia from the current European Cup and qualifying for European competition (UEFA Champions League, UEFA Cup, Intertoto Cup) for the next five years. UEFA also forced the Warsaw club to cover all losses caused by rioters at the host stadium. After submitting the appeal, the penalty was temporarily suspended, taking into account the changes made to enhance safety at Legia's matches.At the halfway point of the league games Legia took second place, even though it scored more points than in the championship season 2005–06. The legionaries were ten points behind first place Wisła Kraków. Eventually, the team reached the Polish Cup and Polish Super Cup after winning against Wisla Kraków twice (0–0, 4–3 pen. and 2–1), and also won the runner-up title. The legionaries secured their UEFA Cup performance in the next season. In addition, the team played in the Ekstraklasa Cup final. The meeting played in Grodzisk Wielkopolski was won by the local Dyskobolia, which after the 4–1 victory won the trophy. In the spring round of the competition, the club joined the campaign Let's Kick Racism from the Stadium, organized by the Never Again Association – "Nigdy Więcej" – the players ran out on 22 March in a match against Widzew Łódź in shirts with the campaign's name.In the 2008–09 season Legia started by defeating the Belarusian club FC Gomel (0–0 and 4–1) in the first round of the UEFA Cup qualifying round. In the second the legionaries went to the Russian FC Moscow. Both matches ended with the defeat of legionnaires: in Warsaw 1–2, and in Moscow 0–2. The only goal scored for Legia was by Roger Guerreiro. In the league, the team repeated the previous year's achievement, finishing second at the end of the season. The team also reached the semi-finals of the Polish Cup, in which they lost to Ruch Chorzow. In the competition for the Ekstraklasa Cup, Legia appeared in the quarterfinals and was eliminated by GKS Bełchatów.Legia won its 10th title with another league championship at the end of the 2013–14 Ekstraklasa season. Legia qualified for the 2016–17 Champions League group stages for the first time in 21 years after defeating Dundalk on 23 August 2016. The Legionnaires found themselves in group F with the likes of Real Madrid, Borussia Dortmund, and Sporting Lisbon. They finished third place after winning 1–0 against Sporting Lisbon on the last match day in the group stages, sending them to the round of 32 in the 2016–17 UEFA Europa League. Legia was drawn against Ajax where the first match fell goalless in Warsaw.Legia won its 12th League title in the 2016–17 Ekstraklasa season. They finished with a 0–0 draw against Lechia Gdańsk. Legia needed a draw in the match between Jagiellonia Białystok and Lech Poznań which finished 2–2 and gave Legia the title.Legia's third consecutive Eksrtaklasa title was won in dramatic circumstances. Needing to win away to Lech Poznan to guarantee the title, a 3–0 victory was awarded to Legia after the game was abandoned. Lech fans threw flares and invaded the pitch after Legia scored to make it 2–0 in the 77th minute, after which the referee called the game off. The result meant Legia won the league, finishing three points above second placed Jagiellonia Białystok.Legia plays its games at Legia Warsaw Municipal Stadium of Marshal Józef Piłsudski (Polish: "Stadion Miejski Legii Warszawa im. Marszałka Józefa Piłsudskiego"), traditionally also referred to as the Polish Army Stadium (Polish: "Stadion Wojska Polskiego"), which is an all-seater football-specific stadium in Warsaw, Poland. Legia has been playing there since 9 August 1930. With space for 31,800 spectators it is the 5th biggest football stadium in the Ekstraklasa. The stadium underwent significant reconstruction between 2008 and 2011, during which all of the stands were demolished and replaced with bigger and more modern ones which increased the stadium's capacity from 13,500 to 31,800 seats. The Polish Army Stadium is currently owned by the City of Warsaw.As one of the most successful clubs in Poland, Legia Warsaw is also one of its most popular clubs. Legia has gained devotion from generations of fans from Warsaw as well as around the country, mainly in Masovian Voivodeship. Legia supporters are considered very spontaneous, dedicated and fanatical. Accordingly, in terms of quality of football support, they are also often described as the best supporters in Poland. Groups of fans follow Legia for practically all away matches, both domestic and international. Supporters of Legia occasionally attract also some negative attention, in particular after events such as riots in Lithuania during a match against Vėtra Vilnius on 10 July 2007.Traditionally, the most devoted and spontaneous fans occupy the Żyleta stand in their stadium. Before the stadium renovation (2008–2011), the "old" Żyleta referred only to the center section within the eastern stand of the stadium (occasionally, it would also refer to eastern stand as a whole). There is a special exhibition dedicated to the "old" Żyleta in the Legia Warsaw Museum. Today, after the stadium's renovation, the "new" Żyleta means the whole northern stand of stadium (located behind the goal).As regards their political sentiments, the supporters of Legia tend to be more right wing. During communist times, in particular during the 1980s, Legia fans showed their patriotic and strongly anti-communistic views. Today, the fans actively participate in annual commemorations of the Warsaw Uprising and Polish Independence Day. Legia fans are also vocal with their views on domestic issues, e.g. their conflict with former Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk, as well as on international politics, e.g. by way of displaying banners reading "Kosovo is Serbian" at the stadium. On 22 October 2014, when Legia played with the Ukrainian Metalists they displayed a banner with the names Lwów (Lviv) and Wilno (Vilnius) along with the coat of arms of Rzeczpospolita and flag of Poland on background, what led to negative reactions. On 19 August 2015, in Lviv and Kyiv, where Legia played with Zorya, clashes between Ukrainian and Polish fans occurred.Domestically, Legia Warsaw supporters maintain friendly relations with fans of Radomiak Radom, Zagłębie Sosnowiec and Olimpia Elbląg. Internationally, Legia supporters maintain friendly relations with fans of ADO Den Haag and Juventus. Their domestic rivals include all the other Polish teams that play at the domestic top tier league level. Warsaw clubs, Polonia Warsaw, KS Warszawianka and Gwardia Warsaw, were Legia's main league rivals, but since 2013 none of them competes in Ekstraklasa.The Warsaw derby is a match between Legia and Polonia WarsawOther local rivalriesBetween Legia and Gwardia WarsawBetween Legia and KS Warszawianka"As of 1 October 2020"Note: "italics" means neutral place results or penalised resultAs of 26 June 2019 the players with the most appearances for Legia are:As of 26 June 2019 the ten players with the most goals for Legia are:"This is a list of former players and coaches who have been inducted into the Legia Warsaw Hall of Fame."
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[
"Władysław Stachurski",
"Jan Urban",
"Stanislav Cherchesov",
"Stefan Białas",
"Romeo Jozak",
"Franciszek Smuda",
"Kazimierz Górski",
"Ryszard Koncewicz",
"Stjepan Bobek",
"Czesław Michniewicz",
"Józef Kałuża",
"Stanisław Mielech",
"Lucjan Brychczy",
"Kosta Runjaić",
"Dariusz Kubicki",
"Jerzy Kopa",
"Andrzej Strejlau",
"Krzysztof Gawara",
"Jacek Magiera",
"Edward Drabiński",
"Janusz Wójcik",
"Dragan Okuka",
"Jacek Zieliński",
"Karol Hanke",
"Longin Janeczek",
"Rudolf Kapera",
"Dean Klafurić",
"Edmund Zientara",
"Aleksandar Vuković",
"Jerzy Engel",
"Henning Berg",
"Ricardo Sá Pinto",
"Krzysztof Etmanowicz",
"Dariusz Wdowczyk",
"Janos Steiner",
"Wacław Kuchar",
"Maciej Skorża",
"Paweł Janas",
"Besnik Hasi"
] |
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Who was the head coach of the team Legia Warsaw in Feb 13, 1975?
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February 13, 1975
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{
"text": [
"Jaroslav Vejvoda"
]
}
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L2_Q193749_P286_10
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Edmund Zientara is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1969 to Jul, 1971.
Jacek Zieliński is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 2007 to Jun, 2007.
Romeo Jozak is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2017 to Apr, 2018.
Stefan Białas is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Mar, 2010 to May, 2010.
Dariusz Kubicki is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 1999 to Sep, 1999.
Kosta Runjaić is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from May, 2022 to Dec, 2022.
Longin Janeczek is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1965 to Jun, 1966.
Ricardo Sá Pinto is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Aug, 2018 to Mar, 2019.
Edward Drabiński is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Feb, 1948 to Sep, 1948.
Jaroslav Vejvoda is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1973 to Jul, 1975.
Rudolf Kapera is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1989 to Apr, 1990.
Franciszek Smuda is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 1999 to Mar, 2001.
Karol Hanke is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Mar, 1936 to Nov, 1936.
Andrzej Strejlau is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Dec, 1987 to Jun, 1989.
Henning Berg is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Dec, 2013 to Oct, 2015.
Jerzy Kopa is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 1998 to Jan, 1999.
Krzysztof Etmanowicz is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Aug, 1991 to Aug, 1992.
Lucjan Brychczy is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Oct, 2004 to Dec, 2004.
Janos Steiner is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Feb, 1954 to Dec, 1955.
Ryszard Koncewicz is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jan, 1956 to Dec, 1958.
Besnik Hasi is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 2016 to Sep, 2016.
Józef Kałuża is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from May, 1930 to Jul, 1930.
Kazimierz Górski is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1981 to Dec, 1982.
Aleksandar Vuković is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Dec, 2021 to May, 2022.
Czesław Michniewicz is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2020 to Oct, 2021.
Stanislav Cherchesov is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Oct, 2015 to Jun, 2016.
Maciej Skorża is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 2010 to May, 2012.
Janusz Wójcik is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Aug, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Dragan Okuka is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Mar, 2001 to Jun, 2003.
Wacław Kuchar is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1949 to Dec, 1953.
Krzysztof Gawara is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Oct, 2004 to Dec, 2004.
Jan Urban is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 2007 to Mar, 2010.
Stjepan Bobek is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 1959 to Dec, 1959.
Stanisław Mielech is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1933 to Sep, 1933.
Jacek Magiera is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2016 to Sep, 2017.
Jerzy Engel is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1985 to Aug, 1987.
Dean Klafurić is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 2018 to Aug, 2018.
Władysław Stachurski is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1996 to Jun, 1997.
Paweł Janas is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jan, 1994 to Jun, 1996.
Dariusz Wdowczyk is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2005 to Apr, 2007.
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Legia WarsawLegia Warszawa (), known in English as Legia Warsaw, is a professional football club based in Warsaw, Poland. Legia is the most successful Polish football club in history winning record 15 Ekstraklasa Champions titles, a record 19 Polish Cup and four Polish SuperCup trophies. The club's home venue is the Polish Army Stadium ("Stadion Wojska Polskiego"). Legia is the only Polish club never to have been relegated from the top flight of Polish football after World War II.Legia was formed between 5 and 15 March 1916 during military operations in World War I on the Eastern Front in the neighborhood of Maniewicze in Wołyń (now Volyn Oblast, Ukraine), as the main football club of the Polish Legions. After the war, the club was reactivated on 14 March 1920 in an officer casino in Warsaw as Wojskowy Klub Sportowy Warszawa, renamed Legia in 1923 after merger with another local club, Korona. It became the main official football club of the Polish Army – Wojskowy Klub Sportowy Legia Warszawa (). From 1949 to 1957, Legia was known as CWKS Warszawa ()Before 8 April 2004 it was owned by Pol-Mot and from 8 April 2004 (sold for 3 million złoty) until 9 January 2014, it was owned by media conglomerate ITI Group. Currently the club is owned by Dariusz Mioduski who serves as the club's chairman.Legia was formed between 5 and 15 March 1916 during military operations in World War I on the Eastern Front in the neighborhood of Maniewicze in Wołyń, as the main football club of the Polish Legions. The formation of the club in 1916 was greatly influenced by the outbreak of the First World War, because many Polish soldiers were involved in the formation of the Polish Legions before the war. Soldiers, often young men from the south of Poland (mainly from Kraków and Lviv) played football before the war, and therefore, after the formation of the team, they soon became successful. Football was a good way of spending free time, in the calm moments at the front, football matches were organized, which required the ball, making provisional goals, and finding a dozen or so players.The first team training began in the spring of 1915 in Piotrków, between 5 and 15 March 1916 – at the request of then Master Sergeant Zygmunt Wasserab (pre-war player of Pogoń Stryj ) – who was a part of the Polish Legion's Commanding Staff in Kostiuchnówka (near Maniewicze in Volhynia|Wołyń) to create a football club. The president of the organization was Władysław Groele, and corporal Stanislaw Mielech proposed the name "Sporting Team Legia", which was adopted (more commonly used term of the team later became Legionowa). Other names were: "Legion Command Squad" and "Styr". White-black colors and arms were also shown, showing the white letter "L" (symbol of the Legions) on the black dial. The players were dressed in white clothes with sloping black belts, which was a reference to Czarni Lwów.In the spring of 1916, the team played a number of matches with other teams, most of which ended with Legia victorious. The oldest recorded matches are: 7–0 with the Divisional Sanitary Division, 3–3 with the 6th Infantry Regiment and two victories (6–4 and 3–1) with the 4th Infantry Regiment. In July 1916 – because of the Brusilov Offensive – the Legions began to retreat west and the club relocated to Warsaw. The first match in which Polonia Warsaw was the rival was held on 29 April 1917 at Agrykola Park and ended with a 1–1 draw. Of the nine games played in Warsaw, Legia won six and drew three. At the first away game the team won a 2–1 victory over the then Polish champion KS Cracovia in Kraków, so Legia became an unofficial champion of the country. In 1918 the war ended, but the team continued to play only amateur-friendly matched.The club was reactivated on 14 March 1920. In the officers' casinos in the Royal Castle, a group of former officers formed the Military Sports Club (WKS) -Wojskowy Klub Sportowy- Warsaw, establishing the white and red colors of the statute. Among them was Zygmunt Wasserab, one of the founders of the club.Due to the Polish-Bolshevik war and the participation of many Warsaw players, WKS was not nominated for the premiership of the Polish championship league in 1920. In the 1921–1926 seasons, the team was not promoted beyond the A-class of the Warsaw district, but it was a very important period for the club. In 1922, a statute was passed allowing the team to play in civilian teams (as opposed to playing against only other soldiers). Zygmunt Wassarab and Jerzy Misiński worked together and the club's name was changed to the Military Sports Club "Legia" Warsaw. It was modeled on the document of LKS Pogoń Lwów. At that time, a merger with the oldest Warsaw sports club, Korona, was created, which resulted in the acquisition of new, white-green club colors.In the first international match played on 18 May 1922, Legia lost 2–9 at their own stadium with Czechoslovakian club Viktor Zichkov Prague. A year later, in the championship of Warsaw, the Army took 3rd place.After the first-ever promotion beyond Class A in 1927, Legia qualified for the newly formed Polish Football League. Roman Górecki, the then president of the Warsaw team, became the first president of the Polish League. Their debut was on 8 May in Łódź – Klub Turystów Łódź was the opponent and the match ended in a 6–1 result. At the same time, Legia player Marian Łańko scored his first league goal free kick and recorded his first hat-trick in club history. In the same year, in a match against Pogonia Lwów, the club suffered the highest league loss, losing 2–11. At the end of the season, Legia finished fifth, despite five defeats at the start of the season. Legia striker Marian Łańko finished second scoring 31 goals. The Warsaw club also made their debut in the Polish Cup, winning the match with Pogoń Warsaw 7–0. For the next two seasons Legia occupied higher positions in the league than the other clubs: Polonia and Warszawianka.In 1930, after three years of construction, the Polish Army Stadium was opened at Łazienkowska Street. In the first match of the new stadium, Legia drew 1–1 with Barcelona. In the same year the legionaries defeated Hajduki Wielkie 7–1 in their 100th match in the league. Legia also had the biggest pre-war successes in the Polish championships in 1930 and 1931, where they were short three points and one point respectively. Moreover, in the first edition of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs awards for the best results in international competition, the Army received a "traveling" trophy.In the 1935 season, Legia remained in the league, gaining one point advantage over the relegated Cracovia, and then in 1936 – in the club's 20th anniversary – lost seven consecutive games and recorded the only decline of the league in its history. In 1937 the club's board decided to return to the military statute. As a result, almost all civilians departed from the first team, mainly to other Warsaw teams. In 1937 – in the A class of the Warsaw district – Legia took fourth place, and one year later, took first place, and played in the first division play-offs. Legia was third place in the play-offs and they were not able to advance. The board reacted by withdrawing the club from all competitions and decided to play only friendly matches. In 1938, most of the team's sections were dissolved, leaving only three: tennis, swimming and motocross.After the end of World War II – in April 1945 – the club was reactivated under the name of I Wojskowy Klub Sportowy Warszawa (1st Military Sports Club Warsaw), and in June added a historical member of Legia. Among the people who contributed to the reconstruction of the club were: Julian Neuding – prewar player of Makabi Warszawa, Karol Rudolf – prewar player of Legia, Henryk Czarnik and Józef Ziemian – Legia players from the interwar period. The team initially played friendly matches with teams in the region, but later also with clubs from other countries, the likes of the Swedish IFK Norrköping and the Yugoslav FK Partizan.In the first postwar Polish championships held in 1946, Legia took second place in the elimination group, falling out of competition. In 1948, after qualifying for the nine-year break of the highest tier, Legia qualified after a victory in the inter-regional eliminations of the northeastern region and after took second place in the nationwide qualification. Legia eventually took fourth place, drawing 3–3 with Ruch Chorzów. It was the 250th league game of the club. The first post-war match in the first tier took place on 14 March 1948, beating Polonia Bytom 3–1.For the next two seasons, Legia only held on in the first division due to a better goal differential against the relegated teams, taking the 9th and 10th respectively. In November 1949, after the reforms introduced by the then Polish football association, the club once again changed its name to Centralny Wojskowy Klub Sportowy (Central Army Sports Club). Also, a new coat of arms (large letter C, and smaller letters in it: W, K, S). The official patron of the team was the Polish People's Army. Legia became a military club, so it was possible to get players of other clubs, players like Lucjan Brychczy, Ernest Pohl and Edmund Kowal all were brought to Legia.In 1951, Legia took third place in the league, and in the cup competitions lost in the eighth-finals with Polonia Warszawa. A year later, Legia achieved its first success in the Polish Cup competition, reaching the finals (in which Polonia Warszawa won 1–0). The reserve team reached this stage of the competition, while the first team dropped out in the eighth-finals, losing to Lechia Gdańsk. In the league, the club ranked sixth, and in the Puchar Zlotu Młodych Przodowników (the premiere edition of the League Cup) was eliminated in the group stage. In 1953, Legia took 5th place in the first league, and in the next season – in addition to the 7th place – the team managed to reach the semi-final of the Polish Cup, in which Warsaw Gwardia won 2–1.Legia won their first trophy on 29 September 1955, defeating Lechia Gdańsk 5–0 in the Polish Cup final. A month later – on 20 November after a 1–1 draw with Zagłębie in Sosnowiec – the club won their first Polish championship. The team trained by the Hungarian coach János Steiner won their first doublet in the history of Polish football. In the following season, Ryszard Koncewicz became the Legia coach. The club celebrated its 40th anniversary and repeated the achievements from the previous year. First he sealed the Polish championship after a 2–2 draw with ŁKS Lodz, and then he defeated in the cup final Górnik Zabrze in a 3–0 win. These successes were accomplished by strengthening the team by means of conscription to the army of players from such clubs as: Polonia Bytom, Ruch Chorzów, or Wawel Kraków. The latter, like most of the then Okręgowych Wojskowych Klubów Sportowych (District Military Sports Clubs, OWKS), was dissolved. Officially due to the "reorganization of the military division", in practice this meant strengthening CWKS Warszawa (Legia's name at the time). The team then won its highest victory in history, defeating Wisła Kraków 12–0 – the match took place on 19 August 1956 in Warsaw. In addition, the first three places in the goal classification at the end of the season were taken by legionnaires, and the title of the king of scorers was won by the Henryk Kempny who scored 21 goals.In 1956, in addition to winning the national doublet, Legia made their debut in European competition, competing in the round of 16 of the European Champions Cup with Czechoslovak champions Slovan Bratislava. In the first away meeting, the team lost 0–4, and in the second leg at home they won 2–0 after goals from Kowal and Brychcz, but they were eliminated from further games. The meeting in Warsaw was watched by 40,000 fans.At the meeting on 2 July 1957 – chaired by Colonel Edward Potorejko – the club's statute was approved and the first 31-member board of WKS Legia was elected, from which an 11-person presidium was then selected. The legal nature of the club has also changed. From the previous military unit, which was CWKS, a sports association was established with legal personality. The name of the club was also changed, as the historical name Legia was returned (Military Sports Club "Legia" Warsaw). In addition, new colors that are still used today were approved: white-red-green-black (later the order of the first two colors were changed) and the current coat of arms was adopted until today (with intervals).Legia players (appearing as a Warsaw team) were invited to Spain to play the first match on the new FC Barcelona stadium, Camp Nou on 24 September. The match ended with a 4–2 result for the hosts. They struggled in the league that season, finishing in fourth place, and were knocked out of the Polish Cup at the eighth-finals, losing to Ruch Chorzow 1–2 (in that period, until 1961, the I liga season was played from March to August). In 1958, Legia took 6th place in the Polish championship, and in 1959 took 4th.In the 1960s, Legia regularly held top positions in the league table. In 1960, artificial lighting was installed at the Polish Army Stadium, thanks to which the facility became the second in Poland where matches could be played after dark. The first meeting without natural light was played on 5 October with Danish club Aarhus Gymnastikforening as part of the qualification for the European Club Champions Cup. Legia won the match 1–0 after Helmut Nowak's goal. However, with a 0–3 defeat in the first match in Denmark, they dropped out of further games. In the same season, Tadeusz Błażejewski, in the 11th minute of a 2–2 draw against ŁKS Łódź, scored the thousandth league goal for Legia. The club celebrated another anniversary on 26 October 1960, playing the five-hundredth match in the premier league; Legia beat Zagłębie Sosnowiec 1–0. In the league table Legia took second place, winning the title of runner-up of Poland and losing to Ruch Chorzów by 1 point. The following season, the team won the bronze medal of the Polish championship for taking third place in the league.In the following year, the league shifted from the spring-fall system to fall-spring, which meant that the league matches started in the spring of 1962. The league was divided into two groups, in which the teams from the same regions played with each other. Legia – which took third place in its group – won the competition for 5th place with Wisła Kraków, drew a 1–1 away match and won 4–1 at home. In the Polish Cup, the team dropped out in the eighth-finals, losing 0–3 with Odra Opole. In the 1962/1963 season with the new league system, the team took the 7th place, and the fight for the Polish Cup again ended at stage eighth-finals (losing to later winner, Zagłębie Sosnowiec, 0–2).Legia ended the 1963–64 season in fourth place in the league, scoring the same number of goals as second place Zagłębie Sosnowiec and third place Odra Opole. The goal differential decided who took which place. The club achieved a much better result in the Polish Cup, where the team, led by the Romanian coach Virgil Popescu, reached the finals. In the match, played at the 10th-Anniversary Stadium, Legia won after extra time with Polonia Bytom 2–1. Henryk Apostel scored both goals for Legia. In the next season Legia again took 4th place in the league, and in the Polish Cup reached the semi-final, in which they lost after extra time 1–2 with Górnik Zabrze (who became the winner of the cup). The team also competed in the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup. In the first round, Legia eliminated the Austrian FC Admira Wacker Mödling. In the second they defeated the Turkish Galatasaray SK. After two matches there was a draw and third (the decisive step in the advancement) meeting in Bucharest. Legia won 1–0 and were the first Polish team to advance to the quarterfinals of any European club competition. At this stage of the tournament the team lost to German TSV 1860 Munich and was eliminated from the competition.The celebration of the 50th anniversary of the club's existence took place in 1966. In the league the team took 6th place, while a better result was achieved in the twelfth edition of the Polish Cup. In the game played on 15 August at the Warta Poznań stadium, Legia won after extra time in the final, beating Górnik Zabrze 2–1, with Bernard Blaut scoring in the last minute. Winning the Polish Cup allowed the club to compete in the Cup Winners' Cup in the 1966–67 season. In the round of 16, Legia was knocked out by FC Sachsen Leipzig after losing 0–3 away and drawing 2–2 at home. The team came fourth in the league table, and in the Polish Cup was eliminated after a 1–3 defeat in the eighth-finals with Wisła Kraków. That season, Kazimierz Deyna made his debut in the Legia team.In the 1967–68 season, for the second time in its history, the club was the vice-champion of Poland and was promoted as the first Polish team to the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup. In the Polish Cup Legia was knocked out by GKS Katowice in the eighth-finals. In the same year, the team made their debut in the Intertoto Cup. Legia won their group, but did not advance to the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup because the matches of the Intertoto Cup were not official UEFA competitions. Legia, led by Czechoslovakian trainer Jaroslav Vejvoda, finished the 1968–69 season in first place in the table, thus winning the third Polish championship. The team reached the final of the Polish Cup, in which they lost to Górnik Zabrze 0–2. The club also made its debut at the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup. In the first round Legia won twice, 6–0 and 3–2 against TSV 1860 Munich. In the next round they won 0–1 and 2–0 against Belgian team Waregem, and the third opponent was Újpest FC. In the next round, the Hungarian team's players were better and Legia were defeated 0–1 away. A 2–2 draw in Warsaw saw their rivals promoted to the next stage. In 1969 there was still one more success – the Legia juniors won the first championship in the history of the club.For the next season, former player Edmund Zientara was brought in as the new first team coach. His team won the title of Polish champion for the second time in a row. In the struggle for the Polish Cup, Legia was eliminated in the semi-final with Ruch Chorzów. The performances of the club in the European Champion Clubs' Cup was a great success – Legia reached the semi-finals of the competition. In the round of 16, they defeated Romanian club FC UTA Arad 2–1 and 8–0, French club Saint-Étienne in the eighth-finals 2–1 and 1–0, and Turkish club Galatasaray in the quarter-finals 2–1 and 1–0. In the semi-final, they played against Feyenoord. The first match in Warsaw ended in a 0–0 draw, while away the home team triumphed 2–0.The 1970s were known as Poland's golden age of football. In 1971, Legia were runner's up of Poland for the third time in their history, and ended their Polish Cup campaign in the quarter-finals. For the second year in a row the club competed in the European Club Champions Cup, where it reached the quarter-finals, dropping out against Atlético Madrid (2–1 and 0–1). They previously eliminated IFK Gothenburg (4–0, 2–1) and Standard Liège (0–1, 2–0). From December 1971 to February 1972, Legia went on a tour of Spain and the countries of South America, including Ecuador, Costa Rica and Colombia – this was the first time the team had visited this part of the world. In the 1971–72 season, the team finished third in the league table and lost in the Polish Cup final with Górnik Zabrze 2–5. In September 1972, the Warsaw club defeated Víkingur Reykjavík in the round of 16 European Cup Winners' Cup 9–0, which is the highest Polish team win in European competition. In the next round Legia was matched up against A.C. Milan. The first game was played at the 10th Anniversary Stadium and ended in a 1–1 draw. At the San Siro, after the regular time, the draw was also maintained – Milan scored the winning goal two minutes before the end of extra time to win the game 2–1. In that season, Legia took 8th place in the league and won its fifth Polish Cup – after eliminating Szombinrek in the semi-finals (3–1 and 1–1). In the final match against Polonia, on 17 June 1973 in Poznań, a goalless result was maintained for 90 minutes of regular time of the game, as well as for the entire extra time. The legionaries finally won in penalties, 4–2.The season of 1973–74 began with a defeat in the round of 16 of the European Club Champions Cup in aggregate with PAOK FC (1–1 in Warsaw, 0–1 in Thessaloniki). In early 1974, the club went to Spain and France to face Barcelona (1–1 at Camp Nou) and RC Lens (0–2). The team finished the league competition in 4th place, and in the Polish Cup they were knocked out in the quarterfinals, losing 1–2 to Stal Rzeszów. Right after the end of the league, the legionnaires went to an international tournament that took place in the Canary Islands – they drew with Cádiz CF, won with CD Tenerife and Hércules CF. Another foreign trip took place at the end of January 1975. Legia flew to Australia and became the first Polish team to visit all continents (except Antarctica). Legia took 6th place in the league, and lost in the round of 16 in the Polish Cup. After the season, the first transfer of Polish player to the West took place, which was allowed by PZPN and the Ministry of Sport. Robert Gadocha was bought by FC Nantes, later French champions.Legia in the 1975–76 season finished the league in the middle of the table (8th place), and in the Polish Cup reached the eighth-finals, where they lost to GKS Jastrzębie after penalties. In the autumn of 1976, the club's 60th anniversary was celebrated. On the anniversary, 12 October, two matches were played at the Polish Army stadium: a meeting with Legia and Warsaw Polonia (a 2–0 home win) and a match between Legia and Dukla, which ended 4–2 for the legionaries. In February 1977 the team made the next trip, this time to Indonesia. Six games were played at that time (four wins, two draws) and a total of 15 goals were scored – without Deyna, who was at a training camp in Yugoslavia and Greece. Legia also performed for the second time in the Intertoto Cup. Legia's opponents were: Landskrona BoIS (1–0 and 2–1), SK Slavia Prague (1–1 and 2–2) and BSC Young Boys (4–1 and 1–1). Legia took second place in the group and once again was not rewarded with a promotion to the UEFA Cup. The team – finishing in 8th position – repeated the result from the previous league season, while in the Polish Cup they were knocked out in the semi-final, losing to Polonia Bytom 1–2.During the second half of the 1970s, the legionaries did not make it to the top 3 positions to get into European competitions, and 5th place in the 1977–78 season was their highest position. In addition, the team repeated the result obtained a year earlier in the Polish Cup – Legia reached the semi-final, in which they were knocked out by Zagłębie Sosnowiec after penalties. The next season (1978–79) was the last in which Kazimierz Deyna represented the club. In addition, the club played their 1000th game in the highest football tier – the match took place on 25 April against Lech in Poznań (a 1–2 defeat). The season ended with a 6th-place finish in the league and at the eighth-final stage of the Polish Cup (where they lost against Zagłębie II Lubin 1–2). On 18 September 1979, a farewell to Kazimierz Deyna took place – a friendly with English club Manchester City, who had agreed to his transfer for £100,000. The game ended 2–1 to Legia. Deyna played the whole match and scored two goals – one for Legia (in the first half) and the second for his new club (in the second). The match was very popular and many fans had to watch it from behind the stadium gates.Legia started the decade by winning the Polish Cup, beating Lech Poznań 5–0 in the final on 9 May 1980. In the league, the legionaries took fourth place. A year later, the Warsaw club defended the Polish Cup with a 1–0 victory over Pogoń Szczecin on 24 June, but struggled in the league, finishing fifth place. The following season, the team played a match in the quarter-finals of the European Club Champions Cup with Dinamo Tbilisi. During the first meeting in Warsaw, fans, due to the very large number of policemen at the stadium, began to chant the slogans: "Down with communism" and "MO – Gestapo". After being defeated 0–1, the fans organized an anti-communist parade (this situation was repeated several times in the 1980s). The away match also ended 0–1, which was watched by 90 thousand fans in Tbilisi. In the 1981–82 season Legia finished fourth, and in the Polish Cup they were knocked out in the eighth-finals, losing to Arka Gdynia 1–2.The 1982–83 season began with a change of part of the team. Legia also gained a new coach, with Kazimierz Górski being replaced by Jerzy Kopa in the middle of the season. Legia finished eighth place in the league table, while in the Polish Cup they fell in the quarterfinals after losing 0–1 against Lech Poznań in Warsaw. A year later, Legia finished fifth in the fight for the title, and in the Polish Cup reached the 5th round, where they lost against Górnik Zabrze 2–3 after extra time.At the turn of 1984 and 1985, after the autumn round, Legia took first place in the table. They finished runners-up of Poland, which meant the club would participate in the UEFA Cup. In addition, the team reached the quarter-finals of the Polish Cup (a defeat in aggregate with Górnik Zabrze). The following season, 1985–86, the league success was repeated and the quarterfinals of the home cup were again obtained. Both titles went to Górnik Zabrze. In the same years, the legionaries made it to the round of 16 and eighth-finals of the UEFA Cup, losing twice with Inter Milan. In the first match, Milan drew 0–0 at home, which was considered a great success for the Warsaw club. The return match at Łazienkowska ended with the score 0–1 and the Italian team advanced to the next round. The next year in 1986 Legia faced Inter Milan again with a 3–2 win at Łazienkowska and a 0–1 defeat in Italy, which eliminated the Polish club on away goals.At the beginning of the 1986–87 season, the Warsaw team traveled to China and won the Great Wall Cup, defeating the hosts 2–0. The team played in Beijing and other cities for a week, at the turn of July and August. Following this, apart from other successful performance in Europe, Legia took 5th place in the league and reached the 5th round of knockout (losing against Wisła Kraków after penalties). At the end of 1987, at the Legia stadium, the speedway track was removed and the football field was widened.Legia finished the next year in the league in third place and reached the Polish Cup final. In Łódź, the legionaries drew 1–1 with Lech and the victory was decided by penalty kicks, which the Poznań team won 3–2. A year later, the Warsaw team took fourth place in the league and won the Polish Cup at the stadium in Olsztyn, beating Jagiellonia Białystok 5–2. Two weeks after the success, they also won the Polish Super Cup for the first time, defeating Ruch Chorzów 3–0 in Zamość.The trophy gained in Zamość was the first piece of silverware after the reorganization of the club – on 25 April 1989, the club's board decided to separate the football section from the multi-sport section CWKS and establish the Autonomous Football Section (ASPN CWKS "Legia" Warsaw).On 1 September, long-time footballer and Legia captain, Kazimierz Deyna, died in a car accident in San Diego.At the end of the decade, on 13 September, Legia competed against FC Barcelona in the first round of the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup. The match in Barcelona ended with a 1–1 draw, after an unrecognized goal for the legionnaires and a penalty kick for the opponents in the 85th minute of the match. In the rematch at Łazienkowska Legia lost 0–1, with 25 thousand fans in the stands. Michael Laudrup scored the only goal.The beginning of the nineties was not successful for the club, especially in the Polish league. In the 1989–90 season, the team finished in seventh place, and the next season in ninth. The 1991–92 season ended in a 10th-place finish – for the first time since World War II, Legia was fighting relegation to the second league. The team avoided relegation after winning 3–0 in an away match against Motor Lublin in the penultimate game of the season. The club achieved better results in the Polish Cup. In 1990, Legia defeated GKS Katowice in the final and won their ninth trophy. A year later, the Warsaw club again faced GKS Katowice in the final of the Polish Cup, but this time the rivals who won the match 1–0 turned out to be better. The next season, 1989–90, Legia won their ninth Polish Cup, meaning they were able to play in the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup in 1990–91. The Warsaw team, managed by Władysław Stachurski reached the semi-finals of the tournament, eliminating the likes of Sampdoria and Aberdeen. They lost in the semi-finals to Manchester United (1–3 in Warsaw and 1–1 in Manchester).In autumn 1992, the first private sponsor, businessman Janusz Romanowski, invested in the club. A two-year sponsorship deal was signed with FSO (worth PLN 2.4 billion at that time) as well as with Adidas. After the fourth round of the 1992–93 season, Janusz Wójcik became the Legia coach. The high budget from the sponsorship deals allowed players such as Maciej Śliwowski and Radosław Michalski to be brought in. This, in turn, translated into better results and joining the competition for the national championship. On 20 June 1993, after an away victory of 6–0 against Wisła Kraków, the team won the Polish championship. However, on the next day the president of the PZPN board, with a 5–4 vote, decided to take the title from Legia and award it to the third team in the table – Lech Poznań (after disallowing the last matches of Legia and ŁKS, the team from Poznań took first place in the table). The decision was due to the allegations of bribery in the last league match. In addition, Legia was forced to pay a fine of 500 million zlotys, and the UEFA authorities excluded the team from European competition. Twice (December 2004, January 2007),the club unsuccessfully requested that the unfavorable decision should be repealed and that the title should be restored. In the same season, the anti-doping committee decided that Legia player Roman Zub had played after doping before the match against Widzew Łódź. The player's urine sample was also tested in a laboratory in Moscow, where it was considered that increased testosterone levels were not the result of doping. The match was initially verified as a walkover for the Łódź team, but the decision of the PZPN games department was revoked by the president of the board.In the next season, Legia won the first triple crown in the history of Polish football. On 15 June 1994, thanks to a 1–1 draw in the last round with Górnik Zabrze in Warsaw, the legionaries maintained a one-point advantage over second place GKS Katowice and won their fifth Polish title, despite the fact that the season began with three negative points due to the events of the last round in the last season. After the match the press published accusations of corruption with referee Sławomir Redzinski, who, when the score was 1–0 to Górnik, sent off three of the Górnik players. These allegations have not been proven. On 18 June, in the Polish Cup final held at the Legia stadium, the Legia defeated ŁKS Łódź 2–0 and won the tenth trophy in their history. In the match for the Super Cup (24 July), Legia also faced ŁKS Łódź and won 6–4 at the stadium in Płock. The club's first experience of the Champions League ended in defeat in the qualifying stage – the team fell to Croatian side Hajduk Split (0–1 at home, 0–4 away).The next season began with the signing of a contract with Canal+ for broadcasting matches (the first match of the Polish league broadcast was the match of Legia against GKS Katowice, which took place on 1 April 1995). On 31 May 1995, Legia won their sixth Polish championship after a 3–0 victory against Raków Częstochowa in Warsaw, and also won the Polish Cup (2–0 in the final with GKS Katowice). At that time, one of the first protest actions took place at the stadium. The reason was high ticket prices and the ban on hanging flags and banners on the fence – the conflict ended after three matches in Warsaw thanks to an agreement with activists. After winning the championship in the 1994–95 season, Legia Warszawa qualified for the Champions League – in the last qualifying round it defeated the Swedish team IFK Göteborg (1–0 in Warsaw and 2–1 in Gothenburg). In the group stage, Legia drew with Rosenborg BK, Spartak Moscow and Blackburn Rovers. Legia finished the group in second place (with seven points) and in the quarterfinals they faced Panathinaikos Athens. The first match in Warsaw ended in a goalless draw, and in the rematch at the Olympic Stadium in Athens, the Greeks won 3–0. The club did not defend the national championship in the 1995–96 competition and took second place in the league table (behind Widzew Łódź).In 1997, the club was transformed into Sportowa Spółka Akcyjna (SSA) Legia Warsaw and a new sponsor was acquired, South Korean company Daewoo. This season, the legionaries took second place in the league, one reason being a 2–3 loss to Widzew Łódź in the decisive phase of the games (Legia led up until the 85th minute of the match 2–0). The same year Legia went on to win the Polish Cup and the Super Cup. A big change in that period was the addition of Daewoo as a member to the club's name (CWKS "Legia-Daewoo" Warsaw) – the new name did not please fans of Legia and was received coldly by them.The 1997–98 season saw the club's last appearance in the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup. After passing Glenavon in the qualifying round (with a 1–1 draw in Northern Ireland and a 4–0 win in Warsaw), the team fell to Italian team Vicenza Calcio in the first round of the tournament (losing away 0–2 and drawing at home 1–1). In the league the team took 5th place in the table, and in the Polish Cup reached the 1/8 finals, losing to Amica Wronki 0–3. The next season, 1998–99, ended with a bronze medal in the league. In the national cup the team for the second time in a row was eliminated at stage 1/8 of the tournament; This time, GKS Bełchatów was the one to beat the Warsaw team, who after a goalless result in the regular time of the game won 3–2 in the penalty shootout.The club played its 100th match in European competitions – the meeting with Macedonian team Vardar Skopje as part of the 1/64 UEFA Cup final ended with Legia's away victory 5–0 on 12 August 1999. In the 1999–2000 season, Legia took fourth place in the league and did not get to play in the European competitions. In the Polish Cup, the team fell in the quarterfinals to Amica Wronki after a series of penalty kicks (ended with a 3–1 result), while in the League Cup reached the final, in which they lost at home with Polonia Warsaw 1–2.In March 2001, the main shareholder of the club, Daewoo, withdrew from the club's financing, and on 1 July the name of the former sponsor was removed from the club's name and it was reverted to ASPN CWKS "Legia" Warszawa SSA. In the 2000–01 season, the team finished third in the Polish league, and in the Polish Cup lost in the quarterfinals, losing on aggregate 1–4 with Zagłębie Lubin. The same result was achieved by the team in the League Cup – in the quarterfinals of the tournament the team lost to Wisla Kraków, a draw in Warsaw 1–1 and a loss in Kraków 1–3. In the UEFA Cup qualifying round, Legia won against Etzella Ettelbruck (4–0 away, 2–1 in Warsaw), and in the next match they defeated IF Elfsborg (4–1 at home, 6–1 in Sweden). The rival of Legia in the second round was Valencia CF. In the first match at the Polish Army stadium there was a 1–1 draw, but in the rematch the Spaniards won 6–1.The 2001–02 season, which was led by Dragomir Okuki, ended in Legia's seventh championship title (after a 0–0 draw with Odra Wodzisław in Warsaw), as well as a triumph in the Polish League Cup (3–0 and 1–2 in the final with Wisła Kraków). In competing for the Polish Cup, the team reached the quarter-finals, where it lost to Ruch Chorzów (2–4 in Warsaw, 1–0 in Chorzów). Legia played in the Champions League qualifiers in the summer, but in the third round they fell against FC Barcelona – in the first match at Camp Nou, the Catalans won 3–0, in the second they beat Legia 1–0. After defeat against the Spaniards, the Warsaw team competed in the UEFA Cup. In the first round Legia beat FC Utrecht (4–1 at home and 3–1 away), in the second round they were eliminated by Schalke – 2–3 in Warsaw, 0–0 in Gelsenkirchen.The legionaries finished the 2002–03 season in 4th place, in the Polish Cup they fell in the 3rd round. On 13 June 2003, the name of the club changed to KP "Legia" Warszawa SSA and on the same day the team was greeted by a new coach, Dariusz Kubicki.The club was purchased by ITI Group on 8 April 2004. The team took second place in the league and played in the Polish Cup final, in which it lost to Lech Poznań. The next season, 2004–05, the Warsaw team came third in the league table, and in the national cup they lost in the semi-final, falling to Dyskobolia Grodzisk Wielkopolski – 1–1, 1–1, 1–4 on aggregate penalties.The 2005–06 season was exceptional in the club's history – Legia celebrated its 90th anniversary. First, the team dropped out of the UEFA Cup in the second qualifying round (0–1 in Warsaw and 2–4 in Zurich with FC Zürich) and had a weak start in the league. In addition, they only reached the quarter-finals of the Polish Cup, losing on the aggregate with Korona Kielce. Nevertheless, the legionaries won the eighth Polish championship after winning 1–0 in a match against Górnik Zabrze. After the arrival of the new coach Dariusz Wdowczyk, they managed to make up for seven points when they were behind Wisła Kraków and reach for the title; The Warsaw City Council decided at that time to finance the modernization of the Legia stadium through the construction of three new grandstands and the extension of the covered grandstand. After four years, the legionnaires again stood a chance of winning promotion to the group stage of the Champions League. In the second round of qualifying they beat Hafnarfjarðar – 1–0 away, 2–0 at home. Shakhtar Donetsk turned out to be the next rival in the decisive third stage. Both meetings ended with the defeat of Legia – 0–1 in Donetsk and 2–3 in Warsaw. They attempted to make up for the failure playing against Austria Vienna in the first round of the UEFA Cup. However, Legia did not manage to defeat the Austrian opponent; in the first match in Warsaw the team drew 1–1, and in the return the hosts won 1–0.In following competitions, Legia dropped out of the fight for the Polish Cup in the 1/16 finals, falling to fourth-division team Stal Sanok, and in the league they won third place. In addition, as part of the Ekstraklasa Cup, the team reached the quarterfinals and lost on aggregate with Górnik Łęczna. The year 2007 brought a change of the coat of arms. The club did not agree with CWKS, which had the rights to the previous logo. The club's board registered their logotype, boycotted by the fans, because it did not resemble the old mark (despite similar colors and the letter "L" had a different outline and arrangement of colors). Eventually, it was not implemented and it was established that the official sign will be modified with the white letter "L" on the black shield. However, the shape differed from the historical one and resembled a triangle, not like the original coat of arms.At the beginning of the 2007–08 season in Vilnius there were riots caused by Legia fans, which had their apogee at the stadium of FK Vėtra during the match of the second round of the Intertoto Cup. Hooligans, among others devastated the stadium and attacked the police, as a result of which the match was stopped at 2–0 for the Lithuanian club. A few days later, the UEFA Disciplinary Commission verified the result of the meeting with Vėtra for a 3–0 win for the hosts and banned Legia from the current European Cup and qualifying for European competition (UEFA Champions League, UEFA Cup, Intertoto Cup) for the next five years. UEFA also forced the Warsaw club to cover all losses caused by rioters at the host stadium. After submitting the appeal, the penalty was temporarily suspended, taking into account the changes made to enhance safety at Legia's matches.At the halfway point of the league games Legia took second place, even though it scored more points than in the championship season 2005–06. The legionaries were ten points behind first place Wisła Kraków. Eventually, the team reached the Polish Cup and Polish Super Cup after winning against Wisla Kraków twice (0–0, 4–3 pen. and 2–1), and also won the runner-up title. The legionaries secured their UEFA Cup performance in the next season. In addition, the team played in the Ekstraklasa Cup final. The meeting played in Grodzisk Wielkopolski was won by the local Dyskobolia, which after the 4–1 victory won the trophy. In the spring round of the competition, the club joined the campaign Let's Kick Racism from the Stadium, organized by the Never Again Association – "Nigdy Więcej" – the players ran out on 22 March in a match against Widzew Łódź in shirts with the campaign's name.In the 2008–09 season Legia started by defeating the Belarusian club FC Gomel (0–0 and 4–1) in the first round of the UEFA Cup qualifying round. In the second the legionaries went to the Russian FC Moscow. Both matches ended with the defeat of legionnaires: in Warsaw 1–2, and in Moscow 0–2. The only goal scored for Legia was by Roger Guerreiro. In the league, the team repeated the previous year's achievement, finishing second at the end of the season. The team also reached the semi-finals of the Polish Cup, in which they lost to Ruch Chorzow. In the competition for the Ekstraklasa Cup, Legia appeared in the quarterfinals and was eliminated by GKS Bełchatów.Legia won its 10th title with another league championship at the end of the 2013–14 Ekstraklasa season. Legia qualified for the 2016–17 Champions League group stages for the first time in 21 years after defeating Dundalk on 23 August 2016. The Legionnaires found themselves in group F with the likes of Real Madrid, Borussia Dortmund, and Sporting Lisbon. They finished third place after winning 1–0 against Sporting Lisbon on the last match day in the group stages, sending them to the round of 32 in the 2016–17 UEFA Europa League. Legia was drawn against Ajax where the first match fell goalless in Warsaw.Legia won its 12th League title in the 2016–17 Ekstraklasa season. They finished with a 0–0 draw against Lechia Gdańsk. Legia needed a draw in the match between Jagiellonia Białystok and Lech Poznań which finished 2–2 and gave Legia the title.Legia's third consecutive Eksrtaklasa title was won in dramatic circumstances. Needing to win away to Lech Poznan to guarantee the title, a 3–0 victory was awarded to Legia after the game was abandoned. Lech fans threw flares and invaded the pitch after Legia scored to make it 2–0 in the 77th minute, after which the referee called the game off. The result meant Legia won the league, finishing three points above second placed Jagiellonia Białystok.Legia plays its games at Legia Warsaw Municipal Stadium of Marshal Józef Piłsudski (Polish: "Stadion Miejski Legii Warszawa im. Marszałka Józefa Piłsudskiego"), traditionally also referred to as the Polish Army Stadium (Polish: "Stadion Wojska Polskiego"), which is an all-seater football-specific stadium in Warsaw, Poland. Legia has been playing there since 9 August 1930. With space for 31,800 spectators it is the 5th biggest football stadium in the Ekstraklasa. The stadium underwent significant reconstruction between 2008 and 2011, during which all of the stands were demolished and replaced with bigger and more modern ones which increased the stadium's capacity from 13,500 to 31,800 seats. The Polish Army Stadium is currently owned by the City of Warsaw.As one of the most successful clubs in Poland, Legia Warsaw is also one of its most popular clubs. Legia has gained devotion from generations of fans from Warsaw as well as around the country, mainly in Masovian Voivodeship. Legia supporters are considered very spontaneous, dedicated and fanatical. Accordingly, in terms of quality of football support, they are also often described as the best supporters in Poland. Groups of fans follow Legia for practically all away matches, both domestic and international. Supporters of Legia occasionally attract also some negative attention, in particular after events such as riots in Lithuania during a match against Vėtra Vilnius on 10 July 2007.Traditionally, the most devoted and spontaneous fans occupy the Żyleta stand in their stadium. Before the stadium renovation (2008–2011), the "old" Żyleta referred only to the center section within the eastern stand of the stadium (occasionally, it would also refer to eastern stand as a whole). There is a special exhibition dedicated to the "old" Żyleta in the Legia Warsaw Museum. Today, after the stadium's renovation, the "new" Żyleta means the whole northern stand of stadium (located behind the goal).As regards their political sentiments, the supporters of Legia tend to be more right wing. During communist times, in particular during the 1980s, Legia fans showed their patriotic and strongly anti-communistic views. Today, the fans actively participate in annual commemorations of the Warsaw Uprising and Polish Independence Day. Legia fans are also vocal with their views on domestic issues, e.g. their conflict with former Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk, as well as on international politics, e.g. by way of displaying banners reading "Kosovo is Serbian" at the stadium. On 22 October 2014, when Legia played with the Ukrainian Metalists they displayed a banner with the names Lwów (Lviv) and Wilno (Vilnius) along with the coat of arms of Rzeczpospolita and flag of Poland on background, what led to negative reactions. On 19 August 2015, in Lviv and Kyiv, where Legia played with Zorya, clashes between Ukrainian and Polish fans occurred.Domestically, Legia Warsaw supporters maintain friendly relations with fans of Radomiak Radom, Zagłębie Sosnowiec and Olimpia Elbląg. Internationally, Legia supporters maintain friendly relations with fans of ADO Den Haag and Juventus. Their domestic rivals include all the other Polish teams that play at the domestic top tier league level. Warsaw clubs, Polonia Warsaw, KS Warszawianka and Gwardia Warsaw, were Legia's main league rivals, but since 2013 none of them competes in Ekstraklasa.The Warsaw derby is a match between Legia and Polonia WarsawOther local rivalriesBetween Legia and Gwardia WarsawBetween Legia and KS Warszawianka"As of 1 October 2020"Note: "italics" means neutral place results or penalised resultAs of 26 June 2019 the players with the most appearances for Legia are:As of 26 June 2019 the ten players with the most goals for Legia are:"This is a list of former players and coaches who have been inducted into the Legia Warsaw Hall of Fame."
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[
"Władysław Stachurski",
"Jan Urban",
"Stanislav Cherchesov",
"Stefan Białas",
"Romeo Jozak",
"Franciszek Smuda",
"Kazimierz Górski",
"Ryszard Koncewicz",
"Stjepan Bobek",
"Czesław Michniewicz",
"Józef Kałuża",
"Stanisław Mielech",
"Lucjan Brychczy",
"Kosta Runjaić",
"Dariusz Kubicki",
"Jerzy Kopa",
"Andrzej Strejlau",
"Krzysztof Gawara",
"Jacek Magiera",
"Edward Drabiński",
"Janusz Wójcik",
"Dragan Okuka",
"Jacek Zieliński",
"Karol Hanke",
"Longin Janeczek",
"Rudolf Kapera",
"Dean Klafurić",
"Edmund Zientara",
"Aleksandar Vuković",
"Jerzy Engel",
"Henning Berg",
"Ricardo Sá Pinto",
"Krzysztof Etmanowicz",
"Dariusz Wdowczyk",
"Janos Steiner",
"Wacław Kuchar",
"Maciej Skorża",
"Paweł Janas",
"Besnik Hasi"
] |
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Who was the head coach of the team Legia Warsaw in 02/13/1975?
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February 13, 1975
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{
"text": [
"Jaroslav Vejvoda"
]
}
|
L2_Q193749_P286_10
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Edmund Zientara is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1969 to Jul, 1971.
Jacek Zieliński is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 2007 to Jun, 2007.
Romeo Jozak is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2017 to Apr, 2018.
Stefan Białas is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Mar, 2010 to May, 2010.
Dariusz Kubicki is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 1999 to Sep, 1999.
Kosta Runjaić is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from May, 2022 to Dec, 2022.
Longin Janeczek is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1965 to Jun, 1966.
Ricardo Sá Pinto is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Aug, 2018 to Mar, 2019.
Edward Drabiński is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Feb, 1948 to Sep, 1948.
Jaroslav Vejvoda is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1973 to Jul, 1975.
Rudolf Kapera is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1989 to Apr, 1990.
Franciszek Smuda is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 1999 to Mar, 2001.
Karol Hanke is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Mar, 1936 to Nov, 1936.
Andrzej Strejlau is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Dec, 1987 to Jun, 1989.
Henning Berg is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Dec, 2013 to Oct, 2015.
Jerzy Kopa is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 1998 to Jan, 1999.
Krzysztof Etmanowicz is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Aug, 1991 to Aug, 1992.
Lucjan Brychczy is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Oct, 2004 to Dec, 2004.
Janos Steiner is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Feb, 1954 to Dec, 1955.
Ryszard Koncewicz is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jan, 1956 to Dec, 1958.
Besnik Hasi is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 2016 to Sep, 2016.
Józef Kałuża is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from May, 1930 to Jul, 1930.
Kazimierz Górski is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1981 to Dec, 1982.
Aleksandar Vuković is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Dec, 2021 to May, 2022.
Czesław Michniewicz is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2020 to Oct, 2021.
Stanislav Cherchesov is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Oct, 2015 to Jun, 2016.
Maciej Skorża is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 2010 to May, 2012.
Janusz Wójcik is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Aug, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Dragan Okuka is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Mar, 2001 to Jun, 2003.
Wacław Kuchar is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1949 to Dec, 1953.
Krzysztof Gawara is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Oct, 2004 to Dec, 2004.
Jan Urban is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 2007 to Mar, 2010.
Stjepan Bobek is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 1959 to Dec, 1959.
Stanisław Mielech is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1933 to Sep, 1933.
Jacek Magiera is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2016 to Sep, 2017.
Jerzy Engel is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1985 to Aug, 1987.
Dean Klafurić is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 2018 to Aug, 2018.
Władysław Stachurski is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1996 to Jun, 1997.
Paweł Janas is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jan, 1994 to Jun, 1996.
Dariusz Wdowczyk is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2005 to Apr, 2007.
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Legia WarsawLegia Warszawa (), known in English as Legia Warsaw, is a professional football club based in Warsaw, Poland. Legia is the most successful Polish football club in history winning record 15 Ekstraklasa Champions titles, a record 19 Polish Cup and four Polish SuperCup trophies. The club's home venue is the Polish Army Stadium ("Stadion Wojska Polskiego"). Legia is the only Polish club never to have been relegated from the top flight of Polish football after World War II.Legia was formed between 5 and 15 March 1916 during military operations in World War I on the Eastern Front in the neighborhood of Maniewicze in Wołyń (now Volyn Oblast, Ukraine), as the main football club of the Polish Legions. After the war, the club was reactivated on 14 March 1920 in an officer casino in Warsaw as Wojskowy Klub Sportowy Warszawa, renamed Legia in 1923 after merger with another local club, Korona. It became the main official football club of the Polish Army – Wojskowy Klub Sportowy Legia Warszawa (). From 1949 to 1957, Legia was known as CWKS Warszawa ()Before 8 April 2004 it was owned by Pol-Mot and from 8 April 2004 (sold for 3 million złoty) until 9 January 2014, it was owned by media conglomerate ITI Group. Currently the club is owned by Dariusz Mioduski who serves as the club's chairman.Legia was formed between 5 and 15 March 1916 during military operations in World War I on the Eastern Front in the neighborhood of Maniewicze in Wołyń, as the main football club of the Polish Legions. The formation of the club in 1916 was greatly influenced by the outbreak of the First World War, because many Polish soldiers were involved in the formation of the Polish Legions before the war. Soldiers, often young men from the south of Poland (mainly from Kraków and Lviv) played football before the war, and therefore, after the formation of the team, they soon became successful. Football was a good way of spending free time, in the calm moments at the front, football matches were organized, which required the ball, making provisional goals, and finding a dozen or so players.The first team training began in the spring of 1915 in Piotrków, between 5 and 15 March 1916 – at the request of then Master Sergeant Zygmunt Wasserab (pre-war player of Pogoń Stryj ) – who was a part of the Polish Legion's Commanding Staff in Kostiuchnówka (near Maniewicze in Volhynia|Wołyń) to create a football club. The president of the organization was Władysław Groele, and corporal Stanislaw Mielech proposed the name "Sporting Team Legia", which was adopted (more commonly used term of the team later became Legionowa). Other names were: "Legion Command Squad" and "Styr". White-black colors and arms were also shown, showing the white letter "L" (symbol of the Legions) on the black dial. The players were dressed in white clothes with sloping black belts, which was a reference to Czarni Lwów.In the spring of 1916, the team played a number of matches with other teams, most of which ended with Legia victorious. The oldest recorded matches are: 7–0 with the Divisional Sanitary Division, 3–3 with the 6th Infantry Regiment and two victories (6–4 and 3–1) with the 4th Infantry Regiment. In July 1916 – because of the Brusilov Offensive – the Legions began to retreat west and the club relocated to Warsaw. The first match in which Polonia Warsaw was the rival was held on 29 April 1917 at Agrykola Park and ended with a 1–1 draw. Of the nine games played in Warsaw, Legia won six and drew three. At the first away game the team won a 2–1 victory over the then Polish champion KS Cracovia in Kraków, so Legia became an unofficial champion of the country. In 1918 the war ended, but the team continued to play only amateur-friendly matched.The club was reactivated on 14 March 1920. In the officers' casinos in the Royal Castle, a group of former officers formed the Military Sports Club (WKS) -Wojskowy Klub Sportowy- Warsaw, establishing the white and red colors of the statute. Among them was Zygmunt Wasserab, one of the founders of the club.Due to the Polish-Bolshevik war and the participation of many Warsaw players, WKS was not nominated for the premiership of the Polish championship league in 1920. In the 1921–1926 seasons, the team was not promoted beyond the A-class of the Warsaw district, but it was a very important period for the club. In 1922, a statute was passed allowing the team to play in civilian teams (as opposed to playing against only other soldiers). Zygmunt Wassarab and Jerzy Misiński worked together and the club's name was changed to the Military Sports Club "Legia" Warsaw. It was modeled on the document of LKS Pogoń Lwów. At that time, a merger with the oldest Warsaw sports club, Korona, was created, which resulted in the acquisition of new, white-green club colors.In the first international match played on 18 May 1922, Legia lost 2–9 at their own stadium with Czechoslovakian club Viktor Zichkov Prague. A year later, in the championship of Warsaw, the Army took 3rd place.After the first-ever promotion beyond Class A in 1927, Legia qualified for the newly formed Polish Football League. Roman Górecki, the then president of the Warsaw team, became the first president of the Polish League. Their debut was on 8 May in Łódź – Klub Turystów Łódź was the opponent and the match ended in a 6–1 result. At the same time, Legia player Marian Łańko scored his first league goal free kick and recorded his first hat-trick in club history. In the same year, in a match against Pogonia Lwów, the club suffered the highest league loss, losing 2–11. At the end of the season, Legia finished fifth, despite five defeats at the start of the season. Legia striker Marian Łańko finished second scoring 31 goals. The Warsaw club also made their debut in the Polish Cup, winning the match with Pogoń Warsaw 7–0. For the next two seasons Legia occupied higher positions in the league than the other clubs: Polonia and Warszawianka.In 1930, after three years of construction, the Polish Army Stadium was opened at Łazienkowska Street. In the first match of the new stadium, Legia drew 1–1 with Barcelona. In the same year the legionaries defeated Hajduki Wielkie 7–1 in their 100th match in the league. Legia also had the biggest pre-war successes in the Polish championships in 1930 and 1931, where they were short three points and one point respectively. Moreover, in the first edition of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs awards for the best results in international competition, the Army received a "traveling" trophy.In the 1935 season, Legia remained in the league, gaining one point advantage over the relegated Cracovia, and then in 1936 – in the club's 20th anniversary – lost seven consecutive games and recorded the only decline of the league in its history. In 1937 the club's board decided to return to the military statute. As a result, almost all civilians departed from the first team, mainly to other Warsaw teams. In 1937 – in the A class of the Warsaw district – Legia took fourth place, and one year later, took first place, and played in the first division play-offs. Legia was third place in the play-offs and they were not able to advance. The board reacted by withdrawing the club from all competitions and decided to play only friendly matches. In 1938, most of the team's sections were dissolved, leaving only three: tennis, swimming and motocross.After the end of World War II – in April 1945 – the club was reactivated under the name of I Wojskowy Klub Sportowy Warszawa (1st Military Sports Club Warsaw), and in June added a historical member of Legia. Among the people who contributed to the reconstruction of the club were: Julian Neuding – prewar player of Makabi Warszawa, Karol Rudolf – prewar player of Legia, Henryk Czarnik and Józef Ziemian – Legia players from the interwar period. The team initially played friendly matches with teams in the region, but later also with clubs from other countries, the likes of the Swedish IFK Norrköping and the Yugoslav FK Partizan.In the first postwar Polish championships held in 1946, Legia took second place in the elimination group, falling out of competition. In 1948, after qualifying for the nine-year break of the highest tier, Legia qualified after a victory in the inter-regional eliminations of the northeastern region and after took second place in the nationwide qualification. Legia eventually took fourth place, drawing 3–3 with Ruch Chorzów. It was the 250th league game of the club. The first post-war match in the first tier took place on 14 March 1948, beating Polonia Bytom 3–1.For the next two seasons, Legia only held on in the first division due to a better goal differential against the relegated teams, taking the 9th and 10th respectively. In November 1949, after the reforms introduced by the then Polish football association, the club once again changed its name to Centralny Wojskowy Klub Sportowy (Central Army Sports Club). Also, a new coat of arms (large letter C, and smaller letters in it: W, K, S). The official patron of the team was the Polish People's Army. Legia became a military club, so it was possible to get players of other clubs, players like Lucjan Brychczy, Ernest Pohl and Edmund Kowal all were brought to Legia.In 1951, Legia took third place in the league, and in the cup competitions lost in the eighth-finals with Polonia Warszawa. A year later, Legia achieved its first success in the Polish Cup competition, reaching the finals (in which Polonia Warszawa won 1–0). The reserve team reached this stage of the competition, while the first team dropped out in the eighth-finals, losing to Lechia Gdańsk. In the league, the club ranked sixth, and in the Puchar Zlotu Młodych Przodowników (the premiere edition of the League Cup) was eliminated in the group stage. In 1953, Legia took 5th place in the first league, and in the next season – in addition to the 7th place – the team managed to reach the semi-final of the Polish Cup, in which Warsaw Gwardia won 2–1.Legia won their first trophy on 29 September 1955, defeating Lechia Gdańsk 5–0 in the Polish Cup final. A month later – on 20 November after a 1–1 draw with Zagłębie in Sosnowiec – the club won their first Polish championship. The team trained by the Hungarian coach János Steiner won their first doublet in the history of Polish football. In the following season, Ryszard Koncewicz became the Legia coach. The club celebrated its 40th anniversary and repeated the achievements from the previous year. First he sealed the Polish championship after a 2–2 draw with ŁKS Lodz, and then he defeated in the cup final Górnik Zabrze in a 3–0 win. These successes were accomplished by strengthening the team by means of conscription to the army of players from such clubs as: Polonia Bytom, Ruch Chorzów, or Wawel Kraków. The latter, like most of the then Okręgowych Wojskowych Klubów Sportowych (District Military Sports Clubs, OWKS), was dissolved. Officially due to the "reorganization of the military division", in practice this meant strengthening CWKS Warszawa (Legia's name at the time). The team then won its highest victory in history, defeating Wisła Kraków 12–0 – the match took place on 19 August 1956 in Warsaw. In addition, the first three places in the goal classification at the end of the season were taken by legionnaires, and the title of the king of scorers was won by the Henryk Kempny who scored 21 goals.In 1956, in addition to winning the national doublet, Legia made their debut in European competition, competing in the round of 16 of the European Champions Cup with Czechoslovak champions Slovan Bratislava. In the first away meeting, the team lost 0–4, and in the second leg at home they won 2–0 after goals from Kowal and Brychcz, but they were eliminated from further games. The meeting in Warsaw was watched by 40,000 fans.At the meeting on 2 July 1957 – chaired by Colonel Edward Potorejko – the club's statute was approved and the first 31-member board of WKS Legia was elected, from which an 11-person presidium was then selected. The legal nature of the club has also changed. From the previous military unit, which was CWKS, a sports association was established with legal personality. The name of the club was also changed, as the historical name Legia was returned (Military Sports Club "Legia" Warsaw). In addition, new colors that are still used today were approved: white-red-green-black (later the order of the first two colors were changed) and the current coat of arms was adopted until today (with intervals).Legia players (appearing as a Warsaw team) were invited to Spain to play the first match on the new FC Barcelona stadium, Camp Nou on 24 September. The match ended with a 4–2 result for the hosts. They struggled in the league that season, finishing in fourth place, and were knocked out of the Polish Cup at the eighth-finals, losing to Ruch Chorzow 1–2 (in that period, until 1961, the I liga season was played from March to August). In 1958, Legia took 6th place in the Polish championship, and in 1959 took 4th.In the 1960s, Legia regularly held top positions in the league table. In 1960, artificial lighting was installed at the Polish Army Stadium, thanks to which the facility became the second in Poland where matches could be played after dark. The first meeting without natural light was played on 5 October with Danish club Aarhus Gymnastikforening as part of the qualification for the European Club Champions Cup. Legia won the match 1–0 after Helmut Nowak's goal. However, with a 0–3 defeat in the first match in Denmark, they dropped out of further games. In the same season, Tadeusz Błażejewski, in the 11th minute of a 2–2 draw against ŁKS Łódź, scored the thousandth league goal for Legia. The club celebrated another anniversary on 26 October 1960, playing the five-hundredth match in the premier league; Legia beat Zagłębie Sosnowiec 1–0. In the league table Legia took second place, winning the title of runner-up of Poland and losing to Ruch Chorzów by 1 point. The following season, the team won the bronze medal of the Polish championship for taking third place in the league.In the following year, the league shifted from the spring-fall system to fall-spring, which meant that the league matches started in the spring of 1962. The league was divided into two groups, in which the teams from the same regions played with each other. Legia – which took third place in its group – won the competition for 5th place with Wisła Kraków, drew a 1–1 away match and won 4–1 at home. In the Polish Cup, the team dropped out in the eighth-finals, losing 0–3 with Odra Opole. In the 1962/1963 season with the new league system, the team took the 7th place, and the fight for the Polish Cup again ended at stage eighth-finals (losing to later winner, Zagłębie Sosnowiec, 0–2).Legia ended the 1963–64 season in fourth place in the league, scoring the same number of goals as second place Zagłębie Sosnowiec and third place Odra Opole. The goal differential decided who took which place. The club achieved a much better result in the Polish Cup, where the team, led by the Romanian coach Virgil Popescu, reached the finals. In the match, played at the 10th-Anniversary Stadium, Legia won after extra time with Polonia Bytom 2–1. Henryk Apostel scored both goals for Legia. In the next season Legia again took 4th place in the league, and in the Polish Cup reached the semi-final, in which they lost after extra time 1–2 with Górnik Zabrze (who became the winner of the cup). The team also competed in the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup. In the first round, Legia eliminated the Austrian FC Admira Wacker Mödling. In the second they defeated the Turkish Galatasaray SK. After two matches there was a draw and third (the decisive step in the advancement) meeting in Bucharest. Legia won 1–0 and were the first Polish team to advance to the quarterfinals of any European club competition. At this stage of the tournament the team lost to German TSV 1860 Munich and was eliminated from the competition.The celebration of the 50th anniversary of the club's existence took place in 1966. In the league the team took 6th place, while a better result was achieved in the twelfth edition of the Polish Cup. In the game played on 15 August at the Warta Poznań stadium, Legia won after extra time in the final, beating Górnik Zabrze 2–1, with Bernard Blaut scoring in the last minute. Winning the Polish Cup allowed the club to compete in the Cup Winners' Cup in the 1966–67 season. In the round of 16, Legia was knocked out by FC Sachsen Leipzig after losing 0–3 away and drawing 2–2 at home. The team came fourth in the league table, and in the Polish Cup was eliminated after a 1–3 defeat in the eighth-finals with Wisła Kraków. That season, Kazimierz Deyna made his debut in the Legia team.In the 1967–68 season, for the second time in its history, the club was the vice-champion of Poland and was promoted as the first Polish team to the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup. In the Polish Cup Legia was knocked out by GKS Katowice in the eighth-finals. In the same year, the team made their debut in the Intertoto Cup. Legia won their group, but did not advance to the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup because the matches of the Intertoto Cup were not official UEFA competitions. Legia, led by Czechoslovakian trainer Jaroslav Vejvoda, finished the 1968–69 season in first place in the table, thus winning the third Polish championship. The team reached the final of the Polish Cup, in which they lost to Górnik Zabrze 0–2. The club also made its debut at the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup. In the first round Legia won twice, 6–0 and 3–2 against TSV 1860 Munich. In the next round they won 0–1 and 2–0 against Belgian team Waregem, and the third opponent was Újpest FC. In the next round, the Hungarian team's players were better and Legia were defeated 0–1 away. A 2–2 draw in Warsaw saw their rivals promoted to the next stage. In 1969 there was still one more success – the Legia juniors won the first championship in the history of the club.For the next season, former player Edmund Zientara was brought in as the new first team coach. His team won the title of Polish champion for the second time in a row. In the struggle for the Polish Cup, Legia was eliminated in the semi-final with Ruch Chorzów. The performances of the club in the European Champion Clubs' Cup was a great success – Legia reached the semi-finals of the competition. In the round of 16, they defeated Romanian club FC UTA Arad 2–1 and 8–0, French club Saint-Étienne in the eighth-finals 2–1 and 1–0, and Turkish club Galatasaray in the quarter-finals 2–1 and 1–0. In the semi-final, they played against Feyenoord. The first match in Warsaw ended in a 0–0 draw, while away the home team triumphed 2–0.The 1970s were known as Poland's golden age of football. In 1971, Legia were runner's up of Poland for the third time in their history, and ended their Polish Cup campaign in the quarter-finals. For the second year in a row the club competed in the European Club Champions Cup, where it reached the quarter-finals, dropping out against Atlético Madrid (2–1 and 0–1). They previously eliminated IFK Gothenburg (4–0, 2–1) and Standard Liège (0–1, 2–0). From December 1971 to February 1972, Legia went on a tour of Spain and the countries of South America, including Ecuador, Costa Rica and Colombia – this was the first time the team had visited this part of the world. In the 1971–72 season, the team finished third in the league table and lost in the Polish Cup final with Górnik Zabrze 2–5. In September 1972, the Warsaw club defeated Víkingur Reykjavík in the round of 16 European Cup Winners' Cup 9–0, which is the highest Polish team win in European competition. In the next round Legia was matched up against A.C. Milan. The first game was played at the 10th Anniversary Stadium and ended in a 1–1 draw. At the San Siro, after the regular time, the draw was also maintained – Milan scored the winning goal two minutes before the end of extra time to win the game 2–1. In that season, Legia took 8th place in the league and won its fifth Polish Cup – after eliminating Szombinrek in the semi-finals (3–1 and 1–1). In the final match against Polonia, on 17 June 1973 in Poznań, a goalless result was maintained for 90 minutes of regular time of the game, as well as for the entire extra time. The legionaries finally won in penalties, 4–2.The season of 1973–74 began with a defeat in the round of 16 of the European Club Champions Cup in aggregate with PAOK FC (1–1 in Warsaw, 0–1 in Thessaloniki). In early 1974, the club went to Spain and France to face Barcelona (1–1 at Camp Nou) and RC Lens (0–2). The team finished the league competition in 4th place, and in the Polish Cup they were knocked out in the quarterfinals, losing 1–2 to Stal Rzeszów. Right after the end of the league, the legionnaires went to an international tournament that took place in the Canary Islands – they drew with Cádiz CF, won with CD Tenerife and Hércules CF. Another foreign trip took place at the end of January 1975. Legia flew to Australia and became the first Polish team to visit all continents (except Antarctica). Legia took 6th place in the league, and lost in the round of 16 in the Polish Cup. After the season, the first transfer of Polish player to the West took place, which was allowed by PZPN and the Ministry of Sport. Robert Gadocha was bought by FC Nantes, later French champions.Legia in the 1975–76 season finished the league in the middle of the table (8th place), and in the Polish Cup reached the eighth-finals, where they lost to GKS Jastrzębie after penalties. In the autumn of 1976, the club's 60th anniversary was celebrated. On the anniversary, 12 October, two matches were played at the Polish Army stadium: a meeting with Legia and Warsaw Polonia (a 2–0 home win) and a match between Legia and Dukla, which ended 4–2 for the legionaries. In February 1977 the team made the next trip, this time to Indonesia. Six games were played at that time (four wins, two draws) and a total of 15 goals were scored – without Deyna, who was at a training camp in Yugoslavia and Greece. Legia also performed for the second time in the Intertoto Cup. Legia's opponents were: Landskrona BoIS (1–0 and 2–1), SK Slavia Prague (1–1 and 2–2) and BSC Young Boys (4–1 and 1–1). Legia took second place in the group and once again was not rewarded with a promotion to the UEFA Cup. The team – finishing in 8th position – repeated the result from the previous league season, while in the Polish Cup they were knocked out in the semi-final, losing to Polonia Bytom 1–2.During the second half of the 1970s, the legionaries did not make it to the top 3 positions to get into European competitions, and 5th place in the 1977–78 season was their highest position. In addition, the team repeated the result obtained a year earlier in the Polish Cup – Legia reached the semi-final, in which they were knocked out by Zagłębie Sosnowiec after penalties. The next season (1978–79) was the last in which Kazimierz Deyna represented the club. In addition, the club played their 1000th game in the highest football tier – the match took place on 25 April against Lech in Poznań (a 1–2 defeat). The season ended with a 6th-place finish in the league and at the eighth-final stage of the Polish Cup (where they lost against Zagłębie II Lubin 1–2). On 18 September 1979, a farewell to Kazimierz Deyna took place – a friendly with English club Manchester City, who had agreed to his transfer for £100,000. The game ended 2–1 to Legia. Deyna played the whole match and scored two goals – one for Legia (in the first half) and the second for his new club (in the second). The match was very popular and many fans had to watch it from behind the stadium gates.Legia started the decade by winning the Polish Cup, beating Lech Poznań 5–0 in the final on 9 May 1980. In the league, the legionaries took fourth place. A year later, the Warsaw club defended the Polish Cup with a 1–0 victory over Pogoń Szczecin on 24 June, but struggled in the league, finishing fifth place. The following season, the team played a match in the quarter-finals of the European Club Champions Cup with Dinamo Tbilisi. During the first meeting in Warsaw, fans, due to the very large number of policemen at the stadium, began to chant the slogans: "Down with communism" and "MO – Gestapo". After being defeated 0–1, the fans organized an anti-communist parade (this situation was repeated several times in the 1980s). The away match also ended 0–1, which was watched by 90 thousand fans in Tbilisi. In the 1981–82 season Legia finished fourth, and in the Polish Cup they were knocked out in the eighth-finals, losing to Arka Gdynia 1–2.The 1982–83 season began with a change of part of the team. Legia also gained a new coach, with Kazimierz Górski being replaced by Jerzy Kopa in the middle of the season. Legia finished eighth place in the league table, while in the Polish Cup they fell in the quarterfinals after losing 0–1 against Lech Poznań in Warsaw. A year later, Legia finished fifth in the fight for the title, and in the Polish Cup reached the 5th round, where they lost against Górnik Zabrze 2–3 after extra time.At the turn of 1984 and 1985, after the autumn round, Legia took first place in the table. They finished runners-up of Poland, which meant the club would participate in the UEFA Cup. In addition, the team reached the quarter-finals of the Polish Cup (a defeat in aggregate with Górnik Zabrze). The following season, 1985–86, the league success was repeated and the quarterfinals of the home cup were again obtained. Both titles went to Górnik Zabrze. In the same years, the legionaries made it to the round of 16 and eighth-finals of the UEFA Cup, losing twice with Inter Milan. In the first match, Milan drew 0–0 at home, which was considered a great success for the Warsaw club. The return match at Łazienkowska ended with the score 0–1 and the Italian team advanced to the next round. The next year in 1986 Legia faced Inter Milan again with a 3–2 win at Łazienkowska and a 0–1 defeat in Italy, which eliminated the Polish club on away goals.At the beginning of the 1986–87 season, the Warsaw team traveled to China and won the Great Wall Cup, defeating the hosts 2–0. The team played in Beijing and other cities for a week, at the turn of July and August. Following this, apart from other successful performance in Europe, Legia took 5th place in the league and reached the 5th round of knockout (losing against Wisła Kraków after penalties). At the end of 1987, at the Legia stadium, the speedway track was removed and the football field was widened.Legia finished the next year in the league in third place and reached the Polish Cup final. In Łódź, the legionaries drew 1–1 with Lech and the victory was decided by penalty kicks, which the Poznań team won 3–2. A year later, the Warsaw team took fourth place in the league and won the Polish Cup at the stadium in Olsztyn, beating Jagiellonia Białystok 5–2. Two weeks after the success, they also won the Polish Super Cup for the first time, defeating Ruch Chorzów 3–0 in Zamość.The trophy gained in Zamość was the first piece of silverware after the reorganization of the club – on 25 April 1989, the club's board decided to separate the football section from the multi-sport section CWKS and establish the Autonomous Football Section (ASPN CWKS "Legia" Warsaw).On 1 September, long-time footballer and Legia captain, Kazimierz Deyna, died in a car accident in San Diego.At the end of the decade, on 13 September, Legia competed against FC Barcelona in the first round of the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup. The match in Barcelona ended with a 1–1 draw, after an unrecognized goal for the legionnaires and a penalty kick for the opponents in the 85th minute of the match. In the rematch at Łazienkowska Legia lost 0–1, with 25 thousand fans in the stands. Michael Laudrup scored the only goal.The beginning of the nineties was not successful for the club, especially in the Polish league. In the 1989–90 season, the team finished in seventh place, and the next season in ninth. The 1991–92 season ended in a 10th-place finish – for the first time since World War II, Legia was fighting relegation to the second league. The team avoided relegation after winning 3–0 in an away match against Motor Lublin in the penultimate game of the season. The club achieved better results in the Polish Cup. In 1990, Legia defeated GKS Katowice in the final and won their ninth trophy. A year later, the Warsaw club again faced GKS Katowice in the final of the Polish Cup, but this time the rivals who won the match 1–0 turned out to be better. The next season, 1989–90, Legia won their ninth Polish Cup, meaning they were able to play in the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup in 1990–91. The Warsaw team, managed by Władysław Stachurski reached the semi-finals of the tournament, eliminating the likes of Sampdoria and Aberdeen. They lost in the semi-finals to Manchester United (1–3 in Warsaw and 1–1 in Manchester).In autumn 1992, the first private sponsor, businessman Janusz Romanowski, invested in the club. A two-year sponsorship deal was signed with FSO (worth PLN 2.4 billion at that time) as well as with Adidas. After the fourth round of the 1992–93 season, Janusz Wójcik became the Legia coach. The high budget from the sponsorship deals allowed players such as Maciej Śliwowski and Radosław Michalski to be brought in. This, in turn, translated into better results and joining the competition for the national championship. On 20 June 1993, after an away victory of 6–0 against Wisła Kraków, the team won the Polish championship. However, on the next day the president of the PZPN board, with a 5–4 vote, decided to take the title from Legia and award it to the third team in the table – Lech Poznań (after disallowing the last matches of Legia and ŁKS, the team from Poznań took first place in the table). The decision was due to the allegations of bribery in the last league match. In addition, Legia was forced to pay a fine of 500 million zlotys, and the UEFA authorities excluded the team from European competition. Twice (December 2004, January 2007),the club unsuccessfully requested that the unfavorable decision should be repealed and that the title should be restored. In the same season, the anti-doping committee decided that Legia player Roman Zub had played after doping before the match against Widzew Łódź. The player's urine sample was also tested in a laboratory in Moscow, where it was considered that increased testosterone levels were not the result of doping. The match was initially verified as a walkover for the Łódź team, but the decision of the PZPN games department was revoked by the president of the board.In the next season, Legia won the first triple crown in the history of Polish football. On 15 June 1994, thanks to a 1–1 draw in the last round with Górnik Zabrze in Warsaw, the legionaries maintained a one-point advantage over second place GKS Katowice and won their fifth Polish title, despite the fact that the season began with three negative points due to the events of the last round in the last season. After the match the press published accusations of corruption with referee Sławomir Redzinski, who, when the score was 1–0 to Górnik, sent off three of the Górnik players. These allegations have not been proven. On 18 June, in the Polish Cup final held at the Legia stadium, the Legia defeated ŁKS Łódź 2–0 and won the tenth trophy in their history. In the match for the Super Cup (24 July), Legia also faced ŁKS Łódź and won 6–4 at the stadium in Płock. The club's first experience of the Champions League ended in defeat in the qualifying stage – the team fell to Croatian side Hajduk Split (0–1 at home, 0–4 away).The next season began with the signing of a contract with Canal+ for broadcasting matches (the first match of the Polish league broadcast was the match of Legia against GKS Katowice, which took place on 1 April 1995). On 31 May 1995, Legia won their sixth Polish championship after a 3–0 victory against Raków Częstochowa in Warsaw, and also won the Polish Cup (2–0 in the final with GKS Katowice). At that time, one of the first protest actions took place at the stadium. The reason was high ticket prices and the ban on hanging flags and banners on the fence – the conflict ended after three matches in Warsaw thanks to an agreement with activists. After winning the championship in the 1994–95 season, Legia Warszawa qualified for the Champions League – in the last qualifying round it defeated the Swedish team IFK Göteborg (1–0 in Warsaw and 2–1 in Gothenburg). In the group stage, Legia drew with Rosenborg BK, Spartak Moscow and Blackburn Rovers. Legia finished the group in second place (with seven points) and in the quarterfinals they faced Panathinaikos Athens. The first match in Warsaw ended in a goalless draw, and in the rematch at the Olympic Stadium in Athens, the Greeks won 3–0. The club did not defend the national championship in the 1995–96 competition and took second place in the league table (behind Widzew Łódź).In 1997, the club was transformed into Sportowa Spółka Akcyjna (SSA) Legia Warsaw and a new sponsor was acquired, South Korean company Daewoo. This season, the legionaries took second place in the league, one reason being a 2–3 loss to Widzew Łódź in the decisive phase of the games (Legia led up until the 85th minute of the match 2–0). The same year Legia went on to win the Polish Cup and the Super Cup. A big change in that period was the addition of Daewoo as a member to the club's name (CWKS "Legia-Daewoo" Warsaw) – the new name did not please fans of Legia and was received coldly by them.The 1997–98 season saw the club's last appearance in the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup. After passing Glenavon in the qualifying round (with a 1–1 draw in Northern Ireland and a 4–0 win in Warsaw), the team fell to Italian team Vicenza Calcio in the first round of the tournament (losing away 0–2 and drawing at home 1–1). In the league the team took 5th place in the table, and in the Polish Cup reached the 1/8 finals, losing to Amica Wronki 0–3. The next season, 1998–99, ended with a bronze medal in the league. In the national cup the team for the second time in a row was eliminated at stage 1/8 of the tournament; This time, GKS Bełchatów was the one to beat the Warsaw team, who after a goalless result in the regular time of the game won 3–2 in the penalty shootout.The club played its 100th match in European competitions – the meeting with Macedonian team Vardar Skopje as part of the 1/64 UEFA Cup final ended with Legia's away victory 5–0 on 12 August 1999. In the 1999–2000 season, Legia took fourth place in the league and did not get to play in the European competitions. In the Polish Cup, the team fell in the quarterfinals to Amica Wronki after a series of penalty kicks (ended with a 3–1 result), while in the League Cup reached the final, in which they lost at home with Polonia Warsaw 1–2.In March 2001, the main shareholder of the club, Daewoo, withdrew from the club's financing, and on 1 July the name of the former sponsor was removed from the club's name and it was reverted to ASPN CWKS "Legia" Warszawa SSA. In the 2000–01 season, the team finished third in the Polish league, and in the Polish Cup lost in the quarterfinals, losing on aggregate 1–4 with Zagłębie Lubin. The same result was achieved by the team in the League Cup – in the quarterfinals of the tournament the team lost to Wisla Kraków, a draw in Warsaw 1–1 and a loss in Kraków 1–3. In the UEFA Cup qualifying round, Legia won against Etzella Ettelbruck (4–0 away, 2–1 in Warsaw), and in the next match they defeated IF Elfsborg (4–1 at home, 6–1 in Sweden). The rival of Legia in the second round was Valencia CF. In the first match at the Polish Army stadium there was a 1–1 draw, but in the rematch the Spaniards won 6–1.The 2001–02 season, which was led by Dragomir Okuki, ended in Legia's seventh championship title (after a 0–0 draw with Odra Wodzisław in Warsaw), as well as a triumph in the Polish League Cup (3–0 and 1–2 in the final with Wisła Kraków). In competing for the Polish Cup, the team reached the quarter-finals, where it lost to Ruch Chorzów (2–4 in Warsaw, 1–0 in Chorzów). Legia played in the Champions League qualifiers in the summer, but in the third round they fell against FC Barcelona – in the first match at Camp Nou, the Catalans won 3–0, in the second they beat Legia 1–0. After defeat against the Spaniards, the Warsaw team competed in the UEFA Cup. In the first round Legia beat FC Utrecht (4–1 at home and 3–1 away), in the second round they were eliminated by Schalke – 2–3 in Warsaw, 0–0 in Gelsenkirchen.The legionaries finished the 2002–03 season in 4th place, in the Polish Cup they fell in the 3rd round. On 13 June 2003, the name of the club changed to KP "Legia" Warszawa SSA and on the same day the team was greeted by a new coach, Dariusz Kubicki.The club was purchased by ITI Group on 8 April 2004. The team took second place in the league and played in the Polish Cup final, in which it lost to Lech Poznań. The next season, 2004–05, the Warsaw team came third in the league table, and in the national cup they lost in the semi-final, falling to Dyskobolia Grodzisk Wielkopolski – 1–1, 1–1, 1–4 on aggregate penalties.The 2005–06 season was exceptional in the club's history – Legia celebrated its 90th anniversary. First, the team dropped out of the UEFA Cup in the second qualifying round (0–1 in Warsaw and 2–4 in Zurich with FC Zürich) and had a weak start in the league. In addition, they only reached the quarter-finals of the Polish Cup, losing on the aggregate with Korona Kielce. Nevertheless, the legionaries won the eighth Polish championship after winning 1–0 in a match against Górnik Zabrze. After the arrival of the new coach Dariusz Wdowczyk, they managed to make up for seven points when they were behind Wisła Kraków and reach for the title; The Warsaw City Council decided at that time to finance the modernization of the Legia stadium through the construction of three new grandstands and the extension of the covered grandstand. After four years, the legionnaires again stood a chance of winning promotion to the group stage of the Champions League. In the second round of qualifying they beat Hafnarfjarðar – 1–0 away, 2–0 at home. Shakhtar Donetsk turned out to be the next rival in the decisive third stage. Both meetings ended with the defeat of Legia – 0–1 in Donetsk and 2–3 in Warsaw. They attempted to make up for the failure playing against Austria Vienna in the first round of the UEFA Cup. However, Legia did not manage to defeat the Austrian opponent; in the first match in Warsaw the team drew 1–1, and in the return the hosts won 1–0.In following competitions, Legia dropped out of the fight for the Polish Cup in the 1/16 finals, falling to fourth-division team Stal Sanok, and in the league they won third place. In addition, as part of the Ekstraklasa Cup, the team reached the quarterfinals and lost on aggregate with Górnik Łęczna. The year 2007 brought a change of the coat of arms. The club did not agree with CWKS, which had the rights to the previous logo. The club's board registered their logotype, boycotted by the fans, because it did not resemble the old mark (despite similar colors and the letter "L" had a different outline and arrangement of colors). Eventually, it was not implemented and it was established that the official sign will be modified with the white letter "L" on the black shield. However, the shape differed from the historical one and resembled a triangle, not like the original coat of arms.At the beginning of the 2007–08 season in Vilnius there were riots caused by Legia fans, which had their apogee at the stadium of FK Vėtra during the match of the second round of the Intertoto Cup. Hooligans, among others devastated the stadium and attacked the police, as a result of which the match was stopped at 2–0 for the Lithuanian club. A few days later, the UEFA Disciplinary Commission verified the result of the meeting with Vėtra for a 3–0 win for the hosts and banned Legia from the current European Cup and qualifying for European competition (UEFA Champions League, UEFA Cup, Intertoto Cup) for the next five years. UEFA also forced the Warsaw club to cover all losses caused by rioters at the host stadium. After submitting the appeal, the penalty was temporarily suspended, taking into account the changes made to enhance safety at Legia's matches.At the halfway point of the league games Legia took second place, even though it scored more points than in the championship season 2005–06. The legionaries were ten points behind first place Wisła Kraków. Eventually, the team reached the Polish Cup and Polish Super Cup after winning against Wisla Kraków twice (0–0, 4–3 pen. and 2–1), and also won the runner-up title. The legionaries secured their UEFA Cup performance in the next season. In addition, the team played in the Ekstraklasa Cup final. The meeting played in Grodzisk Wielkopolski was won by the local Dyskobolia, which after the 4–1 victory won the trophy. In the spring round of the competition, the club joined the campaign Let's Kick Racism from the Stadium, organized by the Never Again Association – "Nigdy Więcej" – the players ran out on 22 March in a match against Widzew Łódź in shirts with the campaign's name.In the 2008–09 season Legia started by defeating the Belarusian club FC Gomel (0–0 and 4–1) in the first round of the UEFA Cup qualifying round. In the second the legionaries went to the Russian FC Moscow. Both matches ended with the defeat of legionnaires: in Warsaw 1–2, and in Moscow 0–2. The only goal scored for Legia was by Roger Guerreiro. In the league, the team repeated the previous year's achievement, finishing second at the end of the season. The team also reached the semi-finals of the Polish Cup, in which they lost to Ruch Chorzow. In the competition for the Ekstraklasa Cup, Legia appeared in the quarterfinals and was eliminated by GKS Bełchatów.Legia won its 10th title with another league championship at the end of the 2013–14 Ekstraklasa season. Legia qualified for the 2016–17 Champions League group stages for the first time in 21 years after defeating Dundalk on 23 August 2016. The Legionnaires found themselves in group F with the likes of Real Madrid, Borussia Dortmund, and Sporting Lisbon. They finished third place after winning 1–0 against Sporting Lisbon on the last match day in the group stages, sending them to the round of 32 in the 2016–17 UEFA Europa League. Legia was drawn against Ajax where the first match fell goalless in Warsaw.Legia won its 12th League title in the 2016–17 Ekstraklasa season. They finished with a 0–0 draw against Lechia Gdańsk. Legia needed a draw in the match between Jagiellonia Białystok and Lech Poznań which finished 2–2 and gave Legia the title.Legia's third consecutive Eksrtaklasa title was won in dramatic circumstances. Needing to win away to Lech Poznan to guarantee the title, a 3–0 victory was awarded to Legia after the game was abandoned. Lech fans threw flares and invaded the pitch after Legia scored to make it 2–0 in the 77th minute, after which the referee called the game off. The result meant Legia won the league, finishing three points above second placed Jagiellonia Białystok.Legia plays its games at Legia Warsaw Municipal Stadium of Marshal Józef Piłsudski (Polish: "Stadion Miejski Legii Warszawa im. Marszałka Józefa Piłsudskiego"), traditionally also referred to as the Polish Army Stadium (Polish: "Stadion Wojska Polskiego"), which is an all-seater football-specific stadium in Warsaw, Poland. Legia has been playing there since 9 August 1930. With space for 31,800 spectators it is the 5th biggest football stadium in the Ekstraklasa. The stadium underwent significant reconstruction between 2008 and 2011, during which all of the stands were demolished and replaced with bigger and more modern ones which increased the stadium's capacity from 13,500 to 31,800 seats. The Polish Army Stadium is currently owned by the City of Warsaw.As one of the most successful clubs in Poland, Legia Warsaw is also one of its most popular clubs. Legia has gained devotion from generations of fans from Warsaw as well as around the country, mainly in Masovian Voivodeship. Legia supporters are considered very spontaneous, dedicated and fanatical. Accordingly, in terms of quality of football support, they are also often described as the best supporters in Poland. Groups of fans follow Legia for practically all away matches, both domestic and international. Supporters of Legia occasionally attract also some negative attention, in particular after events such as riots in Lithuania during a match against Vėtra Vilnius on 10 July 2007.Traditionally, the most devoted and spontaneous fans occupy the Żyleta stand in their stadium. Before the stadium renovation (2008–2011), the "old" Żyleta referred only to the center section within the eastern stand of the stadium (occasionally, it would also refer to eastern stand as a whole). There is a special exhibition dedicated to the "old" Żyleta in the Legia Warsaw Museum. Today, after the stadium's renovation, the "new" Żyleta means the whole northern stand of stadium (located behind the goal).As regards their political sentiments, the supporters of Legia tend to be more right wing. During communist times, in particular during the 1980s, Legia fans showed their patriotic and strongly anti-communistic views. Today, the fans actively participate in annual commemorations of the Warsaw Uprising and Polish Independence Day. Legia fans are also vocal with their views on domestic issues, e.g. their conflict with former Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk, as well as on international politics, e.g. by way of displaying banners reading "Kosovo is Serbian" at the stadium. On 22 October 2014, when Legia played with the Ukrainian Metalists they displayed a banner with the names Lwów (Lviv) and Wilno (Vilnius) along with the coat of arms of Rzeczpospolita and flag of Poland on background, what led to negative reactions. On 19 August 2015, in Lviv and Kyiv, where Legia played with Zorya, clashes between Ukrainian and Polish fans occurred.Domestically, Legia Warsaw supporters maintain friendly relations with fans of Radomiak Radom, Zagłębie Sosnowiec and Olimpia Elbląg. Internationally, Legia supporters maintain friendly relations with fans of ADO Den Haag and Juventus. Their domestic rivals include all the other Polish teams that play at the domestic top tier league level. Warsaw clubs, Polonia Warsaw, KS Warszawianka and Gwardia Warsaw, were Legia's main league rivals, but since 2013 none of them competes in Ekstraklasa.The Warsaw derby is a match between Legia and Polonia WarsawOther local rivalriesBetween Legia and Gwardia WarsawBetween Legia and KS Warszawianka"As of 1 October 2020"Note: "italics" means neutral place results or penalised resultAs of 26 June 2019 the players with the most appearances for Legia are:As of 26 June 2019 the ten players with the most goals for Legia are:"This is a list of former players and coaches who have been inducted into the Legia Warsaw Hall of Fame."
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[
"Władysław Stachurski",
"Jan Urban",
"Stanislav Cherchesov",
"Stefan Białas",
"Romeo Jozak",
"Franciszek Smuda",
"Kazimierz Górski",
"Ryszard Koncewicz",
"Stjepan Bobek",
"Czesław Michniewicz",
"Józef Kałuża",
"Stanisław Mielech",
"Lucjan Brychczy",
"Kosta Runjaić",
"Dariusz Kubicki",
"Jerzy Kopa",
"Andrzej Strejlau",
"Krzysztof Gawara",
"Jacek Magiera",
"Edward Drabiński",
"Janusz Wójcik",
"Dragan Okuka",
"Jacek Zieliński",
"Karol Hanke",
"Longin Janeczek",
"Rudolf Kapera",
"Dean Klafurić",
"Edmund Zientara",
"Aleksandar Vuković",
"Jerzy Engel",
"Henning Berg",
"Ricardo Sá Pinto",
"Krzysztof Etmanowicz",
"Dariusz Wdowczyk",
"Janos Steiner",
"Wacław Kuchar",
"Maciej Skorża",
"Paweł Janas",
"Besnik Hasi"
] |
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Who was the head coach of the team Legia Warsaw in 13-Feb-197513-February-1975?
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February 13, 1975
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{
"text": [
"Jaroslav Vejvoda"
]
}
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L2_Q193749_P286_10
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Edmund Zientara is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1969 to Jul, 1971.
Jacek Zieliński is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 2007 to Jun, 2007.
Romeo Jozak is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2017 to Apr, 2018.
Stefan Białas is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Mar, 2010 to May, 2010.
Dariusz Kubicki is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 1999 to Sep, 1999.
Kosta Runjaić is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from May, 2022 to Dec, 2022.
Longin Janeczek is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1965 to Jun, 1966.
Ricardo Sá Pinto is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Aug, 2018 to Mar, 2019.
Edward Drabiński is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Feb, 1948 to Sep, 1948.
Jaroslav Vejvoda is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1973 to Jul, 1975.
Rudolf Kapera is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1989 to Apr, 1990.
Franciszek Smuda is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 1999 to Mar, 2001.
Karol Hanke is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Mar, 1936 to Nov, 1936.
Andrzej Strejlau is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Dec, 1987 to Jun, 1989.
Henning Berg is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Dec, 2013 to Oct, 2015.
Jerzy Kopa is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 1998 to Jan, 1999.
Krzysztof Etmanowicz is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Aug, 1991 to Aug, 1992.
Lucjan Brychczy is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Oct, 2004 to Dec, 2004.
Janos Steiner is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Feb, 1954 to Dec, 1955.
Ryszard Koncewicz is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jan, 1956 to Dec, 1958.
Besnik Hasi is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 2016 to Sep, 2016.
Józef Kałuża is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from May, 1930 to Jul, 1930.
Kazimierz Górski is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1981 to Dec, 1982.
Aleksandar Vuković is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Dec, 2021 to May, 2022.
Czesław Michniewicz is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2020 to Oct, 2021.
Stanislav Cherchesov is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Oct, 2015 to Jun, 2016.
Maciej Skorża is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 2010 to May, 2012.
Janusz Wójcik is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Aug, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Dragan Okuka is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Mar, 2001 to Jun, 2003.
Wacław Kuchar is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1949 to Dec, 1953.
Krzysztof Gawara is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Oct, 2004 to Dec, 2004.
Jan Urban is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jun, 2007 to Mar, 2010.
Stjepan Bobek is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 1959 to Dec, 1959.
Stanisław Mielech is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1933 to Sep, 1933.
Jacek Magiera is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2016 to Sep, 2017.
Jerzy Engel is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1985 to Aug, 1987.
Dean Klafurić is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Apr, 2018 to Aug, 2018.
Władysław Stachurski is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jul, 1996 to Jun, 1997.
Paweł Janas is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Jan, 1994 to Jun, 1996.
Dariusz Wdowczyk is the head coach of Legia Warsaw from Sep, 2005 to Apr, 2007.
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Legia WarsawLegia Warszawa (), known in English as Legia Warsaw, is a professional football club based in Warsaw, Poland. Legia is the most successful Polish football club in history winning record 15 Ekstraklasa Champions titles, a record 19 Polish Cup and four Polish SuperCup trophies. The club's home venue is the Polish Army Stadium ("Stadion Wojska Polskiego"). Legia is the only Polish club never to have been relegated from the top flight of Polish football after World War II.Legia was formed between 5 and 15 March 1916 during military operations in World War I on the Eastern Front in the neighborhood of Maniewicze in Wołyń (now Volyn Oblast, Ukraine), as the main football club of the Polish Legions. After the war, the club was reactivated on 14 March 1920 in an officer casino in Warsaw as Wojskowy Klub Sportowy Warszawa, renamed Legia in 1923 after merger with another local club, Korona. It became the main official football club of the Polish Army – Wojskowy Klub Sportowy Legia Warszawa (). From 1949 to 1957, Legia was known as CWKS Warszawa ()Before 8 April 2004 it was owned by Pol-Mot and from 8 April 2004 (sold for 3 million złoty) until 9 January 2014, it was owned by media conglomerate ITI Group. Currently the club is owned by Dariusz Mioduski who serves as the club's chairman.Legia was formed between 5 and 15 March 1916 during military operations in World War I on the Eastern Front in the neighborhood of Maniewicze in Wołyń, as the main football club of the Polish Legions. The formation of the club in 1916 was greatly influenced by the outbreak of the First World War, because many Polish soldiers were involved in the formation of the Polish Legions before the war. Soldiers, often young men from the south of Poland (mainly from Kraków and Lviv) played football before the war, and therefore, after the formation of the team, they soon became successful. Football was a good way of spending free time, in the calm moments at the front, football matches were organized, which required the ball, making provisional goals, and finding a dozen or so players.The first team training began in the spring of 1915 in Piotrków, between 5 and 15 March 1916 – at the request of then Master Sergeant Zygmunt Wasserab (pre-war player of Pogoń Stryj ) – who was a part of the Polish Legion's Commanding Staff in Kostiuchnówka (near Maniewicze in Volhynia|Wołyń) to create a football club. The president of the organization was Władysław Groele, and corporal Stanislaw Mielech proposed the name "Sporting Team Legia", which was adopted (more commonly used term of the team later became Legionowa). Other names were: "Legion Command Squad" and "Styr". White-black colors and arms were also shown, showing the white letter "L" (symbol of the Legions) on the black dial. The players were dressed in white clothes with sloping black belts, which was a reference to Czarni Lwów.In the spring of 1916, the team played a number of matches with other teams, most of which ended with Legia victorious. The oldest recorded matches are: 7–0 with the Divisional Sanitary Division, 3–3 with the 6th Infantry Regiment and two victories (6–4 and 3–1) with the 4th Infantry Regiment. In July 1916 – because of the Brusilov Offensive – the Legions began to retreat west and the club relocated to Warsaw. The first match in which Polonia Warsaw was the rival was held on 29 April 1917 at Agrykola Park and ended with a 1–1 draw. Of the nine games played in Warsaw, Legia won six and drew three. At the first away game the team won a 2–1 victory over the then Polish champion KS Cracovia in Kraków, so Legia became an unofficial champion of the country. In 1918 the war ended, but the team continued to play only amateur-friendly matched.The club was reactivated on 14 March 1920. In the officers' casinos in the Royal Castle, a group of former officers formed the Military Sports Club (WKS) -Wojskowy Klub Sportowy- Warsaw, establishing the white and red colors of the statute. Among them was Zygmunt Wasserab, one of the founders of the club.Due to the Polish-Bolshevik war and the participation of many Warsaw players, WKS was not nominated for the premiership of the Polish championship league in 1920. In the 1921–1926 seasons, the team was not promoted beyond the A-class of the Warsaw district, but it was a very important period for the club. In 1922, a statute was passed allowing the team to play in civilian teams (as opposed to playing against only other soldiers). Zygmunt Wassarab and Jerzy Misiński worked together and the club's name was changed to the Military Sports Club "Legia" Warsaw. It was modeled on the document of LKS Pogoń Lwów. At that time, a merger with the oldest Warsaw sports club, Korona, was created, which resulted in the acquisition of new, white-green club colors.In the first international match played on 18 May 1922, Legia lost 2–9 at their own stadium with Czechoslovakian club Viktor Zichkov Prague. A year later, in the championship of Warsaw, the Army took 3rd place.After the first-ever promotion beyond Class A in 1927, Legia qualified for the newly formed Polish Football League. Roman Górecki, the then president of the Warsaw team, became the first president of the Polish League. Their debut was on 8 May in Łódź – Klub Turystów Łódź was the opponent and the match ended in a 6–1 result. At the same time, Legia player Marian Łańko scored his first league goal free kick and recorded his first hat-trick in club history. In the same year, in a match against Pogonia Lwów, the club suffered the highest league loss, losing 2–11. At the end of the season, Legia finished fifth, despite five defeats at the start of the season. Legia striker Marian Łańko finished second scoring 31 goals. The Warsaw club also made their debut in the Polish Cup, winning the match with Pogoń Warsaw 7–0. For the next two seasons Legia occupied higher positions in the league than the other clubs: Polonia and Warszawianka.In 1930, after three years of construction, the Polish Army Stadium was opened at Łazienkowska Street. In the first match of the new stadium, Legia drew 1–1 with Barcelona. In the same year the legionaries defeated Hajduki Wielkie 7–1 in their 100th match in the league. Legia also had the biggest pre-war successes in the Polish championships in 1930 and 1931, where they were short three points and one point respectively. Moreover, in the first edition of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs awards for the best results in international competition, the Army received a "traveling" trophy.In the 1935 season, Legia remained in the league, gaining one point advantage over the relegated Cracovia, and then in 1936 – in the club's 20th anniversary – lost seven consecutive games and recorded the only decline of the league in its history. In 1937 the club's board decided to return to the military statute. As a result, almost all civilians departed from the first team, mainly to other Warsaw teams. In 1937 – in the A class of the Warsaw district – Legia took fourth place, and one year later, took first place, and played in the first division play-offs. Legia was third place in the play-offs and they were not able to advance. The board reacted by withdrawing the club from all competitions and decided to play only friendly matches. In 1938, most of the team's sections were dissolved, leaving only three: tennis, swimming and motocross.After the end of World War II – in April 1945 – the club was reactivated under the name of I Wojskowy Klub Sportowy Warszawa (1st Military Sports Club Warsaw), and in June added a historical member of Legia. Among the people who contributed to the reconstruction of the club were: Julian Neuding – prewar player of Makabi Warszawa, Karol Rudolf – prewar player of Legia, Henryk Czarnik and Józef Ziemian – Legia players from the interwar period. The team initially played friendly matches with teams in the region, but later also with clubs from other countries, the likes of the Swedish IFK Norrköping and the Yugoslav FK Partizan.In the first postwar Polish championships held in 1946, Legia took second place in the elimination group, falling out of competition. In 1948, after qualifying for the nine-year break of the highest tier, Legia qualified after a victory in the inter-regional eliminations of the northeastern region and after took second place in the nationwide qualification. Legia eventually took fourth place, drawing 3–3 with Ruch Chorzów. It was the 250th league game of the club. The first post-war match in the first tier took place on 14 March 1948, beating Polonia Bytom 3–1.For the next two seasons, Legia only held on in the first division due to a better goal differential against the relegated teams, taking the 9th and 10th respectively. In November 1949, after the reforms introduced by the then Polish football association, the club once again changed its name to Centralny Wojskowy Klub Sportowy (Central Army Sports Club). Also, a new coat of arms (large letter C, and smaller letters in it: W, K, S). The official patron of the team was the Polish People's Army. Legia became a military club, so it was possible to get players of other clubs, players like Lucjan Brychczy, Ernest Pohl and Edmund Kowal all were brought to Legia.In 1951, Legia took third place in the league, and in the cup competitions lost in the eighth-finals with Polonia Warszawa. A year later, Legia achieved its first success in the Polish Cup competition, reaching the finals (in which Polonia Warszawa won 1–0). The reserve team reached this stage of the competition, while the first team dropped out in the eighth-finals, losing to Lechia Gdańsk. In the league, the club ranked sixth, and in the Puchar Zlotu Młodych Przodowników (the premiere edition of the League Cup) was eliminated in the group stage. In 1953, Legia took 5th place in the first league, and in the next season – in addition to the 7th place – the team managed to reach the semi-final of the Polish Cup, in which Warsaw Gwardia won 2–1.Legia won their first trophy on 29 September 1955, defeating Lechia Gdańsk 5–0 in the Polish Cup final. A month later – on 20 November after a 1–1 draw with Zagłębie in Sosnowiec – the club won their first Polish championship. The team trained by the Hungarian coach János Steiner won their first doublet in the history of Polish football. In the following season, Ryszard Koncewicz became the Legia coach. The club celebrated its 40th anniversary and repeated the achievements from the previous year. First he sealed the Polish championship after a 2–2 draw with ŁKS Lodz, and then he defeated in the cup final Górnik Zabrze in a 3–0 win. These successes were accomplished by strengthening the team by means of conscription to the army of players from such clubs as: Polonia Bytom, Ruch Chorzów, or Wawel Kraków. The latter, like most of the then Okręgowych Wojskowych Klubów Sportowych (District Military Sports Clubs, OWKS), was dissolved. Officially due to the "reorganization of the military division", in practice this meant strengthening CWKS Warszawa (Legia's name at the time). The team then won its highest victory in history, defeating Wisła Kraków 12–0 – the match took place on 19 August 1956 in Warsaw. In addition, the first three places in the goal classification at the end of the season were taken by legionnaires, and the title of the king of scorers was won by the Henryk Kempny who scored 21 goals.In 1956, in addition to winning the national doublet, Legia made their debut in European competition, competing in the round of 16 of the European Champions Cup with Czechoslovak champions Slovan Bratislava. In the first away meeting, the team lost 0–4, and in the second leg at home they won 2–0 after goals from Kowal and Brychcz, but they were eliminated from further games. The meeting in Warsaw was watched by 40,000 fans.At the meeting on 2 July 1957 – chaired by Colonel Edward Potorejko – the club's statute was approved and the first 31-member board of WKS Legia was elected, from which an 11-person presidium was then selected. The legal nature of the club has also changed. From the previous military unit, which was CWKS, a sports association was established with legal personality. The name of the club was also changed, as the historical name Legia was returned (Military Sports Club "Legia" Warsaw). In addition, new colors that are still used today were approved: white-red-green-black (later the order of the first two colors were changed) and the current coat of arms was adopted until today (with intervals).Legia players (appearing as a Warsaw team) were invited to Spain to play the first match on the new FC Barcelona stadium, Camp Nou on 24 September. The match ended with a 4–2 result for the hosts. They struggled in the league that season, finishing in fourth place, and were knocked out of the Polish Cup at the eighth-finals, losing to Ruch Chorzow 1–2 (in that period, until 1961, the I liga season was played from March to August). In 1958, Legia took 6th place in the Polish championship, and in 1959 took 4th.In the 1960s, Legia regularly held top positions in the league table. In 1960, artificial lighting was installed at the Polish Army Stadium, thanks to which the facility became the second in Poland where matches could be played after dark. The first meeting without natural light was played on 5 October with Danish club Aarhus Gymnastikforening as part of the qualification for the European Club Champions Cup. Legia won the match 1–0 after Helmut Nowak's goal. However, with a 0–3 defeat in the first match in Denmark, they dropped out of further games. In the same season, Tadeusz Błażejewski, in the 11th minute of a 2–2 draw against ŁKS Łódź, scored the thousandth league goal for Legia. The club celebrated another anniversary on 26 October 1960, playing the five-hundredth match in the premier league; Legia beat Zagłębie Sosnowiec 1–0. In the league table Legia took second place, winning the title of runner-up of Poland and losing to Ruch Chorzów by 1 point. The following season, the team won the bronze medal of the Polish championship for taking third place in the league.In the following year, the league shifted from the spring-fall system to fall-spring, which meant that the league matches started in the spring of 1962. The league was divided into two groups, in which the teams from the same regions played with each other. Legia – which took third place in its group – won the competition for 5th place with Wisła Kraków, drew a 1–1 away match and won 4–1 at home. In the Polish Cup, the team dropped out in the eighth-finals, losing 0–3 with Odra Opole. In the 1962/1963 season with the new league system, the team took the 7th place, and the fight for the Polish Cup again ended at stage eighth-finals (losing to later winner, Zagłębie Sosnowiec, 0–2).Legia ended the 1963–64 season in fourth place in the league, scoring the same number of goals as second place Zagłębie Sosnowiec and third place Odra Opole. The goal differential decided who took which place. The club achieved a much better result in the Polish Cup, where the team, led by the Romanian coach Virgil Popescu, reached the finals. In the match, played at the 10th-Anniversary Stadium, Legia won after extra time with Polonia Bytom 2–1. Henryk Apostel scored both goals for Legia. In the next season Legia again took 4th place in the league, and in the Polish Cup reached the semi-final, in which they lost after extra time 1–2 with Górnik Zabrze (who became the winner of the cup). The team also competed in the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup. In the first round, Legia eliminated the Austrian FC Admira Wacker Mödling. In the second they defeated the Turkish Galatasaray SK. After two matches there was a draw and third (the decisive step in the advancement) meeting in Bucharest. Legia won 1–0 and were the first Polish team to advance to the quarterfinals of any European club competition. At this stage of the tournament the team lost to German TSV 1860 Munich and was eliminated from the competition.The celebration of the 50th anniversary of the club's existence took place in 1966. In the league the team took 6th place, while a better result was achieved in the twelfth edition of the Polish Cup. In the game played on 15 August at the Warta Poznań stadium, Legia won after extra time in the final, beating Górnik Zabrze 2–1, with Bernard Blaut scoring in the last minute. Winning the Polish Cup allowed the club to compete in the Cup Winners' Cup in the 1966–67 season. In the round of 16, Legia was knocked out by FC Sachsen Leipzig after losing 0–3 away and drawing 2–2 at home. The team came fourth in the league table, and in the Polish Cup was eliminated after a 1–3 defeat in the eighth-finals with Wisła Kraków. That season, Kazimierz Deyna made his debut in the Legia team.In the 1967–68 season, for the second time in its history, the club was the vice-champion of Poland and was promoted as the first Polish team to the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup. In the Polish Cup Legia was knocked out by GKS Katowice in the eighth-finals. In the same year, the team made their debut in the Intertoto Cup. Legia won their group, but did not advance to the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup because the matches of the Intertoto Cup were not official UEFA competitions. Legia, led by Czechoslovakian trainer Jaroslav Vejvoda, finished the 1968–69 season in first place in the table, thus winning the third Polish championship. The team reached the final of the Polish Cup, in which they lost to Górnik Zabrze 0–2. The club also made its debut at the Inter-Cities Fairs Cup. In the first round Legia won twice, 6–0 and 3–2 against TSV 1860 Munich. In the next round they won 0–1 and 2–0 against Belgian team Waregem, and the third opponent was Újpest FC. In the next round, the Hungarian team's players were better and Legia were defeated 0–1 away. A 2–2 draw in Warsaw saw their rivals promoted to the next stage. In 1969 there was still one more success – the Legia juniors won the first championship in the history of the club.For the next season, former player Edmund Zientara was brought in as the new first team coach. His team won the title of Polish champion for the second time in a row. In the struggle for the Polish Cup, Legia was eliminated in the semi-final with Ruch Chorzów. The performances of the club in the European Champion Clubs' Cup was a great success – Legia reached the semi-finals of the competition. In the round of 16, they defeated Romanian club FC UTA Arad 2–1 and 8–0, French club Saint-Étienne in the eighth-finals 2–1 and 1–0, and Turkish club Galatasaray in the quarter-finals 2–1 and 1–0. In the semi-final, they played against Feyenoord. The first match in Warsaw ended in a 0–0 draw, while away the home team triumphed 2–0.The 1970s were known as Poland's golden age of football. In 1971, Legia were runner's up of Poland for the third time in their history, and ended their Polish Cup campaign in the quarter-finals. For the second year in a row the club competed in the European Club Champions Cup, where it reached the quarter-finals, dropping out against Atlético Madrid (2–1 and 0–1). They previously eliminated IFK Gothenburg (4–0, 2–1) and Standard Liège (0–1, 2–0). From December 1971 to February 1972, Legia went on a tour of Spain and the countries of South America, including Ecuador, Costa Rica and Colombia – this was the first time the team had visited this part of the world. In the 1971–72 season, the team finished third in the league table and lost in the Polish Cup final with Górnik Zabrze 2–5. In September 1972, the Warsaw club defeated Víkingur Reykjavík in the round of 16 European Cup Winners' Cup 9–0, which is the highest Polish team win in European competition. In the next round Legia was matched up against A.C. Milan. The first game was played at the 10th Anniversary Stadium and ended in a 1–1 draw. At the San Siro, after the regular time, the draw was also maintained – Milan scored the winning goal two minutes before the end of extra time to win the game 2–1. In that season, Legia took 8th place in the league and won its fifth Polish Cup – after eliminating Szombinrek in the semi-finals (3–1 and 1–1). In the final match against Polonia, on 17 June 1973 in Poznań, a goalless result was maintained for 90 minutes of regular time of the game, as well as for the entire extra time. The legionaries finally won in penalties, 4–2.The season of 1973–74 began with a defeat in the round of 16 of the European Club Champions Cup in aggregate with PAOK FC (1–1 in Warsaw, 0–1 in Thessaloniki). In early 1974, the club went to Spain and France to face Barcelona (1–1 at Camp Nou) and RC Lens (0–2). The team finished the league competition in 4th place, and in the Polish Cup they were knocked out in the quarterfinals, losing 1–2 to Stal Rzeszów. Right after the end of the league, the legionnaires went to an international tournament that took place in the Canary Islands – they drew with Cádiz CF, won with CD Tenerife and Hércules CF. Another foreign trip took place at the end of January 1975. Legia flew to Australia and became the first Polish team to visit all continents (except Antarctica). Legia took 6th place in the league, and lost in the round of 16 in the Polish Cup. After the season, the first transfer of Polish player to the West took place, which was allowed by PZPN and the Ministry of Sport. Robert Gadocha was bought by FC Nantes, later French champions.Legia in the 1975–76 season finished the league in the middle of the table (8th place), and in the Polish Cup reached the eighth-finals, where they lost to GKS Jastrzębie after penalties. In the autumn of 1976, the club's 60th anniversary was celebrated. On the anniversary, 12 October, two matches were played at the Polish Army stadium: a meeting with Legia and Warsaw Polonia (a 2–0 home win) and a match between Legia and Dukla, which ended 4–2 for the legionaries. In February 1977 the team made the next trip, this time to Indonesia. Six games were played at that time (four wins, two draws) and a total of 15 goals were scored – without Deyna, who was at a training camp in Yugoslavia and Greece. Legia also performed for the second time in the Intertoto Cup. Legia's opponents were: Landskrona BoIS (1–0 and 2–1), SK Slavia Prague (1–1 and 2–2) and BSC Young Boys (4–1 and 1–1). Legia took second place in the group and once again was not rewarded with a promotion to the UEFA Cup. The team – finishing in 8th position – repeated the result from the previous league season, while in the Polish Cup they were knocked out in the semi-final, losing to Polonia Bytom 1–2.During the second half of the 1970s, the legionaries did not make it to the top 3 positions to get into European competitions, and 5th place in the 1977–78 season was their highest position. In addition, the team repeated the result obtained a year earlier in the Polish Cup – Legia reached the semi-final, in which they were knocked out by Zagłębie Sosnowiec after penalties. The next season (1978–79) was the last in which Kazimierz Deyna represented the club. In addition, the club played their 1000th game in the highest football tier – the match took place on 25 April against Lech in Poznań (a 1–2 defeat). The season ended with a 6th-place finish in the league and at the eighth-final stage of the Polish Cup (where they lost against Zagłębie II Lubin 1–2). On 18 September 1979, a farewell to Kazimierz Deyna took place – a friendly with English club Manchester City, who had agreed to his transfer for £100,000. The game ended 2–1 to Legia. Deyna played the whole match and scored two goals – one for Legia (in the first half) and the second for his new club (in the second). The match was very popular and many fans had to watch it from behind the stadium gates.Legia started the decade by winning the Polish Cup, beating Lech Poznań 5–0 in the final on 9 May 1980. In the league, the legionaries took fourth place. A year later, the Warsaw club defended the Polish Cup with a 1–0 victory over Pogoń Szczecin on 24 June, but struggled in the league, finishing fifth place. The following season, the team played a match in the quarter-finals of the European Club Champions Cup with Dinamo Tbilisi. During the first meeting in Warsaw, fans, due to the very large number of policemen at the stadium, began to chant the slogans: "Down with communism" and "MO – Gestapo". After being defeated 0–1, the fans organized an anti-communist parade (this situation was repeated several times in the 1980s). The away match also ended 0–1, which was watched by 90 thousand fans in Tbilisi. In the 1981–82 season Legia finished fourth, and in the Polish Cup they were knocked out in the eighth-finals, losing to Arka Gdynia 1–2.The 1982–83 season began with a change of part of the team. Legia also gained a new coach, with Kazimierz Górski being replaced by Jerzy Kopa in the middle of the season. Legia finished eighth place in the league table, while in the Polish Cup they fell in the quarterfinals after losing 0–1 against Lech Poznań in Warsaw. A year later, Legia finished fifth in the fight for the title, and in the Polish Cup reached the 5th round, where they lost against Górnik Zabrze 2–3 after extra time.At the turn of 1984 and 1985, after the autumn round, Legia took first place in the table. They finished runners-up of Poland, which meant the club would participate in the UEFA Cup. In addition, the team reached the quarter-finals of the Polish Cup (a defeat in aggregate with Górnik Zabrze). The following season, 1985–86, the league success was repeated and the quarterfinals of the home cup were again obtained. Both titles went to Górnik Zabrze. In the same years, the legionaries made it to the round of 16 and eighth-finals of the UEFA Cup, losing twice with Inter Milan. In the first match, Milan drew 0–0 at home, which was considered a great success for the Warsaw club. The return match at Łazienkowska ended with the score 0–1 and the Italian team advanced to the next round. The next year in 1986 Legia faced Inter Milan again with a 3–2 win at Łazienkowska and a 0–1 defeat in Italy, which eliminated the Polish club on away goals.At the beginning of the 1986–87 season, the Warsaw team traveled to China and won the Great Wall Cup, defeating the hosts 2–0. The team played in Beijing and other cities for a week, at the turn of July and August. Following this, apart from other successful performance in Europe, Legia took 5th place in the league and reached the 5th round of knockout (losing against Wisła Kraków after penalties). At the end of 1987, at the Legia stadium, the speedway track was removed and the football field was widened.Legia finished the next year in the league in third place and reached the Polish Cup final. In Łódź, the legionaries drew 1–1 with Lech and the victory was decided by penalty kicks, which the Poznań team won 3–2. A year later, the Warsaw team took fourth place in the league and won the Polish Cup at the stadium in Olsztyn, beating Jagiellonia Białystok 5–2. Two weeks after the success, they also won the Polish Super Cup for the first time, defeating Ruch Chorzów 3–0 in Zamość.The trophy gained in Zamość was the first piece of silverware after the reorganization of the club – on 25 April 1989, the club's board decided to separate the football section from the multi-sport section CWKS and establish the Autonomous Football Section (ASPN CWKS "Legia" Warsaw).On 1 September, long-time footballer and Legia captain, Kazimierz Deyna, died in a car accident in San Diego.At the end of the decade, on 13 September, Legia competed against FC Barcelona in the first round of the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup. The match in Barcelona ended with a 1–1 draw, after an unrecognized goal for the legionnaires and a penalty kick for the opponents in the 85th minute of the match. In the rematch at Łazienkowska Legia lost 0–1, with 25 thousand fans in the stands. Michael Laudrup scored the only goal.The beginning of the nineties was not successful for the club, especially in the Polish league. In the 1989–90 season, the team finished in seventh place, and the next season in ninth. The 1991–92 season ended in a 10th-place finish – for the first time since World War II, Legia was fighting relegation to the second league. The team avoided relegation after winning 3–0 in an away match against Motor Lublin in the penultimate game of the season. The club achieved better results in the Polish Cup. In 1990, Legia defeated GKS Katowice in the final and won their ninth trophy. A year later, the Warsaw club again faced GKS Katowice in the final of the Polish Cup, but this time the rivals who won the match 1–0 turned out to be better. The next season, 1989–90, Legia won their ninth Polish Cup, meaning they were able to play in the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup in 1990–91. The Warsaw team, managed by Władysław Stachurski reached the semi-finals of the tournament, eliminating the likes of Sampdoria and Aberdeen. They lost in the semi-finals to Manchester United (1–3 in Warsaw and 1–1 in Manchester).In autumn 1992, the first private sponsor, businessman Janusz Romanowski, invested in the club. A two-year sponsorship deal was signed with FSO (worth PLN 2.4 billion at that time) as well as with Adidas. After the fourth round of the 1992–93 season, Janusz Wójcik became the Legia coach. The high budget from the sponsorship deals allowed players such as Maciej Śliwowski and Radosław Michalski to be brought in. This, in turn, translated into better results and joining the competition for the national championship. On 20 June 1993, after an away victory of 6–0 against Wisła Kraków, the team won the Polish championship. However, on the next day the president of the PZPN board, with a 5–4 vote, decided to take the title from Legia and award it to the third team in the table – Lech Poznań (after disallowing the last matches of Legia and ŁKS, the team from Poznań took first place in the table). The decision was due to the allegations of bribery in the last league match. In addition, Legia was forced to pay a fine of 500 million zlotys, and the UEFA authorities excluded the team from European competition. Twice (December 2004, January 2007),the club unsuccessfully requested that the unfavorable decision should be repealed and that the title should be restored. In the same season, the anti-doping committee decided that Legia player Roman Zub had played after doping before the match against Widzew Łódź. The player's urine sample was also tested in a laboratory in Moscow, where it was considered that increased testosterone levels were not the result of doping. The match was initially verified as a walkover for the Łódź team, but the decision of the PZPN games department was revoked by the president of the board.In the next season, Legia won the first triple crown in the history of Polish football. On 15 June 1994, thanks to a 1–1 draw in the last round with Górnik Zabrze in Warsaw, the legionaries maintained a one-point advantage over second place GKS Katowice and won their fifth Polish title, despite the fact that the season began with three negative points due to the events of the last round in the last season. After the match the press published accusations of corruption with referee Sławomir Redzinski, who, when the score was 1–0 to Górnik, sent off three of the Górnik players. These allegations have not been proven. On 18 June, in the Polish Cup final held at the Legia stadium, the Legia defeated ŁKS Łódź 2–0 and won the tenth trophy in their history. In the match for the Super Cup (24 July), Legia also faced ŁKS Łódź and won 6–4 at the stadium in Płock. The club's first experience of the Champions League ended in defeat in the qualifying stage – the team fell to Croatian side Hajduk Split (0–1 at home, 0–4 away).The next season began with the signing of a contract with Canal+ for broadcasting matches (the first match of the Polish league broadcast was the match of Legia against GKS Katowice, which took place on 1 April 1995). On 31 May 1995, Legia won their sixth Polish championship after a 3–0 victory against Raków Częstochowa in Warsaw, and also won the Polish Cup (2–0 in the final with GKS Katowice). At that time, one of the first protest actions took place at the stadium. The reason was high ticket prices and the ban on hanging flags and banners on the fence – the conflict ended after three matches in Warsaw thanks to an agreement with activists. After winning the championship in the 1994–95 season, Legia Warszawa qualified for the Champions League – in the last qualifying round it defeated the Swedish team IFK Göteborg (1–0 in Warsaw and 2–1 in Gothenburg). In the group stage, Legia drew with Rosenborg BK, Spartak Moscow and Blackburn Rovers. Legia finished the group in second place (with seven points) and in the quarterfinals they faced Panathinaikos Athens. The first match in Warsaw ended in a goalless draw, and in the rematch at the Olympic Stadium in Athens, the Greeks won 3–0. The club did not defend the national championship in the 1995–96 competition and took second place in the league table (behind Widzew Łódź).In 1997, the club was transformed into Sportowa Spółka Akcyjna (SSA) Legia Warsaw and a new sponsor was acquired, South Korean company Daewoo. This season, the legionaries took second place in the league, one reason being a 2–3 loss to Widzew Łódź in the decisive phase of the games (Legia led up until the 85th minute of the match 2–0). The same year Legia went on to win the Polish Cup and the Super Cup. A big change in that period was the addition of Daewoo as a member to the club's name (CWKS "Legia-Daewoo" Warsaw) – the new name did not please fans of Legia and was received coldly by them.The 1997–98 season saw the club's last appearance in the UEFA Cup Winners' Cup. After passing Glenavon in the qualifying round (with a 1–1 draw in Northern Ireland and a 4–0 win in Warsaw), the team fell to Italian team Vicenza Calcio in the first round of the tournament (losing away 0–2 and drawing at home 1–1). In the league the team took 5th place in the table, and in the Polish Cup reached the 1/8 finals, losing to Amica Wronki 0–3. The next season, 1998–99, ended with a bronze medal in the league. In the national cup the team for the second time in a row was eliminated at stage 1/8 of the tournament; This time, GKS Bełchatów was the one to beat the Warsaw team, who after a goalless result in the regular time of the game won 3–2 in the penalty shootout.The club played its 100th match in European competitions – the meeting with Macedonian team Vardar Skopje as part of the 1/64 UEFA Cup final ended with Legia's away victory 5–0 on 12 August 1999. In the 1999–2000 season, Legia took fourth place in the league and did not get to play in the European competitions. In the Polish Cup, the team fell in the quarterfinals to Amica Wronki after a series of penalty kicks (ended with a 3–1 result), while in the League Cup reached the final, in which they lost at home with Polonia Warsaw 1–2.In March 2001, the main shareholder of the club, Daewoo, withdrew from the club's financing, and on 1 July the name of the former sponsor was removed from the club's name and it was reverted to ASPN CWKS "Legia" Warszawa SSA. In the 2000–01 season, the team finished third in the Polish league, and in the Polish Cup lost in the quarterfinals, losing on aggregate 1–4 with Zagłębie Lubin. The same result was achieved by the team in the League Cup – in the quarterfinals of the tournament the team lost to Wisla Kraków, a draw in Warsaw 1–1 and a loss in Kraków 1–3. In the UEFA Cup qualifying round, Legia won against Etzella Ettelbruck (4–0 away, 2–1 in Warsaw), and in the next match they defeated IF Elfsborg (4–1 at home, 6–1 in Sweden). The rival of Legia in the second round was Valencia CF. In the first match at the Polish Army stadium there was a 1–1 draw, but in the rematch the Spaniards won 6–1.The 2001–02 season, which was led by Dragomir Okuki, ended in Legia's seventh championship title (after a 0–0 draw with Odra Wodzisław in Warsaw), as well as a triumph in the Polish League Cup (3–0 and 1–2 in the final with Wisła Kraków). In competing for the Polish Cup, the team reached the quarter-finals, where it lost to Ruch Chorzów (2–4 in Warsaw, 1–0 in Chorzów). Legia played in the Champions League qualifiers in the summer, but in the third round they fell against FC Barcelona – in the first match at Camp Nou, the Catalans won 3–0, in the second they beat Legia 1–0. After defeat against the Spaniards, the Warsaw team competed in the UEFA Cup. In the first round Legia beat FC Utrecht (4–1 at home and 3–1 away), in the second round they were eliminated by Schalke – 2–3 in Warsaw, 0–0 in Gelsenkirchen.The legionaries finished the 2002–03 season in 4th place, in the Polish Cup they fell in the 3rd round. On 13 June 2003, the name of the club changed to KP "Legia" Warszawa SSA and on the same day the team was greeted by a new coach, Dariusz Kubicki.The club was purchased by ITI Group on 8 April 2004. The team took second place in the league and played in the Polish Cup final, in which it lost to Lech Poznań. The next season, 2004–05, the Warsaw team came third in the league table, and in the national cup they lost in the semi-final, falling to Dyskobolia Grodzisk Wielkopolski – 1–1, 1–1, 1–4 on aggregate penalties.The 2005–06 season was exceptional in the club's history – Legia celebrated its 90th anniversary. First, the team dropped out of the UEFA Cup in the second qualifying round (0–1 in Warsaw and 2–4 in Zurich with FC Zürich) and had a weak start in the league. In addition, they only reached the quarter-finals of the Polish Cup, losing on the aggregate with Korona Kielce. Nevertheless, the legionaries won the eighth Polish championship after winning 1–0 in a match against Górnik Zabrze. After the arrival of the new coach Dariusz Wdowczyk, they managed to make up for seven points when they were behind Wisła Kraków and reach for the title; The Warsaw City Council decided at that time to finance the modernization of the Legia stadium through the construction of three new grandstands and the extension of the covered grandstand. After four years, the legionnaires again stood a chance of winning promotion to the group stage of the Champions League. In the second round of qualifying they beat Hafnarfjarðar – 1–0 away, 2–0 at home. Shakhtar Donetsk turned out to be the next rival in the decisive third stage. Both meetings ended with the defeat of Legia – 0–1 in Donetsk and 2–3 in Warsaw. They attempted to make up for the failure playing against Austria Vienna in the first round of the UEFA Cup. However, Legia did not manage to defeat the Austrian opponent; in the first match in Warsaw the team drew 1–1, and in the return the hosts won 1–0.In following competitions, Legia dropped out of the fight for the Polish Cup in the 1/16 finals, falling to fourth-division team Stal Sanok, and in the league they won third place. In addition, as part of the Ekstraklasa Cup, the team reached the quarterfinals and lost on aggregate with Górnik Łęczna. The year 2007 brought a change of the coat of arms. The club did not agree with CWKS, which had the rights to the previous logo. The club's board registered their logotype, boycotted by the fans, because it did not resemble the old mark (despite similar colors and the letter "L" had a different outline and arrangement of colors). Eventually, it was not implemented and it was established that the official sign will be modified with the white letter "L" on the black shield. However, the shape differed from the historical one and resembled a triangle, not like the original coat of arms.At the beginning of the 2007–08 season in Vilnius there were riots caused by Legia fans, which had their apogee at the stadium of FK Vėtra during the match of the second round of the Intertoto Cup. Hooligans, among others devastated the stadium and attacked the police, as a result of which the match was stopped at 2–0 for the Lithuanian club. A few days later, the UEFA Disciplinary Commission verified the result of the meeting with Vėtra for a 3–0 win for the hosts and banned Legia from the current European Cup and qualifying for European competition (UEFA Champions League, UEFA Cup, Intertoto Cup) for the next five years. UEFA also forced the Warsaw club to cover all losses caused by rioters at the host stadium. After submitting the appeal, the penalty was temporarily suspended, taking into account the changes made to enhance safety at Legia's matches.At the halfway point of the league games Legia took second place, even though it scored more points than in the championship season 2005–06. The legionaries were ten points behind first place Wisła Kraków. Eventually, the team reached the Polish Cup and Polish Super Cup after winning against Wisla Kraków twice (0–0, 4–3 pen. and 2–1), and also won the runner-up title. The legionaries secured their UEFA Cup performance in the next season. In addition, the team played in the Ekstraklasa Cup final. The meeting played in Grodzisk Wielkopolski was won by the local Dyskobolia, which after the 4–1 victory won the trophy. In the spring round of the competition, the club joined the campaign Let's Kick Racism from the Stadium, organized by the Never Again Association – "Nigdy Więcej" – the players ran out on 22 March in a match against Widzew Łódź in shirts with the campaign's name.In the 2008–09 season Legia started by defeating the Belarusian club FC Gomel (0–0 and 4–1) in the first round of the UEFA Cup qualifying round. In the second the legionaries went to the Russian FC Moscow. Both matches ended with the defeat of legionnaires: in Warsaw 1–2, and in Moscow 0–2. The only goal scored for Legia was by Roger Guerreiro. In the league, the team repeated the previous year's achievement, finishing second at the end of the season. The team also reached the semi-finals of the Polish Cup, in which they lost to Ruch Chorzow. In the competition for the Ekstraklasa Cup, Legia appeared in the quarterfinals and was eliminated by GKS Bełchatów.Legia won its 10th title with another league championship at the end of the 2013–14 Ekstraklasa season. Legia qualified for the 2016–17 Champions League group stages for the first time in 21 years after defeating Dundalk on 23 August 2016. The Legionnaires found themselves in group F with the likes of Real Madrid, Borussia Dortmund, and Sporting Lisbon. They finished third place after winning 1–0 against Sporting Lisbon on the last match day in the group stages, sending them to the round of 32 in the 2016–17 UEFA Europa League. Legia was drawn against Ajax where the first match fell goalless in Warsaw.Legia won its 12th League title in the 2016–17 Ekstraklasa season. They finished with a 0–0 draw against Lechia Gdańsk. Legia needed a draw in the match between Jagiellonia Białystok and Lech Poznań which finished 2–2 and gave Legia the title.Legia's third consecutive Eksrtaklasa title was won in dramatic circumstances. Needing to win away to Lech Poznan to guarantee the title, a 3–0 victory was awarded to Legia after the game was abandoned. Lech fans threw flares and invaded the pitch after Legia scored to make it 2–0 in the 77th minute, after which the referee called the game off. The result meant Legia won the league, finishing three points above second placed Jagiellonia Białystok.Legia plays its games at Legia Warsaw Municipal Stadium of Marshal Józef Piłsudski (Polish: "Stadion Miejski Legii Warszawa im. Marszałka Józefa Piłsudskiego"), traditionally also referred to as the Polish Army Stadium (Polish: "Stadion Wojska Polskiego"), which is an all-seater football-specific stadium in Warsaw, Poland. Legia has been playing there since 9 August 1930. With space for 31,800 spectators it is the 5th biggest football stadium in the Ekstraklasa. The stadium underwent significant reconstruction between 2008 and 2011, during which all of the stands were demolished and replaced with bigger and more modern ones which increased the stadium's capacity from 13,500 to 31,800 seats. The Polish Army Stadium is currently owned by the City of Warsaw.As one of the most successful clubs in Poland, Legia Warsaw is also one of its most popular clubs. Legia has gained devotion from generations of fans from Warsaw as well as around the country, mainly in Masovian Voivodeship. Legia supporters are considered very spontaneous, dedicated and fanatical. Accordingly, in terms of quality of football support, they are also often described as the best supporters in Poland. Groups of fans follow Legia for practically all away matches, both domestic and international. Supporters of Legia occasionally attract also some negative attention, in particular after events such as riots in Lithuania during a match against Vėtra Vilnius on 10 July 2007.Traditionally, the most devoted and spontaneous fans occupy the Żyleta stand in their stadium. Before the stadium renovation (2008–2011), the "old" Żyleta referred only to the center section within the eastern stand of the stadium (occasionally, it would also refer to eastern stand as a whole). There is a special exhibition dedicated to the "old" Żyleta in the Legia Warsaw Museum. Today, after the stadium's renovation, the "new" Żyleta means the whole northern stand of stadium (located behind the goal).As regards their political sentiments, the supporters of Legia tend to be more right wing. During communist times, in particular during the 1980s, Legia fans showed their patriotic and strongly anti-communistic views. Today, the fans actively participate in annual commemorations of the Warsaw Uprising and Polish Independence Day. Legia fans are also vocal with their views on domestic issues, e.g. their conflict with former Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk, as well as on international politics, e.g. by way of displaying banners reading "Kosovo is Serbian" at the stadium. On 22 October 2014, when Legia played with the Ukrainian Metalists they displayed a banner with the names Lwów (Lviv) and Wilno (Vilnius) along with the coat of arms of Rzeczpospolita and flag of Poland on background, what led to negative reactions. On 19 August 2015, in Lviv and Kyiv, where Legia played with Zorya, clashes between Ukrainian and Polish fans occurred.Domestically, Legia Warsaw supporters maintain friendly relations with fans of Radomiak Radom, Zagłębie Sosnowiec and Olimpia Elbląg. Internationally, Legia supporters maintain friendly relations with fans of ADO Den Haag and Juventus. Their domestic rivals include all the other Polish teams that play at the domestic top tier league level. Warsaw clubs, Polonia Warsaw, KS Warszawianka and Gwardia Warsaw, were Legia's main league rivals, but since 2013 none of them competes in Ekstraklasa.The Warsaw derby is a match between Legia and Polonia WarsawOther local rivalriesBetween Legia and Gwardia WarsawBetween Legia and KS Warszawianka"As of 1 October 2020"Note: "italics" means neutral place results or penalised resultAs of 26 June 2019 the players with the most appearances for Legia are:As of 26 June 2019 the ten players with the most goals for Legia are:"This is a list of former players and coaches who have been inducted into the Legia Warsaw Hall of Fame."
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[
"Władysław Stachurski",
"Jan Urban",
"Stanislav Cherchesov",
"Stefan Białas",
"Romeo Jozak",
"Franciszek Smuda",
"Kazimierz Górski",
"Ryszard Koncewicz",
"Stjepan Bobek",
"Czesław Michniewicz",
"Józef Kałuża",
"Stanisław Mielech",
"Lucjan Brychczy",
"Kosta Runjaić",
"Dariusz Kubicki",
"Jerzy Kopa",
"Andrzej Strejlau",
"Krzysztof Gawara",
"Jacek Magiera",
"Edward Drabiński",
"Janusz Wójcik",
"Dragan Okuka",
"Jacek Zieliński",
"Karol Hanke",
"Longin Janeczek",
"Rudolf Kapera",
"Dean Klafurić",
"Edmund Zientara",
"Aleksandar Vuković",
"Jerzy Engel",
"Henning Berg",
"Ricardo Sá Pinto",
"Krzysztof Etmanowicz",
"Dariusz Wdowczyk",
"Janos Steiner",
"Wacław Kuchar",
"Maciej Skorża",
"Paweł Janas",
"Besnik Hasi"
] |
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Which position did Roy Jenkins hold in Apr, 1968?
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April 03, 1968
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{
"text": [
"Chancellor of the Exchequer",
"Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q323488_P39_10
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Roy Jenkins holds the position of Chancellor of the Exchequer from Nov, 1967 to Jun, 1970.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Home Secretary from Dec, 1965 to Nov, 1967.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 49th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1983 to May, 1987.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Shadow Home Secretary from Nov, 1973 to Mar, 1974.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1974 to Jan, 1977.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1948 to Feb, 1950.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1982 to May, 1983.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Apr, 1956 to Jan, 1957.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from Jul, 1970 to Apr, 1972.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Nov, 1987 to Jan, 2003.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Chancellor of the University of Oxford from Mar, 1987 to Jan, 2003.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer from Jun, 1970 to Apr, 1972.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of President of the European Commission from Jan, 1977 to Jan, 1981.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Jul, 1955 to Oct, 1955.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974.
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Roy JenkinsRoy Harris Jenkins, Baron Jenkins of Hillhead, (11 November 1920 – 5 January 2003) was a British politician who served as President of the European Commission from 1977 to 1981. At various times a Member of Parliament (MP) for the Labour Party, Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the Liberal Democrats, he was Chancellor of the Exchequer and Home Secretary under the Wilson and Callaghan Governments.The son of Arthur Jenkins, a coal-miner and Labour MP, Jenkins was educated at the University of Oxford and served as an intelligence officer during the Second World War. Initially elected as MP for Southwark Central in 1948, he moved to become MP for Birmingham Stechford in 1950. On the election of Harold Wilson after the 1964 election, Jenkins was appointed Minister of Aviation. A year later, he was promoted to the Cabinet to become Home Secretary. In this role, Jenkins embarked on a major reform programme; he sought to build what he described as "a civilised society", overseeing measures such as the effective abolition in Britain of both capital punishment and theatre censorship, the partial decriminalisation of homosexuality, relaxing of divorce law, suspension of birching and the liberalisation of abortion law.After the devaluation crisis in November 1967, Jenkins replaced James Callaghan as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Throughout his time at the Treasury, Jenkins oversaw a tight fiscal policy in an attempt to control inflation, and oversaw a particularly tough Budget in 1968 which saw major tax rises. As a result of this, the Government's current account entered a surplus in 1969. After Labour unexpectedly lost the 1970 election, Jenkins was elected as Deputy Leader of the Labour Party in 1970. He resigned from the position in 1972 after the Labour Party decided to oppose Britain's entry to the European Communities, which he strongly supported. When Labour returned to power following the 1974 election, Wilson appointed Jenkins as Home Secretary for the second time. Two years later, when Wilson resigned as Prime Minister, Jenkins stood in the leadership election to succeed him, finishing third behind Michael Foot and the winner James Callaghan. He subsequently chose to resign from Parliament and leave British politics, to accept appointment as the first-ever British President of the European Commission, a role he took up in January 1977.After completing his term at the Commission in 1981, Jenkins announced a surprise return to British politics; dismayed with the Labour Party's move further left under the leadership of Michael Foot, he became one of the "Gang of Four", senior Labour figures who broke away from the party and founded the SDP. In 1982, Jenkins won a by-election to return to Parliament as MP for Glasgow Hillhead, taking the seat from the Conservatives in a famous result. He became leader of the SDP ahead of the 1983 election, during which he formed an electoral alliance with the Liberal Party. After his disappointment with the performance of the SDP in the election, he resigned as leader. He subsequently lost his seat in Parliament at the 1987 election, and accepted a life peerage shortly afterwards; he sat in the House of Lords as a Liberal Democrat.He was later elected to succeed former Prime Minister Harold Macmillan as Chancellor of the University of Oxford following the latter's death; he would hold this position until his own death sixteen years later. In the late 1990s, he served as a close adviser to Prime Minister Tony Blair and chaired a major commission on electoral reform. In addition to his political career, he was also a noted historian, biographer and writer. His (1991) is regarded as one of the best autobiographies of the later twentieth century, which "will be read with pleasure long after most examples of the genre have been forgotten". Jenkins died in 2003, aged 82.Born in Abersychan, Monmouthshire, in southeastern Wales, as an only child, Roy Jenkins was the son of a National Union of Mineworkers official, Arthur Jenkins. His father was imprisoned during the 1926 General Strike for his alleged involvement in disturbances. Arthur Jenkins later became President of the South Wales Miners' Federation and Member of Parliament for Pontypool, Parliamentary Private Secretary to Clement Attlee, and briefly a minister in the 1945 Labour government. Roy Jenkins' mother, Hattie Harris, was the daughter of a steelworks foreman.Jenkins was educated at Pentwyn Primary School, Abersychan County Grammar School, University College, Cardiff, and at Balliol College, Oxford, where he was twice defeated for the Presidency of the Oxford Union but took First-Class Honours in Politics, Philosophy and Economics (PPE). His university colleagues included Tony Crosland, Denis Healey and Edward Heath, and he became friends with all three, although he was never particularly close to Healey.In John Campbell's biography "A Well-Rounded Life" a romantic relationship between Jenkins and Crosland was detailed. Other figures he met whilst at Oxford who would become notable in public life included Madron Seligman, Nicholas Henderson and Mark Bonham Carter.During the Second World War, Jenkins received his officer training at Alton Towers and was posted to the 55th West Somerset Yeomanry at West Lavington, Wiltshire. Through the influence of his father, in April 1944 Jenkins was sent to Bletchley Park to work as a codebreaker; whilst there he befriended the historian Asa Briggs.Having failed to win Solihull in 1945, after which he spent a brief period working for the Industrial and Commercial Finance Corporation, he was elected to the House of Commons in a 1948 by-election as the Member of Parliament for Southwark Central, becoming the "Baby of the House". His constituency was abolished in boundary changes for the 1950 general election, when he stood instead in the new Birmingham Stechford constituency. He won the seat, and represented the constituency until 1977.In 1947 he edited a collection of Clement Attlee's speeches, published under the title "Purpose and Policy". Attlee then granted Jenkins access to his private papers so that he could write his biography, which appeared in 1948 ("Mr Attlee: An Interim Biography"). The reviews were generally favourable, including George Orwell's in "Tribune".In 1950, he advocated a large capital levy, abolition of public schools and introduction of a measure of industrial democracy to nationalised industries as key policy objectives for the Labour government. In 1951 "Tribune" published his pamphlet "Fair Shares for the Rich". Here, Jenkins advocated the abolition of large private incomes by taxing them, graduating from 50 per cent for incomes between £20,000 and £30,000 to 95 per cent for incomes over £100,000. He also proposed further nationalisations and said: "Future nationalisations will be more concerned with equality than with planning, and this means that we can leave the monolithic public corporation behind us and look for more intimate forms of ownership and control". He later described this "almost Robespierrean" pamphlet as "the apogee of my excursion to the left".Jenkins contributed an essay on 'Equality' to the 1952 collection "New Fabian Essays". In 1953 appeared "Pursuit of Progress", a work intended to counter Bevanism. Retreating from what he had demanded in "Fair Shares for the Rich", Jenkins now argued that the redistribution of wealth would occur over a generation and abandoned the goal of public school abolition. However, he still proposed further nationalisations: "It is quite impossible to advocate both the abolition of great inequalities of wealth and the acceptance of a one-quarter public sector and three-quarters private sector arrangement. A mixed economy there will undoubtedly be, certainly for many decades and perhaps permanently, but it will need to be mixed in very different proportions from this". He also opposed the Bevanites' neutralist foreign policy platform: "Neutrality is essentially a conservative policy, a policy of defeat, of announcing to the world that we have nothing to say to which the world will listen. ... Neutrality could never be acceptable to anyone who believes that he has a universal faith to preach". Jenkins argued that the Labour leadership needed to take on and defeat the neutralists and pacifists in the party; it would be better to risk a split in the party than face "the destruction, by schism, perhaps for a generation, of the whole progressive movement in the country".Between 1951 and 1956 he wrote a weekly column for the Indian newspaper "The Current". Here he advocated progressive reforms such as equal pay, the decriminalisation of homosexuality, the liberalisation of the obscenity laws and the abolition of capital punishment. "Mr Balfour's Poodle", a short account of the House of Lords crisis of 1911 that culminated in the Parliament Act 1911, was published in 1954. Favourable reviewers included A. J. P. Taylor, Harold Nicolson, Leonard Woolf and Violet Bonham Carter. After a suggestion by Mark Bonham Carter, Jenkins then wrote a biography of the Victorian radical, Sir Charles Dilke, which was published in October 1958.During the 1956 Suez Crisis, Jenkins denounced Anthony Eden's "squalid imperialist adventure" at a Labour rally in Birmingham Town Hall. Three years later he claimed that "Suez was a totally unsuccessful attempt to achieve unreasonable and undesirable objectives by methods which were at once reckless and immoral; and the consequences, as was well deserved, were humiliating and disastrous".Jenkins praised Anthony Crosland's 1956 work "The Future of Socialism" as "the most important book on socialist theory" since Evan Durbin's "The Politics of Democratic Socialism" (1940). With much of the economy now nationalised, Jenkins argued, socialists should concentrate on eliminating the remaining pockets of poverty and on the removal of class barriers, as well as promoting libertarian social reforms. Jenkins was principal sponsor, in 1959, of the bill which became the liberalising Obscene Publications Act, responsible for establishing the "liable to deprave and corrupt" criterion as a basis for a prosecution of suspect material and for specifying literary merit as a possible defence.In July 1959 Penguin published Jenkins' "The Labour Case", timed to anticipate the upcoming election. Jenkins argued that Britain's chief danger was that of "living sullenly in the past, of believing that the world has a duty to keep us in the station to which we are accustomed, and showing bitter resentment if it does not do so". He added: "Our neighbours in Europe are roughly our economic and military equals. We would do better to live gracefully with them than to waste our substance by trying unsuccessfully to keep up with the power giants of the modern world". Jenkins claimed that the Attlee government concentrated "too much towards the austerity of fair shares, and too little towards the incentives of free consumers' choice". Although he still believed in the elimination of poverty and more equality, Jenkins now argued that these aims could be achieved by economic growth. In the final chapter ('Is Britain Civilised?') Jenkins set out a list of necessary progressive social reforms: the abolition of the death penalty, decriminalisation of homosexuality, abolition of the Lord Chamberlain's powers of theatre censorship, liberalisation of the licensing and betting laws, liberalisation of the divorce laws, legalisation of abortion, decriminalisation of suicide and more liberal immigration laws. Jenkins concluded:Let us be on the side of those who want people to be free to live their own lives, to make their own mistakes, and to decide, in an adult way and provided they do not infringe the rights of others, the code by which they wish to live; and on the side of experiment and brightness, of better buildings and better food, of better music (jazz as well as Bach) and better books, of fuller lives and greater freedom. In the long run these things will be more important than the most perfect of economic policies.In the aftermath of Labour's 1959 defeat, Jenkins appeared on "Panorama" and argued that Labour should abandon further nationalisation, question its connection with the trade unions and not dismiss a closer association with the Liberal Party. In November he delivered a Fabian Society lecture in which he blamed Labour's defeat on the unpopularity of nationalisation and he repeated this in an article for "The Spectator". His "Spectator" article also called for Britain to accept its diminished place in the world, to grant colonial freedom, to spend more on public services and to promote the right of individuals to live their own lives free from the constraints of popular prejudices and state interference. Jenkins later called it a "good radical programme, although...not a socialist one".In May 1960 Jenkins joined the Campaign for Democratic Socialism, a Gaitskellite pressure group designed to fight against left-wing domination of the Labour Party. In July 1960 Jenkins resigned from his frontbench role in order to be able to campaign freely for British membership of the Common Market. At the 1960 Labour Party conference in Scarborough, Jenkins advocated rewriting Clause IV of the party's constitution but he was booed. In November he wrote in "The Spectator" that "unless the Labour Party is determined to abdicate its role as a mass party and become nothing more than a narrow sectarian society, its paramount task is to represent the whole of the Leftward-thinking half of the country—and to offer the prospect of attracting enough marginal support to give that half some share of power".During 1960–62 his main campaign was British membership of the Common Market, where he became Labour's leading advocate of entry. When Harold Macmillan initiated the first British application to join the Common Market in 1961, Jenkins became deputy chairman of the all-party Common Market Campaign and then chairman of the Labour Common Market Committee. At the 1961 Labour Party conference Jenkins spoke in favour of Britain's entry.Since 1959 Jenkins had been working on a biography of the Liberal Prime Minister, H. H. Asquith. For Jenkins, Asquith ranked with Attlee as the embodiment of the moderate, liberal intelligence in politics that he most admired. Through Asquith's grandson, Mark Bonham Carter, Jenkins had access to Asquith's letters to his mistress, Venetia Stanley. Kenneth Rose, Michael Foot, Asa Briggs and John Grigg all favourably reviewed the book when it was published in October 1964. However, Violet Bonham Carter wrote a defence of her father in "The Times" against the few criticisms of Asquith in the book, and Robert Rhodes James wrote in "The Spectator" that "Asquith was surely a tougher, stronger, more acute man...than Mr. Jenkins would have us believe. The fascinating enigma of his complete decline is never really analysed, nor even understood. ... We required a Sutherland: but we have got an Annigoni". John Campbell claims that "for half a century it has remained unchallenged as the best biography and is rightly regarded as a classic".Like Healey and Crosland, he had been a close friend of Hugh Gaitskell and for them Gaitskell's death and the elevation of Harold Wilson as Labour Party leader was a setback. For Jenkins, Gaitskell would remain his political hero. After the 1964 general election Jenkins was appointed Minister of Aviation and was sworn of the Privy Council. While at Aviation he oversaw the high-profile cancellations of the BAC TSR-2 and Concorde projects (although the latter was later reversed after strong opposition from the French Government). In January 1965 Patrick Gordon Walker resigned as Foreign Secretary and in the ensuing reshuffle Wilson offered Jenkins the Department for Education and Science; however, he declined it, preferring to stay at Aviation.In the summer of 1965 Jenkins eagerly accepted an offer to replace Frank Soskice as Home Secretary. However Wilson, dismayed by a sudden bout of press speculation about the potential move, delayed Jenkins' appointment until December. Once Jenkins took office – the youngest Home Secretary since Churchill – he immediately set about reforming the operation and organisation of the Home Office. The Principal Private Secretary, Head of the Press and Publicity Department and Permanent Under-Secretary were all replaced. He also redesigned his office, famously replacing the board on which condemned prisoners were listed with a fridge.After the 1966 general election, in which Labour won a comfortable majority, Jenkins pushed through a series of police reforms which reduced the number of separate forces from 117 to 49. "The Times" called it "the greatest upheaval in policing since the time of Peel". His visit to Chicago in September (to study their policing methods) convinced him of the need to introduce two-way radios to the police; whereas the Metropolitan Police possessed 25 radios in 1965, Jenkins increased this to 2,500, and provided similar numbers of radios to the rest of the country's police forces. Jenkins also provided the police with more car radios, which made the police more mobile but reduced the amount of time they spent patrolling the streets. His Criminal Justice Act 1967 introduced more stringent controls on the purchase of shotguns, outlawed last-minute alibis and introduced majority verdicts in juries in England and Wales. The Act was also designed to lower the prison population by the introduction of release under licence, easier bail, suspended sentences and earlier parole.Immigration was a divisive and provocative issue during the late 1960s and on 23 May 1966 Jenkins delivered a speech on race relations, which is widely considered to be one of his best. Addressing a London meeting of the National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants he notably defined Integration:Before going on to ask:And concluding that:By the end of 1966, Jenkins was the Cabinet's rising star; the "Guardian" called him the best Home Secretary of the century "and quite possibly the best since Peel", the "Sunday Times" called him Wilson's most likeliest successor and the "New Statesman" labelled him "Labour's Crown Prince".In a speech to the London Labour Conference in May 1967, Jenkins said his vision was of "a more civilised, more free and less hidebound society" and he further claimed that "to enlarge the area of individual choice, socially, politically and economically, not just for a few but for the whole community, is very much what democratic socialism is about". He gave strong personal support to David Steel's Private Member's Bill for the legalisation of abortion, which became the Abortion Act 1967, telling the Commons that "the existing law on abortion is uncertain and...harsh and archaic", adding that "the law is consistently flouted by those who have the means to do so. It is, therefore, very much a question of one law for the rich and one law for the poor". When the Bill looked likely to be dropped due to insufficient time, Jenkins helped ensure that it received enough parliamentary time to pass and he voted for it in every division.Jenkins also supported Leo Abse's bill for the decriminalisation of homosexuality, which became the Sexual Offences Act 1967. Jenkins told the Commons: "It would be a mistake to think...that by what we are doing tonight we are giving a vote of confidence or congratulation to homosexuality. Those who suffer from this disability carry a great weight of loneliness, guilt and shame. The crucial question...is, should we add to those disadvantages the full rigour of the criminal law? By its overwhelming decisions, the House has given a fairly clear answer, and I hope that the Bill will now make rapid progress towards the Statute Book. It will be an important and civilising Measure".Jenkins also abolished the use of flogging in prisons. In July 1967 Jenkins recommended to the Home Affairs Select Committee a bill to end the Lord Chamberlain's power to censor the theatre. This was passed as the Theatres Act 1968 under Jenkins' successor as Home Secretary, James Callaghan. Jenkins also announced that he would introduce legislation banning racial discrimination in employment, which was embodied in the Race Relations Act 1968 passed under Callaghan. In October 1967 Jenkins planned to introduce legislation that would enable him to keep out the 20,000 Kenyan Asians who held British passports (this was passed four months later under Callaghan as the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1968, which was based on Jenkins' draft).Jenkins is often seen as responsible for the most wide-ranging social reforms of the late 1960s, with popular historian Andrew Marr claiming "the greatest changes of the Labour years" were thanks to Jenkins. These reforms would not have happened when they did, earlier than in most other European countries, if Jenkins had not supported them. In a speech in Abingdon in July 1969, Jenkins said that the "permissive society" had been allowed to become a dirty phrase: "A better phrase is the 'civilized society', based on the belief that different individuals will wish to make different decisions about their patterns of behaviour and that, provided these do not restrict the freedom of others, they should be allowed to do so within a framework of understanding and tolerance". Jenkins' words were immediately reported in the press as "The permissive society is the civilised society", which he later wrote "was not all that far from my meaning".For some conservatives, such as Peter Hitchens, Jenkins' reforms remain objectionable. In his book "The Abolition of Britain", Hitchens accuses him of being a "cultural revolutionary" who takes a large part of the responsibility for the decline of "traditional values" in Britain. During the 1980s Margaret Thatcher and Norman Tebbit would blame Jenkins for family breakdowns, the decline of respect for authority and the decline of social responsibility. Jenkins replied by pointing out that Thatcher, with her large parliamentary majorities, never attempted to reverse his reforms.From 1967 to 1970 Jenkins served as Chancellor of the Exchequer, replacing James Callaghan following the devaluation crisis of November 1967. Jenkins' ultimate goal as Chancellor was economic growth, which depended on restoring stability to sterling at its new value after devaluation. This could only be achieved by ensuring a surplus in the balance of payments, which had been in a deficit for the previous five years. Therefore, Jenkins pursued deflation, including cuts in public expenditure and increases in taxation, in order to ensure that resources went into exports rather than domestic consumption. Jenkins warned the House of Commons in January 1968 that there was "two years of hard slog ahead".He quickly gained a reputation as a particularly tough Chancellor with his 1968 budget increasing taxes by £923 million, more than twice the increase of any previous budget to date. Jenkins had warned the Cabinet that a second devaluation would occur in three months if his budget did not restore confidence in sterling. He restored prescription charges (which had been abolished when Labour returned to office in 1964) and postponed the raising of the school leaving age to 16 to 1973 instead of 1971. Housing and road building plans were also heavily cut, and he also accelerated Britain's withdrawal East of Suez. Jenkins ruled out increasing the income tax and so raised the taxes on: drinks and cigarettes (except on beer), purchase tax, petrol duty, road tax, a 50 per cent rise in Selective Employment Tax and a one-off Special Charge on personal incomes. He also paid for an increase in family allowances by cutting child tax allowances.Despite Edward Heath claiming it was a "hard, cold budget, without any glimmer of warmth" Jenkins' first budget broadly received a warm reception, with Harold Wilson remarking that "it was widely acclaimed as a speech of surpassing quality and elegance" and Barbara Castle that it "took everyone's breath away". Richard Crossman said it was "genuinely based on socialist principles, fair in the fullest sense by really helping people at the bottom of the scale and by really taxing the wealthy". In his budget broadcast on 19 March, Jenkins said that Britain had been living in a "fool's paradise" for years and that it was "importing too much, exporting too little and paying ourselves too much", with a lower standard of living than France or West Germany.Jenkins' supporters in the Parliamentary Labour Party became known as the "Jenkinsites". These were usually younger, middle-class and university-educated ex-Gaitskellites such as Bill Rodgers, David Owen, Roy Hattersley, Dick Taverne, John Mackintosh and David Marquand. In May–July 1968 some of his supporters, led by Patrick Gordon Walker and Christopher Mayhew, plotted to replace Wilson with Jenkins as Labour leader but he declined to challenge Wilson. A year later his supporters again attempted to persuade Jenkins to challenge Wilson for the party leadership but he again declined. He later wrote in his memoirs that the 1968 plot was "for me...the equivalent of the same season of 1953 for Rab Butler. Having faltered for want of single-minded ruthlessness when there was no alternative to himself, he then settled down to a career punctuated by increasingly wide misses of the premiership. People who effectively seize the prime ministership – Lloyd George, Macmillan, Mrs Thatcher – do not let such moments slip".In April 1968, with Britain's reserves declining by approximately £500 million every quarter, Jenkins went to Washington to obtain a $1,400 million loan from the International Monetary Fund. Following a further sterling crisis in November 1968 Jenkins was forced to raise taxes by a further £250 million. After this the currency markets slowly began to settle and his 1969 budget represented more of the same with a £340 million increase in taxation to further limit consumption.By May 1969 Britain's current account position was in surplus, thanks to a growth in exports, a drop in overall consumption and, in part, the Inland Revenue correcting a previous underestimation in export figures. In July Jenkins was also able to announce that the size of Britain's foreign currency reserves had been increased by almost $1 billion since the beginning of the year. It was at this time that he presided over Britain's only excess of government revenue over expenditure in the period 1936–7 to 1987–8. Thanks in part to these successes there was a high expectation that the 1970 budget would be a more generous one. Jenkins, however, was cautious about the stability of Britain's recovery and decided to present a more muted and fiscally neutral budget. It is often argued that this, combined with a series of bad trade figures, contributed to the Conservative victory at the 1970 general election. Historians and economists have often praised Jenkins for presiding over the transformation in Britain's fiscal and current account positions towards the end of the 1960s. Andrew Marr, for example, described him as one of the 20th century's "most successful chancellors". Alec Cairncross considered Jenkins "the ablest of the four Chancellors I served".Public expenditure as a proportion of GDP rose from 44 per cent in 1964 to around 50 per cent in 1970. Despite Jenkins' warnings about inflation, wage settlements in 1969–70 increased on average by 13 per cent and contributed to the high inflation of the early 1970s and consequently negated most of Jenkins' efforts to obtain a balance of payments surplus.After Labour unexpectedly lost power in 1970 Jenkins was appointed Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer by Harold Wilson. Jenkins was also subsequently elected to the deputy leadership of the Labour Party in July 1970, defeating future Labour Leader Michael Foot and former Leader of the Commons Fred Peart at the first ballot. At this time he appeared the natural successor to Harold Wilson, and it appeared to many only a matter of time before he inherited the leadership of the party, and the opportunity to become Prime Minister.This changed completely, however, as Jenkins refused to accept the tide of anti-European feeling that became prevalent in the Labour Party in the early 1970s. After a special conference on the EEC was held by the Labour Party on 17 July 1971, but from which Jenkins was forbidden from addressing, he delivered one of the most powerful speeches of his career. Jenkins told a meeting of the Parliamentary Labour Party on 19 July: "At conference the only alternative [to the EEC] we heard was 'socialism in one country'. That is always good for a cheer. Pull up the drawbridge and revolutionize the fortress. That's not a policy either: it's just a slogan, and it is one which becomes not merely unconvincing but hypocritical as well when it is dressed up as our best contribution to international socialism". This reopened the old Bevanite–Gaitskellite divide in the Party; Wilson told Tony Benn the day after Jenkins' speech that he was determined to smash the Campaign for Democratic Socialism.At the 1971 Labour Party conference in Brighton, the NEC's motion to reject the "Tory terms" of entry into the EEC was carried by a large majority. Jenkins told a fringe meeting that this would have no effect on his continued support for Britain's entry. Benn said Jenkins was "the figure dominating this Conference; there is no question about it". On 28 October 1971, he led 69 Labour MPs through the division lobby in support of the Heath government's motion to take Britain into the EEC. In so-doing they were defying a three-line whip and a five-to-one vote at the Labour Party annual conference. Jenkins later wrote: "I was convinced that it was one of the decisive votes of the century, and had no intention of spending the rest of my life answering the question of what did I do in the great division by saying 'I abstained'. I saw it in the context of the first Reform Bill, the repeal of the Corn Laws, Gladstone's Home Rule Bills, the Lloyd George Budget and the Parliament Bill, the Munich Agreement and the May 1940 votes".Jenkins' action gave the European cause a legitimacy that would have otherwise been absent had the issue been considered solely as a party political matter. However, he was now regarded by the left as a "traitor". James Margach wrote in the "Sunday Times": "The unconcealed objective of the Left now is either to humiliate Roy Jenkins and his allies into submission – or drive them from the party". At this stage, however, Jenkins would not fully abandon his position as a political insider, and chose to stand again for deputy leader, an act his colleague David Marquand claimed he later came to regret. Jenkins promised not to vote with the government again and he narrowly defeated Michael Foot on a second ballot.In accordance with the party whip, Jenkins voted against European Communities Bill 55 times. However, he resigned both the deputy leadership and his shadow cabinet position in April 1972, after the party committed itself to holding a referendum on Britain's membership of the EEC. This led to some former admirers, including Roy Hattersley, choosing to distance themselves from Jenkins. Hattersley later claimed that Jenkins' resignation was "the moment when the old Labour coalition began to collapse and the eventual formation of a new centre party became inevitable". In his resignation letter to Wilson, Jenkins said that if there were a referendum "the Opposition would form a temporary coalition of those who, whatever their political views, were against the proposed action. By this means we would have forged a more powerful continuing weapon against progressive legislation than anything we have known in this country since the curbing of the absolute powers of the old House of Lords".Jenkins' lavish lifestyle — Wilson once described him as "more a socialite than a socialist" — had already alienated much of the Labour Party from him. Wilson accused him of having an affair with socialite Ann Fleming - and it was true.In May 1972 he collected the Charlemagne Prize, which he had been awarded for promoting European unity. In September an ORC opinion poll found that there was considerable public support for an alliance between the 'moderate' wing of the Labour Party and the Liberals; 35 per cent said they would vote for a Labour–Liberal alliance, 27 per cent for the Conservatives and 23.5 per cent for 'Socialist Labour'. "The Times" claimed that there were "twelve million Jenkinsites". During the spring and summer of 1972, Jenkins delivered a series of speeches designed to set out his leadership credentials. These were published in September under the title "What Matters Now", which sold well. In the book's postscript, Jenkins said that Labour should not be a narrow socialist party advocating unpopular left-wing policies but must aim to "represent the hopes and aspirations of the whole leftward thinking half of the country", adding that a "broad-based, international, radical, generous-minded party could quickly seize the imagination of a disillusioned and uninspired British public".After Dick Taverne's victory in the 1973 Lincoln by-election, where he stood as "Democratic Labour" in opposition to the official Labour candidate, Jenkins gave a speech to the Oxford University Labour Club denouncing the idea of a new centre party. Jenkins was elected to the shadow cabinet in November 1973 as Shadow Home Secretary. During the February 1974 election, Jenkins rallied to Labour and his campaign was described by David Butler and Dennis Kavanagh as sounding "a note of civilised idealism". Jenkins was disappointed that the Liberal candidate in his constituency won 6000 votes; he wrote in his memoirs that "I already regarded myself as such a closet Liberal that I naïvely thought they ought nearly all to have come to me".Jenkins wrote a series of biographical essays that appeared in "The Times" during 1971–74 and which were published as "Nine Men of Power" in 1974. Jenkins chose Gaitskell, Ernest Bevin, Stafford Cripps, Adlai Stevenson II, Robert F. Kennedy, Joseph McCarthy, Lord Halifax, Léon Blum and John Maynard Keynes. In 1971 Jenkins delivered three lectures on foreign policy at Yale University, published a year later as "Afternoon on the Potomac?"When Labour returned to power in early 1974, Jenkins was appointed Home Secretary for the second time. Earlier, he had been promised the treasury; however, Wilson later decided to appoint Denis Healey as Chancellor instead. Upon hearing from Bernard Donoughue that Wilson had reneged on his promise, Jenkins reacted angrily. Despite being on a public staircase, he is reported to have shouted "You tell Harold Wilson he must bloody well come to see me ...and if he doesn't watch out, I won't join his bloody government ... This is typical of the bloody awful way Harold Wilson does things!" The Jenkinsites were dismayed by Jenkins' refusal to insist upon the Chancellorship and began to look elsewhere for leadership, thus ending the Jenkinsites as a united group.Jenkins served from 1974 to 1976. Whereas during his first period as Home Secretary in the 1960s the atmosphere had been optimistic and confident, the climate of the 1970s was much more fractious and disillusioned. After two Northern Irish sisters, Marian Price and Dolours Price, were imprisoned for 20 years for the 1973 Old Bailey bombing, they went on hunger strike in order to be transferred to a prison in Northern Ireland. In a television broadcast in June 1974, Jenkins announced that he would refuse to give in to their demands, although in March 1975 he discreetly transferred them to a Northern Irish prison.He undermined his previous liberal credentials to some extent by pushing through the controversial Prevention of Terrorism Act in the aftermath of the Birmingham pub bombings of November 1974, which, among other things, extended the length of time suspects could be held in custody and instituted exclusion orders. Jenkins also resisted calls for the death penalty to be restored for terrorist murderers. On 4 December he told the Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland that "everything he heard made him more convinced that Northern Ireland had nothing to do with the rest of the UK". When reviewing Garret FitzGerald's memoirs in 1991, Jenkins proclaimed: "My natural prejudices, such as they are, are much more green than orange. I am a poor unionist, believing intuitively that even Paisley and Haughey are better at dealing with each other than the English are with either".The Sex Discrimination Act 1975 (which legislated for gender equality and set up the Equal Opportunities Commission) and the Race Relations Act 1976 (which extended to private clubs the outlawing of racial discrimination and founded the Commission for Racial Equality) were two notable achievements during his second time as Home Secretary.Jenkins opposed Michael Foot's attempts to grant pickets the right to stop lorries during strikes and he was dismayed by Anthony Crosland's decision to grant an amnesty to the 11 Labour councillors at Clay Cross who had been surcharged for refusing to increase council rents in accordance with the Conservatives' Housing Finance Act 1972. After two trade unionists, Ricky Tomlinson and Des Warren (known as the "Shrewsbury Two"), were imprisoned for intimidation and affray for their part in a strike, Jenkins refused to accede to demands from the labour movement that they should be released. This demonstrated Jenkins' increasing estrangement from much of the labour movement and for a time he was heckled in public by people chanting "Free the Two". Jenkins also unsuccessfully tried to persuade the Cabinet to adopt electoral reform in the form of proportional representation and to have the Official Secrets Act 1911 liberalised to facilitate more open government.Although becoming increasingly disillusioned during this time by what he considered the party's drift to the left, he was the leading Labour figure in the EEC referendum of June 1975 (and was also president of the 'Yes' campaign). In September 1974 he had followed Shirley Williams in stating that he "could not stay in a Cabinet which had to carry out withdrawal" from the EEC. During the referendum campaign, Tony Benn claimed that 500,000 jobs had been lost due to Britain's membership; Jenkins replied on 27 May that "I find it increasingly difficult to take Mr Benn seriously as an economics minister". He added that Britain outside the EEC would enter "an old people's home for fading nations. ... I do not even think it would be a comfortable or agreeable old people's home. I do not much like the look of some of the prospective wardens". The two men debated Britain's membership together on "Panorama", which was chaired by David Dimbleby. According to David Butler and Uwe Kitzinger, "they achieved a decidedly more lucid and intricate level of discussion than is commonly seen on political television". Jenkins found it congenial to work with the centrists of all parties in the campaign and the 'Yes' campaign won by two to one.After the referendum, Wilson demoted Benn to Energy Secretary and attempted to balance the downgrading of Benn with the dismissal of the right-wing minister Reg Prentice from the Department of Education, despite already promising Jenkins that he had no intention of sacking Prentice. Jenkins threatened to resign if Prentice was sacked, telling Wilson that he was "a squalid little man who was using squalid little arguments in order to explain why he was performing so much below the level of events". Wilson quickly backed down. In September Jenkins delivered a speech in Prentice's constituency of Newham to demonstrate solidarity with him after he was threatened with deselection by left-wingers in the constituency party. Jenkins was heckled by both far-left and far-right demonstrators and he was hit in the chest by a flour bomb thrown by a member of the National Front. Jenkins warned that if Prentice was deselected "it is not just the local party that is undermining its own foundations by ignoring the beliefs and feelings of ordinary people, the whole legitimate Labour Party, left as well as right, is crippled if extremists have their way". He added that if "tolerance is shattered formidable consequences will follow. Labour MPs will either have to become creatures of cowardice, concealing their views, trimming their sails, accepting orders, stilling their consciences, or they will all have to be men far far to the left of those whose votes they seek. Either would make a mockery of parliamentary democracy".In January 1976 he further distanced himself from the left with a speech in Anglesey, where he repudiated ever-higher public spending: "I do not think you can push public expenditure significantly above 60 per cent [of GNP] and maintain the values of a plural society with adequate freedom of choice. We are here close to one of the frontiers of social democracy". A former supporter, Roy Hattersley, distanced himself from Jenkins after this speech.In May 1976 he told the Police Federation conference to "be prepared first to look at the evidence and to recognize how little the widespread use of prison reduces our crime or deals effectively with many of the individuals concerned". He also responded to the Federation's proposals on law and order: "I respect your right to put them to me. You will no doubt respect my right to tell you that I do not think all the points in sum amount to a basis for a rational penal policy".When Wilson suddenly resigned as Prime Minister in March 1976, Jenkins was one of six candidates for the leadership of the Labour Party but came third in the first ballot, behind Callaghan and Michael Foot. Realising that his vote was lower than expected, and sensing that the parliamentary party was in no mood to overlook his actions five years before, he immediately withdrew from the contest. On issues such as the EEC, trade union reform and economic policy he had proclaimed views opposite to those held by the majority of Labour Party activists, and his libertarian social views were at variance with the majority of Labour voters. A famous story alleged that when one of Jenkins' supporters canvassed a group of miners' MPs in the Commons' tea-room, he was told: "Nay, lad, we're all Labour here".Jenkins had wanted to become Foreign Secretary, but Foot warned Callaghan that the party would not accept the pro-European Jenkins as Foreign Secretary. Callaghan instead offered Jenkins the Treasury in six months' time (when it would be possible to move Denis Healey to the Foreign Office). Jenkins turned the offer down. Jenkins then accepted an appointment as President of the European Commission (succeeding François-Xavier Ortoli) after Callaghan appointed Anthony Crosland to the Foreign Office.In an interview with "The Times" in January 1977, Jenkins said that: "My wish is to build an effective united Europe. ... I want to move towards a more effectively organized Europe politically and economically and as far as I am concerned I want to go faster, not slower". The main development overseen by the Jenkins Commission was the development of the Economic and Monetary Union of the European Union from 1977, which began in 1979 as the European Monetary System, a forerunner of the Single Currency or Euro. His biographer calls Jenkins "the godfather of the euro" and claims that among his successors only Jacques Delors has made more impact.In speech in Florence in October 1977, Jenkins argued that monetary union would facilitate "a more efficient and developed rationalisation of industry and commerce than is possible under a Customs Union alone". He added that "a major new international currency" would form "a joint and alternative pillar of the world monetary system" which would lead to greater international stability. Monetary union would also combat inflation by controlling the money supply. Jenkins conceded that this would involve the diminution of national sovereignty but he pointed out that "governments which do not discipline themselves already find themselves accepting very sharp surveillance" from the IMF. Monetary union would also promote employment and diminish regional differences. Jenkins ended the speech by quoting Jean Monnet's statement that politics was "not only the art of the possible, but...the art of making possible tomorrow what may seem impossible today".President Jenkins was the first President to attend a G8 summit on behalf of the Community. He received an Honorary Degree (Doctor of Laws) from the University of Bath in 1978.In October 1978 "Tribune" reported (falsely) that Jenkins and his wife had not paid their Labour Party subscription for several years. After this was repeated in the national press, Jenkins' drafted his wife's letter to "The Times" that refuted the allegation. Jenkins blamed the story on a "malicious Trot in the North Kensington Labour Party". Jenkins was disillusioned with the Labour Party and he was almost certain that he could not stand again as a Labour candidate; in January 1979 he told Shirley Williams that the "big mistake we had made was not to go and support Dick Taverne in 1973; everything had got worse since then".He did not vote in the 1979 election. After the Conservatives won the election Margaret Thatcher contemplated appointing Jenkins Chancellor of the Exchequer on the strength of his success at cutting public expenditure when he was Chancellor. However, his friend Woodrow Wyatt claimed that Jenkins "had other and fresh fish to fry".The Director-General of the BBC, Ian Trethowan, invited Jenkins to deliver the Richard Dimbleby Lecture for 1979, which he did on 22 November. The title Jenkins gave to his lecture, "Home Thoughts from Abroad", derived from a Robert Browning poem. He delivered it in the Royal Society of Arts and it was broadcast live on television. Jenkins analysed the decline of the two-party system since 1951 and criticised the excessive partisanship of British politics, which he claimed alienated the bulk of voters, who were more centrist. He advocated proportional representation and the acceptance of "the broad line of division between the public and private sectors", a middle way between Thatcherism and Bennism. Jenkins said that the private sector should be encouraged without too much interference to create as much wealth as possible "but use the wealth so created both to give a return for enterprise and to spread the benefits throughout society in a way that avoids the disfigurements of poverty, gives a full priority to public education and health services, and encourages co-operation and not conflict in industry and throughout society". He then reiterated his long-standing commitment to libertarianism:You also make sure that the state knows its place...in relation to the citizen. You are in favour of the right of dissent and the liberty of private conduct. You are against unnecessary centralization and bureaucracy. You want to devolve decision-making wherever you sensibly can. ... You want the nation to be self-confident and outward-looking, rather than insular, xenophobic and suspicious. You want the class system to fade without being replaced either by an aggressive and intolerant proletarianism or by the dominance of the brash and selfish values of a 'get rich quick' society. ... These are some of the objectives which I believe could be assisted by a strengthening of the radical centre."The Listener" reprinted the text along with assessments by Enoch Powell, Paul Johnson, Jack Jones, J. A. G. Griffith, Bernard Crick, Neil Kinnock and Jo Grimond. They were all critical; Kinnock thought him misguided as Britain had already suffered from centrist rule for thirty years and Grimond complained that Jenkins' clarion call had come 20 years too late.Jenkins' last year as President of the European Commission was dominated by Margaret Thatcher's fight for a rebate on Britain's contribution to the EEC budget. He believed that the quarrel was unnecessary and regretted that it soured Britain's relationship with the Community for years. In November 1980 Jenkins delivered the Winston Churchill memorial lecture in Luxembourg, where he proposed a solution to the British budgetary question. The proportion of the Community's budget spent on agriculture should be reduced by extending Community spending into new areas where Britain would receive more benefit, such as regional spending. The size of the Community's budget would, in his scheme, be tripled by transferring from the nation states to the Community competence over social and industrial policy.After his Dimbleby Lecture, Jenkins increasingly favoured the formation of a new social democratic party. He publicly aired these views in a speech to the Parliamentary Press Gallery in June 1980, where he repeated his criticisms of the two-party system and attacked Labour's move to the left. At the previous month's Wembley conference, Labour had adopted a programme which included non-cooperation with the EEC and "a near neutralist and unilateralist" defence policy that would, Jenkins argued, render meaningless Britain's NATO membership. Labour's proposals for further nationalisation and anti-private enterprise policies, Jenkins claimed, were more extreme than in any other democratic country and it was not "by any stretch of the imagination a social democratic programme". He added that a new party could reshape politics and lead to the "rapid revival of liberal social democratic Britain".The Labour Party conference at Blackpool in September 1980 adopted a unilateralist defence policy, withdrawal from the EEC and further nationalisation, along with Tony Benn's demands for the mandatory reselection of MPs and an electoral college to elect the party leader. In November Labour MPs elected the left-winger Michael Foot over the right-wing Denis Healey and in January 1981 Labour's Wembley conference decided that the electoral college that would elect the leader would give the trade unions 40 per cent of the vote, with MPs and constituency parties 30 per cent each. Jenkins then joined David Owen, Bill Rodgers and Shirley Williams (known as the "Gang of Four") in issuing the Limehouse Declaration. This called for the "realignment of British politics". They then formed the Social Democratic Party (SDP) on 26 March.Jenkins delivered a series of speeches setting out the SDP's alternative to Thatcherism and Bennism and argued that the solution to Britain's economic troubles lay in the revenue from North Sea oil, which should be invested in public services. He attempted to re-enter Parliament at the Warrington by-election in July 1981 and campaigned on a six-point programme which he put forward as a Keynesian alternative to Thatcherism and Labour's "siege economy", but Labour retained the seat with a small majority. Despite it being a defeat, the by-election demonstrated that the SDP was a serious force. Jenkins said after the count that it was the first parliamentary election that he had lost in many years, but was "by far the greatest victory in which I have ever participated".At the SDP's first annual conference in October 1981, Jenkins called for "an end to the futile frontier war between public and private sectors" and proposed an "inflation tax" on excessive pay rises that would restrain spiralling wages and prices. After achieving this, an SDP government would be able to embark on economic expansion to reduce unemployment.In March 1982 he fought the Glasgow Hillhead by-election, in what had previously been a Conservative-held seat. Polls at the beginning of the campaign put Jenkins in third place but after a series of ten well-attended public meetings which Jenkins addressed, the tide began to turn in Jenkins' favour and he was elected with a majority of just over 2000 on a swing of 19 per cent. The evening after his victory in Hillhead Jenkins told a celebration dinner of 200 party members held at the North British Hotel in Edinburgh "that the SDP had a great opportunity to become the majority party". Jenkins' first intervention in the House of Commons following his election, on 31 March, was seen as a disappointment. The Conservative MP Alan Clark wrote in his diary:Jenkins, with excessive and almost unbearable gravitas, asked three very heavy statesman-like non-party-political questions of the PM. I suppose he is very formidable, but he was so portentous and long-winded that he started to lose the sympathy of the House about half way through and the barracking resumed. The Lady replied quite brightly and freshly, as if she did not particularly know who he was, or care.Whereas earlier in his career Jenkins had excelled in the traditional set-piece debates in which he spoke from the dispatch box, the focus of parliamentary reporting had now moved to the point-scoring of Prime Minister's Questions, which he struggled with. Seated in the traditional place for third parties in the Commons (the second or third row below the gangway), and without a dispatch box and the gravitas it could have conferred, Jenkins was situated near (and shared the same microphone with) Labour's "awkward squad" that included Dennis Skinner and Bob Cryer, who regularly heckled abuse ("Roy, your flies are undone").Seven days after Jenkins' by-election victory Argentina invaded the Falklands and the subsequent Falklands War transformed British politics, increased substantially the public's support for the Conservatives and ended any chance that Jenkins' election would reinvigorate the SDP's support. In the SDP leadership election, Jenkins was elected with 56.44 of the vote, with David Owen coming second. During the 1983 election campaign his position as the prime minister-designate for the SDP-Liberal Alliance was questioned by his close colleagues, as his campaign style was now regarded as ineffective; the Liberal leader David Steel was considered to have a greater rapport with the electorate. Jenkins held on to his seat in Hillhead, which was the subject of boundary changes. While on the old boundaries the Conservatives had held the seat prior to Jenkins' victory, it was estimated by the BBC and ITN that on the new boundaries Labour would have captured the seat with a majority of just over 2,000 votes in 1979. Jenkins was challenged by Neil Carmichael, the sitting Labour MP for the Glasgow Kelvingrove constituency which had been abolished and a ministerial colleague of Jenkins in the Wilson governments. Jenkins defeated Carmichael by 1,164 votes to retain his seat in the House of Commons. According to "The Glasgow Herald" Labour supporters at the election count in the Kelvin Hall booed and jeered when Jenkins' victory was announced, and he and his wife were "dismayed as police pushed back jostling crowds."After the general election Owen succeeded him unopposed. Jenkins was disappointed with Owen's move to the right, and his acceptance and backing of some of Thatcher's policies. At heart, Jenkins remained an unrepentant Keynesian. In his July 1984 Tawney Lecture, Jenkins said that the "whole spirit and outlook" of the SDP "must be profoundly opposed to Thatcherism. It could not go along with the fatalism of the Government's acceptance of massive unemployment". He also delivered a series of speeches in the Commons attacking the Thatcherite policies of the Chancellor, Nigel Lawson. Jenkins called for more government intervention to support industry and for North Sea oil revenues to be channelled into a major programme of rebuilding Britain's infrastructure and into educating a skilled workforce. He also attacked the Thatcher government for failing to join the European Exchange Rate Mechanism.In 1985 he wrote to "The Times" to advocate the closing down of the political surveillance role of MI5. During the controversy surrounding Peter Wright's "Spycatcher", in which he alleged that Harold Wilson had been a Soviet spy, Jenkins rubbished the allegation and reiterated his call for the end of MI5's powers of political survelliance.In 1986 he won "The Spectator"'s Parliamentarian of the Year award. He continued to serve as SDP Member of Parliament for Glasgow Hillhead until his defeat at the 1987 general election by the Labour candidate George Galloway, after boundary changes in 1983 had changed the character of the constituency. After his defeat was announced, "The Glasgow Herald" reported that he indicated he would not stand for parliament again in the future.In 1986 appeared his biography of Harry S. Truman and the following year his biography of Stanley Baldwin was published.From 1987, Jenkins remained in politics as a member of the House of Lords as a life peer with the title Baron Jenkins of Hillhead, of Pontypool in the County of Gwent. Also in 1987, Jenkins was elected Chancellor of the University of Oxford. He was leader of the Liberal Democrats in the Lords from 1988 until 1997.In 1988 he fought and won an amendment to the Education Reform Act 1988, guaranteeing academic freedom of speech in further and higher education establishments. This affords and protects the right of students and academics to "question and test received wisdom" and has been incorporated into the statutes or articles and instruments of governance of all universities and colleges in Britain.In 1991 his memoirs, "A Life at the Centre", was published by Macmillan, who paid Jenkins an £130,000 advance. He was magnanimous to most of those colleagues with whom he had clashed in the past, except for David Owen, whom he blamed for destroying the idealism and cohesion of the SDP. In the last chapter ('Establishment Whig or Persistent Radical?') he reaffirmed his radicalism, placing himself "somewhat to the left of James Callaghan, maybe Denis Healey and certainly of David Owen". He also proclaimed his political credo:My broad position remains firmly libertarian, sceptical of official cover-ups and uncompromisingly internationalist, believing sovereignty to be an almost total illusion in the modern world, although both expecting and welcoming the continuance of strong differences in national traditions and behaviour. I distrust the deification of the enterprise culture. I think there are more limitations to the wisdom of the market than were dreamt of in Mrs Thatcher's philosophy. I believe that levels of taxation on the prosperous, having been too high for many years (including my own period at the Treasury), are now too low for the provision of decent public services. And I think the privatisation of near monopolies is about as irrelevant as (and sometimes worse than) were the Labour Party's proposals for further nationalisation in the 1970s and early 1980s."A Life at the Centre" was generally favourably reviewed: in the "Times Literary Supplement" John Grigg said it was a "marvellous account of high politics by a participant writing with honesty, irony and sustained narrative verve". In "The Spectator" Anthony Quinton remarked that Jenkins was "not afraid to praise himself and earns the right to do so by unfudged self-criticism". However, there were critical voices: John Smith in "The Scotsman" charged that Jenkins never had any loyalty to the Labour Party and was an ambitious careerist intent only on furthering his career. John Campbell claims that "A Life at the Centre" is now generally recognised as one of the best political memoirs. David Cannadine ranked it alongside Duff Cooper's "Old Men Forget", R. A. Butler's "The Art of the Possible" and Denis Healey's "The Time of My Life" as one of the four best political memoirs of the post-war period.In 1993, he was appointed to the Order of Merit. Also that year, his "Portraits and Miniatures" was published. The main body of the book is a set of 6 biographical essays (Rab Butler, Aneurin Bevan, Iain Macleod, Dean Acheson, Konrad Adenauer, Charles de Gaulle), along with lectures, articles and book reviews.A television documentary about Jenkins was made by Michael Cockerell, titled "Roy Jenkins: A Very Social Democrat", and broadcast on 26 May 1996. Although an admiring portrait overall, Cockerell was frank about Jenkins' affairs and both Jenkins and his wife believed that Cockerell had betrayed their hospitality.Jenkins hailed Tony Blair's election as Labour Party leader in July 1994 as "the most exciting Labour choice since the election of Hugh Gaitskell". He argued that Blair should stick "to a constructive line on Europe, in favour of sensible constitutional innovation...and in favour of friendly relations with the Liberal Democrats". He added that he hoped Blair would not move Labour further to the right: "Good work has been done in freeing it from nationalisation and other policies. But the market cannot solve everything and it would be a pity to embrace the stale dogmas of Thatcherism just when their limitations are becoming obvious".Jenkins and Blair had been in touch since the latter's time as Shadow Home Secretary, when he admired Jenkins' reforming tenure at the Home Office. Jenkins told Paddy Ashdown in October 1995: "I think Tony treats me as a sort of father figure in politics. He comes to me a lot for advice, particularly about how to construct a Government". Jenkins tried to persuade Blair that the division in the centre-left vote between the Labour and Liberal parties had enabled the Conservatives to dominate the 20th century, whereas if the two left-wing parties entered into an electoral pact and adopted proportional representation, they could dominate the 21st century. Jenkins was an influence on the thinking of New Labour and both Peter Mandelson and Roger Liddle in their 1996 work "The Blair Revolution" and Philip Gould in his "Unfinished Revolution" recognised Jenkins' influence.Before the 1997 election, Blair had promised an enquiry into electoral reform. In December 1997, Jenkins was appointed chair of a Government-appointed Independent Commission on the Voting System, which became known as the "Jenkins Commission", to consider alternative voting systems for the UK. The Jenkins Commission reported in favour of a new uniquely British mixed-member proportional system called "Alternative vote top-up" or "limited AMS" in October 1998, although no action was taken on this recommendation. Blair told Ashdown that Jenkins' recommendations would not pass the Cabinet.British membership of the European single currency, Jenkins believed, was the supreme test of Blair's statesmanship. However, he was disappointed with Blair's timidity in taking on the Eurosceptic tabloid press. He told Blair in October 1997: "You have to choose between leading Europe or having Murdoch on your side. You can have one but not both". Jenkins was also critical of New Labour's authoritarianism, such as the watering down of the Freedom of Information Act 2000 and their intention to ban fox hunting. By the end of his life Jenkins believed that Blair had wasted his enormous parliamentary majority and would not be recorded in history as a great Prime Minister; he ranked him between Harold Wilson and Stanley Baldwin.After Gordon Brown attacked Oxford University for indulging in "old school tie" prejudices because it rejected a state-educated pupil, Laura Spence, Jenkins told the House of Lords in June 2000 that "Brown's diatribe was born of prejudice out of ignorance. Nearly every fact he adduced was false". Jenkins voted for the equalisation of the homosexual age of consent and for repealing Section 28.Jenkins wrote 19 books, including a biography of Gladstone (1995), which won the 1995 Whitbread Award for Biography, and a much-acclaimed biography of Winston Churchill (2001). His then-designated official biographer, Andrew Adonis, was to have finished the Churchill biography had Jenkins not survived the heart surgery he underwent towards the end of its writing. The popular historian Paul Johnson called it the best one-volume biography on its subject.Jenkins underwent heart surgery in the form of a heart valve replacement on 12 October 2000 and postponed his 80th birthday celebrations whilst recovering, by having a celebratory party on 7 March 2001. He died on 5 January 2003, after suffering a heart attack at his home at East Hendred, in Oxfordshire. His last words, to his wife, were, "Two eggs, please, lightly poached". At the time of his death Jenkins was starting work on a biography of US President Franklin D. Roosevelt.After his death, Blair paid tribute to "one of the most remarkable people ever to grace British politics", who had "intellect, vision and an integrity that saw him hold firm to his beliefs of moderate social democracy, liberal reform and the cause of Europe throughout his life. He was a friend and support to me". James Callaghan and Edward Heath also paid tribute and Tony Benn said that as "a founder of the SDP he was probably the grandfather of New Labour". However, he was strongly criticised by others including Denis Healey, who condemned the SDP split as a "disaster" for the Labour Party which prolonged their time in opposition and allowed the Tories to have an unbroken run of 18 years in government.The Professor of Government at Oxford University, Vernon Bogdanor, provided an assessment in "The Guardian":Roy Jenkins was both radical and contemporary; and this made him the most influential exponent of the progressive creed in politics in postwar Britain. Moreover, the political creed for which he stood belongs as much to the future as to the past. For Jenkins was the prime mover in the creation of a form of social democracy which, being internationalist, is peculiarly suited to the age of globalisation and, being liberal, will prove to have more staying power than the statism of Lionel Jospin or the corporatist socialism of Gerhard Schröder. ... Roy Jenkins was the first leading politician to appreciate that a liberalised social democracy must be based on two tenets: what Peter Mandelson called an aspirational society (individuals must be allowed to regulate their personal lives without interference from the state); and that a post-imperial country like Britain could only be influential in the world as part of a wider grouping (the EU).His alma mater, Cardiff University, honoured the memory of Roy Jenkins by naming one of its halls of residence Roy Jenkins Hall.On 20 January 1945, Jenkins married Mary Jennifer (Jennifer) Morris (18 January 1921 – 2 February 2017). They were married for almost 58 years until his death, although he had "several affairs", including one with Jackie Kennedy's sister Lee Radziwill. Among his long-term mistresses were Leslie Bonham Carter and Caroline Gilmour, wives of fellow MPs and close friends Mark Bonham Carter and Ian Gilmour. However, these extra-marital relationships were conditional on his lovers having a good relationship with his wife: he later stated that he "could not imagine loving anyone who was not very fond of Jennifer".She was made a DBE for services to ancient and historical buildings. They had two sons, Charles and Edward, and a daughter, Cynthia.Early in his life Jenkins had a relationship with Anthony Crosland. According to the Liberal Democrat Leader Vince Cable, Jenkins was bisexual.
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[
"Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"President of the European Commission",
"Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the House of Lords",
"Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Home Secretary",
"Chancellor of the University of Oxford",
"Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Shadow Home Secretary",
"Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer",
"Member of the 49th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Deputy Leader of the Labour Party"
] |
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Which position did Roy Jenkins hold in 1968-04-03?
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April 03, 1968
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{
"text": [
"Chancellor of the Exchequer",
"Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
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L2_Q323488_P39_10
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Roy Jenkins holds the position of Chancellor of the Exchequer from Nov, 1967 to Jun, 1970.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Home Secretary from Dec, 1965 to Nov, 1967.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 49th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1983 to May, 1987.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Shadow Home Secretary from Nov, 1973 to Mar, 1974.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1974 to Jan, 1977.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1948 to Feb, 1950.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1982 to May, 1983.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Apr, 1956 to Jan, 1957.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from Jul, 1970 to Apr, 1972.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Nov, 1987 to Jan, 2003.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Chancellor of the University of Oxford from Mar, 1987 to Jan, 2003.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer from Jun, 1970 to Apr, 1972.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of President of the European Commission from Jan, 1977 to Jan, 1981.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Jul, 1955 to Oct, 1955.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974.
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Roy JenkinsRoy Harris Jenkins, Baron Jenkins of Hillhead, (11 November 1920 – 5 January 2003) was a British politician who served as President of the European Commission from 1977 to 1981. At various times a Member of Parliament (MP) for the Labour Party, Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the Liberal Democrats, he was Chancellor of the Exchequer and Home Secretary under the Wilson and Callaghan Governments.The son of Arthur Jenkins, a coal-miner and Labour MP, Jenkins was educated at the University of Oxford and served as an intelligence officer during the Second World War. Initially elected as MP for Southwark Central in 1948, he moved to become MP for Birmingham Stechford in 1950. On the election of Harold Wilson after the 1964 election, Jenkins was appointed Minister of Aviation. A year later, he was promoted to the Cabinet to become Home Secretary. In this role, Jenkins embarked on a major reform programme; he sought to build what he described as "a civilised society", overseeing measures such as the effective abolition in Britain of both capital punishment and theatre censorship, the partial decriminalisation of homosexuality, relaxing of divorce law, suspension of birching and the liberalisation of abortion law.After the devaluation crisis in November 1967, Jenkins replaced James Callaghan as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Throughout his time at the Treasury, Jenkins oversaw a tight fiscal policy in an attempt to control inflation, and oversaw a particularly tough Budget in 1968 which saw major tax rises. As a result of this, the Government's current account entered a surplus in 1969. After Labour unexpectedly lost the 1970 election, Jenkins was elected as Deputy Leader of the Labour Party in 1970. He resigned from the position in 1972 after the Labour Party decided to oppose Britain's entry to the European Communities, which he strongly supported. When Labour returned to power following the 1974 election, Wilson appointed Jenkins as Home Secretary for the second time. Two years later, when Wilson resigned as Prime Minister, Jenkins stood in the leadership election to succeed him, finishing third behind Michael Foot and the winner James Callaghan. He subsequently chose to resign from Parliament and leave British politics, to accept appointment as the first-ever British President of the European Commission, a role he took up in January 1977.After completing his term at the Commission in 1981, Jenkins announced a surprise return to British politics; dismayed with the Labour Party's move further left under the leadership of Michael Foot, he became one of the "Gang of Four", senior Labour figures who broke away from the party and founded the SDP. In 1982, Jenkins won a by-election to return to Parliament as MP for Glasgow Hillhead, taking the seat from the Conservatives in a famous result. He became leader of the SDP ahead of the 1983 election, during which he formed an electoral alliance with the Liberal Party. After his disappointment with the performance of the SDP in the election, he resigned as leader. He subsequently lost his seat in Parliament at the 1987 election, and accepted a life peerage shortly afterwards; he sat in the House of Lords as a Liberal Democrat.He was later elected to succeed former Prime Minister Harold Macmillan as Chancellor of the University of Oxford following the latter's death; he would hold this position until his own death sixteen years later. In the late 1990s, he served as a close adviser to Prime Minister Tony Blair and chaired a major commission on electoral reform. In addition to his political career, he was also a noted historian, biographer and writer. His (1991) is regarded as one of the best autobiographies of the later twentieth century, which "will be read with pleasure long after most examples of the genre have been forgotten". Jenkins died in 2003, aged 82.Born in Abersychan, Monmouthshire, in southeastern Wales, as an only child, Roy Jenkins was the son of a National Union of Mineworkers official, Arthur Jenkins. His father was imprisoned during the 1926 General Strike for his alleged involvement in disturbances. Arthur Jenkins later became President of the South Wales Miners' Federation and Member of Parliament for Pontypool, Parliamentary Private Secretary to Clement Attlee, and briefly a minister in the 1945 Labour government. Roy Jenkins' mother, Hattie Harris, was the daughter of a steelworks foreman.Jenkins was educated at Pentwyn Primary School, Abersychan County Grammar School, University College, Cardiff, and at Balliol College, Oxford, where he was twice defeated for the Presidency of the Oxford Union but took First-Class Honours in Politics, Philosophy and Economics (PPE). His university colleagues included Tony Crosland, Denis Healey and Edward Heath, and he became friends with all three, although he was never particularly close to Healey.In John Campbell's biography "A Well-Rounded Life" a romantic relationship between Jenkins and Crosland was detailed. Other figures he met whilst at Oxford who would become notable in public life included Madron Seligman, Nicholas Henderson and Mark Bonham Carter.During the Second World War, Jenkins received his officer training at Alton Towers and was posted to the 55th West Somerset Yeomanry at West Lavington, Wiltshire. Through the influence of his father, in April 1944 Jenkins was sent to Bletchley Park to work as a codebreaker; whilst there he befriended the historian Asa Briggs.Having failed to win Solihull in 1945, after which he spent a brief period working for the Industrial and Commercial Finance Corporation, he was elected to the House of Commons in a 1948 by-election as the Member of Parliament for Southwark Central, becoming the "Baby of the House". His constituency was abolished in boundary changes for the 1950 general election, when he stood instead in the new Birmingham Stechford constituency. He won the seat, and represented the constituency until 1977.In 1947 he edited a collection of Clement Attlee's speeches, published under the title "Purpose and Policy". Attlee then granted Jenkins access to his private papers so that he could write his biography, which appeared in 1948 ("Mr Attlee: An Interim Biography"). The reviews were generally favourable, including George Orwell's in "Tribune".In 1950, he advocated a large capital levy, abolition of public schools and introduction of a measure of industrial democracy to nationalised industries as key policy objectives for the Labour government. In 1951 "Tribune" published his pamphlet "Fair Shares for the Rich". Here, Jenkins advocated the abolition of large private incomes by taxing them, graduating from 50 per cent for incomes between £20,000 and £30,000 to 95 per cent for incomes over £100,000. He also proposed further nationalisations and said: "Future nationalisations will be more concerned with equality than with planning, and this means that we can leave the monolithic public corporation behind us and look for more intimate forms of ownership and control". He later described this "almost Robespierrean" pamphlet as "the apogee of my excursion to the left".Jenkins contributed an essay on 'Equality' to the 1952 collection "New Fabian Essays". In 1953 appeared "Pursuit of Progress", a work intended to counter Bevanism. Retreating from what he had demanded in "Fair Shares for the Rich", Jenkins now argued that the redistribution of wealth would occur over a generation and abandoned the goal of public school abolition. However, he still proposed further nationalisations: "It is quite impossible to advocate both the abolition of great inequalities of wealth and the acceptance of a one-quarter public sector and three-quarters private sector arrangement. A mixed economy there will undoubtedly be, certainly for many decades and perhaps permanently, but it will need to be mixed in very different proportions from this". He also opposed the Bevanites' neutralist foreign policy platform: "Neutrality is essentially a conservative policy, a policy of defeat, of announcing to the world that we have nothing to say to which the world will listen. ... Neutrality could never be acceptable to anyone who believes that he has a universal faith to preach". Jenkins argued that the Labour leadership needed to take on and defeat the neutralists and pacifists in the party; it would be better to risk a split in the party than face "the destruction, by schism, perhaps for a generation, of the whole progressive movement in the country".Between 1951 and 1956 he wrote a weekly column for the Indian newspaper "The Current". Here he advocated progressive reforms such as equal pay, the decriminalisation of homosexuality, the liberalisation of the obscenity laws and the abolition of capital punishment. "Mr Balfour's Poodle", a short account of the House of Lords crisis of 1911 that culminated in the Parliament Act 1911, was published in 1954. Favourable reviewers included A. J. P. Taylor, Harold Nicolson, Leonard Woolf and Violet Bonham Carter. After a suggestion by Mark Bonham Carter, Jenkins then wrote a biography of the Victorian radical, Sir Charles Dilke, which was published in October 1958.During the 1956 Suez Crisis, Jenkins denounced Anthony Eden's "squalid imperialist adventure" at a Labour rally in Birmingham Town Hall. Three years later he claimed that "Suez was a totally unsuccessful attempt to achieve unreasonable and undesirable objectives by methods which were at once reckless and immoral; and the consequences, as was well deserved, were humiliating and disastrous".Jenkins praised Anthony Crosland's 1956 work "The Future of Socialism" as "the most important book on socialist theory" since Evan Durbin's "The Politics of Democratic Socialism" (1940). With much of the economy now nationalised, Jenkins argued, socialists should concentrate on eliminating the remaining pockets of poverty and on the removal of class barriers, as well as promoting libertarian social reforms. Jenkins was principal sponsor, in 1959, of the bill which became the liberalising Obscene Publications Act, responsible for establishing the "liable to deprave and corrupt" criterion as a basis for a prosecution of suspect material and for specifying literary merit as a possible defence.In July 1959 Penguin published Jenkins' "The Labour Case", timed to anticipate the upcoming election. Jenkins argued that Britain's chief danger was that of "living sullenly in the past, of believing that the world has a duty to keep us in the station to which we are accustomed, and showing bitter resentment if it does not do so". He added: "Our neighbours in Europe are roughly our economic and military equals. We would do better to live gracefully with them than to waste our substance by trying unsuccessfully to keep up with the power giants of the modern world". Jenkins claimed that the Attlee government concentrated "too much towards the austerity of fair shares, and too little towards the incentives of free consumers' choice". Although he still believed in the elimination of poverty and more equality, Jenkins now argued that these aims could be achieved by economic growth. In the final chapter ('Is Britain Civilised?') Jenkins set out a list of necessary progressive social reforms: the abolition of the death penalty, decriminalisation of homosexuality, abolition of the Lord Chamberlain's powers of theatre censorship, liberalisation of the licensing and betting laws, liberalisation of the divorce laws, legalisation of abortion, decriminalisation of suicide and more liberal immigration laws. Jenkins concluded:Let us be on the side of those who want people to be free to live their own lives, to make their own mistakes, and to decide, in an adult way and provided they do not infringe the rights of others, the code by which they wish to live; and on the side of experiment and brightness, of better buildings and better food, of better music (jazz as well as Bach) and better books, of fuller lives and greater freedom. In the long run these things will be more important than the most perfect of economic policies.In the aftermath of Labour's 1959 defeat, Jenkins appeared on "Panorama" and argued that Labour should abandon further nationalisation, question its connection with the trade unions and not dismiss a closer association with the Liberal Party. In November he delivered a Fabian Society lecture in which he blamed Labour's defeat on the unpopularity of nationalisation and he repeated this in an article for "The Spectator". His "Spectator" article also called for Britain to accept its diminished place in the world, to grant colonial freedom, to spend more on public services and to promote the right of individuals to live their own lives free from the constraints of popular prejudices and state interference. Jenkins later called it a "good radical programme, although...not a socialist one".In May 1960 Jenkins joined the Campaign for Democratic Socialism, a Gaitskellite pressure group designed to fight against left-wing domination of the Labour Party. In July 1960 Jenkins resigned from his frontbench role in order to be able to campaign freely for British membership of the Common Market. At the 1960 Labour Party conference in Scarborough, Jenkins advocated rewriting Clause IV of the party's constitution but he was booed. In November he wrote in "The Spectator" that "unless the Labour Party is determined to abdicate its role as a mass party and become nothing more than a narrow sectarian society, its paramount task is to represent the whole of the Leftward-thinking half of the country—and to offer the prospect of attracting enough marginal support to give that half some share of power".During 1960–62 his main campaign was British membership of the Common Market, where he became Labour's leading advocate of entry. When Harold Macmillan initiated the first British application to join the Common Market in 1961, Jenkins became deputy chairman of the all-party Common Market Campaign and then chairman of the Labour Common Market Committee. At the 1961 Labour Party conference Jenkins spoke in favour of Britain's entry.Since 1959 Jenkins had been working on a biography of the Liberal Prime Minister, H. H. Asquith. For Jenkins, Asquith ranked with Attlee as the embodiment of the moderate, liberal intelligence in politics that he most admired. Through Asquith's grandson, Mark Bonham Carter, Jenkins had access to Asquith's letters to his mistress, Venetia Stanley. Kenneth Rose, Michael Foot, Asa Briggs and John Grigg all favourably reviewed the book when it was published in October 1964. However, Violet Bonham Carter wrote a defence of her father in "The Times" against the few criticisms of Asquith in the book, and Robert Rhodes James wrote in "The Spectator" that "Asquith was surely a tougher, stronger, more acute man...than Mr. Jenkins would have us believe. The fascinating enigma of his complete decline is never really analysed, nor even understood. ... We required a Sutherland: but we have got an Annigoni". John Campbell claims that "for half a century it has remained unchallenged as the best biography and is rightly regarded as a classic".Like Healey and Crosland, he had been a close friend of Hugh Gaitskell and for them Gaitskell's death and the elevation of Harold Wilson as Labour Party leader was a setback. For Jenkins, Gaitskell would remain his political hero. After the 1964 general election Jenkins was appointed Minister of Aviation and was sworn of the Privy Council. While at Aviation he oversaw the high-profile cancellations of the BAC TSR-2 and Concorde projects (although the latter was later reversed after strong opposition from the French Government). In January 1965 Patrick Gordon Walker resigned as Foreign Secretary and in the ensuing reshuffle Wilson offered Jenkins the Department for Education and Science; however, he declined it, preferring to stay at Aviation.In the summer of 1965 Jenkins eagerly accepted an offer to replace Frank Soskice as Home Secretary. However Wilson, dismayed by a sudden bout of press speculation about the potential move, delayed Jenkins' appointment until December. Once Jenkins took office – the youngest Home Secretary since Churchill – he immediately set about reforming the operation and organisation of the Home Office. The Principal Private Secretary, Head of the Press and Publicity Department and Permanent Under-Secretary were all replaced. He also redesigned his office, famously replacing the board on which condemned prisoners were listed with a fridge.After the 1966 general election, in which Labour won a comfortable majority, Jenkins pushed through a series of police reforms which reduced the number of separate forces from 117 to 49. "The Times" called it "the greatest upheaval in policing since the time of Peel". His visit to Chicago in September (to study their policing methods) convinced him of the need to introduce two-way radios to the police; whereas the Metropolitan Police possessed 25 radios in 1965, Jenkins increased this to 2,500, and provided similar numbers of radios to the rest of the country's police forces. Jenkins also provided the police with more car radios, which made the police more mobile but reduced the amount of time they spent patrolling the streets. His Criminal Justice Act 1967 introduced more stringent controls on the purchase of shotguns, outlawed last-minute alibis and introduced majority verdicts in juries in England and Wales. The Act was also designed to lower the prison population by the introduction of release under licence, easier bail, suspended sentences and earlier parole.Immigration was a divisive and provocative issue during the late 1960s and on 23 May 1966 Jenkins delivered a speech on race relations, which is widely considered to be one of his best. Addressing a London meeting of the National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants he notably defined Integration:Before going on to ask:And concluding that:By the end of 1966, Jenkins was the Cabinet's rising star; the "Guardian" called him the best Home Secretary of the century "and quite possibly the best since Peel", the "Sunday Times" called him Wilson's most likeliest successor and the "New Statesman" labelled him "Labour's Crown Prince".In a speech to the London Labour Conference in May 1967, Jenkins said his vision was of "a more civilised, more free and less hidebound society" and he further claimed that "to enlarge the area of individual choice, socially, politically and economically, not just for a few but for the whole community, is very much what democratic socialism is about". He gave strong personal support to David Steel's Private Member's Bill for the legalisation of abortion, which became the Abortion Act 1967, telling the Commons that "the existing law on abortion is uncertain and...harsh and archaic", adding that "the law is consistently flouted by those who have the means to do so. It is, therefore, very much a question of one law for the rich and one law for the poor". When the Bill looked likely to be dropped due to insufficient time, Jenkins helped ensure that it received enough parliamentary time to pass and he voted for it in every division.Jenkins also supported Leo Abse's bill for the decriminalisation of homosexuality, which became the Sexual Offences Act 1967. Jenkins told the Commons: "It would be a mistake to think...that by what we are doing tonight we are giving a vote of confidence or congratulation to homosexuality. Those who suffer from this disability carry a great weight of loneliness, guilt and shame. The crucial question...is, should we add to those disadvantages the full rigour of the criminal law? By its overwhelming decisions, the House has given a fairly clear answer, and I hope that the Bill will now make rapid progress towards the Statute Book. It will be an important and civilising Measure".Jenkins also abolished the use of flogging in prisons. In July 1967 Jenkins recommended to the Home Affairs Select Committee a bill to end the Lord Chamberlain's power to censor the theatre. This was passed as the Theatres Act 1968 under Jenkins' successor as Home Secretary, James Callaghan. Jenkins also announced that he would introduce legislation banning racial discrimination in employment, which was embodied in the Race Relations Act 1968 passed under Callaghan. In October 1967 Jenkins planned to introduce legislation that would enable him to keep out the 20,000 Kenyan Asians who held British passports (this was passed four months later under Callaghan as the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1968, which was based on Jenkins' draft).Jenkins is often seen as responsible for the most wide-ranging social reforms of the late 1960s, with popular historian Andrew Marr claiming "the greatest changes of the Labour years" were thanks to Jenkins. These reforms would not have happened when they did, earlier than in most other European countries, if Jenkins had not supported them. In a speech in Abingdon in July 1969, Jenkins said that the "permissive society" had been allowed to become a dirty phrase: "A better phrase is the 'civilized society', based on the belief that different individuals will wish to make different decisions about their patterns of behaviour and that, provided these do not restrict the freedom of others, they should be allowed to do so within a framework of understanding and tolerance". Jenkins' words were immediately reported in the press as "The permissive society is the civilised society", which he later wrote "was not all that far from my meaning".For some conservatives, such as Peter Hitchens, Jenkins' reforms remain objectionable. In his book "The Abolition of Britain", Hitchens accuses him of being a "cultural revolutionary" who takes a large part of the responsibility for the decline of "traditional values" in Britain. During the 1980s Margaret Thatcher and Norman Tebbit would blame Jenkins for family breakdowns, the decline of respect for authority and the decline of social responsibility. Jenkins replied by pointing out that Thatcher, with her large parliamentary majorities, never attempted to reverse his reforms.From 1967 to 1970 Jenkins served as Chancellor of the Exchequer, replacing James Callaghan following the devaluation crisis of November 1967. Jenkins' ultimate goal as Chancellor was economic growth, which depended on restoring stability to sterling at its new value after devaluation. This could only be achieved by ensuring a surplus in the balance of payments, which had been in a deficit for the previous five years. Therefore, Jenkins pursued deflation, including cuts in public expenditure and increases in taxation, in order to ensure that resources went into exports rather than domestic consumption. Jenkins warned the House of Commons in January 1968 that there was "two years of hard slog ahead".He quickly gained a reputation as a particularly tough Chancellor with his 1968 budget increasing taxes by £923 million, more than twice the increase of any previous budget to date. Jenkins had warned the Cabinet that a second devaluation would occur in three months if his budget did not restore confidence in sterling. He restored prescription charges (which had been abolished when Labour returned to office in 1964) and postponed the raising of the school leaving age to 16 to 1973 instead of 1971. Housing and road building plans were also heavily cut, and he also accelerated Britain's withdrawal East of Suez. Jenkins ruled out increasing the income tax and so raised the taxes on: drinks and cigarettes (except on beer), purchase tax, petrol duty, road tax, a 50 per cent rise in Selective Employment Tax and a one-off Special Charge on personal incomes. He also paid for an increase in family allowances by cutting child tax allowances.Despite Edward Heath claiming it was a "hard, cold budget, without any glimmer of warmth" Jenkins' first budget broadly received a warm reception, with Harold Wilson remarking that "it was widely acclaimed as a speech of surpassing quality and elegance" and Barbara Castle that it "took everyone's breath away". Richard Crossman said it was "genuinely based on socialist principles, fair in the fullest sense by really helping people at the bottom of the scale and by really taxing the wealthy". In his budget broadcast on 19 March, Jenkins said that Britain had been living in a "fool's paradise" for years and that it was "importing too much, exporting too little and paying ourselves too much", with a lower standard of living than France or West Germany.Jenkins' supporters in the Parliamentary Labour Party became known as the "Jenkinsites". These were usually younger, middle-class and university-educated ex-Gaitskellites such as Bill Rodgers, David Owen, Roy Hattersley, Dick Taverne, John Mackintosh and David Marquand. In May–July 1968 some of his supporters, led by Patrick Gordon Walker and Christopher Mayhew, plotted to replace Wilson with Jenkins as Labour leader but he declined to challenge Wilson. A year later his supporters again attempted to persuade Jenkins to challenge Wilson for the party leadership but he again declined. He later wrote in his memoirs that the 1968 plot was "for me...the equivalent of the same season of 1953 for Rab Butler. Having faltered for want of single-minded ruthlessness when there was no alternative to himself, he then settled down to a career punctuated by increasingly wide misses of the premiership. People who effectively seize the prime ministership – Lloyd George, Macmillan, Mrs Thatcher – do not let such moments slip".In April 1968, with Britain's reserves declining by approximately £500 million every quarter, Jenkins went to Washington to obtain a $1,400 million loan from the International Monetary Fund. Following a further sterling crisis in November 1968 Jenkins was forced to raise taxes by a further £250 million. After this the currency markets slowly began to settle and his 1969 budget represented more of the same with a £340 million increase in taxation to further limit consumption.By May 1969 Britain's current account position was in surplus, thanks to a growth in exports, a drop in overall consumption and, in part, the Inland Revenue correcting a previous underestimation in export figures. In July Jenkins was also able to announce that the size of Britain's foreign currency reserves had been increased by almost $1 billion since the beginning of the year. It was at this time that he presided over Britain's only excess of government revenue over expenditure in the period 1936–7 to 1987–8. Thanks in part to these successes there was a high expectation that the 1970 budget would be a more generous one. Jenkins, however, was cautious about the stability of Britain's recovery and decided to present a more muted and fiscally neutral budget. It is often argued that this, combined with a series of bad trade figures, contributed to the Conservative victory at the 1970 general election. Historians and economists have often praised Jenkins for presiding over the transformation in Britain's fiscal and current account positions towards the end of the 1960s. Andrew Marr, for example, described him as one of the 20th century's "most successful chancellors". Alec Cairncross considered Jenkins "the ablest of the four Chancellors I served".Public expenditure as a proportion of GDP rose from 44 per cent in 1964 to around 50 per cent in 1970. Despite Jenkins' warnings about inflation, wage settlements in 1969–70 increased on average by 13 per cent and contributed to the high inflation of the early 1970s and consequently negated most of Jenkins' efforts to obtain a balance of payments surplus.After Labour unexpectedly lost power in 1970 Jenkins was appointed Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer by Harold Wilson. Jenkins was also subsequently elected to the deputy leadership of the Labour Party in July 1970, defeating future Labour Leader Michael Foot and former Leader of the Commons Fred Peart at the first ballot. At this time he appeared the natural successor to Harold Wilson, and it appeared to many only a matter of time before he inherited the leadership of the party, and the opportunity to become Prime Minister.This changed completely, however, as Jenkins refused to accept the tide of anti-European feeling that became prevalent in the Labour Party in the early 1970s. After a special conference on the EEC was held by the Labour Party on 17 July 1971, but from which Jenkins was forbidden from addressing, he delivered one of the most powerful speeches of his career. Jenkins told a meeting of the Parliamentary Labour Party on 19 July: "At conference the only alternative [to the EEC] we heard was 'socialism in one country'. That is always good for a cheer. Pull up the drawbridge and revolutionize the fortress. That's not a policy either: it's just a slogan, and it is one which becomes not merely unconvincing but hypocritical as well when it is dressed up as our best contribution to international socialism". This reopened the old Bevanite–Gaitskellite divide in the Party; Wilson told Tony Benn the day after Jenkins' speech that he was determined to smash the Campaign for Democratic Socialism.At the 1971 Labour Party conference in Brighton, the NEC's motion to reject the "Tory terms" of entry into the EEC was carried by a large majority. Jenkins told a fringe meeting that this would have no effect on his continued support for Britain's entry. Benn said Jenkins was "the figure dominating this Conference; there is no question about it". On 28 October 1971, he led 69 Labour MPs through the division lobby in support of the Heath government's motion to take Britain into the EEC. In so-doing they were defying a three-line whip and a five-to-one vote at the Labour Party annual conference. Jenkins later wrote: "I was convinced that it was one of the decisive votes of the century, and had no intention of spending the rest of my life answering the question of what did I do in the great division by saying 'I abstained'. I saw it in the context of the first Reform Bill, the repeal of the Corn Laws, Gladstone's Home Rule Bills, the Lloyd George Budget and the Parliament Bill, the Munich Agreement and the May 1940 votes".Jenkins' action gave the European cause a legitimacy that would have otherwise been absent had the issue been considered solely as a party political matter. However, he was now regarded by the left as a "traitor". James Margach wrote in the "Sunday Times": "The unconcealed objective of the Left now is either to humiliate Roy Jenkins and his allies into submission – or drive them from the party". At this stage, however, Jenkins would not fully abandon his position as a political insider, and chose to stand again for deputy leader, an act his colleague David Marquand claimed he later came to regret. Jenkins promised not to vote with the government again and he narrowly defeated Michael Foot on a second ballot.In accordance with the party whip, Jenkins voted against European Communities Bill 55 times. However, he resigned both the deputy leadership and his shadow cabinet position in April 1972, after the party committed itself to holding a referendum on Britain's membership of the EEC. This led to some former admirers, including Roy Hattersley, choosing to distance themselves from Jenkins. Hattersley later claimed that Jenkins' resignation was "the moment when the old Labour coalition began to collapse and the eventual formation of a new centre party became inevitable". In his resignation letter to Wilson, Jenkins said that if there were a referendum "the Opposition would form a temporary coalition of those who, whatever their political views, were against the proposed action. By this means we would have forged a more powerful continuing weapon against progressive legislation than anything we have known in this country since the curbing of the absolute powers of the old House of Lords".Jenkins' lavish lifestyle — Wilson once described him as "more a socialite than a socialist" — had already alienated much of the Labour Party from him. Wilson accused him of having an affair with socialite Ann Fleming - and it was true.In May 1972 he collected the Charlemagne Prize, which he had been awarded for promoting European unity. In September an ORC opinion poll found that there was considerable public support for an alliance between the 'moderate' wing of the Labour Party and the Liberals; 35 per cent said they would vote for a Labour–Liberal alliance, 27 per cent for the Conservatives and 23.5 per cent for 'Socialist Labour'. "The Times" claimed that there were "twelve million Jenkinsites". During the spring and summer of 1972, Jenkins delivered a series of speeches designed to set out his leadership credentials. These were published in September under the title "What Matters Now", which sold well. In the book's postscript, Jenkins said that Labour should not be a narrow socialist party advocating unpopular left-wing policies but must aim to "represent the hopes and aspirations of the whole leftward thinking half of the country", adding that a "broad-based, international, radical, generous-minded party could quickly seize the imagination of a disillusioned and uninspired British public".After Dick Taverne's victory in the 1973 Lincoln by-election, where he stood as "Democratic Labour" in opposition to the official Labour candidate, Jenkins gave a speech to the Oxford University Labour Club denouncing the idea of a new centre party. Jenkins was elected to the shadow cabinet in November 1973 as Shadow Home Secretary. During the February 1974 election, Jenkins rallied to Labour and his campaign was described by David Butler and Dennis Kavanagh as sounding "a note of civilised idealism". Jenkins was disappointed that the Liberal candidate in his constituency won 6000 votes; he wrote in his memoirs that "I already regarded myself as such a closet Liberal that I naïvely thought they ought nearly all to have come to me".Jenkins wrote a series of biographical essays that appeared in "The Times" during 1971–74 and which were published as "Nine Men of Power" in 1974. Jenkins chose Gaitskell, Ernest Bevin, Stafford Cripps, Adlai Stevenson II, Robert F. Kennedy, Joseph McCarthy, Lord Halifax, Léon Blum and John Maynard Keynes. In 1971 Jenkins delivered three lectures on foreign policy at Yale University, published a year later as "Afternoon on the Potomac?"When Labour returned to power in early 1974, Jenkins was appointed Home Secretary for the second time. Earlier, he had been promised the treasury; however, Wilson later decided to appoint Denis Healey as Chancellor instead. Upon hearing from Bernard Donoughue that Wilson had reneged on his promise, Jenkins reacted angrily. Despite being on a public staircase, he is reported to have shouted "You tell Harold Wilson he must bloody well come to see me ...and if he doesn't watch out, I won't join his bloody government ... This is typical of the bloody awful way Harold Wilson does things!" The Jenkinsites were dismayed by Jenkins' refusal to insist upon the Chancellorship and began to look elsewhere for leadership, thus ending the Jenkinsites as a united group.Jenkins served from 1974 to 1976. Whereas during his first period as Home Secretary in the 1960s the atmosphere had been optimistic and confident, the climate of the 1970s was much more fractious and disillusioned. After two Northern Irish sisters, Marian Price and Dolours Price, were imprisoned for 20 years for the 1973 Old Bailey bombing, they went on hunger strike in order to be transferred to a prison in Northern Ireland. In a television broadcast in June 1974, Jenkins announced that he would refuse to give in to their demands, although in March 1975 he discreetly transferred them to a Northern Irish prison.He undermined his previous liberal credentials to some extent by pushing through the controversial Prevention of Terrorism Act in the aftermath of the Birmingham pub bombings of November 1974, which, among other things, extended the length of time suspects could be held in custody and instituted exclusion orders. Jenkins also resisted calls for the death penalty to be restored for terrorist murderers. On 4 December he told the Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland that "everything he heard made him more convinced that Northern Ireland had nothing to do with the rest of the UK". When reviewing Garret FitzGerald's memoirs in 1991, Jenkins proclaimed: "My natural prejudices, such as they are, are much more green than orange. I am a poor unionist, believing intuitively that even Paisley and Haughey are better at dealing with each other than the English are with either".The Sex Discrimination Act 1975 (which legislated for gender equality and set up the Equal Opportunities Commission) and the Race Relations Act 1976 (which extended to private clubs the outlawing of racial discrimination and founded the Commission for Racial Equality) were two notable achievements during his second time as Home Secretary.Jenkins opposed Michael Foot's attempts to grant pickets the right to stop lorries during strikes and he was dismayed by Anthony Crosland's decision to grant an amnesty to the 11 Labour councillors at Clay Cross who had been surcharged for refusing to increase council rents in accordance with the Conservatives' Housing Finance Act 1972. After two trade unionists, Ricky Tomlinson and Des Warren (known as the "Shrewsbury Two"), were imprisoned for intimidation and affray for their part in a strike, Jenkins refused to accede to demands from the labour movement that they should be released. This demonstrated Jenkins' increasing estrangement from much of the labour movement and for a time he was heckled in public by people chanting "Free the Two". Jenkins also unsuccessfully tried to persuade the Cabinet to adopt electoral reform in the form of proportional representation and to have the Official Secrets Act 1911 liberalised to facilitate more open government.Although becoming increasingly disillusioned during this time by what he considered the party's drift to the left, he was the leading Labour figure in the EEC referendum of June 1975 (and was also president of the 'Yes' campaign). In September 1974 he had followed Shirley Williams in stating that he "could not stay in a Cabinet which had to carry out withdrawal" from the EEC. During the referendum campaign, Tony Benn claimed that 500,000 jobs had been lost due to Britain's membership; Jenkins replied on 27 May that "I find it increasingly difficult to take Mr Benn seriously as an economics minister". He added that Britain outside the EEC would enter "an old people's home for fading nations. ... I do not even think it would be a comfortable or agreeable old people's home. I do not much like the look of some of the prospective wardens". The two men debated Britain's membership together on "Panorama", which was chaired by David Dimbleby. According to David Butler and Uwe Kitzinger, "they achieved a decidedly more lucid and intricate level of discussion than is commonly seen on political television". Jenkins found it congenial to work with the centrists of all parties in the campaign and the 'Yes' campaign won by two to one.After the referendum, Wilson demoted Benn to Energy Secretary and attempted to balance the downgrading of Benn with the dismissal of the right-wing minister Reg Prentice from the Department of Education, despite already promising Jenkins that he had no intention of sacking Prentice. Jenkins threatened to resign if Prentice was sacked, telling Wilson that he was "a squalid little man who was using squalid little arguments in order to explain why he was performing so much below the level of events". Wilson quickly backed down. In September Jenkins delivered a speech in Prentice's constituency of Newham to demonstrate solidarity with him after he was threatened with deselection by left-wingers in the constituency party. Jenkins was heckled by both far-left and far-right demonstrators and he was hit in the chest by a flour bomb thrown by a member of the National Front. Jenkins warned that if Prentice was deselected "it is not just the local party that is undermining its own foundations by ignoring the beliefs and feelings of ordinary people, the whole legitimate Labour Party, left as well as right, is crippled if extremists have their way". He added that if "tolerance is shattered formidable consequences will follow. Labour MPs will either have to become creatures of cowardice, concealing their views, trimming their sails, accepting orders, stilling their consciences, or they will all have to be men far far to the left of those whose votes they seek. Either would make a mockery of parliamentary democracy".In January 1976 he further distanced himself from the left with a speech in Anglesey, where he repudiated ever-higher public spending: "I do not think you can push public expenditure significantly above 60 per cent [of GNP] and maintain the values of a plural society with adequate freedom of choice. We are here close to one of the frontiers of social democracy". A former supporter, Roy Hattersley, distanced himself from Jenkins after this speech.In May 1976 he told the Police Federation conference to "be prepared first to look at the evidence and to recognize how little the widespread use of prison reduces our crime or deals effectively with many of the individuals concerned". He also responded to the Federation's proposals on law and order: "I respect your right to put them to me. You will no doubt respect my right to tell you that I do not think all the points in sum amount to a basis for a rational penal policy".When Wilson suddenly resigned as Prime Minister in March 1976, Jenkins was one of six candidates for the leadership of the Labour Party but came third in the first ballot, behind Callaghan and Michael Foot. Realising that his vote was lower than expected, and sensing that the parliamentary party was in no mood to overlook his actions five years before, he immediately withdrew from the contest. On issues such as the EEC, trade union reform and economic policy he had proclaimed views opposite to those held by the majority of Labour Party activists, and his libertarian social views were at variance with the majority of Labour voters. A famous story alleged that when one of Jenkins' supporters canvassed a group of miners' MPs in the Commons' tea-room, he was told: "Nay, lad, we're all Labour here".Jenkins had wanted to become Foreign Secretary, but Foot warned Callaghan that the party would not accept the pro-European Jenkins as Foreign Secretary. Callaghan instead offered Jenkins the Treasury in six months' time (when it would be possible to move Denis Healey to the Foreign Office). Jenkins turned the offer down. Jenkins then accepted an appointment as President of the European Commission (succeeding François-Xavier Ortoli) after Callaghan appointed Anthony Crosland to the Foreign Office.In an interview with "The Times" in January 1977, Jenkins said that: "My wish is to build an effective united Europe. ... I want to move towards a more effectively organized Europe politically and economically and as far as I am concerned I want to go faster, not slower". The main development overseen by the Jenkins Commission was the development of the Economic and Monetary Union of the European Union from 1977, which began in 1979 as the European Monetary System, a forerunner of the Single Currency or Euro. His biographer calls Jenkins "the godfather of the euro" and claims that among his successors only Jacques Delors has made more impact.In speech in Florence in October 1977, Jenkins argued that monetary union would facilitate "a more efficient and developed rationalisation of industry and commerce than is possible under a Customs Union alone". He added that "a major new international currency" would form "a joint and alternative pillar of the world monetary system" which would lead to greater international stability. Monetary union would also combat inflation by controlling the money supply. Jenkins conceded that this would involve the diminution of national sovereignty but he pointed out that "governments which do not discipline themselves already find themselves accepting very sharp surveillance" from the IMF. Monetary union would also promote employment and diminish regional differences. Jenkins ended the speech by quoting Jean Monnet's statement that politics was "not only the art of the possible, but...the art of making possible tomorrow what may seem impossible today".President Jenkins was the first President to attend a G8 summit on behalf of the Community. He received an Honorary Degree (Doctor of Laws) from the University of Bath in 1978.In October 1978 "Tribune" reported (falsely) that Jenkins and his wife had not paid their Labour Party subscription for several years. After this was repeated in the national press, Jenkins' drafted his wife's letter to "The Times" that refuted the allegation. Jenkins blamed the story on a "malicious Trot in the North Kensington Labour Party". Jenkins was disillusioned with the Labour Party and he was almost certain that he could not stand again as a Labour candidate; in January 1979 he told Shirley Williams that the "big mistake we had made was not to go and support Dick Taverne in 1973; everything had got worse since then".He did not vote in the 1979 election. After the Conservatives won the election Margaret Thatcher contemplated appointing Jenkins Chancellor of the Exchequer on the strength of his success at cutting public expenditure when he was Chancellor. However, his friend Woodrow Wyatt claimed that Jenkins "had other and fresh fish to fry".The Director-General of the BBC, Ian Trethowan, invited Jenkins to deliver the Richard Dimbleby Lecture for 1979, which he did on 22 November. The title Jenkins gave to his lecture, "Home Thoughts from Abroad", derived from a Robert Browning poem. He delivered it in the Royal Society of Arts and it was broadcast live on television. Jenkins analysed the decline of the two-party system since 1951 and criticised the excessive partisanship of British politics, which he claimed alienated the bulk of voters, who were more centrist. He advocated proportional representation and the acceptance of "the broad line of division between the public and private sectors", a middle way between Thatcherism and Bennism. Jenkins said that the private sector should be encouraged without too much interference to create as much wealth as possible "but use the wealth so created both to give a return for enterprise and to spread the benefits throughout society in a way that avoids the disfigurements of poverty, gives a full priority to public education and health services, and encourages co-operation and not conflict in industry and throughout society". He then reiterated his long-standing commitment to libertarianism:You also make sure that the state knows its place...in relation to the citizen. You are in favour of the right of dissent and the liberty of private conduct. You are against unnecessary centralization and bureaucracy. You want to devolve decision-making wherever you sensibly can. ... You want the nation to be self-confident and outward-looking, rather than insular, xenophobic and suspicious. You want the class system to fade without being replaced either by an aggressive and intolerant proletarianism or by the dominance of the brash and selfish values of a 'get rich quick' society. ... These are some of the objectives which I believe could be assisted by a strengthening of the radical centre."The Listener" reprinted the text along with assessments by Enoch Powell, Paul Johnson, Jack Jones, J. A. G. Griffith, Bernard Crick, Neil Kinnock and Jo Grimond. They were all critical; Kinnock thought him misguided as Britain had already suffered from centrist rule for thirty years and Grimond complained that Jenkins' clarion call had come 20 years too late.Jenkins' last year as President of the European Commission was dominated by Margaret Thatcher's fight for a rebate on Britain's contribution to the EEC budget. He believed that the quarrel was unnecessary and regretted that it soured Britain's relationship with the Community for years. In November 1980 Jenkins delivered the Winston Churchill memorial lecture in Luxembourg, where he proposed a solution to the British budgetary question. The proportion of the Community's budget spent on agriculture should be reduced by extending Community spending into new areas where Britain would receive more benefit, such as regional spending. The size of the Community's budget would, in his scheme, be tripled by transferring from the nation states to the Community competence over social and industrial policy.After his Dimbleby Lecture, Jenkins increasingly favoured the formation of a new social democratic party. He publicly aired these views in a speech to the Parliamentary Press Gallery in June 1980, where he repeated his criticisms of the two-party system and attacked Labour's move to the left. At the previous month's Wembley conference, Labour had adopted a programme which included non-cooperation with the EEC and "a near neutralist and unilateralist" defence policy that would, Jenkins argued, render meaningless Britain's NATO membership. Labour's proposals for further nationalisation and anti-private enterprise policies, Jenkins claimed, were more extreme than in any other democratic country and it was not "by any stretch of the imagination a social democratic programme". He added that a new party could reshape politics and lead to the "rapid revival of liberal social democratic Britain".The Labour Party conference at Blackpool in September 1980 adopted a unilateralist defence policy, withdrawal from the EEC and further nationalisation, along with Tony Benn's demands for the mandatory reselection of MPs and an electoral college to elect the party leader. In November Labour MPs elected the left-winger Michael Foot over the right-wing Denis Healey and in January 1981 Labour's Wembley conference decided that the electoral college that would elect the leader would give the trade unions 40 per cent of the vote, with MPs and constituency parties 30 per cent each. Jenkins then joined David Owen, Bill Rodgers and Shirley Williams (known as the "Gang of Four") in issuing the Limehouse Declaration. This called for the "realignment of British politics". They then formed the Social Democratic Party (SDP) on 26 March.Jenkins delivered a series of speeches setting out the SDP's alternative to Thatcherism and Bennism and argued that the solution to Britain's economic troubles lay in the revenue from North Sea oil, which should be invested in public services. He attempted to re-enter Parliament at the Warrington by-election in July 1981 and campaigned on a six-point programme which he put forward as a Keynesian alternative to Thatcherism and Labour's "siege economy", but Labour retained the seat with a small majority. Despite it being a defeat, the by-election demonstrated that the SDP was a serious force. Jenkins said after the count that it was the first parliamentary election that he had lost in many years, but was "by far the greatest victory in which I have ever participated".At the SDP's first annual conference in October 1981, Jenkins called for "an end to the futile frontier war between public and private sectors" and proposed an "inflation tax" on excessive pay rises that would restrain spiralling wages and prices. After achieving this, an SDP government would be able to embark on economic expansion to reduce unemployment.In March 1982 he fought the Glasgow Hillhead by-election, in what had previously been a Conservative-held seat. Polls at the beginning of the campaign put Jenkins in third place but after a series of ten well-attended public meetings which Jenkins addressed, the tide began to turn in Jenkins' favour and he was elected with a majority of just over 2000 on a swing of 19 per cent. The evening after his victory in Hillhead Jenkins told a celebration dinner of 200 party members held at the North British Hotel in Edinburgh "that the SDP had a great opportunity to become the majority party". Jenkins' first intervention in the House of Commons following his election, on 31 March, was seen as a disappointment. The Conservative MP Alan Clark wrote in his diary:Jenkins, with excessive and almost unbearable gravitas, asked three very heavy statesman-like non-party-political questions of the PM. I suppose he is very formidable, but he was so portentous and long-winded that he started to lose the sympathy of the House about half way through and the barracking resumed. The Lady replied quite brightly and freshly, as if she did not particularly know who he was, or care.Whereas earlier in his career Jenkins had excelled in the traditional set-piece debates in which he spoke from the dispatch box, the focus of parliamentary reporting had now moved to the point-scoring of Prime Minister's Questions, which he struggled with. Seated in the traditional place for third parties in the Commons (the second or third row below the gangway), and without a dispatch box and the gravitas it could have conferred, Jenkins was situated near (and shared the same microphone with) Labour's "awkward squad" that included Dennis Skinner and Bob Cryer, who regularly heckled abuse ("Roy, your flies are undone").Seven days after Jenkins' by-election victory Argentina invaded the Falklands and the subsequent Falklands War transformed British politics, increased substantially the public's support for the Conservatives and ended any chance that Jenkins' election would reinvigorate the SDP's support. In the SDP leadership election, Jenkins was elected with 56.44 of the vote, with David Owen coming second. During the 1983 election campaign his position as the prime minister-designate for the SDP-Liberal Alliance was questioned by his close colleagues, as his campaign style was now regarded as ineffective; the Liberal leader David Steel was considered to have a greater rapport with the electorate. Jenkins held on to his seat in Hillhead, which was the subject of boundary changes. While on the old boundaries the Conservatives had held the seat prior to Jenkins' victory, it was estimated by the BBC and ITN that on the new boundaries Labour would have captured the seat with a majority of just over 2,000 votes in 1979. Jenkins was challenged by Neil Carmichael, the sitting Labour MP for the Glasgow Kelvingrove constituency which had been abolished and a ministerial colleague of Jenkins in the Wilson governments. Jenkins defeated Carmichael by 1,164 votes to retain his seat in the House of Commons. According to "The Glasgow Herald" Labour supporters at the election count in the Kelvin Hall booed and jeered when Jenkins' victory was announced, and he and his wife were "dismayed as police pushed back jostling crowds."After the general election Owen succeeded him unopposed. Jenkins was disappointed with Owen's move to the right, and his acceptance and backing of some of Thatcher's policies. At heart, Jenkins remained an unrepentant Keynesian. In his July 1984 Tawney Lecture, Jenkins said that the "whole spirit and outlook" of the SDP "must be profoundly opposed to Thatcherism. It could not go along with the fatalism of the Government's acceptance of massive unemployment". He also delivered a series of speeches in the Commons attacking the Thatcherite policies of the Chancellor, Nigel Lawson. Jenkins called for more government intervention to support industry and for North Sea oil revenues to be channelled into a major programme of rebuilding Britain's infrastructure and into educating a skilled workforce. He also attacked the Thatcher government for failing to join the European Exchange Rate Mechanism.In 1985 he wrote to "The Times" to advocate the closing down of the political surveillance role of MI5. During the controversy surrounding Peter Wright's "Spycatcher", in which he alleged that Harold Wilson had been a Soviet spy, Jenkins rubbished the allegation and reiterated his call for the end of MI5's powers of political survelliance.In 1986 he won "The Spectator"'s Parliamentarian of the Year award. He continued to serve as SDP Member of Parliament for Glasgow Hillhead until his defeat at the 1987 general election by the Labour candidate George Galloway, after boundary changes in 1983 had changed the character of the constituency. After his defeat was announced, "The Glasgow Herald" reported that he indicated he would not stand for parliament again in the future.In 1986 appeared his biography of Harry S. Truman and the following year his biography of Stanley Baldwin was published.From 1987, Jenkins remained in politics as a member of the House of Lords as a life peer with the title Baron Jenkins of Hillhead, of Pontypool in the County of Gwent. Also in 1987, Jenkins was elected Chancellor of the University of Oxford. He was leader of the Liberal Democrats in the Lords from 1988 until 1997.In 1988 he fought and won an amendment to the Education Reform Act 1988, guaranteeing academic freedom of speech in further and higher education establishments. This affords and protects the right of students and academics to "question and test received wisdom" and has been incorporated into the statutes or articles and instruments of governance of all universities and colleges in Britain.In 1991 his memoirs, "A Life at the Centre", was published by Macmillan, who paid Jenkins an £130,000 advance. He was magnanimous to most of those colleagues with whom he had clashed in the past, except for David Owen, whom he blamed for destroying the idealism and cohesion of the SDP. In the last chapter ('Establishment Whig or Persistent Radical?') he reaffirmed his radicalism, placing himself "somewhat to the left of James Callaghan, maybe Denis Healey and certainly of David Owen". He also proclaimed his political credo:My broad position remains firmly libertarian, sceptical of official cover-ups and uncompromisingly internationalist, believing sovereignty to be an almost total illusion in the modern world, although both expecting and welcoming the continuance of strong differences in national traditions and behaviour. I distrust the deification of the enterprise culture. I think there are more limitations to the wisdom of the market than were dreamt of in Mrs Thatcher's philosophy. I believe that levels of taxation on the prosperous, having been too high for many years (including my own period at the Treasury), are now too low for the provision of decent public services. And I think the privatisation of near monopolies is about as irrelevant as (and sometimes worse than) were the Labour Party's proposals for further nationalisation in the 1970s and early 1980s."A Life at the Centre" was generally favourably reviewed: in the "Times Literary Supplement" John Grigg said it was a "marvellous account of high politics by a participant writing with honesty, irony and sustained narrative verve". In "The Spectator" Anthony Quinton remarked that Jenkins was "not afraid to praise himself and earns the right to do so by unfudged self-criticism". However, there were critical voices: John Smith in "The Scotsman" charged that Jenkins never had any loyalty to the Labour Party and was an ambitious careerist intent only on furthering his career. John Campbell claims that "A Life at the Centre" is now generally recognised as one of the best political memoirs. David Cannadine ranked it alongside Duff Cooper's "Old Men Forget", R. A. Butler's "The Art of the Possible" and Denis Healey's "The Time of My Life" as one of the four best political memoirs of the post-war period.In 1993, he was appointed to the Order of Merit. Also that year, his "Portraits and Miniatures" was published. The main body of the book is a set of 6 biographical essays (Rab Butler, Aneurin Bevan, Iain Macleod, Dean Acheson, Konrad Adenauer, Charles de Gaulle), along with lectures, articles and book reviews.A television documentary about Jenkins was made by Michael Cockerell, titled "Roy Jenkins: A Very Social Democrat", and broadcast on 26 May 1996. Although an admiring portrait overall, Cockerell was frank about Jenkins' affairs and both Jenkins and his wife believed that Cockerell had betrayed their hospitality.Jenkins hailed Tony Blair's election as Labour Party leader in July 1994 as "the most exciting Labour choice since the election of Hugh Gaitskell". He argued that Blair should stick "to a constructive line on Europe, in favour of sensible constitutional innovation...and in favour of friendly relations with the Liberal Democrats". He added that he hoped Blair would not move Labour further to the right: "Good work has been done in freeing it from nationalisation and other policies. But the market cannot solve everything and it would be a pity to embrace the stale dogmas of Thatcherism just when their limitations are becoming obvious".Jenkins and Blair had been in touch since the latter's time as Shadow Home Secretary, when he admired Jenkins' reforming tenure at the Home Office. Jenkins told Paddy Ashdown in October 1995: "I think Tony treats me as a sort of father figure in politics. He comes to me a lot for advice, particularly about how to construct a Government". Jenkins tried to persuade Blair that the division in the centre-left vote between the Labour and Liberal parties had enabled the Conservatives to dominate the 20th century, whereas if the two left-wing parties entered into an electoral pact and adopted proportional representation, they could dominate the 21st century. Jenkins was an influence on the thinking of New Labour and both Peter Mandelson and Roger Liddle in their 1996 work "The Blair Revolution" and Philip Gould in his "Unfinished Revolution" recognised Jenkins' influence.Before the 1997 election, Blair had promised an enquiry into electoral reform. In December 1997, Jenkins was appointed chair of a Government-appointed Independent Commission on the Voting System, which became known as the "Jenkins Commission", to consider alternative voting systems for the UK. The Jenkins Commission reported in favour of a new uniquely British mixed-member proportional system called "Alternative vote top-up" or "limited AMS" in October 1998, although no action was taken on this recommendation. Blair told Ashdown that Jenkins' recommendations would not pass the Cabinet.British membership of the European single currency, Jenkins believed, was the supreme test of Blair's statesmanship. However, he was disappointed with Blair's timidity in taking on the Eurosceptic tabloid press. He told Blair in October 1997: "You have to choose between leading Europe or having Murdoch on your side. You can have one but not both". Jenkins was also critical of New Labour's authoritarianism, such as the watering down of the Freedom of Information Act 2000 and their intention to ban fox hunting. By the end of his life Jenkins believed that Blair had wasted his enormous parliamentary majority and would not be recorded in history as a great Prime Minister; he ranked him between Harold Wilson and Stanley Baldwin.After Gordon Brown attacked Oxford University for indulging in "old school tie" prejudices because it rejected a state-educated pupil, Laura Spence, Jenkins told the House of Lords in June 2000 that "Brown's diatribe was born of prejudice out of ignorance. Nearly every fact he adduced was false". Jenkins voted for the equalisation of the homosexual age of consent and for repealing Section 28.Jenkins wrote 19 books, including a biography of Gladstone (1995), which won the 1995 Whitbread Award for Biography, and a much-acclaimed biography of Winston Churchill (2001). His then-designated official biographer, Andrew Adonis, was to have finished the Churchill biography had Jenkins not survived the heart surgery he underwent towards the end of its writing. The popular historian Paul Johnson called it the best one-volume biography on its subject.Jenkins underwent heart surgery in the form of a heart valve replacement on 12 October 2000 and postponed his 80th birthday celebrations whilst recovering, by having a celebratory party on 7 March 2001. He died on 5 January 2003, after suffering a heart attack at his home at East Hendred, in Oxfordshire. His last words, to his wife, were, "Two eggs, please, lightly poached". At the time of his death Jenkins was starting work on a biography of US President Franklin D. Roosevelt.After his death, Blair paid tribute to "one of the most remarkable people ever to grace British politics", who had "intellect, vision and an integrity that saw him hold firm to his beliefs of moderate social democracy, liberal reform and the cause of Europe throughout his life. He was a friend and support to me". James Callaghan and Edward Heath also paid tribute and Tony Benn said that as "a founder of the SDP he was probably the grandfather of New Labour". However, he was strongly criticised by others including Denis Healey, who condemned the SDP split as a "disaster" for the Labour Party which prolonged their time in opposition and allowed the Tories to have an unbroken run of 18 years in government.The Professor of Government at Oxford University, Vernon Bogdanor, provided an assessment in "The Guardian":Roy Jenkins was both radical and contemporary; and this made him the most influential exponent of the progressive creed in politics in postwar Britain. Moreover, the political creed for which he stood belongs as much to the future as to the past. For Jenkins was the prime mover in the creation of a form of social democracy which, being internationalist, is peculiarly suited to the age of globalisation and, being liberal, will prove to have more staying power than the statism of Lionel Jospin or the corporatist socialism of Gerhard Schröder. ... Roy Jenkins was the first leading politician to appreciate that a liberalised social democracy must be based on two tenets: what Peter Mandelson called an aspirational society (individuals must be allowed to regulate their personal lives without interference from the state); and that a post-imperial country like Britain could only be influential in the world as part of a wider grouping (the EU).His alma mater, Cardiff University, honoured the memory of Roy Jenkins by naming one of its halls of residence Roy Jenkins Hall.On 20 January 1945, Jenkins married Mary Jennifer (Jennifer) Morris (18 January 1921 – 2 February 2017). They were married for almost 58 years until his death, although he had "several affairs", including one with Jackie Kennedy's sister Lee Radziwill. Among his long-term mistresses were Leslie Bonham Carter and Caroline Gilmour, wives of fellow MPs and close friends Mark Bonham Carter and Ian Gilmour. However, these extra-marital relationships were conditional on his lovers having a good relationship with his wife: he later stated that he "could not imagine loving anyone who was not very fond of Jennifer".She was made a DBE for services to ancient and historical buildings. They had two sons, Charles and Edward, and a daughter, Cynthia.Early in his life Jenkins had a relationship with Anthony Crosland. According to the Liberal Democrat Leader Vince Cable, Jenkins was bisexual.
|
[
"Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"President of the European Commission",
"Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the House of Lords",
"Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Home Secretary",
"Chancellor of the University of Oxford",
"Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Shadow Home Secretary",
"Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer",
"Member of the 49th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Deputy Leader of the Labour Party"
] |
|
Which position did Roy Jenkins hold in 03/04/1968?
|
April 03, 1968
|
{
"text": [
"Chancellor of the Exchequer",
"Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q323488_P39_10
|
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Chancellor of the Exchequer from Nov, 1967 to Jun, 1970.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Home Secretary from Dec, 1965 to Nov, 1967.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 49th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1983 to May, 1987.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Shadow Home Secretary from Nov, 1973 to Mar, 1974.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1974 to Jan, 1977.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1948 to Feb, 1950.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1982 to May, 1983.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Apr, 1956 to Jan, 1957.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from Jul, 1970 to Apr, 1972.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Nov, 1987 to Jan, 2003.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Chancellor of the University of Oxford from Mar, 1987 to Jan, 2003.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer from Jun, 1970 to Apr, 1972.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of President of the European Commission from Jan, 1977 to Jan, 1981.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Jul, 1955 to Oct, 1955.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974.
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Roy JenkinsRoy Harris Jenkins, Baron Jenkins of Hillhead, (11 November 1920 – 5 January 2003) was a British politician who served as President of the European Commission from 1977 to 1981. At various times a Member of Parliament (MP) for the Labour Party, Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the Liberal Democrats, he was Chancellor of the Exchequer and Home Secretary under the Wilson and Callaghan Governments.The son of Arthur Jenkins, a coal-miner and Labour MP, Jenkins was educated at the University of Oxford and served as an intelligence officer during the Second World War. Initially elected as MP for Southwark Central in 1948, he moved to become MP for Birmingham Stechford in 1950. On the election of Harold Wilson after the 1964 election, Jenkins was appointed Minister of Aviation. A year later, he was promoted to the Cabinet to become Home Secretary. In this role, Jenkins embarked on a major reform programme; he sought to build what he described as "a civilised society", overseeing measures such as the effective abolition in Britain of both capital punishment and theatre censorship, the partial decriminalisation of homosexuality, relaxing of divorce law, suspension of birching and the liberalisation of abortion law.After the devaluation crisis in November 1967, Jenkins replaced James Callaghan as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Throughout his time at the Treasury, Jenkins oversaw a tight fiscal policy in an attempt to control inflation, and oversaw a particularly tough Budget in 1968 which saw major tax rises. As a result of this, the Government's current account entered a surplus in 1969. After Labour unexpectedly lost the 1970 election, Jenkins was elected as Deputy Leader of the Labour Party in 1970. He resigned from the position in 1972 after the Labour Party decided to oppose Britain's entry to the European Communities, which he strongly supported. When Labour returned to power following the 1974 election, Wilson appointed Jenkins as Home Secretary for the second time. Two years later, when Wilson resigned as Prime Minister, Jenkins stood in the leadership election to succeed him, finishing third behind Michael Foot and the winner James Callaghan. He subsequently chose to resign from Parliament and leave British politics, to accept appointment as the first-ever British President of the European Commission, a role he took up in January 1977.After completing his term at the Commission in 1981, Jenkins announced a surprise return to British politics; dismayed with the Labour Party's move further left under the leadership of Michael Foot, he became one of the "Gang of Four", senior Labour figures who broke away from the party and founded the SDP. In 1982, Jenkins won a by-election to return to Parliament as MP for Glasgow Hillhead, taking the seat from the Conservatives in a famous result. He became leader of the SDP ahead of the 1983 election, during which he formed an electoral alliance with the Liberal Party. After his disappointment with the performance of the SDP in the election, he resigned as leader. He subsequently lost his seat in Parliament at the 1987 election, and accepted a life peerage shortly afterwards; he sat in the House of Lords as a Liberal Democrat.He was later elected to succeed former Prime Minister Harold Macmillan as Chancellor of the University of Oxford following the latter's death; he would hold this position until his own death sixteen years later. In the late 1990s, he served as a close adviser to Prime Minister Tony Blair and chaired a major commission on electoral reform. In addition to his political career, he was also a noted historian, biographer and writer. His (1991) is regarded as one of the best autobiographies of the later twentieth century, which "will be read with pleasure long after most examples of the genre have been forgotten". Jenkins died in 2003, aged 82.Born in Abersychan, Monmouthshire, in southeastern Wales, as an only child, Roy Jenkins was the son of a National Union of Mineworkers official, Arthur Jenkins. His father was imprisoned during the 1926 General Strike for his alleged involvement in disturbances. Arthur Jenkins later became President of the South Wales Miners' Federation and Member of Parliament for Pontypool, Parliamentary Private Secretary to Clement Attlee, and briefly a minister in the 1945 Labour government. Roy Jenkins' mother, Hattie Harris, was the daughter of a steelworks foreman.Jenkins was educated at Pentwyn Primary School, Abersychan County Grammar School, University College, Cardiff, and at Balliol College, Oxford, where he was twice defeated for the Presidency of the Oxford Union but took First-Class Honours in Politics, Philosophy and Economics (PPE). His university colleagues included Tony Crosland, Denis Healey and Edward Heath, and he became friends with all three, although he was never particularly close to Healey.In John Campbell's biography "A Well-Rounded Life" a romantic relationship between Jenkins and Crosland was detailed. Other figures he met whilst at Oxford who would become notable in public life included Madron Seligman, Nicholas Henderson and Mark Bonham Carter.During the Second World War, Jenkins received his officer training at Alton Towers and was posted to the 55th West Somerset Yeomanry at West Lavington, Wiltshire. Through the influence of his father, in April 1944 Jenkins was sent to Bletchley Park to work as a codebreaker; whilst there he befriended the historian Asa Briggs.Having failed to win Solihull in 1945, after which he spent a brief period working for the Industrial and Commercial Finance Corporation, he was elected to the House of Commons in a 1948 by-election as the Member of Parliament for Southwark Central, becoming the "Baby of the House". His constituency was abolished in boundary changes for the 1950 general election, when he stood instead in the new Birmingham Stechford constituency. He won the seat, and represented the constituency until 1977.In 1947 he edited a collection of Clement Attlee's speeches, published under the title "Purpose and Policy". Attlee then granted Jenkins access to his private papers so that he could write his biography, which appeared in 1948 ("Mr Attlee: An Interim Biography"). The reviews were generally favourable, including George Orwell's in "Tribune".In 1950, he advocated a large capital levy, abolition of public schools and introduction of a measure of industrial democracy to nationalised industries as key policy objectives for the Labour government. In 1951 "Tribune" published his pamphlet "Fair Shares for the Rich". Here, Jenkins advocated the abolition of large private incomes by taxing them, graduating from 50 per cent for incomes between £20,000 and £30,000 to 95 per cent for incomes over £100,000. He also proposed further nationalisations and said: "Future nationalisations will be more concerned with equality than with planning, and this means that we can leave the monolithic public corporation behind us and look for more intimate forms of ownership and control". He later described this "almost Robespierrean" pamphlet as "the apogee of my excursion to the left".Jenkins contributed an essay on 'Equality' to the 1952 collection "New Fabian Essays". In 1953 appeared "Pursuit of Progress", a work intended to counter Bevanism. Retreating from what he had demanded in "Fair Shares for the Rich", Jenkins now argued that the redistribution of wealth would occur over a generation and abandoned the goal of public school abolition. However, he still proposed further nationalisations: "It is quite impossible to advocate both the abolition of great inequalities of wealth and the acceptance of a one-quarter public sector and three-quarters private sector arrangement. A mixed economy there will undoubtedly be, certainly for many decades and perhaps permanently, but it will need to be mixed in very different proportions from this". He also opposed the Bevanites' neutralist foreign policy platform: "Neutrality is essentially a conservative policy, a policy of defeat, of announcing to the world that we have nothing to say to which the world will listen. ... Neutrality could never be acceptable to anyone who believes that he has a universal faith to preach". Jenkins argued that the Labour leadership needed to take on and defeat the neutralists and pacifists in the party; it would be better to risk a split in the party than face "the destruction, by schism, perhaps for a generation, of the whole progressive movement in the country".Between 1951 and 1956 he wrote a weekly column for the Indian newspaper "The Current". Here he advocated progressive reforms such as equal pay, the decriminalisation of homosexuality, the liberalisation of the obscenity laws and the abolition of capital punishment. "Mr Balfour's Poodle", a short account of the House of Lords crisis of 1911 that culminated in the Parliament Act 1911, was published in 1954. Favourable reviewers included A. J. P. Taylor, Harold Nicolson, Leonard Woolf and Violet Bonham Carter. After a suggestion by Mark Bonham Carter, Jenkins then wrote a biography of the Victorian radical, Sir Charles Dilke, which was published in October 1958.During the 1956 Suez Crisis, Jenkins denounced Anthony Eden's "squalid imperialist adventure" at a Labour rally in Birmingham Town Hall. Three years later he claimed that "Suez was a totally unsuccessful attempt to achieve unreasonable and undesirable objectives by methods which were at once reckless and immoral; and the consequences, as was well deserved, were humiliating and disastrous".Jenkins praised Anthony Crosland's 1956 work "The Future of Socialism" as "the most important book on socialist theory" since Evan Durbin's "The Politics of Democratic Socialism" (1940). With much of the economy now nationalised, Jenkins argued, socialists should concentrate on eliminating the remaining pockets of poverty and on the removal of class barriers, as well as promoting libertarian social reforms. Jenkins was principal sponsor, in 1959, of the bill which became the liberalising Obscene Publications Act, responsible for establishing the "liable to deprave and corrupt" criterion as a basis for a prosecution of suspect material and for specifying literary merit as a possible defence.In July 1959 Penguin published Jenkins' "The Labour Case", timed to anticipate the upcoming election. Jenkins argued that Britain's chief danger was that of "living sullenly in the past, of believing that the world has a duty to keep us in the station to which we are accustomed, and showing bitter resentment if it does not do so". He added: "Our neighbours in Europe are roughly our economic and military equals. We would do better to live gracefully with them than to waste our substance by trying unsuccessfully to keep up with the power giants of the modern world". Jenkins claimed that the Attlee government concentrated "too much towards the austerity of fair shares, and too little towards the incentives of free consumers' choice". Although he still believed in the elimination of poverty and more equality, Jenkins now argued that these aims could be achieved by economic growth. In the final chapter ('Is Britain Civilised?') Jenkins set out a list of necessary progressive social reforms: the abolition of the death penalty, decriminalisation of homosexuality, abolition of the Lord Chamberlain's powers of theatre censorship, liberalisation of the licensing and betting laws, liberalisation of the divorce laws, legalisation of abortion, decriminalisation of suicide and more liberal immigration laws. Jenkins concluded:Let us be on the side of those who want people to be free to live their own lives, to make their own mistakes, and to decide, in an adult way and provided they do not infringe the rights of others, the code by which they wish to live; and on the side of experiment and brightness, of better buildings and better food, of better music (jazz as well as Bach) and better books, of fuller lives and greater freedom. In the long run these things will be more important than the most perfect of economic policies.In the aftermath of Labour's 1959 defeat, Jenkins appeared on "Panorama" and argued that Labour should abandon further nationalisation, question its connection with the trade unions and not dismiss a closer association with the Liberal Party. In November he delivered a Fabian Society lecture in which he blamed Labour's defeat on the unpopularity of nationalisation and he repeated this in an article for "The Spectator". His "Spectator" article also called for Britain to accept its diminished place in the world, to grant colonial freedom, to spend more on public services and to promote the right of individuals to live their own lives free from the constraints of popular prejudices and state interference. Jenkins later called it a "good radical programme, although...not a socialist one".In May 1960 Jenkins joined the Campaign for Democratic Socialism, a Gaitskellite pressure group designed to fight against left-wing domination of the Labour Party. In July 1960 Jenkins resigned from his frontbench role in order to be able to campaign freely for British membership of the Common Market. At the 1960 Labour Party conference in Scarborough, Jenkins advocated rewriting Clause IV of the party's constitution but he was booed. In November he wrote in "The Spectator" that "unless the Labour Party is determined to abdicate its role as a mass party and become nothing more than a narrow sectarian society, its paramount task is to represent the whole of the Leftward-thinking half of the country—and to offer the prospect of attracting enough marginal support to give that half some share of power".During 1960–62 his main campaign was British membership of the Common Market, where he became Labour's leading advocate of entry. When Harold Macmillan initiated the first British application to join the Common Market in 1961, Jenkins became deputy chairman of the all-party Common Market Campaign and then chairman of the Labour Common Market Committee. At the 1961 Labour Party conference Jenkins spoke in favour of Britain's entry.Since 1959 Jenkins had been working on a biography of the Liberal Prime Minister, H. H. Asquith. For Jenkins, Asquith ranked with Attlee as the embodiment of the moderate, liberal intelligence in politics that he most admired. Through Asquith's grandson, Mark Bonham Carter, Jenkins had access to Asquith's letters to his mistress, Venetia Stanley. Kenneth Rose, Michael Foot, Asa Briggs and John Grigg all favourably reviewed the book when it was published in October 1964. However, Violet Bonham Carter wrote a defence of her father in "The Times" against the few criticisms of Asquith in the book, and Robert Rhodes James wrote in "The Spectator" that "Asquith was surely a tougher, stronger, more acute man...than Mr. Jenkins would have us believe. The fascinating enigma of his complete decline is never really analysed, nor even understood. ... We required a Sutherland: but we have got an Annigoni". John Campbell claims that "for half a century it has remained unchallenged as the best biography and is rightly regarded as a classic".Like Healey and Crosland, he had been a close friend of Hugh Gaitskell and for them Gaitskell's death and the elevation of Harold Wilson as Labour Party leader was a setback. For Jenkins, Gaitskell would remain his political hero. After the 1964 general election Jenkins was appointed Minister of Aviation and was sworn of the Privy Council. While at Aviation he oversaw the high-profile cancellations of the BAC TSR-2 and Concorde projects (although the latter was later reversed after strong opposition from the French Government). In January 1965 Patrick Gordon Walker resigned as Foreign Secretary and in the ensuing reshuffle Wilson offered Jenkins the Department for Education and Science; however, he declined it, preferring to stay at Aviation.In the summer of 1965 Jenkins eagerly accepted an offer to replace Frank Soskice as Home Secretary. However Wilson, dismayed by a sudden bout of press speculation about the potential move, delayed Jenkins' appointment until December. Once Jenkins took office – the youngest Home Secretary since Churchill – he immediately set about reforming the operation and organisation of the Home Office. The Principal Private Secretary, Head of the Press and Publicity Department and Permanent Under-Secretary were all replaced. He also redesigned his office, famously replacing the board on which condemned prisoners were listed with a fridge.After the 1966 general election, in which Labour won a comfortable majority, Jenkins pushed through a series of police reforms which reduced the number of separate forces from 117 to 49. "The Times" called it "the greatest upheaval in policing since the time of Peel". His visit to Chicago in September (to study their policing methods) convinced him of the need to introduce two-way radios to the police; whereas the Metropolitan Police possessed 25 radios in 1965, Jenkins increased this to 2,500, and provided similar numbers of radios to the rest of the country's police forces. Jenkins also provided the police with more car radios, which made the police more mobile but reduced the amount of time they spent patrolling the streets. His Criminal Justice Act 1967 introduced more stringent controls on the purchase of shotguns, outlawed last-minute alibis and introduced majority verdicts in juries in England and Wales. The Act was also designed to lower the prison population by the introduction of release under licence, easier bail, suspended sentences and earlier parole.Immigration was a divisive and provocative issue during the late 1960s and on 23 May 1966 Jenkins delivered a speech on race relations, which is widely considered to be one of his best. Addressing a London meeting of the National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants he notably defined Integration:Before going on to ask:And concluding that:By the end of 1966, Jenkins was the Cabinet's rising star; the "Guardian" called him the best Home Secretary of the century "and quite possibly the best since Peel", the "Sunday Times" called him Wilson's most likeliest successor and the "New Statesman" labelled him "Labour's Crown Prince".In a speech to the London Labour Conference in May 1967, Jenkins said his vision was of "a more civilised, more free and less hidebound society" and he further claimed that "to enlarge the area of individual choice, socially, politically and economically, not just for a few but for the whole community, is very much what democratic socialism is about". He gave strong personal support to David Steel's Private Member's Bill for the legalisation of abortion, which became the Abortion Act 1967, telling the Commons that "the existing law on abortion is uncertain and...harsh and archaic", adding that "the law is consistently flouted by those who have the means to do so. It is, therefore, very much a question of one law for the rich and one law for the poor". When the Bill looked likely to be dropped due to insufficient time, Jenkins helped ensure that it received enough parliamentary time to pass and he voted for it in every division.Jenkins also supported Leo Abse's bill for the decriminalisation of homosexuality, which became the Sexual Offences Act 1967. Jenkins told the Commons: "It would be a mistake to think...that by what we are doing tonight we are giving a vote of confidence or congratulation to homosexuality. Those who suffer from this disability carry a great weight of loneliness, guilt and shame. The crucial question...is, should we add to those disadvantages the full rigour of the criminal law? By its overwhelming decisions, the House has given a fairly clear answer, and I hope that the Bill will now make rapid progress towards the Statute Book. It will be an important and civilising Measure".Jenkins also abolished the use of flogging in prisons. In July 1967 Jenkins recommended to the Home Affairs Select Committee a bill to end the Lord Chamberlain's power to censor the theatre. This was passed as the Theatres Act 1968 under Jenkins' successor as Home Secretary, James Callaghan. Jenkins also announced that he would introduce legislation banning racial discrimination in employment, which was embodied in the Race Relations Act 1968 passed under Callaghan. In October 1967 Jenkins planned to introduce legislation that would enable him to keep out the 20,000 Kenyan Asians who held British passports (this was passed four months later under Callaghan as the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1968, which was based on Jenkins' draft).Jenkins is often seen as responsible for the most wide-ranging social reforms of the late 1960s, with popular historian Andrew Marr claiming "the greatest changes of the Labour years" were thanks to Jenkins. These reforms would not have happened when they did, earlier than in most other European countries, if Jenkins had not supported them. In a speech in Abingdon in July 1969, Jenkins said that the "permissive society" had been allowed to become a dirty phrase: "A better phrase is the 'civilized society', based on the belief that different individuals will wish to make different decisions about their patterns of behaviour and that, provided these do not restrict the freedom of others, they should be allowed to do so within a framework of understanding and tolerance". Jenkins' words were immediately reported in the press as "The permissive society is the civilised society", which he later wrote "was not all that far from my meaning".For some conservatives, such as Peter Hitchens, Jenkins' reforms remain objectionable. In his book "The Abolition of Britain", Hitchens accuses him of being a "cultural revolutionary" who takes a large part of the responsibility for the decline of "traditional values" in Britain. During the 1980s Margaret Thatcher and Norman Tebbit would blame Jenkins for family breakdowns, the decline of respect for authority and the decline of social responsibility. Jenkins replied by pointing out that Thatcher, with her large parliamentary majorities, never attempted to reverse his reforms.From 1967 to 1970 Jenkins served as Chancellor of the Exchequer, replacing James Callaghan following the devaluation crisis of November 1967. Jenkins' ultimate goal as Chancellor was economic growth, which depended on restoring stability to sterling at its new value after devaluation. This could only be achieved by ensuring a surplus in the balance of payments, which had been in a deficit for the previous five years. Therefore, Jenkins pursued deflation, including cuts in public expenditure and increases in taxation, in order to ensure that resources went into exports rather than domestic consumption. Jenkins warned the House of Commons in January 1968 that there was "two years of hard slog ahead".He quickly gained a reputation as a particularly tough Chancellor with his 1968 budget increasing taxes by £923 million, more than twice the increase of any previous budget to date. Jenkins had warned the Cabinet that a second devaluation would occur in three months if his budget did not restore confidence in sterling. He restored prescription charges (which had been abolished when Labour returned to office in 1964) and postponed the raising of the school leaving age to 16 to 1973 instead of 1971. Housing and road building plans were also heavily cut, and he also accelerated Britain's withdrawal East of Suez. Jenkins ruled out increasing the income tax and so raised the taxes on: drinks and cigarettes (except on beer), purchase tax, petrol duty, road tax, a 50 per cent rise in Selective Employment Tax and a one-off Special Charge on personal incomes. He also paid for an increase in family allowances by cutting child tax allowances.Despite Edward Heath claiming it was a "hard, cold budget, without any glimmer of warmth" Jenkins' first budget broadly received a warm reception, with Harold Wilson remarking that "it was widely acclaimed as a speech of surpassing quality and elegance" and Barbara Castle that it "took everyone's breath away". Richard Crossman said it was "genuinely based on socialist principles, fair in the fullest sense by really helping people at the bottom of the scale and by really taxing the wealthy". In his budget broadcast on 19 March, Jenkins said that Britain had been living in a "fool's paradise" for years and that it was "importing too much, exporting too little and paying ourselves too much", with a lower standard of living than France or West Germany.Jenkins' supporters in the Parliamentary Labour Party became known as the "Jenkinsites". These were usually younger, middle-class and university-educated ex-Gaitskellites such as Bill Rodgers, David Owen, Roy Hattersley, Dick Taverne, John Mackintosh and David Marquand. In May–July 1968 some of his supporters, led by Patrick Gordon Walker and Christopher Mayhew, plotted to replace Wilson with Jenkins as Labour leader but he declined to challenge Wilson. A year later his supporters again attempted to persuade Jenkins to challenge Wilson for the party leadership but he again declined. He later wrote in his memoirs that the 1968 plot was "for me...the equivalent of the same season of 1953 for Rab Butler. Having faltered for want of single-minded ruthlessness when there was no alternative to himself, he then settled down to a career punctuated by increasingly wide misses of the premiership. People who effectively seize the prime ministership – Lloyd George, Macmillan, Mrs Thatcher – do not let such moments slip".In April 1968, with Britain's reserves declining by approximately £500 million every quarter, Jenkins went to Washington to obtain a $1,400 million loan from the International Monetary Fund. Following a further sterling crisis in November 1968 Jenkins was forced to raise taxes by a further £250 million. After this the currency markets slowly began to settle and his 1969 budget represented more of the same with a £340 million increase in taxation to further limit consumption.By May 1969 Britain's current account position was in surplus, thanks to a growth in exports, a drop in overall consumption and, in part, the Inland Revenue correcting a previous underestimation in export figures. In July Jenkins was also able to announce that the size of Britain's foreign currency reserves had been increased by almost $1 billion since the beginning of the year. It was at this time that he presided over Britain's only excess of government revenue over expenditure in the period 1936–7 to 1987–8. Thanks in part to these successes there was a high expectation that the 1970 budget would be a more generous one. Jenkins, however, was cautious about the stability of Britain's recovery and decided to present a more muted and fiscally neutral budget. It is often argued that this, combined with a series of bad trade figures, contributed to the Conservative victory at the 1970 general election. Historians and economists have often praised Jenkins for presiding over the transformation in Britain's fiscal and current account positions towards the end of the 1960s. Andrew Marr, for example, described him as one of the 20th century's "most successful chancellors". Alec Cairncross considered Jenkins "the ablest of the four Chancellors I served".Public expenditure as a proportion of GDP rose from 44 per cent in 1964 to around 50 per cent in 1970. Despite Jenkins' warnings about inflation, wage settlements in 1969–70 increased on average by 13 per cent and contributed to the high inflation of the early 1970s and consequently negated most of Jenkins' efforts to obtain a balance of payments surplus.After Labour unexpectedly lost power in 1970 Jenkins was appointed Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer by Harold Wilson. Jenkins was also subsequently elected to the deputy leadership of the Labour Party in July 1970, defeating future Labour Leader Michael Foot and former Leader of the Commons Fred Peart at the first ballot. At this time he appeared the natural successor to Harold Wilson, and it appeared to many only a matter of time before he inherited the leadership of the party, and the opportunity to become Prime Minister.This changed completely, however, as Jenkins refused to accept the tide of anti-European feeling that became prevalent in the Labour Party in the early 1970s. After a special conference on the EEC was held by the Labour Party on 17 July 1971, but from which Jenkins was forbidden from addressing, he delivered one of the most powerful speeches of his career. Jenkins told a meeting of the Parliamentary Labour Party on 19 July: "At conference the only alternative [to the EEC] we heard was 'socialism in one country'. That is always good for a cheer. Pull up the drawbridge and revolutionize the fortress. That's not a policy either: it's just a slogan, and it is one which becomes not merely unconvincing but hypocritical as well when it is dressed up as our best contribution to international socialism". This reopened the old Bevanite–Gaitskellite divide in the Party; Wilson told Tony Benn the day after Jenkins' speech that he was determined to smash the Campaign for Democratic Socialism.At the 1971 Labour Party conference in Brighton, the NEC's motion to reject the "Tory terms" of entry into the EEC was carried by a large majority. Jenkins told a fringe meeting that this would have no effect on his continued support for Britain's entry. Benn said Jenkins was "the figure dominating this Conference; there is no question about it". On 28 October 1971, he led 69 Labour MPs through the division lobby in support of the Heath government's motion to take Britain into the EEC. In so-doing they were defying a three-line whip and a five-to-one vote at the Labour Party annual conference. Jenkins later wrote: "I was convinced that it was one of the decisive votes of the century, and had no intention of spending the rest of my life answering the question of what did I do in the great division by saying 'I abstained'. I saw it in the context of the first Reform Bill, the repeal of the Corn Laws, Gladstone's Home Rule Bills, the Lloyd George Budget and the Parliament Bill, the Munich Agreement and the May 1940 votes".Jenkins' action gave the European cause a legitimacy that would have otherwise been absent had the issue been considered solely as a party political matter. However, he was now regarded by the left as a "traitor". James Margach wrote in the "Sunday Times": "The unconcealed objective of the Left now is either to humiliate Roy Jenkins and his allies into submission – or drive them from the party". At this stage, however, Jenkins would not fully abandon his position as a political insider, and chose to stand again for deputy leader, an act his colleague David Marquand claimed he later came to regret. Jenkins promised not to vote with the government again and he narrowly defeated Michael Foot on a second ballot.In accordance with the party whip, Jenkins voted against European Communities Bill 55 times. However, he resigned both the deputy leadership and his shadow cabinet position in April 1972, after the party committed itself to holding a referendum on Britain's membership of the EEC. This led to some former admirers, including Roy Hattersley, choosing to distance themselves from Jenkins. Hattersley later claimed that Jenkins' resignation was "the moment when the old Labour coalition began to collapse and the eventual formation of a new centre party became inevitable". In his resignation letter to Wilson, Jenkins said that if there were a referendum "the Opposition would form a temporary coalition of those who, whatever their political views, were against the proposed action. By this means we would have forged a more powerful continuing weapon against progressive legislation than anything we have known in this country since the curbing of the absolute powers of the old House of Lords".Jenkins' lavish lifestyle — Wilson once described him as "more a socialite than a socialist" — had already alienated much of the Labour Party from him. Wilson accused him of having an affair with socialite Ann Fleming - and it was true.In May 1972 he collected the Charlemagne Prize, which he had been awarded for promoting European unity. In September an ORC opinion poll found that there was considerable public support for an alliance between the 'moderate' wing of the Labour Party and the Liberals; 35 per cent said they would vote for a Labour–Liberal alliance, 27 per cent for the Conservatives and 23.5 per cent for 'Socialist Labour'. "The Times" claimed that there were "twelve million Jenkinsites". During the spring and summer of 1972, Jenkins delivered a series of speeches designed to set out his leadership credentials. These were published in September under the title "What Matters Now", which sold well. In the book's postscript, Jenkins said that Labour should not be a narrow socialist party advocating unpopular left-wing policies but must aim to "represent the hopes and aspirations of the whole leftward thinking half of the country", adding that a "broad-based, international, radical, generous-minded party could quickly seize the imagination of a disillusioned and uninspired British public".After Dick Taverne's victory in the 1973 Lincoln by-election, where he stood as "Democratic Labour" in opposition to the official Labour candidate, Jenkins gave a speech to the Oxford University Labour Club denouncing the idea of a new centre party. Jenkins was elected to the shadow cabinet in November 1973 as Shadow Home Secretary. During the February 1974 election, Jenkins rallied to Labour and his campaign was described by David Butler and Dennis Kavanagh as sounding "a note of civilised idealism". Jenkins was disappointed that the Liberal candidate in his constituency won 6000 votes; he wrote in his memoirs that "I already regarded myself as such a closet Liberal that I naïvely thought they ought nearly all to have come to me".Jenkins wrote a series of biographical essays that appeared in "The Times" during 1971–74 and which were published as "Nine Men of Power" in 1974. Jenkins chose Gaitskell, Ernest Bevin, Stafford Cripps, Adlai Stevenson II, Robert F. Kennedy, Joseph McCarthy, Lord Halifax, Léon Blum and John Maynard Keynes. In 1971 Jenkins delivered three lectures on foreign policy at Yale University, published a year later as "Afternoon on the Potomac?"When Labour returned to power in early 1974, Jenkins was appointed Home Secretary for the second time. Earlier, he had been promised the treasury; however, Wilson later decided to appoint Denis Healey as Chancellor instead. Upon hearing from Bernard Donoughue that Wilson had reneged on his promise, Jenkins reacted angrily. Despite being on a public staircase, he is reported to have shouted "You tell Harold Wilson he must bloody well come to see me ...and if he doesn't watch out, I won't join his bloody government ... This is typical of the bloody awful way Harold Wilson does things!" The Jenkinsites were dismayed by Jenkins' refusal to insist upon the Chancellorship and began to look elsewhere for leadership, thus ending the Jenkinsites as a united group.Jenkins served from 1974 to 1976. Whereas during his first period as Home Secretary in the 1960s the atmosphere had been optimistic and confident, the climate of the 1970s was much more fractious and disillusioned. After two Northern Irish sisters, Marian Price and Dolours Price, were imprisoned for 20 years for the 1973 Old Bailey bombing, they went on hunger strike in order to be transferred to a prison in Northern Ireland. In a television broadcast in June 1974, Jenkins announced that he would refuse to give in to their demands, although in March 1975 he discreetly transferred them to a Northern Irish prison.He undermined his previous liberal credentials to some extent by pushing through the controversial Prevention of Terrorism Act in the aftermath of the Birmingham pub bombings of November 1974, which, among other things, extended the length of time suspects could be held in custody and instituted exclusion orders. Jenkins also resisted calls for the death penalty to be restored for terrorist murderers. On 4 December he told the Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland that "everything he heard made him more convinced that Northern Ireland had nothing to do with the rest of the UK". When reviewing Garret FitzGerald's memoirs in 1991, Jenkins proclaimed: "My natural prejudices, such as they are, are much more green than orange. I am a poor unionist, believing intuitively that even Paisley and Haughey are better at dealing with each other than the English are with either".The Sex Discrimination Act 1975 (which legislated for gender equality and set up the Equal Opportunities Commission) and the Race Relations Act 1976 (which extended to private clubs the outlawing of racial discrimination and founded the Commission for Racial Equality) were two notable achievements during his second time as Home Secretary.Jenkins opposed Michael Foot's attempts to grant pickets the right to stop lorries during strikes and he was dismayed by Anthony Crosland's decision to grant an amnesty to the 11 Labour councillors at Clay Cross who had been surcharged for refusing to increase council rents in accordance with the Conservatives' Housing Finance Act 1972. After two trade unionists, Ricky Tomlinson and Des Warren (known as the "Shrewsbury Two"), were imprisoned for intimidation and affray for their part in a strike, Jenkins refused to accede to demands from the labour movement that they should be released. This demonstrated Jenkins' increasing estrangement from much of the labour movement and for a time he was heckled in public by people chanting "Free the Two". Jenkins also unsuccessfully tried to persuade the Cabinet to adopt electoral reform in the form of proportional representation and to have the Official Secrets Act 1911 liberalised to facilitate more open government.Although becoming increasingly disillusioned during this time by what he considered the party's drift to the left, he was the leading Labour figure in the EEC referendum of June 1975 (and was also president of the 'Yes' campaign). In September 1974 he had followed Shirley Williams in stating that he "could not stay in a Cabinet which had to carry out withdrawal" from the EEC. During the referendum campaign, Tony Benn claimed that 500,000 jobs had been lost due to Britain's membership; Jenkins replied on 27 May that "I find it increasingly difficult to take Mr Benn seriously as an economics minister". He added that Britain outside the EEC would enter "an old people's home for fading nations. ... I do not even think it would be a comfortable or agreeable old people's home. I do not much like the look of some of the prospective wardens". The two men debated Britain's membership together on "Panorama", which was chaired by David Dimbleby. According to David Butler and Uwe Kitzinger, "they achieved a decidedly more lucid and intricate level of discussion than is commonly seen on political television". Jenkins found it congenial to work with the centrists of all parties in the campaign and the 'Yes' campaign won by two to one.After the referendum, Wilson demoted Benn to Energy Secretary and attempted to balance the downgrading of Benn with the dismissal of the right-wing minister Reg Prentice from the Department of Education, despite already promising Jenkins that he had no intention of sacking Prentice. Jenkins threatened to resign if Prentice was sacked, telling Wilson that he was "a squalid little man who was using squalid little arguments in order to explain why he was performing so much below the level of events". Wilson quickly backed down. In September Jenkins delivered a speech in Prentice's constituency of Newham to demonstrate solidarity with him after he was threatened with deselection by left-wingers in the constituency party. Jenkins was heckled by both far-left and far-right demonstrators and he was hit in the chest by a flour bomb thrown by a member of the National Front. Jenkins warned that if Prentice was deselected "it is not just the local party that is undermining its own foundations by ignoring the beliefs and feelings of ordinary people, the whole legitimate Labour Party, left as well as right, is crippled if extremists have their way". He added that if "tolerance is shattered formidable consequences will follow. Labour MPs will either have to become creatures of cowardice, concealing their views, trimming their sails, accepting orders, stilling their consciences, or they will all have to be men far far to the left of those whose votes they seek. Either would make a mockery of parliamentary democracy".In January 1976 he further distanced himself from the left with a speech in Anglesey, where he repudiated ever-higher public spending: "I do not think you can push public expenditure significantly above 60 per cent [of GNP] and maintain the values of a plural society with adequate freedom of choice. We are here close to one of the frontiers of social democracy". A former supporter, Roy Hattersley, distanced himself from Jenkins after this speech.In May 1976 he told the Police Federation conference to "be prepared first to look at the evidence and to recognize how little the widespread use of prison reduces our crime or deals effectively with many of the individuals concerned". He also responded to the Federation's proposals on law and order: "I respect your right to put them to me. You will no doubt respect my right to tell you that I do not think all the points in sum amount to a basis for a rational penal policy".When Wilson suddenly resigned as Prime Minister in March 1976, Jenkins was one of six candidates for the leadership of the Labour Party but came third in the first ballot, behind Callaghan and Michael Foot. Realising that his vote was lower than expected, and sensing that the parliamentary party was in no mood to overlook his actions five years before, he immediately withdrew from the contest. On issues such as the EEC, trade union reform and economic policy he had proclaimed views opposite to those held by the majority of Labour Party activists, and his libertarian social views were at variance with the majority of Labour voters. A famous story alleged that when one of Jenkins' supporters canvassed a group of miners' MPs in the Commons' tea-room, he was told: "Nay, lad, we're all Labour here".Jenkins had wanted to become Foreign Secretary, but Foot warned Callaghan that the party would not accept the pro-European Jenkins as Foreign Secretary. Callaghan instead offered Jenkins the Treasury in six months' time (when it would be possible to move Denis Healey to the Foreign Office). Jenkins turned the offer down. Jenkins then accepted an appointment as President of the European Commission (succeeding François-Xavier Ortoli) after Callaghan appointed Anthony Crosland to the Foreign Office.In an interview with "The Times" in January 1977, Jenkins said that: "My wish is to build an effective united Europe. ... I want to move towards a more effectively organized Europe politically and economically and as far as I am concerned I want to go faster, not slower". The main development overseen by the Jenkins Commission was the development of the Economic and Monetary Union of the European Union from 1977, which began in 1979 as the European Monetary System, a forerunner of the Single Currency or Euro. His biographer calls Jenkins "the godfather of the euro" and claims that among his successors only Jacques Delors has made more impact.In speech in Florence in October 1977, Jenkins argued that monetary union would facilitate "a more efficient and developed rationalisation of industry and commerce than is possible under a Customs Union alone". He added that "a major new international currency" would form "a joint and alternative pillar of the world monetary system" which would lead to greater international stability. Monetary union would also combat inflation by controlling the money supply. Jenkins conceded that this would involve the diminution of national sovereignty but he pointed out that "governments which do not discipline themselves already find themselves accepting very sharp surveillance" from the IMF. Monetary union would also promote employment and diminish regional differences. Jenkins ended the speech by quoting Jean Monnet's statement that politics was "not only the art of the possible, but...the art of making possible tomorrow what may seem impossible today".President Jenkins was the first President to attend a G8 summit on behalf of the Community. He received an Honorary Degree (Doctor of Laws) from the University of Bath in 1978.In October 1978 "Tribune" reported (falsely) that Jenkins and his wife had not paid their Labour Party subscription for several years. After this was repeated in the national press, Jenkins' drafted his wife's letter to "The Times" that refuted the allegation. Jenkins blamed the story on a "malicious Trot in the North Kensington Labour Party". Jenkins was disillusioned with the Labour Party and he was almost certain that he could not stand again as a Labour candidate; in January 1979 he told Shirley Williams that the "big mistake we had made was not to go and support Dick Taverne in 1973; everything had got worse since then".He did not vote in the 1979 election. After the Conservatives won the election Margaret Thatcher contemplated appointing Jenkins Chancellor of the Exchequer on the strength of his success at cutting public expenditure when he was Chancellor. However, his friend Woodrow Wyatt claimed that Jenkins "had other and fresh fish to fry".The Director-General of the BBC, Ian Trethowan, invited Jenkins to deliver the Richard Dimbleby Lecture for 1979, which he did on 22 November. The title Jenkins gave to his lecture, "Home Thoughts from Abroad", derived from a Robert Browning poem. He delivered it in the Royal Society of Arts and it was broadcast live on television. Jenkins analysed the decline of the two-party system since 1951 and criticised the excessive partisanship of British politics, which he claimed alienated the bulk of voters, who were more centrist. He advocated proportional representation and the acceptance of "the broad line of division between the public and private sectors", a middle way between Thatcherism and Bennism. Jenkins said that the private sector should be encouraged without too much interference to create as much wealth as possible "but use the wealth so created both to give a return for enterprise and to spread the benefits throughout society in a way that avoids the disfigurements of poverty, gives a full priority to public education and health services, and encourages co-operation and not conflict in industry and throughout society". He then reiterated his long-standing commitment to libertarianism:You also make sure that the state knows its place...in relation to the citizen. You are in favour of the right of dissent and the liberty of private conduct. You are against unnecessary centralization and bureaucracy. You want to devolve decision-making wherever you sensibly can. ... You want the nation to be self-confident and outward-looking, rather than insular, xenophobic and suspicious. You want the class system to fade without being replaced either by an aggressive and intolerant proletarianism or by the dominance of the brash and selfish values of a 'get rich quick' society. ... These are some of the objectives which I believe could be assisted by a strengthening of the radical centre."The Listener" reprinted the text along with assessments by Enoch Powell, Paul Johnson, Jack Jones, J. A. G. Griffith, Bernard Crick, Neil Kinnock and Jo Grimond. They were all critical; Kinnock thought him misguided as Britain had already suffered from centrist rule for thirty years and Grimond complained that Jenkins' clarion call had come 20 years too late.Jenkins' last year as President of the European Commission was dominated by Margaret Thatcher's fight for a rebate on Britain's contribution to the EEC budget. He believed that the quarrel was unnecessary and regretted that it soured Britain's relationship with the Community for years. In November 1980 Jenkins delivered the Winston Churchill memorial lecture in Luxembourg, where he proposed a solution to the British budgetary question. The proportion of the Community's budget spent on agriculture should be reduced by extending Community spending into new areas where Britain would receive more benefit, such as regional spending. The size of the Community's budget would, in his scheme, be tripled by transferring from the nation states to the Community competence over social and industrial policy.After his Dimbleby Lecture, Jenkins increasingly favoured the formation of a new social democratic party. He publicly aired these views in a speech to the Parliamentary Press Gallery in June 1980, where he repeated his criticisms of the two-party system and attacked Labour's move to the left. At the previous month's Wembley conference, Labour had adopted a programme which included non-cooperation with the EEC and "a near neutralist and unilateralist" defence policy that would, Jenkins argued, render meaningless Britain's NATO membership. Labour's proposals for further nationalisation and anti-private enterprise policies, Jenkins claimed, were more extreme than in any other democratic country and it was not "by any stretch of the imagination a social democratic programme". He added that a new party could reshape politics and lead to the "rapid revival of liberal social democratic Britain".The Labour Party conference at Blackpool in September 1980 adopted a unilateralist defence policy, withdrawal from the EEC and further nationalisation, along with Tony Benn's demands for the mandatory reselection of MPs and an electoral college to elect the party leader. In November Labour MPs elected the left-winger Michael Foot over the right-wing Denis Healey and in January 1981 Labour's Wembley conference decided that the electoral college that would elect the leader would give the trade unions 40 per cent of the vote, with MPs and constituency parties 30 per cent each. Jenkins then joined David Owen, Bill Rodgers and Shirley Williams (known as the "Gang of Four") in issuing the Limehouse Declaration. This called for the "realignment of British politics". They then formed the Social Democratic Party (SDP) on 26 March.Jenkins delivered a series of speeches setting out the SDP's alternative to Thatcherism and Bennism and argued that the solution to Britain's economic troubles lay in the revenue from North Sea oil, which should be invested in public services. He attempted to re-enter Parliament at the Warrington by-election in July 1981 and campaigned on a six-point programme which he put forward as a Keynesian alternative to Thatcherism and Labour's "siege economy", but Labour retained the seat with a small majority. Despite it being a defeat, the by-election demonstrated that the SDP was a serious force. Jenkins said after the count that it was the first parliamentary election that he had lost in many years, but was "by far the greatest victory in which I have ever participated".At the SDP's first annual conference in October 1981, Jenkins called for "an end to the futile frontier war between public and private sectors" and proposed an "inflation tax" on excessive pay rises that would restrain spiralling wages and prices. After achieving this, an SDP government would be able to embark on economic expansion to reduce unemployment.In March 1982 he fought the Glasgow Hillhead by-election, in what had previously been a Conservative-held seat. Polls at the beginning of the campaign put Jenkins in third place but after a series of ten well-attended public meetings which Jenkins addressed, the tide began to turn in Jenkins' favour and he was elected with a majority of just over 2000 on a swing of 19 per cent. The evening after his victory in Hillhead Jenkins told a celebration dinner of 200 party members held at the North British Hotel in Edinburgh "that the SDP had a great opportunity to become the majority party". Jenkins' first intervention in the House of Commons following his election, on 31 March, was seen as a disappointment. The Conservative MP Alan Clark wrote in his diary:Jenkins, with excessive and almost unbearable gravitas, asked three very heavy statesman-like non-party-political questions of the PM. I suppose he is very formidable, but he was so portentous and long-winded that he started to lose the sympathy of the House about half way through and the barracking resumed. The Lady replied quite brightly and freshly, as if she did not particularly know who he was, or care.Whereas earlier in his career Jenkins had excelled in the traditional set-piece debates in which he spoke from the dispatch box, the focus of parliamentary reporting had now moved to the point-scoring of Prime Minister's Questions, which he struggled with. Seated in the traditional place for third parties in the Commons (the second or third row below the gangway), and without a dispatch box and the gravitas it could have conferred, Jenkins was situated near (and shared the same microphone with) Labour's "awkward squad" that included Dennis Skinner and Bob Cryer, who regularly heckled abuse ("Roy, your flies are undone").Seven days after Jenkins' by-election victory Argentina invaded the Falklands and the subsequent Falklands War transformed British politics, increased substantially the public's support for the Conservatives and ended any chance that Jenkins' election would reinvigorate the SDP's support. In the SDP leadership election, Jenkins was elected with 56.44 of the vote, with David Owen coming second. During the 1983 election campaign his position as the prime minister-designate for the SDP-Liberal Alliance was questioned by his close colleagues, as his campaign style was now regarded as ineffective; the Liberal leader David Steel was considered to have a greater rapport with the electorate. Jenkins held on to his seat in Hillhead, which was the subject of boundary changes. While on the old boundaries the Conservatives had held the seat prior to Jenkins' victory, it was estimated by the BBC and ITN that on the new boundaries Labour would have captured the seat with a majority of just over 2,000 votes in 1979. Jenkins was challenged by Neil Carmichael, the sitting Labour MP for the Glasgow Kelvingrove constituency which had been abolished and a ministerial colleague of Jenkins in the Wilson governments. Jenkins defeated Carmichael by 1,164 votes to retain his seat in the House of Commons. According to "The Glasgow Herald" Labour supporters at the election count in the Kelvin Hall booed and jeered when Jenkins' victory was announced, and he and his wife were "dismayed as police pushed back jostling crowds."After the general election Owen succeeded him unopposed. Jenkins was disappointed with Owen's move to the right, and his acceptance and backing of some of Thatcher's policies. At heart, Jenkins remained an unrepentant Keynesian. In his July 1984 Tawney Lecture, Jenkins said that the "whole spirit and outlook" of the SDP "must be profoundly opposed to Thatcherism. It could not go along with the fatalism of the Government's acceptance of massive unemployment". He also delivered a series of speeches in the Commons attacking the Thatcherite policies of the Chancellor, Nigel Lawson. Jenkins called for more government intervention to support industry and for North Sea oil revenues to be channelled into a major programme of rebuilding Britain's infrastructure and into educating a skilled workforce. He also attacked the Thatcher government for failing to join the European Exchange Rate Mechanism.In 1985 he wrote to "The Times" to advocate the closing down of the political surveillance role of MI5. During the controversy surrounding Peter Wright's "Spycatcher", in which he alleged that Harold Wilson had been a Soviet spy, Jenkins rubbished the allegation and reiterated his call for the end of MI5's powers of political survelliance.In 1986 he won "The Spectator"'s Parliamentarian of the Year award. He continued to serve as SDP Member of Parliament for Glasgow Hillhead until his defeat at the 1987 general election by the Labour candidate George Galloway, after boundary changes in 1983 had changed the character of the constituency. After his defeat was announced, "The Glasgow Herald" reported that he indicated he would not stand for parliament again in the future.In 1986 appeared his biography of Harry S. Truman and the following year his biography of Stanley Baldwin was published.From 1987, Jenkins remained in politics as a member of the House of Lords as a life peer with the title Baron Jenkins of Hillhead, of Pontypool in the County of Gwent. Also in 1987, Jenkins was elected Chancellor of the University of Oxford. He was leader of the Liberal Democrats in the Lords from 1988 until 1997.In 1988 he fought and won an amendment to the Education Reform Act 1988, guaranteeing academic freedom of speech in further and higher education establishments. This affords and protects the right of students and academics to "question and test received wisdom" and has been incorporated into the statutes or articles and instruments of governance of all universities and colleges in Britain.In 1991 his memoirs, "A Life at the Centre", was published by Macmillan, who paid Jenkins an £130,000 advance. He was magnanimous to most of those colleagues with whom he had clashed in the past, except for David Owen, whom he blamed for destroying the idealism and cohesion of the SDP. In the last chapter ('Establishment Whig or Persistent Radical?') he reaffirmed his radicalism, placing himself "somewhat to the left of James Callaghan, maybe Denis Healey and certainly of David Owen". He also proclaimed his political credo:My broad position remains firmly libertarian, sceptical of official cover-ups and uncompromisingly internationalist, believing sovereignty to be an almost total illusion in the modern world, although both expecting and welcoming the continuance of strong differences in national traditions and behaviour. I distrust the deification of the enterprise culture. I think there are more limitations to the wisdom of the market than were dreamt of in Mrs Thatcher's philosophy. I believe that levels of taxation on the prosperous, having been too high for many years (including my own period at the Treasury), are now too low for the provision of decent public services. And I think the privatisation of near monopolies is about as irrelevant as (and sometimes worse than) were the Labour Party's proposals for further nationalisation in the 1970s and early 1980s."A Life at the Centre" was generally favourably reviewed: in the "Times Literary Supplement" John Grigg said it was a "marvellous account of high politics by a participant writing with honesty, irony and sustained narrative verve". In "The Spectator" Anthony Quinton remarked that Jenkins was "not afraid to praise himself and earns the right to do so by unfudged self-criticism". However, there were critical voices: John Smith in "The Scotsman" charged that Jenkins never had any loyalty to the Labour Party and was an ambitious careerist intent only on furthering his career. John Campbell claims that "A Life at the Centre" is now generally recognised as one of the best political memoirs. David Cannadine ranked it alongside Duff Cooper's "Old Men Forget", R. A. Butler's "The Art of the Possible" and Denis Healey's "The Time of My Life" as one of the four best political memoirs of the post-war period.In 1993, he was appointed to the Order of Merit. Also that year, his "Portraits and Miniatures" was published. The main body of the book is a set of 6 biographical essays (Rab Butler, Aneurin Bevan, Iain Macleod, Dean Acheson, Konrad Adenauer, Charles de Gaulle), along with lectures, articles and book reviews.A television documentary about Jenkins was made by Michael Cockerell, titled "Roy Jenkins: A Very Social Democrat", and broadcast on 26 May 1996. Although an admiring portrait overall, Cockerell was frank about Jenkins' affairs and both Jenkins and his wife believed that Cockerell had betrayed their hospitality.Jenkins hailed Tony Blair's election as Labour Party leader in July 1994 as "the most exciting Labour choice since the election of Hugh Gaitskell". He argued that Blair should stick "to a constructive line on Europe, in favour of sensible constitutional innovation...and in favour of friendly relations with the Liberal Democrats". He added that he hoped Blair would not move Labour further to the right: "Good work has been done in freeing it from nationalisation and other policies. But the market cannot solve everything and it would be a pity to embrace the stale dogmas of Thatcherism just when their limitations are becoming obvious".Jenkins and Blair had been in touch since the latter's time as Shadow Home Secretary, when he admired Jenkins' reforming tenure at the Home Office. Jenkins told Paddy Ashdown in October 1995: "I think Tony treats me as a sort of father figure in politics. He comes to me a lot for advice, particularly about how to construct a Government". Jenkins tried to persuade Blair that the division in the centre-left vote between the Labour and Liberal parties had enabled the Conservatives to dominate the 20th century, whereas if the two left-wing parties entered into an electoral pact and adopted proportional representation, they could dominate the 21st century. Jenkins was an influence on the thinking of New Labour and both Peter Mandelson and Roger Liddle in their 1996 work "The Blair Revolution" and Philip Gould in his "Unfinished Revolution" recognised Jenkins' influence.Before the 1997 election, Blair had promised an enquiry into electoral reform. In December 1997, Jenkins was appointed chair of a Government-appointed Independent Commission on the Voting System, which became known as the "Jenkins Commission", to consider alternative voting systems for the UK. The Jenkins Commission reported in favour of a new uniquely British mixed-member proportional system called "Alternative vote top-up" or "limited AMS" in October 1998, although no action was taken on this recommendation. Blair told Ashdown that Jenkins' recommendations would not pass the Cabinet.British membership of the European single currency, Jenkins believed, was the supreme test of Blair's statesmanship. However, he was disappointed with Blair's timidity in taking on the Eurosceptic tabloid press. He told Blair in October 1997: "You have to choose between leading Europe or having Murdoch on your side. You can have one but not both". Jenkins was also critical of New Labour's authoritarianism, such as the watering down of the Freedom of Information Act 2000 and their intention to ban fox hunting. By the end of his life Jenkins believed that Blair had wasted his enormous parliamentary majority and would not be recorded in history as a great Prime Minister; he ranked him between Harold Wilson and Stanley Baldwin.After Gordon Brown attacked Oxford University for indulging in "old school tie" prejudices because it rejected a state-educated pupil, Laura Spence, Jenkins told the House of Lords in June 2000 that "Brown's diatribe was born of prejudice out of ignorance. Nearly every fact he adduced was false". Jenkins voted for the equalisation of the homosexual age of consent and for repealing Section 28.Jenkins wrote 19 books, including a biography of Gladstone (1995), which won the 1995 Whitbread Award for Biography, and a much-acclaimed biography of Winston Churchill (2001). His then-designated official biographer, Andrew Adonis, was to have finished the Churchill biography had Jenkins not survived the heart surgery he underwent towards the end of its writing. The popular historian Paul Johnson called it the best one-volume biography on its subject.Jenkins underwent heart surgery in the form of a heart valve replacement on 12 October 2000 and postponed his 80th birthday celebrations whilst recovering, by having a celebratory party on 7 March 2001. He died on 5 January 2003, after suffering a heart attack at his home at East Hendred, in Oxfordshire. His last words, to his wife, were, "Two eggs, please, lightly poached". At the time of his death Jenkins was starting work on a biography of US President Franklin D. Roosevelt.After his death, Blair paid tribute to "one of the most remarkable people ever to grace British politics", who had "intellect, vision and an integrity that saw him hold firm to his beliefs of moderate social democracy, liberal reform and the cause of Europe throughout his life. He was a friend and support to me". James Callaghan and Edward Heath also paid tribute and Tony Benn said that as "a founder of the SDP he was probably the grandfather of New Labour". However, he was strongly criticised by others including Denis Healey, who condemned the SDP split as a "disaster" for the Labour Party which prolonged their time in opposition and allowed the Tories to have an unbroken run of 18 years in government.The Professor of Government at Oxford University, Vernon Bogdanor, provided an assessment in "The Guardian":Roy Jenkins was both radical and contemporary; and this made him the most influential exponent of the progressive creed in politics in postwar Britain. Moreover, the political creed for which he stood belongs as much to the future as to the past. For Jenkins was the prime mover in the creation of a form of social democracy which, being internationalist, is peculiarly suited to the age of globalisation and, being liberal, will prove to have more staying power than the statism of Lionel Jospin or the corporatist socialism of Gerhard Schröder. ... Roy Jenkins was the first leading politician to appreciate that a liberalised social democracy must be based on two tenets: what Peter Mandelson called an aspirational society (individuals must be allowed to regulate their personal lives without interference from the state); and that a post-imperial country like Britain could only be influential in the world as part of a wider grouping (the EU).His alma mater, Cardiff University, honoured the memory of Roy Jenkins by naming one of its halls of residence Roy Jenkins Hall.On 20 January 1945, Jenkins married Mary Jennifer (Jennifer) Morris (18 January 1921 – 2 February 2017). They were married for almost 58 years until his death, although he had "several affairs", including one with Jackie Kennedy's sister Lee Radziwill. Among his long-term mistresses were Leslie Bonham Carter and Caroline Gilmour, wives of fellow MPs and close friends Mark Bonham Carter and Ian Gilmour. However, these extra-marital relationships were conditional on his lovers having a good relationship with his wife: he later stated that he "could not imagine loving anyone who was not very fond of Jennifer".She was made a DBE for services to ancient and historical buildings. They had two sons, Charles and Edward, and a daughter, Cynthia.Early in his life Jenkins had a relationship with Anthony Crosland. According to the Liberal Democrat Leader Vince Cable, Jenkins was bisexual.
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[
"Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"President of the European Commission",
"Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the House of Lords",
"Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Home Secretary",
"Chancellor of the University of Oxford",
"Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Shadow Home Secretary",
"Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer",
"Member of the 49th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Deputy Leader of the Labour Party"
] |
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Which position did Roy Jenkins hold in Apr 03, 1968?
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April 03, 1968
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{
"text": [
"Chancellor of the Exchequer",
"Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q323488_P39_10
|
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Chancellor of the Exchequer from Nov, 1967 to Jun, 1970.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Home Secretary from Dec, 1965 to Nov, 1967.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 49th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1983 to May, 1987.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Shadow Home Secretary from Nov, 1973 to Mar, 1974.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1974 to Jan, 1977.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1948 to Feb, 1950.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1982 to May, 1983.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Apr, 1956 to Jan, 1957.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from Jul, 1970 to Apr, 1972.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Nov, 1987 to Jan, 2003.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Chancellor of the University of Oxford from Mar, 1987 to Jan, 2003.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer from Jun, 1970 to Apr, 1972.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of President of the European Commission from Jan, 1977 to Jan, 1981.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Jul, 1955 to Oct, 1955.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974.
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Roy JenkinsRoy Harris Jenkins, Baron Jenkins of Hillhead, (11 November 1920 – 5 January 2003) was a British politician who served as President of the European Commission from 1977 to 1981. At various times a Member of Parliament (MP) for the Labour Party, Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the Liberal Democrats, he was Chancellor of the Exchequer and Home Secretary under the Wilson and Callaghan Governments.The son of Arthur Jenkins, a coal-miner and Labour MP, Jenkins was educated at the University of Oxford and served as an intelligence officer during the Second World War. Initially elected as MP for Southwark Central in 1948, he moved to become MP for Birmingham Stechford in 1950. On the election of Harold Wilson after the 1964 election, Jenkins was appointed Minister of Aviation. A year later, he was promoted to the Cabinet to become Home Secretary. In this role, Jenkins embarked on a major reform programme; he sought to build what he described as "a civilised society", overseeing measures such as the effective abolition in Britain of both capital punishment and theatre censorship, the partial decriminalisation of homosexuality, relaxing of divorce law, suspension of birching and the liberalisation of abortion law.After the devaluation crisis in November 1967, Jenkins replaced James Callaghan as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Throughout his time at the Treasury, Jenkins oversaw a tight fiscal policy in an attempt to control inflation, and oversaw a particularly tough Budget in 1968 which saw major tax rises. As a result of this, the Government's current account entered a surplus in 1969. After Labour unexpectedly lost the 1970 election, Jenkins was elected as Deputy Leader of the Labour Party in 1970. He resigned from the position in 1972 after the Labour Party decided to oppose Britain's entry to the European Communities, which he strongly supported. When Labour returned to power following the 1974 election, Wilson appointed Jenkins as Home Secretary for the second time. Two years later, when Wilson resigned as Prime Minister, Jenkins stood in the leadership election to succeed him, finishing third behind Michael Foot and the winner James Callaghan. He subsequently chose to resign from Parliament and leave British politics, to accept appointment as the first-ever British President of the European Commission, a role he took up in January 1977.After completing his term at the Commission in 1981, Jenkins announced a surprise return to British politics; dismayed with the Labour Party's move further left under the leadership of Michael Foot, he became one of the "Gang of Four", senior Labour figures who broke away from the party and founded the SDP. In 1982, Jenkins won a by-election to return to Parliament as MP for Glasgow Hillhead, taking the seat from the Conservatives in a famous result. He became leader of the SDP ahead of the 1983 election, during which he formed an electoral alliance with the Liberal Party. After his disappointment with the performance of the SDP in the election, he resigned as leader. He subsequently lost his seat in Parliament at the 1987 election, and accepted a life peerage shortly afterwards; he sat in the House of Lords as a Liberal Democrat.He was later elected to succeed former Prime Minister Harold Macmillan as Chancellor of the University of Oxford following the latter's death; he would hold this position until his own death sixteen years later. In the late 1990s, he served as a close adviser to Prime Minister Tony Blair and chaired a major commission on electoral reform. In addition to his political career, he was also a noted historian, biographer and writer. His (1991) is regarded as one of the best autobiographies of the later twentieth century, which "will be read with pleasure long after most examples of the genre have been forgotten". Jenkins died in 2003, aged 82.Born in Abersychan, Monmouthshire, in southeastern Wales, as an only child, Roy Jenkins was the son of a National Union of Mineworkers official, Arthur Jenkins. His father was imprisoned during the 1926 General Strike for his alleged involvement in disturbances. Arthur Jenkins later became President of the South Wales Miners' Federation and Member of Parliament for Pontypool, Parliamentary Private Secretary to Clement Attlee, and briefly a minister in the 1945 Labour government. Roy Jenkins' mother, Hattie Harris, was the daughter of a steelworks foreman.Jenkins was educated at Pentwyn Primary School, Abersychan County Grammar School, University College, Cardiff, and at Balliol College, Oxford, where he was twice defeated for the Presidency of the Oxford Union but took First-Class Honours in Politics, Philosophy and Economics (PPE). His university colleagues included Tony Crosland, Denis Healey and Edward Heath, and he became friends with all three, although he was never particularly close to Healey.In John Campbell's biography "A Well-Rounded Life" a romantic relationship between Jenkins and Crosland was detailed. Other figures he met whilst at Oxford who would become notable in public life included Madron Seligman, Nicholas Henderson and Mark Bonham Carter.During the Second World War, Jenkins received his officer training at Alton Towers and was posted to the 55th West Somerset Yeomanry at West Lavington, Wiltshire. Through the influence of his father, in April 1944 Jenkins was sent to Bletchley Park to work as a codebreaker; whilst there he befriended the historian Asa Briggs.Having failed to win Solihull in 1945, after which he spent a brief period working for the Industrial and Commercial Finance Corporation, he was elected to the House of Commons in a 1948 by-election as the Member of Parliament for Southwark Central, becoming the "Baby of the House". His constituency was abolished in boundary changes for the 1950 general election, when he stood instead in the new Birmingham Stechford constituency. He won the seat, and represented the constituency until 1977.In 1947 he edited a collection of Clement Attlee's speeches, published under the title "Purpose and Policy". Attlee then granted Jenkins access to his private papers so that he could write his biography, which appeared in 1948 ("Mr Attlee: An Interim Biography"). The reviews were generally favourable, including George Orwell's in "Tribune".In 1950, he advocated a large capital levy, abolition of public schools and introduction of a measure of industrial democracy to nationalised industries as key policy objectives for the Labour government. In 1951 "Tribune" published his pamphlet "Fair Shares for the Rich". Here, Jenkins advocated the abolition of large private incomes by taxing them, graduating from 50 per cent for incomes between £20,000 and £30,000 to 95 per cent for incomes over £100,000. He also proposed further nationalisations and said: "Future nationalisations will be more concerned with equality than with planning, and this means that we can leave the monolithic public corporation behind us and look for more intimate forms of ownership and control". He later described this "almost Robespierrean" pamphlet as "the apogee of my excursion to the left".Jenkins contributed an essay on 'Equality' to the 1952 collection "New Fabian Essays". In 1953 appeared "Pursuit of Progress", a work intended to counter Bevanism. Retreating from what he had demanded in "Fair Shares for the Rich", Jenkins now argued that the redistribution of wealth would occur over a generation and abandoned the goal of public school abolition. However, he still proposed further nationalisations: "It is quite impossible to advocate both the abolition of great inequalities of wealth and the acceptance of a one-quarter public sector and three-quarters private sector arrangement. A mixed economy there will undoubtedly be, certainly for many decades and perhaps permanently, but it will need to be mixed in very different proportions from this". He also opposed the Bevanites' neutralist foreign policy platform: "Neutrality is essentially a conservative policy, a policy of defeat, of announcing to the world that we have nothing to say to which the world will listen. ... Neutrality could never be acceptable to anyone who believes that he has a universal faith to preach". Jenkins argued that the Labour leadership needed to take on and defeat the neutralists and pacifists in the party; it would be better to risk a split in the party than face "the destruction, by schism, perhaps for a generation, of the whole progressive movement in the country".Between 1951 and 1956 he wrote a weekly column for the Indian newspaper "The Current". Here he advocated progressive reforms such as equal pay, the decriminalisation of homosexuality, the liberalisation of the obscenity laws and the abolition of capital punishment. "Mr Balfour's Poodle", a short account of the House of Lords crisis of 1911 that culminated in the Parliament Act 1911, was published in 1954. Favourable reviewers included A. J. P. Taylor, Harold Nicolson, Leonard Woolf and Violet Bonham Carter. After a suggestion by Mark Bonham Carter, Jenkins then wrote a biography of the Victorian radical, Sir Charles Dilke, which was published in October 1958.During the 1956 Suez Crisis, Jenkins denounced Anthony Eden's "squalid imperialist adventure" at a Labour rally in Birmingham Town Hall. Three years later he claimed that "Suez was a totally unsuccessful attempt to achieve unreasonable and undesirable objectives by methods which were at once reckless and immoral; and the consequences, as was well deserved, were humiliating and disastrous".Jenkins praised Anthony Crosland's 1956 work "The Future of Socialism" as "the most important book on socialist theory" since Evan Durbin's "The Politics of Democratic Socialism" (1940). With much of the economy now nationalised, Jenkins argued, socialists should concentrate on eliminating the remaining pockets of poverty and on the removal of class barriers, as well as promoting libertarian social reforms. Jenkins was principal sponsor, in 1959, of the bill which became the liberalising Obscene Publications Act, responsible for establishing the "liable to deprave and corrupt" criterion as a basis for a prosecution of suspect material and for specifying literary merit as a possible defence.In July 1959 Penguin published Jenkins' "The Labour Case", timed to anticipate the upcoming election. Jenkins argued that Britain's chief danger was that of "living sullenly in the past, of believing that the world has a duty to keep us in the station to which we are accustomed, and showing bitter resentment if it does not do so". He added: "Our neighbours in Europe are roughly our economic and military equals. We would do better to live gracefully with them than to waste our substance by trying unsuccessfully to keep up with the power giants of the modern world". Jenkins claimed that the Attlee government concentrated "too much towards the austerity of fair shares, and too little towards the incentives of free consumers' choice". Although he still believed in the elimination of poverty and more equality, Jenkins now argued that these aims could be achieved by economic growth. In the final chapter ('Is Britain Civilised?') Jenkins set out a list of necessary progressive social reforms: the abolition of the death penalty, decriminalisation of homosexuality, abolition of the Lord Chamberlain's powers of theatre censorship, liberalisation of the licensing and betting laws, liberalisation of the divorce laws, legalisation of abortion, decriminalisation of suicide and more liberal immigration laws. Jenkins concluded:Let us be on the side of those who want people to be free to live their own lives, to make their own mistakes, and to decide, in an adult way and provided they do not infringe the rights of others, the code by which they wish to live; and on the side of experiment and brightness, of better buildings and better food, of better music (jazz as well as Bach) and better books, of fuller lives and greater freedom. In the long run these things will be more important than the most perfect of economic policies.In the aftermath of Labour's 1959 defeat, Jenkins appeared on "Panorama" and argued that Labour should abandon further nationalisation, question its connection with the trade unions and not dismiss a closer association with the Liberal Party. In November he delivered a Fabian Society lecture in which he blamed Labour's defeat on the unpopularity of nationalisation and he repeated this in an article for "The Spectator". His "Spectator" article also called for Britain to accept its diminished place in the world, to grant colonial freedom, to spend more on public services and to promote the right of individuals to live their own lives free from the constraints of popular prejudices and state interference. Jenkins later called it a "good radical programme, although...not a socialist one".In May 1960 Jenkins joined the Campaign for Democratic Socialism, a Gaitskellite pressure group designed to fight against left-wing domination of the Labour Party. In July 1960 Jenkins resigned from his frontbench role in order to be able to campaign freely for British membership of the Common Market. At the 1960 Labour Party conference in Scarborough, Jenkins advocated rewriting Clause IV of the party's constitution but he was booed. In November he wrote in "The Spectator" that "unless the Labour Party is determined to abdicate its role as a mass party and become nothing more than a narrow sectarian society, its paramount task is to represent the whole of the Leftward-thinking half of the country—and to offer the prospect of attracting enough marginal support to give that half some share of power".During 1960–62 his main campaign was British membership of the Common Market, where he became Labour's leading advocate of entry. When Harold Macmillan initiated the first British application to join the Common Market in 1961, Jenkins became deputy chairman of the all-party Common Market Campaign and then chairman of the Labour Common Market Committee. At the 1961 Labour Party conference Jenkins spoke in favour of Britain's entry.Since 1959 Jenkins had been working on a biography of the Liberal Prime Minister, H. H. Asquith. For Jenkins, Asquith ranked with Attlee as the embodiment of the moderate, liberal intelligence in politics that he most admired. Through Asquith's grandson, Mark Bonham Carter, Jenkins had access to Asquith's letters to his mistress, Venetia Stanley. Kenneth Rose, Michael Foot, Asa Briggs and John Grigg all favourably reviewed the book when it was published in October 1964. However, Violet Bonham Carter wrote a defence of her father in "The Times" against the few criticisms of Asquith in the book, and Robert Rhodes James wrote in "The Spectator" that "Asquith was surely a tougher, stronger, more acute man...than Mr. Jenkins would have us believe. The fascinating enigma of his complete decline is never really analysed, nor even understood. ... We required a Sutherland: but we have got an Annigoni". John Campbell claims that "for half a century it has remained unchallenged as the best biography and is rightly regarded as a classic".Like Healey and Crosland, he had been a close friend of Hugh Gaitskell and for them Gaitskell's death and the elevation of Harold Wilson as Labour Party leader was a setback. For Jenkins, Gaitskell would remain his political hero. After the 1964 general election Jenkins was appointed Minister of Aviation and was sworn of the Privy Council. While at Aviation he oversaw the high-profile cancellations of the BAC TSR-2 and Concorde projects (although the latter was later reversed after strong opposition from the French Government). In January 1965 Patrick Gordon Walker resigned as Foreign Secretary and in the ensuing reshuffle Wilson offered Jenkins the Department for Education and Science; however, he declined it, preferring to stay at Aviation.In the summer of 1965 Jenkins eagerly accepted an offer to replace Frank Soskice as Home Secretary. However Wilson, dismayed by a sudden bout of press speculation about the potential move, delayed Jenkins' appointment until December. Once Jenkins took office – the youngest Home Secretary since Churchill – he immediately set about reforming the operation and organisation of the Home Office. The Principal Private Secretary, Head of the Press and Publicity Department and Permanent Under-Secretary were all replaced. He also redesigned his office, famously replacing the board on which condemned prisoners were listed with a fridge.After the 1966 general election, in which Labour won a comfortable majority, Jenkins pushed through a series of police reforms which reduced the number of separate forces from 117 to 49. "The Times" called it "the greatest upheaval in policing since the time of Peel". His visit to Chicago in September (to study their policing methods) convinced him of the need to introduce two-way radios to the police; whereas the Metropolitan Police possessed 25 radios in 1965, Jenkins increased this to 2,500, and provided similar numbers of radios to the rest of the country's police forces. Jenkins also provided the police with more car radios, which made the police more mobile but reduced the amount of time they spent patrolling the streets. His Criminal Justice Act 1967 introduced more stringent controls on the purchase of shotguns, outlawed last-minute alibis and introduced majority verdicts in juries in England and Wales. The Act was also designed to lower the prison population by the introduction of release under licence, easier bail, suspended sentences and earlier parole.Immigration was a divisive and provocative issue during the late 1960s and on 23 May 1966 Jenkins delivered a speech on race relations, which is widely considered to be one of his best. Addressing a London meeting of the National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants he notably defined Integration:Before going on to ask:And concluding that:By the end of 1966, Jenkins was the Cabinet's rising star; the "Guardian" called him the best Home Secretary of the century "and quite possibly the best since Peel", the "Sunday Times" called him Wilson's most likeliest successor and the "New Statesman" labelled him "Labour's Crown Prince".In a speech to the London Labour Conference in May 1967, Jenkins said his vision was of "a more civilised, more free and less hidebound society" and he further claimed that "to enlarge the area of individual choice, socially, politically and economically, not just for a few but for the whole community, is very much what democratic socialism is about". He gave strong personal support to David Steel's Private Member's Bill for the legalisation of abortion, which became the Abortion Act 1967, telling the Commons that "the existing law on abortion is uncertain and...harsh and archaic", adding that "the law is consistently flouted by those who have the means to do so. It is, therefore, very much a question of one law for the rich and one law for the poor". When the Bill looked likely to be dropped due to insufficient time, Jenkins helped ensure that it received enough parliamentary time to pass and he voted for it in every division.Jenkins also supported Leo Abse's bill for the decriminalisation of homosexuality, which became the Sexual Offences Act 1967. Jenkins told the Commons: "It would be a mistake to think...that by what we are doing tonight we are giving a vote of confidence or congratulation to homosexuality. Those who suffer from this disability carry a great weight of loneliness, guilt and shame. The crucial question...is, should we add to those disadvantages the full rigour of the criminal law? By its overwhelming decisions, the House has given a fairly clear answer, and I hope that the Bill will now make rapid progress towards the Statute Book. It will be an important and civilising Measure".Jenkins also abolished the use of flogging in prisons. In July 1967 Jenkins recommended to the Home Affairs Select Committee a bill to end the Lord Chamberlain's power to censor the theatre. This was passed as the Theatres Act 1968 under Jenkins' successor as Home Secretary, James Callaghan. Jenkins also announced that he would introduce legislation banning racial discrimination in employment, which was embodied in the Race Relations Act 1968 passed under Callaghan. In October 1967 Jenkins planned to introduce legislation that would enable him to keep out the 20,000 Kenyan Asians who held British passports (this was passed four months later under Callaghan as the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1968, which was based on Jenkins' draft).Jenkins is often seen as responsible for the most wide-ranging social reforms of the late 1960s, with popular historian Andrew Marr claiming "the greatest changes of the Labour years" were thanks to Jenkins. These reforms would not have happened when they did, earlier than in most other European countries, if Jenkins had not supported them. In a speech in Abingdon in July 1969, Jenkins said that the "permissive society" had been allowed to become a dirty phrase: "A better phrase is the 'civilized society', based on the belief that different individuals will wish to make different decisions about their patterns of behaviour and that, provided these do not restrict the freedom of others, they should be allowed to do so within a framework of understanding and tolerance". Jenkins' words were immediately reported in the press as "The permissive society is the civilised society", which he later wrote "was not all that far from my meaning".For some conservatives, such as Peter Hitchens, Jenkins' reforms remain objectionable. In his book "The Abolition of Britain", Hitchens accuses him of being a "cultural revolutionary" who takes a large part of the responsibility for the decline of "traditional values" in Britain. During the 1980s Margaret Thatcher and Norman Tebbit would blame Jenkins for family breakdowns, the decline of respect for authority and the decline of social responsibility. Jenkins replied by pointing out that Thatcher, with her large parliamentary majorities, never attempted to reverse his reforms.From 1967 to 1970 Jenkins served as Chancellor of the Exchequer, replacing James Callaghan following the devaluation crisis of November 1967. Jenkins' ultimate goal as Chancellor was economic growth, which depended on restoring stability to sterling at its new value after devaluation. This could only be achieved by ensuring a surplus in the balance of payments, which had been in a deficit for the previous five years. Therefore, Jenkins pursued deflation, including cuts in public expenditure and increases in taxation, in order to ensure that resources went into exports rather than domestic consumption. Jenkins warned the House of Commons in January 1968 that there was "two years of hard slog ahead".He quickly gained a reputation as a particularly tough Chancellor with his 1968 budget increasing taxes by £923 million, more than twice the increase of any previous budget to date. Jenkins had warned the Cabinet that a second devaluation would occur in three months if his budget did not restore confidence in sterling. He restored prescription charges (which had been abolished when Labour returned to office in 1964) and postponed the raising of the school leaving age to 16 to 1973 instead of 1971. Housing and road building plans were also heavily cut, and he also accelerated Britain's withdrawal East of Suez. Jenkins ruled out increasing the income tax and so raised the taxes on: drinks and cigarettes (except on beer), purchase tax, petrol duty, road tax, a 50 per cent rise in Selective Employment Tax and a one-off Special Charge on personal incomes. He also paid for an increase in family allowances by cutting child tax allowances.Despite Edward Heath claiming it was a "hard, cold budget, without any glimmer of warmth" Jenkins' first budget broadly received a warm reception, with Harold Wilson remarking that "it was widely acclaimed as a speech of surpassing quality and elegance" and Barbara Castle that it "took everyone's breath away". Richard Crossman said it was "genuinely based on socialist principles, fair in the fullest sense by really helping people at the bottom of the scale and by really taxing the wealthy". In his budget broadcast on 19 March, Jenkins said that Britain had been living in a "fool's paradise" for years and that it was "importing too much, exporting too little and paying ourselves too much", with a lower standard of living than France or West Germany.Jenkins' supporters in the Parliamentary Labour Party became known as the "Jenkinsites". These were usually younger, middle-class and university-educated ex-Gaitskellites such as Bill Rodgers, David Owen, Roy Hattersley, Dick Taverne, John Mackintosh and David Marquand. In May–July 1968 some of his supporters, led by Patrick Gordon Walker and Christopher Mayhew, plotted to replace Wilson with Jenkins as Labour leader but he declined to challenge Wilson. A year later his supporters again attempted to persuade Jenkins to challenge Wilson for the party leadership but he again declined. He later wrote in his memoirs that the 1968 plot was "for me...the equivalent of the same season of 1953 for Rab Butler. Having faltered for want of single-minded ruthlessness when there was no alternative to himself, he then settled down to a career punctuated by increasingly wide misses of the premiership. People who effectively seize the prime ministership – Lloyd George, Macmillan, Mrs Thatcher – do not let such moments slip".In April 1968, with Britain's reserves declining by approximately £500 million every quarter, Jenkins went to Washington to obtain a $1,400 million loan from the International Monetary Fund. Following a further sterling crisis in November 1968 Jenkins was forced to raise taxes by a further £250 million. After this the currency markets slowly began to settle and his 1969 budget represented more of the same with a £340 million increase in taxation to further limit consumption.By May 1969 Britain's current account position was in surplus, thanks to a growth in exports, a drop in overall consumption and, in part, the Inland Revenue correcting a previous underestimation in export figures. In July Jenkins was also able to announce that the size of Britain's foreign currency reserves had been increased by almost $1 billion since the beginning of the year. It was at this time that he presided over Britain's only excess of government revenue over expenditure in the period 1936–7 to 1987–8. Thanks in part to these successes there was a high expectation that the 1970 budget would be a more generous one. Jenkins, however, was cautious about the stability of Britain's recovery and decided to present a more muted and fiscally neutral budget. It is often argued that this, combined with a series of bad trade figures, contributed to the Conservative victory at the 1970 general election. Historians and economists have often praised Jenkins for presiding over the transformation in Britain's fiscal and current account positions towards the end of the 1960s. Andrew Marr, for example, described him as one of the 20th century's "most successful chancellors". Alec Cairncross considered Jenkins "the ablest of the four Chancellors I served".Public expenditure as a proportion of GDP rose from 44 per cent in 1964 to around 50 per cent in 1970. Despite Jenkins' warnings about inflation, wage settlements in 1969–70 increased on average by 13 per cent and contributed to the high inflation of the early 1970s and consequently negated most of Jenkins' efforts to obtain a balance of payments surplus.After Labour unexpectedly lost power in 1970 Jenkins was appointed Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer by Harold Wilson. Jenkins was also subsequently elected to the deputy leadership of the Labour Party in July 1970, defeating future Labour Leader Michael Foot and former Leader of the Commons Fred Peart at the first ballot. At this time he appeared the natural successor to Harold Wilson, and it appeared to many only a matter of time before he inherited the leadership of the party, and the opportunity to become Prime Minister.This changed completely, however, as Jenkins refused to accept the tide of anti-European feeling that became prevalent in the Labour Party in the early 1970s. After a special conference on the EEC was held by the Labour Party on 17 July 1971, but from which Jenkins was forbidden from addressing, he delivered one of the most powerful speeches of his career. Jenkins told a meeting of the Parliamentary Labour Party on 19 July: "At conference the only alternative [to the EEC] we heard was 'socialism in one country'. That is always good for a cheer. Pull up the drawbridge and revolutionize the fortress. That's not a policy either: it's just a slogan, and it is one which becomes not merely unconvincing but hypocritical as well when it is dressed up as our best contribution to international socialism". This reopened the old Bevanite–Gaitskellite divide in the Party; Wilson told Tony Benn the day after Jenkins' speech that he was determined to smash the Campaign for Democratic Socialism.At the 1971 Labour Party conference in Brighton, the NEC's motion to reject the "Tory terms" of entry into the EEC was carried by a large majority. Jenkins told a fringe meeting that this would have no effect on his continued support for Britain's entry. Benn said Jenkins was "the figure dominating this Conference; there is no question about it". On 28 October 1971, he led 69 Labour MPs through the division lobby in support of the Heath government's motion to take Britain into the EEC. In so-doing they were defying a three-line whip and a five-to-one vote at the Labour Party annual conference. Jenkins later wrote: "I was convinced that it was one of the decisive votes of the century, and had no intention of spending the rest of my life answering the question of what did I do in the great division by saying 'I abstained'. I saw it in the context of the first Reform Bill, the repeal of the Corn Laws, Gladstone's Home Rule Bills, the Lloyd George Budget and the Parliament Bill, the Munich Agreement and the May 1940 votes".Jenkins' action gave the European cause a legitimacy that would have otherwise been absent had the issue been considered solely as a party political matter. However, he was now regarded by the left as a "traitor". James Margach wrote in the "Sunday Times": "The unconcealed objective of the Left now is either to humiliate Roy Jenkins and his allies into submission – or drive them from the party". At this stage, however, Jenkins would not fully abandon his position as a political insider, and chose to stand again for deputy leader, an act his colleague David Marquand claimed he later came to regret. Jenkins promised not to vote with the government again and he narrowly defeated Michael Foot on a second ballot.In accordance with the party whip, Jenkins voted against European Communities Bill 55 times. However, he resigned both the deputy leadership and his shadow cabinet position in April 1972, after the party committed itself to holding a referendum on Britain's membership of the EEC. This led to some former admirers, including Roy Hattersley, choosing to distance themselves from Jenkins. Hattersley later claimed that Jenkins' resignation was "the moment when the old Labour coalition began to collapse and the eventual formation of a new centre party became inevitable". In his resignation letter to Wilson, Jenkins said that if there were a referendum "the Opposition would form a temporary coalition of those who, whatever their political views, were against the proposed action. By this means we would have forged a more powerful continuing weapon against progressive legislation than anything we have known in this country since the curbing of the absolute powers of the old House of Lords".Jenkins' lavish lifestyle — Wilson once described him as "more a socialite than a socialist" — had already alienated much of the Labour Party from him. Wilson accused him of having an affair with socialite Ann Fleming - and it was true.In May 1972 he collected the Charlemagne Prize, which he had been awarded for promoting European unity. In September an ORC opinion poll found that there was considerable public support for an alliance between the 'moderate' wing of the Labour Party and the Liberals; 35 per cent said they would vote for a Labour–Liberal alliance, 27 per cent for the Conservatives and 23.5 per cent for 'Socialist Labour'. "The Times" claimed that there were "twelve million Jenkinsites". During the spring and summer of 1972, Jenkins delivered a series of speeches designed to set out his leadership credentials. These were published in September under the title "What Matters Now", which sold well. In the book's postscript, Jenkins said that Labour should not be a narrow socialist party advocating unpopular left-wing policies but must aim to "represent the hopes and aspirations of the whole leftward thinking half of the country", adding that a "broad-based, international, radical, generous-minded party could quickly seize the imagination of a disillusioned and uninspired British public".After Dick Taverne's victory in the 1973 Lincoln by-election, where he stood as "Democratic Labour" in opposition to the official Labour candidate, Jenkins gave a speech to the Oxford University Labour Club denouncing the idea of a new centre party. Jenkins was elected to the shadow cabinet in November 1973 as Shadow Home Secretary. During the February 1974 election, Jenkins rallied to Labour and his campaign was described by David Butler and Dennis Kavanagh as sounding "a note of civilised idealism". Jenkins was disappointed that the Liberal candidate in his constituency won 6000 votes; he wrote in his memoirs that "I already regarded myself as such a closet Liberal that I naïvely thought they ought nearly all to have come to me".Jenkins wrote a series of biographical essays that appeared in "The Times" during 1971–74 and which were published as "Nine Men of Power" in 1974. Jenkins chose Gaitskell, Ernest Bevin, Stafford Cripps, Adlai Stevenson II, Robert F. Kennedy, Joseph McCarthy, Lord Halifax, Léon Blum and John Maynard Keynes. In 1971 Jenkins delivered three lectures on foreign policy at Yale University, published a year later as "Afternoon on the Potomac?"When Labour returned to power in early 1974, Jenkins was appointed Home Secretary for the second time. Earlier, he had been promised the treasury; however, Wilson later decided to appoint Denis Healey as Chancellor instead. Upon hearing from Bernard Donoughue that Wilson had reneged on his promise, Jenkins reacted angrily. Despite being on a public staircase, he is reported to have shouted "You tell Harold Wilson he must bloody well come to see me ...and if he doesn't watch out, I won't join his bloody government ... This is typical of the bloody awful way Harold Wilson does things!" The Jenkinsites were dismayed by Jenkins' refusal to insist upon the Chancellorship and began to look elsewhere for leadership, thus ending the Jenkinsites as a united group.Jenkins served from 1974 to 1976. Whereas during his first period as Home Secretary in the 1960s the atmosphere had been optimistic and confident, the climate of the 1970s was much more fractious and disillusioned. After two Northern Irish sisters, Marian Price and Dolours Price, were imprisoned for 20 years for the 1973 Old Bailey bombing, they went on hunger strike in order to be transferred to a prison in Northern Ireland. In a television broadcast in June 1974, Jenkins announced that he would refuse to give in to their demands, although in March 1975 he discreetly transferred them to a Northern Irish prison.He undermined his previous liberal credentials to some extent by pushing through the controversial Prevention of Terrorism Act in the aftermath of the Birmingham pub bombings of November 1974, which, among other things, extended the length of time suspects could be held in custody and instituted exclusion orders. Jenkins also resisted calls for the death penalty to be restored for terrorist murderers. On 4 December he told the Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland that "everything he heard made him more convinced that Northern Ireland had nothing to do with the rest of the UK". When reviewing Garret FitzGerald's memoirs in 1991, Jenkins proclaimed: "My natural prejudices, such as they are, are much more green than orange. I am a poor unionist, believing intuitively that even Paisley and Haughey are better at dealing with each other than the English are with either".The Sex Discrimination Act 1975 (which legislated for gender equality and set up the Equal Opportunities Commission) and the Race Relations Act 1976 (which extended to private clubs the outlawing of racial discrimination and founded the Commission for Racial Equality) were two notable achievements during his second time as Home Secretary.Jenkins opposed Michael Foot's attempts to grant pickets the right to stop lorries during strikes and he was dismayed by Anthony Crosland's decision to grant an amnesty to the 11 Labour councillors at Clay Cross who had been surcharged for refusing to increase council rents in accordance with the Conservatives' Housing Finance Act 1972. After two trade unionists, Ricky Tomlinson and Des Warren (known as the "Shrewsbury Two"), were imprisoned for intimidation and affray for their part in a strike, Jenkins refused to accede to demands from the labour movement that they should be released. This demonstrated Jenkins' increasing estrangement from much of the labour movement and for a time he was heckled in public by people chanting "Free the Two". Jenkins also unsuccessfully tried to persuade the Cabinet to adopt electoral reform in the form of proportional representation and to have the Official Secrets Act 1911 liberalised to facilitate more open government.Although becoming increasingly disillusioned during this time by what he considered the party's drift to the left, he was the leading Labour figure in the EEC referendum of June 1975 (and was also president of the 'Yes' campaign). In September 1974 he had followed Shirley Williams in stating that he "could not stay in a Cabinet which had to carry out withdrawal" from the EEC. During the referendum campaign, Tony Benn claimed that 500,000 jobs had been lost due to Britain's membership; Jenkins replied on 27 May that "I find it increasingly difficult to take Mr Benn seriously as an economics minister". He added that Britain outside the EEC would enter "an old people's home for fading nations. ... I do not even think it would be a comfortable or agreeable old people's home. I do not much like the look of some of the prospective wardens". The two men debated Britain's membership together on "Panorama", which was chaired by David Dimbleby. According to David Butler and Uwe Kitzinger, "they achieved a decidedly more lucid and intricate level of discussion than is commonly seen on political television". Jenkins found it congenial to work with the centrists of all parties in the campaign and the 'Yes' campaign won by two to one.After the referendum, Wilson demoted Benn to Energy Secretary and attempted to balance the downgrading of Benn with the dismissal of the right-wing minister Reg Prentice from the Department of Education, despite already promising Jenkins that he had no intention of sacking Prentice. Jenkins threatened to resign if Prentice was sacked, telling Wilson that he was "a squalid little man who was using squalid little arguments in order to explain why he was performing so much below the level of events". Wilson quickly backed down. In September Jenkins delivered a speech in Prentice's constituency of Newham to demonstrate solidarity with him after he was threatened with deselection by left-wingers in the constituency party. Jenkins was heckled by both far-left and far-right demonstrators and he was hit in the chest by a flour bomb thrown by a member of the National Front. Jenkins warned that if Prentice was deselected "it is not just the local party that is undermining its own foundations by ignoring the beliefs and feelings of ordinary people, the whole legitimate Labour Party, left as well as right, is crippled if extremists have their way". He added that if "tolerance is shattered formidable consequences will follow. Labour MPs will either have to become creatures of cowardice, concealing their views, trimming their sails, accepting orders, stilling their consciences, or they will all have to be men far far to the left of those whose votes they seek. Either would make a mockery of parliamentary democracy".In January 1976 he further distanced himself from the left with a speech in Anglesey, where he repudiated ever-higher public spending: "I do not think you can push public expenditure significantly above 60 per cent [of GNP] and maintain the values of a plural society with adequate freedom of choice. We are here close to one of the frontiers of social democracy". A former supporter, Roy Hattersley, distanced himself from Jenkins after this speech.In May 1976 he told the Police Federation conference to "be prepared first to look at the evidence and to recognize how little the widespread use of prison reduces our crime or deals effectively with many of the individuals concerned". He also responded to the Federation's proposals on law and order: "I respect your right to put them to me. You will no doubt respect my right to tell you that I do not think all the points in sum amount to a basis for a rational penal policy".When Wilson suddenly resigned as Prime Minister in March 1976, Jenkins was one of six candidates for the leadership of the Labour Party but came third in the first ballot, behind Callaghan and Michael Foot. Realising that his vote was lower than expected, and sensing that the parliamentary party was in no mood to overlook his actions five years before, he immediately withdrew from the contest. On issues such as the EEC, trade union reform and economic policy he had proclaimed views opposite to those held by the majority of Labour Party activists, and his libertarian social views were at variance with the majority of Labour voters. A famous story alleged that when one of Jenkins' supporters canvassed a group of miners' MPs in the Commons' tea-room, he was told: "Nay, lad, we're all Labour here".Jenkins had wanted to become Foreign Secretary, but Foot warned Callaghan that the party would not accept the pro-European Jenkins as Foreign Secretary. Callaghan instead offered Jenkins the Treasury in six months' time (when it would be possible to move Denis Healey to the Foreign Office). Jenkins turned the offer down. Jenkins then accepted an appointment as President of the European Commission (succeeding François-Xavier Ortoli) after Callaghan appointed Anthony Crosland to the Foreign Office.In an interview with "The Times" in January 1977, Jenkins said that: "My wish is to build an effective united Europe. ... I want to move towards a more effectively organized Europe politically and economically and as far as I am concerned I want to go faster, not slower". The main development overseen by the Jenkins Commission was the development of the Economic and Monetary Union of the European Union from 1977, which began in 1979 as the European Monetary System, a forerunner of the Single Currency or Euro. His biographer calls Jenkins "the godfather of the euro" and claims that among his successors only Jacques Delors has made more impact.In speech in Florence in October 1977, Jenkins argued that monetary union would facilitate "a more efficient and developed rationalisation of industry and commerce than is possible under a Customs Union alone". He added that "a major new international currency" would form "a joint and alternative pillar of the world monetary system" which would lead to greater international stability. Monetary union would also combat inflation by controlling the money supply. Jenkins conceded that this would involve the diminution of national sovereignty but he pointed out that "governments which do not discipline themselves already find themselves accepting very sharp surveillance" from the IMF. Monetary union would also promote employment and diminish regional differences. Jenkins ended the speech by quoting Jean Monnet's statement that politics was "not only the art of the possible, but...the art of making possible tomorrow what may seem impossible today".President Jenkins was the first President to attend a G8 summit on behalf of the Community. He received an Honorary Degree (Doctor of Laws) from the University of Bath in 1978.In October 1978 "Tribune" reported (falsely) that Jenkins and his wife had not paid their Labour Party subscription for several years. After this was repeated in the national press, Jenkins' drafted his wife's letter to "The Times" that refuted the allegation. Jenkins blamed the story on a "malicious Trot in the North Kensington Labour Party". Jenkins was disillusioned with the Labour Party and he was almost certain that he could not stand again as a Labour candidate; in January 1979 he told Shirley Williams that the "big mistake we had made was not to go and support Dick Taverne in 1973; everything had got worse since then".He did not vote in the 1979 election. After the Conservatives won the election Margaret Thatcher contemplated appointing Jenkins Chancellor of the Exchequer on the strength of his success at cutting public expenditure when he was Chancellor. However, his friend Woodrow Wyatt claimed that Jenkins "had other and fresh fish to fry".The Director-General of the BBC, Ian Trethowan, invited Jenkins to deliver the Richard Dimbleby Lecture for 1979, which he did on 22 November. The title Jenkins gave to his lecture, "Home Thoughts from Abroad", derived from a Robert Browning poem. He delivered it in the Royal Society of Arts and it was broadcast live on television. Jenkins analysed the decline of the two-party system since 1951 and criticised the excessive partisanship of British politics, which he claimed alienated the bulk of voters, who were more centrist. He advocated proportional representation and the acceptance of "the broad line of division between the public and private sectors", a middle way between Thatcherism and Bennism. Jenkins said that the private sector should be encouraged without too much interference to create as much wealth as possible "but use the wealth so created both to give a return for enterprise and to spread the benefits throughout society in a way that avoids the disfigurements of poverty, gives a full priority to public education and health services, and encourages co-operation and not conflict in industry and throughout society". He then reiterated his long-standing commitment to libertarianism:You also make sure that the state knows its place...in relation to the citizen. You are in favour of the right of dissent and the liberty of private conduct. You are against unnecessary centralization and bureaucracy. You want to devolve decision-making wherever you sensibly can. ... You want the nation to be self-confident and outward-looking, rather than insular, xenophobic and suspicious. You want the class system to fade without being replaced either by an aggressive and intolerant proletarianism or by the dominance of the brash and selfish values of a 'get rich quick' society. ... These are some of the objectives which I believe could be assisted by a strengthening of the radical centre."The Listener" reprinted the text along with assessments by Enoch Powell, Paul Johnson, Jack Jones, J. A. G. Griffith, Bernard Crick, Neil Kinnock and Jo Grimond. They were all critical; Kinnock thought him misguided as Britain had already suffered from centrist rule for thirty years and Grimond complained that Jenkins' clarion call had come 20 years too late.Jenkins' last year as President of the European Commission was dominated by Margaret Thatcher's fight for a rebate on Britain's contribution to the EEC budget. He believed that the quarrel was unnecessary and regretted that it soured Britain's relationship with the Community for years. In November 1980 Jenkins delivered the Winston Churchill memorial lecture in Luxembourg, where he proposed a solution to the British budgetary question. The proportion of the Community's budget spent on agriculture should be reduced by extending Community spending into new areas where Britain would receive more benefit, such as regional spending. The size of the Community's budget would, in his scheme, be tripled by transferring from the nation states to the Community competence over social and industrial policy.After his Dimbleby Lecture, Jenkins increasingly favoured the formation of a new social democratic party. He publicly aired these views in a speech to the Parliamentary Press Gallery in June 1980, where he repeated his criticisms of the two-party system and attacked Labour's move to the left. At the previous month's Wembley conference, Labour had adopted a programme which included non-cooperation with the EEC and "a near neutralist and unilateralist" defence policy that would, Jenkins argued, render meaningless Britain's NATO membership. Labour's proposals for further nationalisation and anti-private enterprise policies, Jenkins claimed, were more extreme than in any other democratic country and it was not "by any stretch of the imagination a social democratic programme". He added that a new party could reshape politics and lead to the "rapid revival of liberal social democratic Britain".The Labour Party conference at Blackpool in September 1980 adopted a unilateralist defence policy, withdrawal from the EEC and further nationalisation, along with Tony Benn's demands for the mandatory reselection of MPs and an electoral college to elect the party leader. In November Labour MPs elected the left-winger Michael Foot over the right-wing Denis Healey and in January 1981 Labour's Wembley conference decided that the electoral college that would elect the leader would give the trade unions 40 per cent of the vote, with MPs and constituency parties 30 per cent each. Jenkins then joined David Owen, Bill Rodgers and Shirley Williams (known as the "Gang of Four") in issuing the Limehouse Declaration. This called for the "realignment of British politics". They then formed the Social Democratic Party (SDP) on 26 March.Jenkins delivered a series of speeches setting out the SDP's alternative to Thatcherism and Bennism and argued that the solution to Britain's economic troubles lay in the revenue from North Sea oil, which should be invested in public services. He attempted to re-enter Parliament at the Warrington by-election in July 1981 and campaigned on a six-point programme which he put forward as a Keynesian alternative to Thatcherism and Labour's "siege economy", but Labour retained the seat with a small majority. Despite it being a defeat, the by-election demonstrated that the SDP was a serious force. Jenkins said after the count that it was the first parliamentary election that he had lost in many years, but was "by far the greatest victory in which I have ever participated".At the SDP's first annual conference in October 1981, Jenkins called for "an end to the futile frontier war between public and private sectors" and proposed an "inflation tax" on excessive pay rises that would restrain spiralling wages and prices. After achieving this, an SDP government would be able to embark on economic expansion to reduce unemployment.In March 1982 he fought the Glasgow Hillhead by-election, in what had previously been a Conservative-held seat. Polls at the beginning of the campaign put Jenkins in third place but after a series of ten well-attended public meetings which Jenkins addressed, the tide began to turn in Jenkins' favour and he was elected with a majority of just over 2000 on a swing of 19 per cent. The evening after his victory in Hillhead Jenkins told a celebration dinner of 200 party members held at the North British Hotel in Edinburgh "that the SDP had a great opportunity to become the majority party". Jenkins' first intervention in the House of Commons following his election, on 31 March, was seen as a disappointment. The Conservative MP Alan Clark wrote in his diary:Jenkins, with excessive and almost unbearable gravitas, asked three very heavy statesman-like non-party-political questions of the PM. I suppose he is very formidable, but he was so portentous and long-winded that he started to lose the sympathy of the House about half way through and the barracking resumed. The Lady replied quite brightly and freshly, as if she did not particularly know who he was, or care.Whereas earlier in his career Jenkins had excelled in the traditional set-piece debates in which he spoke from the dispatch box, the focus of parliamentary reporting had now moved to the point-scoring of Prime Minister's Questions, which he struggled with. Seated in the traditional place for third parties in the Commons (the second or third row below the gangway), and without a dispatch box and the gravitas it could have conferred, Jenkins was situated near (and shared the same microphone with) Labour's "awkward squad" that included Dennis Skinner and Bob Cryer, who regularly heckled abuse ("Roy, your flies are undone").Seven days after Jenkins' by-election victory Argentina invaded the Falklands and the subsequent Falklands War transformed British politics, increased substantially the public's support for the Conservatives and ended any chance that Jenkins' election would reinvigorate the SDP's support. In the SDP leadership election, Jenkins was elected with 56.44 of the vote, with David Owen coming second. During the 1983 election campaign his position as the prime minister-designate for the SDP-Liberal Alliance was questioned by his close colleagues, as his campaign style was now regarded as ineffective; the Liberal leader David Steel was considered to have a greater rapport with the electorate. Jenkins held on to his seat in Hillhead, which was the subject of boundary changes. While on the old boundaries the Conservatives had held the seat prior to Jenkins' victory, it was estimated by the BBC and ITN that on the new boundaries Labour would have captured the seat with a majority of just over 2,000 votes in 1979. Jenkins was challenged by Neil Carmichael, the sitting Labour MP for the Glasgow Kelvingrove constituency which had been abolished and a ministerial colleague of Jenkins in the Wilson governments. Jenkins defeated Carmichael by 1,164 votes to retain his seat in the House of Commons. According to "The Glasgow Herald" Labour supporters at the election count in the Kelvin Hall booed and jeered when Jenkins' victory was announced, and he and his wife were "dismayed as police pushed back jostling crowds."After the general election Owen succeeded him unopposed. Jenkins was disappointed with Owen's move to the right, and his acceptance and backing of some of Thatcher's policies. At heart, Jenkins remained an unrepentant Keynesian. In his July 1984 Tawney Lecture, Jenkins said that the "whole spirit and outlook" of the SDP "must be profoundly opposed to Thatcherism. It could not go along with the fatalism of the Government's acceptance of massive unemployment". He also delivered a series of speeches in the Commons attacking the Thatcherite policies of the Chancellor, Nigel Lawson. Jenkins called for more government intervention to support industry and for North Sea oil revenues to be channelled into a major programme of rebuilding Britain's infrastructure and into educating a skilled workforce. He also attacked the Thatcher government for failing to join the European Exchange Rate Mechanism.In 1985 he wrote to "The Times" to advocate the closing down of the political surveillance role of MI5. During the controversy surrounding Peter Wright's "Spycatcher", in which he alleged that Harold Wilson had been a Soviet spy, Jenkins rubbished the allegation and reiterated his call for the end of MI5's powers of political survelliance.In 1986 he won "The Spectator"'s Parliamentarian of the Year award. He continued to serve as SDP Member of Parliament for Glasgow Hillhead until his defeat at the 1987 general election by the Labour candidate George Galloway, after boundary changes in 1983 had changed the character of the constituency. After his defeat was announced, "The Glasgow Herald" reported that he indicated he would not stand for parliament again in the future.In 1986 appeared his biography of Harry S. Truman and the following year his biography of Stanley Baldwin was published.From 1987, Jenkins remained in politics as a member of the House of Lords as a life peer with the title Baron Jenkins of Hillhead, of Pontypool in the County of Gwent. Also in 1987, Jenkins was elected Chancellor of the University of Oxford. He was leader of the Liberal Democrats in the Lords from 1988 until 1997.In 1988 he fought and won an amendment to the Education Reform Act 1988, guaranteeing academic freedom of speech in further and higher education establishments. This affords and protects the right of students and academics to "question and test received wisdom" and has been incorporated into the statutes or articles and instruments of governance of all universities and colleges in Britain.In 1991 his memoirs, "A Life at the Centre", was published by Macmillan, who paid Jenkins an £130,000 advance. He was magnanimous to most of those colleagues with whom he had clashed in the past, except for David Owen, whom he blamed for destroying the idealism and cohesion of the SDP. In the last chapter ('Establishment Whig or Persistent Radical?') he reaffirmed his radicalism, placing himself "somewhat to the left of James Callaghan, maybe Denis Healey and certainly of David Owen". He also proclaimed his political credo:My broad position remains firmly libertarian, sceptical of official cover-ups and uncompromisingly internationalist, believing sovereignty to be an almost total illusion in the modern world, although both expecting and welcoming the continuance of strong differences in national traditions and behaviour. I distrust the deification of the enterprise culture. I think there are more limitations to the wisdom of the market than were dreamt of in Mrs Thatcher's philosophy. I believe that levels of taxation on the prosperous, having been too high for many years (including my own period at the Treasury), are now too low for the provision of decent public services. And I think the privatisation of near monopolies is about as irrelevant as (and sometimes worse than) were the Labour Party's proposals for further nationalisation in the 1970s and early 1980s."A Life at the Centre" was generally favourably reviewed: in the "Times Literary Supplement" John Grigg said it was a "marvellous account of high politics by a participant writing with honesty, irony and sustained narrative verve". In "The Spectator" Anthony Quinton remarked that Jenkins was "not afraid to praise himself and earns the right to do so by unfudged self-criticism". However, there were critical voices: John Smith in "The Scotsman" charged that Jenkins never had any loyalty to the Labour Party and was an ambitious careerist intent only on furthering his career. John Campbell claims that "A Life at the Centre" is now generally recognised as one of the best political memoirs. David Cannadine ranked it alongside Duff Cooper's "Old Men Forget", R. A. Butler's "The Art of the Possible" and Denis Healey's "The Time of My Life" as one of the four best political memoirs of the post-war period.In 1993, he was appointed to the Order of Merit. Also that year, his "Portraits and Miniatures" was published. The main body of the book is a set of 6 biographical essays (Rab Butler, Aneurin Bevan, Iain Macleod, Dean Acheson, Konrad Adenauer, Charles de Gaulle), along with lectures, articles and book reviews.A television documentary about Jenkins was made by Michael Cockerell, titled "Roy Jenkins: A Very Social Democrat", and broadcast on 26 May 1996. Although an admiring portrait overall, Cockerell was frank about Jenkins' affairs and both Jenkins and his wife believed that Cockerell had betrayed their hospitality.Jenkins hailed Tony Blair's election as Labour Party leader in July 1994 as "the most exciting Labour choice since the election of Hugh Gaitskell". He argued that Blair should stick "to a constructive line on Europe, in favour of sensible constitutional innovation...and in favour of friendly relations with the Liberal Democrats". He added that he hoped Blair would not move Labour further to the right: "Good work has been done in freeing it from nationalisation and other policies. But the market cannot solve everything and it would be a pity to embrace the stale dogmas of Thatcherism just when their limitations are becoming obvious".Jenkins and Blair had been in touch since the latter's time as Shadow Home Secretary, when he admired Jenkins' reforming tenure at the Home Office. Jenkins told Paddy Ashdown in October 1995: "I think Tony treats me as a sort of father figure in politics. He comes to me a lot for advice, particularly about how to construct a Government". Jenkins tried to persuade Blair that the division in the centre-left vote between the Labour and Liberal parties had enabled the Conservatives to dominate the 20th century, whereas if the two left-wing parties entered into an electoral pact and adopted proportional representation, they could dominate the 21st century. Jenkins was an influence on the thinking of New Labour and both Peter Mandelson and Roger Liddle in their 1996 work "The Blair Revolution" and Philip Gould in his "Unfinished Revolution" recognised Jenkins' influence.Before the 1997 election, Blair had promised an enquiry into electoral reform. In December 1997, Jenkins was appointed chair of a Government-appointed Independent Commission on the Voting System, which became known as the "Jenkins Commission", to consider alternative voting systems for the UK. The Jenkins Commission reported in favour of a new uniquely British mixed-member proportional system called "Alternative vote top-up" or "limited AMS" in October 1998, although no action was taken on this recommendation. Blair told Ashdown that Jenkins' recommendations would not pass the Cabinet.British membership of the European single currency, Jenkins believed, was the supreme test of Blair's statesmanship. However, he was disappointed with Blair's timidity in taking on the Eurosceptic tabloid press. He told Blair in October 1997: "You have to choose between leading Europe or having Murdoch on your side. You can have one but not both". Jenkins was also critical of New Labour's authoritarianism, such as the watering down of the Freedom of Information Act 2000 and their intention to ban fox hunting. By the end of his life Jenkins believed that Blair had wasted his enormous parliamentary majority and would not be recorded in history as a great Prime Minister; he ranked him between Harold Wilson and Stanley Baldwin.After Gordon Brown attacked Oxford University for indulging in "old school tie" prejudices because it rejected a state-educated pupil, Laura Spence, Jenkins told the House of Lords in June 2000 that "Brown's diatribe was born of prejudice out of ignorance. Nearly every fact he adduced was false". Jenkins voted for the equalisation of the homosexual age of consent and for repealing Section 28.Jenkins wrote 19 books, including a biography of Gladstone (1995), which won the 1995 Whitbread Award for Biography, and a much-acclaimed biography of Winston Churchill (2001). His then-designated official biographer, Andrew Adonis, was to have finished the Churchill biography had Jenkins not survived the heart surgery he underwent towards the end of its writing. The popular historian Paul Johnson called it the best one-volume biography on its subject.Jenkins underwent heart surgery in the form of a heart valve replacement on 12 October 2000 and postponed his 80th birthday celebrations whilst recovering, by having a celebratory party on 7 March 2001. He died on 5 January 2003, after suffering a heart attack at his home at East Hendred, in Oxfordshire. His last words, to his wife, were, "Two eggs, please, lightly poached". At the time of his death Jenkins was starting work on a biography of US President Franklin D. Roosevelt.After his death, Blair paid tribute to "one of the most remarkable people ever to grace British politics", who had "intellect, vision and an integrity that saw him hold firm to his beliefs of moderate social democracy, liberal reform and the cause of Europe throughout his life. He was a friend and support to me". James Callaghan and Edward Heath also paid tribute and Tony Benn said that as "a founder of the SDP he was probably the grandfather of New Labour". However, he was strongly criticised by others including Denis Healey, who condemned the SDP split as a "disaster" for the Labour Party which prolonged their time in opposition and allowed the Tories to have an unbroken run of 18 years in government.The Professor of Government at Oxford University, Vernon Bogdanor, provided an assessment in "The Guardian":Roy Jenkins was both radical and contemporary; and this made him the most influential exponent of the progressive creed in politics in postwar Britain. Moreover, the political creed for which he stood belongs as much to the future as to the past. For Jenkins was the prime mover in the creation of a form of social democracy which, being internationalist, is peculiarly suited to the age of globalisation and, being liberal, will prove to have more staying power than the statism of Lionel Jospin or the corporatist socialism of Gerhard Schröder. ... Roy Jenkins was the first leading politician to appreciate that a liberalised social democracy must be based on two tenets: what Peter Mandelson called an aspirational society (individuals must be allowed to regulate their personal lives without interference from the state); and that a post-imperial country like Britain could only be influential in the world as part of a wider grouping (the EU).His alma mater, Cardiff University, honoured the memory of Roy Jenkins by naming one of its halls of residence Roy Jenkins Hall.On 20 January 1945, Jenkins married Mary Jennifer (Jennifer) Morris (18 January 1921 – 2 February 2017). They were married for almost 58 years until his death, although he had "several affairs", including one with Jackie Kennedy's sister Lee Radziwill. Among his long-term mistresses were Leslie Bonham Carter and Caroline Gilmour, wives of fellow MPs and close friends Mark Bonham Carter and Ian Gilmour. However, these extra-marital relationships were conditional on his lovers having a good relationship with his wife: he later stated that he "could not imagine loving anyone who was not very fond of Jennifer".She was made a DBE for services to ancient and historical buildings. They had two sons, Charles and Edward, and a daughter, Cynthia.Early in his life Jenkins had a relationship with Anthony Crosland. According to the Liberal Democrat Leader Vince Cable, Jenkins was bisexual.
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[
"Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"President of the European Commission",
"Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the House of Lords",
"Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Home Secretary",
"Chancellor of the University of Oxford",
"Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Shadow Home Secretary",
"Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer",
"Member of the 49th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Deputy Leader of the Labour Party"
] |
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Which position did Roy Jenkins hold in 04/03/1968?
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April 03, 1968
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{
"text": [
"Chancellor of the Exchequer",
"Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q323488_P39_10
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Roy Jenkins holds the position of Chancellor of the Exchequer from Nov, 1967 to Jun, 1970.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Home Secretary from Dec, 1965 to Nov, 1967.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 49th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1983 to May, 1987.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Shadow Home Secretary from Nov, 1973 to Mar, 1974.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1974 to Jan, 1977.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1948 to Feb, 1950.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1982 to May, 1983.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Apr, 1956 to Jan, 1957.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from Jul, 1970 to Apr, 1972.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Nov, 1987 to Jan, 2003.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Chancellor of the University of Oxford from Mar, 1987 to Jan, 2003.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer from Jun, 1970 to Apr, 1972.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of President of the European Commission from Jan, 1977 to Jan, 1981.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Jul, 1955 to Oct, 1955.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974.
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Roy JenkinsRoy Harris Jenkins, Baron Jenkins of Hillhead, (11 November 1920 – 5 January 2003) was a British politician who served as President of the European Commission from 1977 to 1981. At various times a Member of Parliament (MP) for the Labour Party, Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the Liberal Democrats, he was Chancellor of the Exchequer and Home Secretary under the Wilson and Callaghan Governments.The son of Arthur Jenkins, a coal-miner and Labour MP, Jenkins was educated at the University of Oxford and served as an intelligence officer during the Second World War. Initially elected as MP for Southwark Central in 1948, he moved to become MP for Birmingham Stechford in 1950. On the election of Harold Wilson after the 1964 election, Jenkins was appointed Minister of Aviation. A year later, he was promoted to the Cabinet to become Home Secretary. In this role, Jenkins embarked on a major reform programme; he sought to build what he described as "a civilised society", overseeing measures such as the effective abolition in Britain of both capital punishment and theatre censorship, the partial decriminalisation of homosexuality, relaxing of divorce law, suspension of birching and the liberalisation of abortion law.After the devaluation crisis in November 1967, Jenkins replaced James Callaghan as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Throughout his time at the Treasury, Jenkins oversaw a tight fiscal policy in an attempt to control inflation, and oversaw a particularly tough Budget in 1968 which saw major tax rises. As a result of this, the Government's current account entered a surplus in 1969. After Labour unexpectedly lost the 1970 election, Jenkins was elected as Deputy Leader of the Labour Party in 1970. He resigned from the position in 1972 after the Labour Party decided to oppose Britain's entry to the European Communities, which he strongly supported. When Labour returned to power following the 1974 election, Wilson appointed Jenkins as Home Secretary for the second time. Two years later, when Wilson resigned as Prime Minister, Jenkins stood in the leadership election to succeed him, finishing third behind Michael Foot and the winner James Callaghan. He subsequently chose to resign from Parliament and leave British politics, to accept appointment as the first-ever British President of the European Commission, a role he took up in January 1977.After completing his term at the Commission in 1981, Jenkins announced a surprise return to British politics; dismayed with the Labour Party's move further left under the leadership of Michael Foot, he became one of the "Gang of Four", senior Labour figures who broke away from the party and founded the SDP. In 1982, Jenkins won a by-election to return to Parliament as MP for Glasgow Hillhead, taking the seat from the Conservatives in a famous result. He became leader of the SDP ahead of the 1983 election, during which he formed an electoral alliance with the Liberal Party. After his disappointment with the performance of the SDP in the election, he resigned as leader. He subsequently lost his seat in Parliament at the 1987 election, and accepted a life peerage shortly afterwards; he sat in the House of Lords as a Liberal Democrat.He was later elected to succeed former Prime Minister Harold Macmillan as Chancellor of the University of Oxford following the latter's death; he would hold this position until his own death sixteen years later. In the late 1990s, he served as a close adviser to Prime Minister Tony Blair and chaired a major commission on electoral reform. In addition to his political career, he was also a noted historian, biographer and writer. His (1991) is regarded as one of the best autobiographies of the later twentieth century, which "will be read with pleasure long after most examples of the genre have been forgotten". Jenkins died in 2003, aged 82.Born in Abersychan, Monmouthshire, in southeastern Wales, as an only child, Roy Jenkins was the son of a National Union of Mineworkers official, Arthur Jenkins. His father was imprisoned during the 1926 General Strike for his alleged involvement in disturbances. Arthur Jenkins later became President of the South Wales Miners' Federation and Member of Parliament for Pontypool, Parliamentary Private Secretary to Clement Attlee, and briefly a minister in the 1945 Labour government. Roy Jenkins' mother, Hattie Harris, was the daughter of a steelworks foreman.Jenkins was educated at Pentwyn Primary School, Abersychan County Grammar School, University College, Cardiff, and at Balliol College, Oxford, where he was twice defeated for the Presidency of the Oxford Union but took First-Class Honours in Politics, Philosophy and Economics (PPE). His university colleagues included Tony Crosland, Denis Healey and Edward Heath, and he became friends with all three, although he was never particularly close to Healey.In John Campbell's biography "A Well-Rounded Life" a romantic relationship between Jenkins and Crosland was detailed. Other figures he met whilst at Oxford who would become notable in public life included Madron Seligman, Nicholas Henderson and Mark Bonham Carter.During the Second World War, Jenkins received his officer training at Alton Towers and was posted to the 55th West Somerset Yeomanry at West Lavington, Wiltshire. Through the influence of his father, in April 1944 Jenkins was sent to Bletchley Park to work as a codebreaker; whilst there he befriended the historian Asa Briggs.Having failed to win Solihull in 1945, after which he spent a brief period working for the Industrial and Commercial Finance Corporation, he was elected to the House of Commons in a 1948 by-election as the Member of Parliament for Southwark Central, becoming the "Baby of the House". His constituency was abolished in boundary changes for the 1950 general election, when he stood instead in the new Birmingham Stechford constituency. He won the seat, and represented the constituency until 1977.In 1947 he edited a collection of Clement Attlee's speeches, published under the title "Purpose and Policy". Attlee then granted Jenkins access to his private papers so that he could write his biography, which appeared in 1948 ("Mr Attlee: An Interim Biography"). The reviews were generally favourable, including George Orwell's in "Tribune".In 1950, he advocated a large capital levy, abolition of public schools and introduction of a measure of industrial democracy to nationalised industries as key policy objectives for the Labour government. In 1951 "Tribune" published his pamphlet "Fair Shares for the Rich". Here, Jenkins advocated the abolition of large private incomes by taxing them, graduating from 50 per cent for incomes between £20,000 and £30,000 to 95 per cent for incomes over £100,000. He also proposed further nationalisations and said: "Future nationalisations will be more concerned with equality than with planning, and this means that we can leave the monolithic public corporation behind us and look for more intimate forms of ownership and control". He later described this "almost Robespierrean" pamphlet as "the apogee of my excursion to the left".Jenkins contributed an essay on 'Equality' to the 1952 collection "New Fabian Essays". In 1953 appeared "Pursuit of Progress", a work intended to counter Bevanism. Retreating from what he had demanded in "Fair Shares for the Rich", Jenkins now argued that the redistribution of wealth would occur over a generation and abandoned the goal of public school abolition. However, he still proposed further nationalisations: "It is quite impossible to advocate both the abolition of great inequalities of wealth and the acceptance of a one-quarter public sector and three-quarters private sector arrangement. A mixed economy there will undoubtedly be, certainly for many decades and perhaps permanently, but it will need to be mixed in very different proportions from this". He also opposed the Bevanites' neutralist foreign policy platform: "Neutrality is essentially a conservative policy, a policy of defeat, of announcing to the world that we have nothing to say to which the world will listen. ... Neutrality could never be acceptable to anyone who believes that he has a universal faith to preach". Jenkins argued that the Labour leadership needed to take on and defeat the neutralists and pacifists in the party; it would be better to risk a split in the party than face "the destruction, by schism, perhaps for a generation, of the whole progressive movement in the country".Between 1951 and 1956 he wrote a weekly column for the Indian newspaper "The Current". Here he advocated progressive reforms such as equal pay, the decriminalisation of homosexuality, the liberalisation of the obscenity laws and the abolition of capital punishment. "Mr Balfour's Poodle", a short account of the House of Lords crisis of 1911 that culminated in the Parliament Act 1911, was published in 1954. Favourable reviewers included A. J. P. Taylor, Harold Nicolson, Leonard Woolf and Violet Bonham Carter. After a suggestion by Mark Bonham Carter, Jenkins then wrote a biography of the Victorian radical, Sir Charles Dilke, which was published in October 1958.During the 1956 Suez Crisis, Jenkins denounced Anthony Eden's "squalid imperialist adventure" at a Labour rally in Birmingham Town Hall. Three years later he claimed that "Suez was a totally unsuccessful attempt to achieve unreasonable and undesirable objectives by methods which were at once reckless and immoral; and the consequences, as was well deserved, were humiliating and disastrous".Jenkins praised Anthony Crosland's 1956 work "The Future of Socialism" as "the most important book on socialist theory" since Evan Durbin's "The Politics of Democratic Socialism" (1940). With much of the economy now nationalised, Jenkins argued, socialists should concentrate on eliminating the remaining pockets of poverty and on the removal of class barriers, as well as promoting libertarian social reforms. Jenkins was principal sponsor, in 1959, of the bill which became the liberalising Obscene Publications Act, responsible for establishing the "liable to deprave and corrupt" criterion as a basis for a prosecution of suspect material and for specifying literary merit as a possible defence.In July 1959 Penguin published Jenkins' "The Labour Case", timed to anticipate the upcoming election. Jenkins argued that Britain's chief danger was that of "living sullenly in the past, of believing that the world has a duty to keep us in the station to which we are accustomed, and showing bitter resentment if it does not do so". He added: "Our neighbours in Europe are roughly our economic and military equals. We would do better to live gracefully with them than to waste our substance by trying unsuccessfully to keep up with the power giants of the modern world". Jenkins claimed that the Attlee government concentrated "too much towards the austerity of fair shares, and too little towards the incentives of free consumers' choice". Although he still believed in the elimination of poverty and more equality, Jenkins now argued that these aims could be achieved by economic growth. In the final chapter ('Is Britain Civilised?') Jenkins set out a list of necessary progressive social reforms: the abolition of the death penalty, decriminalisation of homosexuality, abolition of the Lord Chamberlain's powers of theatre censorship, liberalisation of the licensing and betting laws, liberalisation of the divorce laws, legalisation of abortion, decriminalisation of suicide and more liberal immigration laws. Jenkins concluded:Let us be on the side of those who want people to be free to live their own lives, to make their own mistakes, and to decide, in an adult way and provided they do not infringe the rights of others, the code by which they wish to live; and on the side of experiment and brightness, of better buildings and better food, of better music (jazz as well as Bach) and better books, of fuller lives and greater freedom. In the long run these things will be more important than the most perfect of economic policies.In the aftermath of Labour's 1959 defeat, Jenkins appeared on "Panorama" and argued that Labour should abandon further nationalisation, question its connection with the trade unions and not dismiss a closer association with the Liberal Party. In November he delivered a Fabian Society lecture in which he blamed Labour's defeat on the unpopularity of nationalisation and he repeated this in an article for "The Spectator". His "Spectator" article also called for Britain to accept its diminished place in the world, to grant colonial freedom, to spend more on public services and to promote the right of individuals to live their own lives free from the constraints of popular prejudices and state interference. Jenkins later called it a "good radical programme, although...not a socialist one".In May 1960 Jenkins joined the Campaign for Democratic Socialism, a Gaitskellite pressure group designed to fight against left-wing domination of the Labour Party. In July 1960 Jenkins resigned from his frontbench role in order to be able to campaign freely for British membership of the Common Market. At the 1960 Labour Party conference in Scarborough, Jenkins advocated rewriting Clause IV of the party's constitution but he was booed. In November he wrote in "The Spectator" that "unless the Labour Party is determined to abdicate its role as a mass party and become nothing more than a narrow sectarian society, its paramount task is to represent the whole of the Leftward-thinking half of the country—and to offer the prospect of attracting enough marginal support to give that half some share of power".During 1960–62 his main campaign was British membership of the Common Market, where he became Labour's leading advocate of entry. When Harold Macmillan initiated the first British application to join the Common Market in 1961, Jenkins became deputy chairman of the all-party Common Market Campaign and then chairman of the Labour Common Market Committee. At the 1961 Labour Party conference Jenkins spoke in favour of Britain's entry.Since 1959 Jenkins had been working on a biography of the Liberal Prime Minister, H. H. Asquith. For Jenkins, Asquith ranked with Attlee as the embodiment of the moderate, liberal intelligence in politics that he most admired. Through Asquith's grandson, Mark Bonham Carter, Jenkins had access to Asquith's letters to his mistress, Venetia Stanley. Kenneth Rose, Michael Foot, Asa Briggs and John Grigg all favourably reviewed the book when it was published in October 1964. However, Violet Bonham Carter wrote a defence of her father in "The Times" against the few criticisms of Asquith in the book, and Robert Rhodes James wrote in "The Spectator" that "Asquith was surely a tougher, stronger, more acute man...than Mr. Jenkins would have us believe. The fascinating enigma of his complete decline is never really analysed, nor even understood. ... We required a Sutherland: but we have got an Annigoni". John Campbell claims that "for half a century it has remained unchallenged as the best biography and is rightly regarded as a classic".Like Healey and Crosland, he had been a close friend of Hugh Gaitskell and for them Gaitskell's death and the elevation of Harold Wilson as Labour Party leader was a setback. For Jenkins, Gaitskell would remain his political hero. After the 1964 general election Jenkins was appointed Minister of Aviation and was sworn of the Privy Council. While at Aviation he oversaw the high-profile cancellations of the BAC TSR-2 and Concorde projects (although the latter was later reversed after strong opposition from the French Government). In January 1965 Patrick Gordon Walker resigned as Foreign Secretary and in the ensuing reshuffle Wilson offered Jenkins the Department for Education and Science; however, he declined it, preferring to stay at Aviation.In the summer of 1965 Jenkins eagerly accepted an offer to replace Frank Soskice as Home Secretary. However Wilson, dismayed by a sudden bout of press speculation about the potential move, delayed Jenkins' appointment until December. Once Jenkins took office – the youngest Home Secretary since Churchill – he immediately set about reforming the operation and organisation of the Home Office. The Principal Private Secretary, Head of the Press and Publicity Department and Permanent Under-Secretary were all replaced. He also redesigned his office, famously replacing the board on which condemned prisoners were listed with a fridge.After the 1966 general election, in which Labour won a comfortable majority, Jenkins pushed through a series of police reforms which reduced the number of separate forces from 117 to 49. "The Times" called it "the greatest upheaval in policing since the time of Peel". His visit to Chicago in September (to study their policing methods) convinced him of the need to introduce two-way radios to the police; whereas the Metropolitan Police possessed 25 radios in 1965, Jenkins increased this to 2,500, and provided similar numbers of radios to the rest of the country's police forces. Jenkins also provided the police with more car radios, which made the police more mobile but reduced the amount of time they spent patrolling the streets. His Criminal Justice Act 1967 introduced more stringent controls on the purchase of shotguns, outlawed last-minute alibis and introduced majority verdicts in juries in England and Wales. The Act was also designed to lower the prison population by the introduction of release under licence, easier bail, suspended sentences and earlier parole.Immigration was a divisive and provocative issue during the late 1960s and on 23 May 1966 Jenkins delivered a speech on race relations, which is widely considered to be one of his best. Addressing a London meeting of the National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants he notably defined Integration:Before going on to ask:And concluding that:By the end of 1966, Jenkins was the Cabinet's rising star; the "Guardian" called him the best Home Secretary of the century "and quite possibly the best since Peel", the "Sunday Times" called him Wilson's most likeliest successor and the "New Statesman" labelled him "Labour's Crown Prince".In a speech to the London Labour Conference in May 1967, Jenkins said his vision was of "a more civilised, more free and less hidebound society" and he further claimed that "to enlarge the area of individual choice, socially, politically and economically, not just for a few but for the whole community, is very much what democratic socialism is about". He gave strong personal support to David Steel's Private Member's Bill for the legalisation of abortion, which became the Abortion Act 1967, telling the Commons that "the existing law on abortion is uncertain and...harsh and archaic", adding that "the law is consistently flouted by those who have the means to do so. It is, therefore, very much a question of one law for the rich and one law for the poor". When the Bill looked likely to be dropped due to insufficient time, Jenkins helped ensure that it received enough parliamentary time to pass and he voted for it in every division.Jenkins also supported Leo Abse's bill for the decriminalisation of homosexuality, which became the Sexual Offences Act 1967. Jenkins told the Commons: "It would be a mistake to think...that by what we are doing tonight we are giving a vote of confidence or congratulation to homosexuality. Those who suffer from this disability carry a great weight of loneliness, guilt and shame. The crucial question...is, should we add to those disadvantages the full rigour of the criminal law? By its overwhelming decisions, the House has given a fairly clear answer, and I hope that the Bill will now make rapid progress towards the Statute Book. It will be an important and civilising Measure".Jenkins also abolished the use of flogging in prisons. In July 1967 Jenkins recommended to the Home Affairs Select Committee a bill to end the Lord Chamberlain's power to censor the theatre. This was passed as the Theatres Act 1968 under Jenkins' successor as Home Secretary, James Callaghan. Jenkins also announced that he would introduce legislation banning racial discrimination in employment, which was embodied in the Race Relations Act 1968 passed under Callaghan. In October 1967 Jenkins planned to introduce legislation that would enable him to keep out the 20,000 Kenyan Asians who held British passports (this was passed four months later under Callaghan as the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1968, which was based on Jenkins' draft).Jenkins is often seen as responsible for the most wide-ranging social reforms of the late 1960s, with popular historian Andrew Marr claiming "the greatest changes of the Labour years" were thanks to Jenkins. These reforms would not have happened when they did, earlier than in most other European countries, if Jenkins had not supported them. In a speech in Abingdon in July 1969, Jenkins said that the "permissive society" had been allowed to become a dirty phrase: "A better phrase is the 'civilized society', based on the belief that different individuals will wish to make different decisions about their patterns of behaviour and that, provided these do not restrict the freedom of others, they should be allowed to do so within a framework of understanding and tolerance". Jenkins' words were immediately reported in the press as "The permissive society is the civilised society", which he later wrote "was not all that far from my meaning".For some conservatives, such as Peter Hitchens, Jenkins' reforms remain objectionable. In his book "The Abolition of Britain", Hitchens accuses him of being a "cultural revolutionary" who takes a large part of the responsibility for the decline of "traditional values" in Britain. During the 1980s Margaret Thatcher and Norman Tebbit would blame Jenkins for family breakdowns, the decline of respect for authority and the decline of social responsibility. Jenkins replied by pointing out that Thatcher, with her large parliamentary majorities, never attempted to reverse his reforms.From 1967 to 1970 Jenkins served as Chancellor of the Exchequer, replacing James Callaghan following the devaluation crisis of November 1967. Jenkins' ultimate goal as Chancellor was economic growth, which depended on restoring stability to sterling at its new value after devaluation. This could only be achieved by ensuring a surplus in the balance of payments, which had been in a deficit for the previous five years. Therefore, Jenkins pursued deflation, including cuts in public expenditure and increases in taxation, in order to ensure that resources went into exports rather than domestic consumption. Jenkins warned the House of Commons in January 1968 that there was "two years of hard slog ahead".He quickly gained a reputation as a particularly tough Chancellor with his 1968 budget increasing taxes by £923 million, more than twice the increase of any previous budget to date. Jenkins had warned the Cabinet that a second devaluation would occur in three months if his budget did not restore confidence in sterling. He restored prescription charges (which had been abolished when Labour returned to office in 1964) and postponed the raising of the school leaving age to 16 to 1973 instead of 1971. Housing and road building plans were also heavily cut, and he also accelerated Britain's withdrawal East of Suez. Jenkins ruled out increasing the income tax and so raised the taxes on: drinks and cigarettes (except on beer), purchase tax, petrol duty, road tax, a 50 per cent rise in Selective Employment Tax and a one-off Special Charge on personal incomes. He also paid for an increase in family allowances by cutting child tax allowances.Despite Edward Heath claiming it was a "hard, cold budget, without any glimmer of warmth" Jenkins' first budget broadly received a warm reception, with Harold Wilson remarking that "it was widely acclaimed as a speech of surpassing quality and elegance" and Barbara Castle that it "took everyone's breath away". Richard Crossman said it was "genuinely based on socialist principles, fair in the fullest sense by really helping people at the bottom of the scale and by really taxing the wealthy". In his budget broadcast on 19 March, Jenkins said that Britain had been living in a "fool's paradise" for years and that it was "importing too much, exporting too little and paying ourselves too much", with a lower standard of living than France or West Germany.Jenkins' supporters in the Parliamentary Labour Party became known as the "Jenkinsites". These were usually younger, middle-class and university-educated ex-Gaitskellites such as Bill Rodgers, David Owen, Roy Hattersley, Dick Taverne, John Mackintosh and David Marquand. In May–July 1968 some of his supporters, led by Patrick Gordon Walker and Christopher Mayhew, plotted to replace Wilson with Jenkins as Labour leader but he declined to challenge Wilson. A year later his supporters again attempted to persuade Jenkins to challenge Wilson for the party leadership but he again declined. He later wrote in his memoirs that the 1968 plot was "for me...the equivalent of the same season of 1953 for Rab Butler. Having faltered for want of single-minded ruthlessness when there was no alternative to himself, he then settled down to a career punctuated by increasingly wide misses of the premiership. People who effectively seize the prime ministership – Lloyd George, Macmillan, Mrs Thatcher – do not let such moments slip".In April 1968, with Britain's reserves declining by approximately £500 million every quarter, Jenkins went to Washington to obtain a $1,400 million loan from the International Monetary Fund. Following a further sterling crisis in November 1968 Jenkins was forced to raise taxes by a further £250 million. After this the currency markets slowly began to settle and his 1969 budget represented more of the same with a £340 million increase in taxation to further limit consumption.By May 1969 Britain's current account position was in surplus, thanks to a growth in exports, a drop in overall consumption and, in part, the Inland Revenue correcting a previous underestimation in export figures. In July Jenkins was also able to announce that the size of Britain's foreign currency reserves had been increased by almost $1 billion since the beginning of the year. It was at this time that he presided over Britain's only excess of government revenue over expenditure in the period 1936–7 to 1987–8. Thanks in part to these successes there was a high expectation that the 1970 budget would be a more generous one. Jenkins, however, was cautious about the stability of Britain's recovery and decided to present a more muted and fiscally neutral budget. It is often argued that this, combined with a series of bad trade figures, contributed to the Conservative victory at the 1970 general election. Historians and economists have often praised Jenkins for presiding over the transformation in Britain's fiscal and current account positions towards the end of the 1960s. Andrew Marr, for example, described him as one of the 20th century's "most successful chancellors". Alec Cairncross considered Jenkins "the ablest of the four Chancellors I served".Public expenditure as a proportion of GDP rose from 44 per cent in 1964 to around 50 per cent in 1970. Despite Jenkins' warnings about inflation, wage settlements in 1969–70 increased on average by 13 per cent and contributed to the high inflation of the early 1970s and consequently negated most of Jenkins' efforts to obtain a balance of payments surplus.After Labour unexpectedly lost power in 1970 Jenkins was appointed Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer by Harold Wilson. Jenkins was also subsequently elected to the deputy leadership of the Labour Party in July 1970, defeating future Labour Leader Michael Foot and former Leader of the Commons Fred Peart at the first ballot. At this time he appeared the natural successor to Harold Wilson, and it appeared to many only a matter of time before he inherited the leadership of the party, and the opportunity to become Prime Minister.This changed completely, however, as Jenkins refused to accept the tide of anti-European feeling that became prevalent in the Labour Party in the early 1970s. After a special conference on the EEC was held by the Labour Party on 17 July 1971, but from which Jenkins was forbidden from addressing, he delivered one of the most powerful speeches of his career. Jenkins told a meeting of the Parliamentary Labour Party on 19 July: "At conference the only alternative [to the EEC] we heard was 'socialism in one country'. That is always good for a cheer. Pull up the drawbridge and revolutionize the fortress. That's not a policy either: it's just a slogan, and it is one which becomes not merely unconvincing but hypocritical as well when it is dressed up as our best contribution to international socialism". This reopened the old Bevanite–Gaitskellite divide in the Party; Wilson told Tony Benn the day after Jenkins' speech that he was determined to smash the Campaign for Democratic Socialism.At the 1971 Labour Party conference in Brighton, the NEC's motion to reject the "Tory terms" of entry into the EEC was carried by a large majority. Jenkins told a fringe meeting that this would have no effect on his continued support for Britain's entry. Benn said Jenkins was "the figure dominating this Conference; there is no question about it". On 28 October 1971, he led 69 Labour MPs through the division lobby in support of the Heath government's motion to take Britain into the EEC. In so-doing they were defying a three-line whip and a five-to-one vote at the Labour Party annual conference. Jenkins later wrote: "I was convinced that it was one of the decisive votes of the century, and had no intention of spending the rest of my life answering the question of what did I do in the great division by saying 'I abstained'. I saw it in the context of the first Reform Bill, the repeal of the Corn Laws, Gladstone's Home Rule Bills, the Lloyd George Budget and the Parliament Bill, the Munich Agreement and the May 1940 votes".Jenkins' action gave the European cause a legitimacy that would have otherwise been absent had the issue been considered solely as a party political matter. However, he was now regarded by the left as a "traitor". James Margach wrote in the "Sunday Times": "The unconcealed objective of the Left now is either to humiliate Roy Jenkins and his allies into submission – or drive them from the party". At this stage, however, Jenkins would not fully abandon his position as a political insider, and chose to stand again for deputy leader, an act his colleague David Marquand claimed he later came to regret. Jenkins promised not to vote with the government again and he narrowly defeated Michael Foot on a second ballot.In accordance with the party whip, Jenkins voted against European Communities Bill 55 times. However, he resigned both the deputy leadership and his shadow cabinet position in April 1972, after the party committed itself to holding a referendum on Britain's membership of the EEC. This led to some former admirers, including Roy Hattersley, choosing to distance themselves from Jenkins. Hattersley later claimed that Jenkins' resignation was "the moment when the old Labour coalition began to collapse and the eventual formation of a new centre party became inevitable". In his resignation letter to Wilson, Jenkins said that if there were a referendum "the Opposition would form a temporary coalition of those who, whatever their political views, were against the proposed action. By this means we would have forged a more powerful continuing weapon against progressive legislation than anything we have known in this country since the curbing of the absolute powers of the old House of Lords".Jenkins' lavish lifestyle — Wilson once described him as "more a socialite than a socialist" — had already alienated much of the Labour Party from him. Wilson accused him of having an affair with socialite Ann Fleming - and it was true.In May 1972 he collected the Charlemagne Prize, which he had been awarded for promoting European unity. In September an ORC opinion poll found that there was considerable public support for an alliance between the 'moderate' wing of the Labour Party and the Liberals; 35 per cent said they would vote for a Labour–Liberal alliance, 27 per cent for the Conservatives and 23.5 per cent for 'Socialist Labour'. "The Times" claimed that there were "twelve million Jenkinsites". During the spring and summer of 1972, Jenkins delivered a series of speeches designed to set out his leadership credentials. These were published in September under the title "What Matters Now", which sold well. In the book's postscript, Jenkins said that Labour should not be a narrow socialist party advocating unpopular left-wing policies but must aim to "represent the hopes and aspirations of the whole leftward thinking half of the country", adding that a "broad-based, international, radical, generous-minded party could quickly seize the imagination of a disillusioned and uninspired British public".After Dick Taverne's victory in the 1973 Lincoln by-election, where he stood as "Democratic Labour" in opposition to the official Labour candidate, Jenkins gave a speech to the Oxford University Labour Club denouncing the idea of a new centre party. Jenkins was elected to the shadow cabinet in November 1973 as Shadow Home Secretary. During the February 1974 election, Jenkins rallied to Labour and his campaign was described by David Butler and Dennis Kavanagh as sounding "a note of civilised idealism". Jenkins was disappointed that the Liberal candidate in his constituency won 6000 votes; he wrote in his memoirs that "I already regarded myself as such a closet Liberal that I naïvely thought they ought nearly all to have come to me".Jenkins wrote a series of biographical essays that appeared in "The Times" during 1971–74 and which were published as "Nine Men of Power" in 1974. Jenkins chose Gaitskell, Ernest Bevin, Stafford Cripps, Adlai Stevenson II, Robert F. Kennedy, Joseph McCarthy, Lord Halifax, Léon Blum and John Maynard Keynes. In 1971 Jenkins delivered three lectures on foreign policy at Yale University, published a year later as "Afternoon on the Potomac?"When Labour returned to power in early 1974, Jenkins was appointed Home Secretary for the second time. Earlier, he had been promised the treasury; however, Wilson later decided to appoint Denis Healey as Chancellor instead. Upon hearing from Bernard Donoughue that Wilson had reneged on his promise, Jenkins reacted angrily. Despite being on a public staircase, he is reported to have shouted "You tell Harold Wilson he must bloody well come to see me ...and if he doesn't watch out, I won't join his bloody government ... This is typical of the bloody awful way Harold Wilson does things!" The Jenkinsites were dismayed by Jenkins' refusal to insist upon the Chancellorship and began to look elsewhere for leadership, thus ending the Jenkinsites as a united group.Jenkins served from 1974 to 1976. Whereas during his first period as Home Secretary in the 1960s the atmosphere had been optimistic and confident, the climate of the 1970s was much more fractious and disillusioned. After two Northern Irish sisters, Marian Price and Dolours Price, were imprisoned for 20 years for the 1973 Old Bailey bombing, they went on hunger strike in order to be transferred to a prison in Northern Ireland. In a television broadcast in June 1974, Jenkins announced that he would refuse to give in to their demands, although in March 1975 he discreetly transferred them to a Northern Irish prison.He undermined his previous liberal credentials to some extent by pushing through the controversial Prevention of Terrorism Act in the aftermath of the Birmingham pub bombings of November 1974, which, among other things, extended the length of time suspects could be held in custody and instituted exclusion orders. Jenkins also resisted calls for the death penalty to be restored for terrorist murderers. On 4 December he told the Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland that "everything he heard made him more convinced that Northern Ireland had nothing to do with the rest of the UK". When reviewing Garret FitzGerald's memoirs in 1991, Jenkins proclaimed: "My natural prejudices, such as they are, are much more green than orange. I am a poor unionist, believing intuitively that even Paisley and Haughey are better at dealing with each other than the English are with either".The Sex Discrimination Act 1975 (which legislated for gender equality and set up the Equal Opportunities Commission) and the Race Relations Act 1976 (which extended to private clubs the outlawing of racial discrimination and founded the Commission for Racial Equality) were two notable achievements during his second time as Home Secretary.Jenkins opposed Michael Foot's attempts to grant pickets the right to stop lorries during strikes and he was dismayed by Anthony Crosland's decision to grant an amnesty to the 11 Labour councillors at Clay Cross who had been surcharged for refusing to increase council rents in accordance with the Conservatives' Housing Finance Act 1972. After two trade unionists, Ricky Tomlinson and Des Warren (known as the "Shrewsbury Two"), were imprisoned for intimidation and affray for their part in a strike, Jenkins refused to accede to demands from the labour movement that they should be released. This demonstrated Jenkins' increasing estrangement from much of the labour movement and for a time he was heckled in public by people chanting "Free the Two". Jenkins also unsuccessfully tried to persuade the Cabinet to adopt electoral reform in the form of proportional representation and to have the Official Secrets Act 1911 liberalised to facilitate more open government.Although becoming increasingly disillusioned during this time by what he considered the party's drift to the left, he was the leading Labour figure in the EEC referendum of June 1975 (and was also president of the 'Yes' campaign). In September 1974 he had followed Shirley Williams in stating that he "could not stay in a Cabinet which had to carry out withdrawal" from the EEC. During the referendum campaign, Tony Benn claimed that 500,000 jobs had been lost due to Britain's membership; Jenkins replied on 27 May that "I find it increasingly difficult to take Mr Benn seriously as an economics minister". He added that Britain outside the EEC would enter "an old people's home for fading nations. ... I do not even think it would be a comfortable or agreeable old people's home. I do not much like the look of some of the prospective wardens". The two men debated Britain's membership together on "Panorama", which was chaired by David Dimbleby. According to David Butler and Uwe Kitzinger, "they achieved a decidedly more lucid and intricate level of discussion than is commonly seen on political television". Jenkins found it congenial to work with the centrists of all parties in the campaign and the 'Yes' campaign won by two to one.After the referendum, Wilson demoted Benn to Energy Secretary and attempted to balance the downgrading of Benn with the dismissal of the right-wing minister Reg Prentice from the Department of Education, despite already promising Jenkins that he had no intention of sacking Prentice. Jenkins threatened to resign if Prentice was sacked, telling Wilson that he was "a squalid little man who was using squalid little arguments in order to explain why he was performing so much below the level of events". Wilson quickly backed down. In September Jenkins delivered a speech in Prentice's constituency of Newham to demonstrate solidarity with him after he was threatened with deselection by left-wingers in the constituency party. Jenkins was heckled by both far-left and far-right demonstrators and he was hit in the chest by a flour bomb thrown by a member of the National Front. Jenkins warned that if Prentice was deselected "it is not just the local party that is undermining its own foundations by ignoring the beliefs and feelings of ordinary people, the whole legitimate Labour Party, left as well as right, is crippled if extremists have their way". He added that if "tolerance is shattered formidable consequences will follow. Labour MPs will either have to become creatures of cowardice, concealing their views, trimming their sails, accepting orders, stilling their consciences, or they will all have to be men far far to the left of those whose votes they seek. Either would make a mockery of parliamentary democracy".In January 1976 he further distanced himself from the left with a speech in Anglesey, where he repudiated ever-higher public spending: "I do not think you can push public expenditure significantly above 60 per cent [of GNP] and maintain the values of a plural society with adequate freedom of choice. We are here close to one of the frontiers of social democracy". A former supporter, Roy Hattersley, distanced himself from Jenkins after this speech.In May 1976 he told the Police Federation conference to "be prepared first to look at the evidence and to recognize how little the widespread use of prison reduces our crime or deals effectively with many of the individuals concerned". He also responded to the Federation's proposals on law and order: "I respect your right to put them to me. You will no doubt respect my right to tell you that I do not think all the points in sum amount to a basis for a rational penal policy".When Wilson suddenly resigned as Prime Minister in March 1976, Jenkins was one of six candidates for the leadership of the Labour Party but came third in the first ballot, behind Callaghan and Michael Foot. Realising that his vote was lower than expected, and sensing that the parliamentary party was in no mood to overlook his actions five years before, he immediately withdrew from the contest. On issues such as the EEC, trade union reform and economic policy he had proclaimed views opposite to those held by the majority of Labour Party activists, and his libertarian social views were at variance with the majority of Labour voters. A famous story alleged that when one of Jenkins' supporters canvassed a group of miners' MPs in the Commons' tea-room, he was told: "Nay, lad, we're all Labour here".Jenkins had wanted to become Foreign Secretary, but Foot warned Callaghan that the party would not accept the pro-European Jenkins as Foreign Secretary. Callaghan instead offered Jenkins the Treasury in six months' time (when it would be possible to move Denis Healey to the Foreign Office). Jenkins turned the offer down. Jenkins then accepted an appointment as President of the European Commission (succeeding François-Xavier Ortoli) after Callaghan appointed Anthony Crosland to the Foreign Office.In an interview with "The Times" in January 1977, Jenkins said that: "My wish is to build an effective united Europe. ... I want to move towards a more effectively organized Europe politically and economically and as far as I am concerned I want to go faster, not slower". The main development overseen by the Jenkins Commission was the development of the Economic and Monetary Union of the European Union from 1977, which began in 1979 as the European Monetary System, a forerunner of the Single Currency or Euro. His biographer calls Jenkins "the godfather of the euro" and claims that among his successors only Jacques Delors has made more impact.In speech in Florence in October 1977, Jenkins argued that monetary union would facilitate "a more efficient and developed rationalisation of industry and commerce than is possible under a Customs Union alone". He added that "a major new international currency" would form "a joint and alternative pillar of the world monetary system" which would lead to greater international stability. Monetary union would also combat inflation by controlling the money supply. Jenkins conceded that this would involve the diminution of national sovereignty but he pointed out that "governments which do not discipline themselves already find themselves accepting very sharp surveillance" from the IMF. Monetary union would also promote employment and diminish regional differences. Jenkins ended the speech by quoting Jean Monnet's statement that politics was "not only the art of the possible, but...the art of making possible tomorrow what may seem impossible today".President Jenkins was the first President to attend a G8 summit on behalf of the Community. He received an Honorary Degree (Doctor of Laws) from the University of Bath in 1978.In October 1978 "Tribune" reported (falsely) that Jenkins and his wife had not paid their Labour Party subscription for several years. After this was repeated in the national press, Jenkins' drafted his wife's letter to "The Times" that refuted the allegation. Jenkins blamed the story on a "malicious Trot in the North Kensington Labour Party". Jenkins was disillusioned with the Labour Party and he was almost certain that he could not stand again as a Labour candidate; in January 1979 he told Shirley Williams that the "big mistake we had made was not to go and support Dick Taverne in 1973; everything had got worse since then".He did not vote in the 1979 election. After the Conservatives won the election Margaret Thatcher contemplated appointing Jenkins Chancellor of the Exchequer on the strength of his success at cutting public expenditure when he was Chancellor. However, his friend Woodrow Wyatt claimed that Jenkins "had other and fresh fish to fry".The Director-General of the BBC, Ian Trethowan, invited Jenkins to deliver the Richard Dimbleby Lecture for 1979, which he did on 22 November. The title Jenkins gave to his lecture, "Home Thoughts from Abroad", derived from a Robert Browning poem. He delivered it in the Royal Society of Arts and it was broadcast live on television. Jenkins analysed the decline of the two-party system since 1951 and criticised the excessive partisanship of British politics, which he claimed alienated the bulk of voters, who were more centrist. He advocated proportional representation and the acceptance of "the broad line of division between the public and private sectors", a middle way between Thatcherism and Bennism. Jenkins said that the private sector should be encouraged without too much interference to create as much wealth as possible "but use the wealth so created both to give a return for enterprise and to spread the benefits throughout society in a way that avoids the disfigurements of poverty, gives a full priority to public education and health services, and encourages co-operation and not conflict in industry and throughout society". He then reiterated his long-standing commitment to libertarianism:You also make sure that the state knows its place...in relation to the citizen. You are in favour of the right of dissent and the liberty of private conduct. You are against unnecessary centralization and bureaucracy. You want to devolve decision-making wherever you sensibly can. ... You want the nation to be self-confident and outward-looking, rather than insular, xenophobic and suspicious. You want the class system to fade without being replaced either by an aggressive and intolerant proletarianism or by the dominance of the brash and selfish values of a 'get rich quick' society. ... These are some of the objectives which I believe could be assisted by a strengthening of the radical centre."The Listener" reprinted the text along with assessments by Enoch Powell, Paul Johnson, Jack Jones, J. A. G. Griffith, Bernard Crick, Neil Kinnock and Jo Grimond. They were all critical; Kinnock thought him misguided as Britain had already suffered from centrist rule for thirty years and Grimond complained that Jenkins' clarion call had come 20 years too late.Jenkins' last year as President of the European Commission was dominated by Margaret Thatcher's fight for a rebate on Britain's contribution to the EEC budget. He believed that the quarrel was unnecessary and regretted that it soured Britain's relationship with the Community for years. In November 1980 Jenkins delivered the Winston Churchill memorial lecture in Luxembourg, where he proposed a solution to the British budgetary question. The proportion of the Community's budget spent on agriculture should be reduced by extending Community spending into new areas where Britain would receive more benefit, such as regional spending. The size of the Community's budget would, in his scheme, be tripled by transferring from the nation states to the Community competence over social and industrial policy.After his Dimbleby Lecture, Jenkins increasingly favoured the formation of a new social democratic party. He publicly aired these views in a speech to the Parliamentary Press Gallery in June 1980, where he repeated his criticisms of the two-party system and attacked Labour's move to the left. At the previous month's Wembley conference, Labour had adopted a programme which included non-cooperation with the EEC and "a near neutralist and unilateralist" defence policy that would, Jenkins argued, render meaningless Britain's NATO membership. Labour's proposals for further nationalisation and anti-private enterprise policies, Jenkins claimed, were more extreme than in any other democratic country and it was not "by any stretch of the imagination a social democratic programme". He added that a new party could reshape politics and lead to the "rapid revival of liberal social democratic Britain".The Labour Party conference at Blackpool in September 1980 adopted a unilateralist defence policy, withdrawal from the EEC and further nationalisation, along with Tony Benn's demands for the mandatory reselection of MPs and an electoral college to elect the party leader. In November Labour MPs elected the left-winger Michael Foot over the right-wing Denis Healey and in January 1981 Labour's Wembley conference decided that the electoral college that would elect the leader would give the trade unions 40 per cent of the vote, with MPs and constituency parties 30 per cent each. Jenkins then joined David Owen, Bill Rodgers and Shirley Williams (known as the "Gang of Four") in issuing the Limehouse Declaration. This called for the "realignment of British politics". They then formed the Social Democratic Party (SDP) on 26 March.Jenkins delivered a series of speeches setting out the SDP's alternative to Thatcherism and Bennism and argued that the solution to Britain's economic troubles lay in the revenue from North Sea oil, which should be invested in public services. He attempted to re-enter Parliament at the Warrington by-election in July 1981 and campaigned on a six-point programme which he put forward as a Keynesian alternative to Thatcherism and Labour's "siege economy", but Labour retained the seat with a small majority. Despite it being a defeat, the by-election demonstrated that the SDP was a serious force. Jenkins said after the count that it was the first parliamentary election that he had lost in many years, but was "by far the greatest victory in which I have ever participated".At the SDP's first annual conference in October 1981, Jenkins called for "an end to the futile frontier war between public and private sectors" and proposed an "inflation tax" on excessive pay rises that would restrain spiralling wages and prices. After achieving this, an SDP government would be able to embark on economic expansion to reduce unemployment.In March 1982 he fought the Glasgow Hillhead by-election, in what had previously been a Conservative-held seat. Polls at the beginning of the campaign put Jenkins in third place but after a series of ten well-attended public meetings which Jenkins addressed, the tide began to turn in Jenkins' favour and he was elected with a majority of just over 2000 on a swing of 19 per cent. The evening after his victory in Hillhead Jenkins told a celebration dinner of 200 party members held at the North British Hotel in Edinburgh "that the SDP had a great opportunity to become the majority party". Jenkins' first intervention in the House of Commons following his election, on 31 March, was seen as a disappointment. The Conservative MP Alan Clark wrote in his diary:Jenkins, with excessive and almost unbearable gravitas, asked three very heavy statesman-like non-party-political questions of the PM. I suppose he is very formidable, but he was so portentous and long-winded that he started to lose the sympathy of the House about half way through and the barracking resumed. The Lady replied quite brightly and freshly, as if she did not particularly know who he was, or care.Whereas earlier in his career Jenkins had excelled in the traditional set-piece debates in which he spoke from the dispatch box, the focus of parliamentary reporting had now moved to the point-scoring of Prime Minister's Questions, which he struggled with. Seated in the traditional place for third parties in the Commons (the second or third row below the gangway), and without a dispatch box and the gravitas it could have conferred, Jenkins was situated near (and shared the same microphone with) Labour's "awkward squad" that included Dennis Skinner and Bob Cryer, who regularly heckled abuse ("Roy, your flies are undone").Seven days after Jenkins' by-election victory Argentina invaded the Falklands and the subsequent Falklands War transformed British politics, increased substantially the public's support for the Conservatives and ended any chance that Jenkins' election would reinvigorate the SDP's support. In the SDP leadership election, Jenkins was elected with 56.44 of the vote, with David Owen coming second. During the 1983 election campaign his position as the prime minister-designate for the SDP-Liberal Alliance was questioned by his close colleagues, as his campaign style was now regarded as ineffective; the Liberal leader David Steel was considered to have a greater rapport with the electorate. Jenkins held on to his seat in Hillhead, which was the subject of boundary changes. While on the old boundaries the Conservatives had held the seat prior to Jenkins' victory, it was estimated by the BBC and ITN that on the new boundaries Labour would have captured the seat with a majority of just over 2,000 votes in 1979. Jenkins was challenged by Neil Carmichael, the sitting Labour MP for the Glasgow Kelvingrove constituency which had been abolished and a ministerial colleague of Jenkins in the Wilson governments. Jenkins defeated Carmichael by 1,164 votes to retain his seat in the House of Commons. According to "The Glasgow Herald" Labour supporters at the election count in the Kelvin Hall booed and jeered when Jenkins' victory was announced, and he and his wife were "dismayed as police pushed back jostling crowds."After the general election Owen succeeded him unopposed. Jenkins was disappointed with Owen's move to the right, and his acceptance and backing of some of Thatcher's policies. At heart, Jenkins remained an unrepentant Keynesian. In his July 1984 Tawney Lecture, Jenkins said that the "whole spirit and outlook" of the SDP "must be profoundly opposed to Thatcherism. It could not go along with the fatalism of the Government's acceptance of massive unemployment". He also delivered a series of speeches in the Commons attacking the Thatcherite policies of the Chancellor, Nigel Lawson. Jenkins called for more government intervention to support industry and for North Sea oil revenues to be channelled into a major programme of rebuilding Britain's infrastructure and into educating a skilled workforce. He also attacked the Thatcher government for failing to join the European Exchange Rate Mechanism.In 1985 he wrote to "The Times" to advocate the closing down of the political surveillance role of MI5. During the controversy surrounding Peter Wright's "Spycatcher", in which he alleged that Harold Wilson had been a Soviet spy, Jenkins rubbished the allegation and reiterated his call for the end of MI5's powers of political survelliance.In 1986 he won "The Spectator"'s Parliamentarian of the Year award. He continued to serve as SDP Member of Parliament for Glasgow Hillhead until his defeat at the 1987 general election by the Labour candidate George Galloway, after boundary changes in 1983 had changed the character of the constituency. After his defeat was announced, "The Glasgow Herald" reported that he indicated he would not stand for parliament again in the future.In 1986 appeared his biography of Harry S. Truman and the following year his biography of Stanley Baldwin was published.From 1987, Jenkins remained in politics as a member of the House of Lords as a life peer with the title Baron Jenkins of Hillhead, of Pontypool in the County of Gwent. Also in 1987, Jenkins was elected Chancellor of the University of Oxford. He was leader of the Liberal Democrats in the Lords from 1988 until 1997.In 1988 he fought and won an amendment to the Education Reform Act 1988, guaranteeing academic freedom of speech in further and higher education establishments. This affords and protects the right of students and academics to "question and test received wisdom" and has been incorporated into the statutes or articles and instruments of governance of all universities and colleges in Britain.In 1991 his memoirs, "A Life at the Centre", was published by Macmillan, who paid Jenkins an £130,000 advance. He was magnanimous to most of those colleagues with whom he had clashed in the past, except for David Owen, whom he blamed for destroying the idealism and cohesion of the SDP. In the last chapter ('Establishment Whig or Persistent Radical?') he reaffirmed his radicalism, placing himself "somewhat to the left of James Callaghan, maybe Denis Healey and certainly of David Owen". He also proclaimed his political credo:My broad position remains firmly libertarian, sceptical of official cover-ups and uncompromisingly internationalist, believing sovereignty to be an almost total illusion in the modern world, although both expecting and welcoming the continuance of strong differences in national traditions and behaviour. I distrust the deification of the enterprise culture. I think there are more limitations to the wisdom of the market than were dreamt of in Mrs Thatcher's philosophy. I believe that levels of taxation on the prosperous, having been too high for many years (including my own period at the Treasury), are now too low for the provision of decent public services. And I think the privatisation of near monopolies is about as irrelevant as (and sometimes worse than) were the Labour Party's proposals for further nationalisation in the 1970s and early 1980s."A Life at the Centre" was generally favourably reviewed: in the "Times Literary Supplement" John Grigg said it was a "marvellous account of high politics by a participant writing with honesty, irony and sustained narrative verve". In "The Spectator" Anthony Quinton remarked that Jenkins was "not afraid to praise himself and earns the right to do so by unfudged self-criticism". However, there were critical voices: John Smith in "The Scotsman" charged that Jenkins never had any loyalty to the Labour Party and was an ambitious careerist intent only on furthering his career. John Campbell claims that "A Life at the Centre" is now generally recognised as one of the best political memoirs. David Cannadine ranked it alongside Duff Cooper's "Old Men Forget", R. A. Butler's "The Art of the Possible" and Denis Healey's "The Time of My Life" as one of the four best political memoirs of the post-war period.In 1993, he was appointed to the Order of Merit. Also that year, his "Portraits and Miniatures" was published. The main body of the book is a set of 6 biographical essays (Rab Butler, Aneurin Bevan, Iain Macleod, Dean Acheson, Konrad Adenauer, Charles de Gaulle), along with lectures, articles and book reviews.A television documentary about Jenkins was made by Michael Cockerell, titled "Roy Jenkins: A Very Social Democrat", and broadcast on 26 May 1996. Although an admiring portrait overall, Cockerell was frank about Jenkins' affairs and both Jenkins and his wife believed that Cockerell had betrayed their hospitality.Jenkins hailed Tony Blair's election as Labour Party leader in July 1994 as "the most exciting Labour choice since the election of Hugh Gaitskell". He argued that Blair should stick "to a constructive line on Europe, in favour of sensible constitutional innovation...and in favour of friendly relations with the Liberal Democrats". He added that he hoped Blair would not move Labour further to the right: "Good work has been done in freeing it from nationalisation and other policies. But the market cannot solve everything and it would be a pity to embrace the stale dogmas of Thatcherism just when their limitations are becoming obvious".Jenkins and Blair had been in touch since the latter's time as Shadow Home Secretary, when he admired Jenkins' reforming tenure at the Home Office. Jenkins told Paddy Ashdown in October 1995: "I think Tony treats me as a sort of father figure in politics. He comes to me a lot for advice, particularly about how to construct a Government". Jenkins tried to persuade Blair that the division in the centre-left vote between the Labour and Liberal parties had enabled the Conservatives to dominate the 20th century, whereas if the two left-wing parties entered into an electoral pact and adopted proportional representation, they could dominate the 21st century. Jenkins was an influence on the thinking of New Labour and both Peter Mandelson and Roger Liddle in their 1996 work "The Blair Revolution" and Philip Gould in his "Unfinished Revolution" recognised Jenkins' influence.Before the 1997 election, Blair had promised an enquiry into electoral reform. In December 1997, Jenkins was appointed chair of a Government-appointed Independent Commission on the Voting System, which became known as the "Jenkins Commission", to consider alternative voting systems for the UK. The Jenkins Commission reported in favour of a new uniquely British mixed-member proportional system called "Alternative vote top-up" or "limited AMS" in October 1998, although no action was taken on this recommendation. Blair told Ashdown that Jenkins' recommendations would not pass the Cabinet.British membership of the European single currency, Jenkins believed, was the supreme test of Blair's statesmanship. However, he was disappointed with Blair's timidity in taking on the Eurosceptic tabloid press. He told Blair in October 1997: "You have to choose between leading Europe or having Murdoch on your side. You can have one but not both". Jenkins was also critical of New Labour's authoritarianism, such as the watering down of the Freedom of Information Act 2000 and their intention to ban fox hunting. By the end of his life Jenkins believed that Blair had wasted his enormous parliamentary majority and would not be recorded in history as a great Prime Minister; he ranked him between Harold Wilson and Stanley Baldwin.After Gordon Brown attacked Oxford University for indulging in "old school tie" prejudices because it rejected a state-educated pupil, Laura Spence, Jenkins told the House of Lords in June 2000 that "Brown's diatribe was born of prejudice out of ignorance. Nearly every fact he adduced was false". Jenkins voted for the equalisation of the homosexual age of consent and for repealing Section 28.Jenkins wrote 19 books, including a biography of Gladstone (1995), which won the 1995 Whitbread Award for Biography, and a much-acclaimed biography of Winston Churchill (2001). His then-designated official biographer, Andrew Adonis, was to have finished the Churchill biography had Jenkins not survived the heart surgery he underwent towards the end of its writing. The popular historian Paul Johnson called it the best one-volume biography on its subject.Jenkins underwent heart surgery in the form of a heart valve replacement on 12 October 2000 and postponed his 80th birthday celebrations whilst recovering, by having a celebratory party on 7 March 2001. He died on 5 January 2003, after suffering a heart attack at his home at East Hendred, in Oxfordshire. His last words, to his wife, were, "Two eggs, please, lightly poached". At the time of his death Jenkins was starting work on a biography of US President Franklin D. Roosevelt.After his death, Blair paid tribute to "one of the most remarkable people ever to grace British politics", who had "intellect, vision and an integrity that saw him hold firm to his beliefs of moderate social democracy, liberal reform and the cause of Europe throughout his life. He was a friend and support to me". James Callaghan and Edward Heath also paid tribute and Tony Benn said that as "a founder of the SDP he was probably the grandfather of New Labour". However, he was strongly criticised by others including Denis Healey, who condemned the SDP split as a "disaster" for the Labour Party which prolonged their time in opposition and allowed the Tories to have an unbroken run of 18 years in government.The Professor of Government at Oxford University, Vernon Bogdanor, provided an assessment in "The Guardian":Roy Jenkins was both radical and contemporary; and this made him the most influential exponent of the progressive creed in politics in postwar Britain. Moreover, the political creed for which he stood belongs as much to the future as to the past. For Jenkins was the prime mover in the creation of a form of social democracy which, being internationalist, is peculiarly suited to the age of globalisation and, being liberal, will prove to have more staying power than the statism of Lionel Jospin or the corporatist socialism of Gerhard Schröder. ... Roy Jenkins was the first leading politician to appreciate that a liberalised social democracy must be based on two tenets: what Peter Mandelson called an aspirational society (individuals must be allowed to regulate their personal lives without interference from the state); and that a post-imperial country like Britain could only be influential in the world as part of a wider grouping (the EU).His alma mater, Cardiff University, honoured the memory of Roy Jenkins by naming one of its halls of residence Roy Jenkins Hall.On 20 January 1945, Jenkins married Mary Jennifer (Jennifer) Morris (18 January 1921 – 2 February 2017). They were married for almost 58 years until his death, although he had "several affairs", including one with Jackie Kennedy's sister Lee Radziwill. Among his long-term mistresses were Leslie Bonham Carter and Caroline Gilmour, wives of fellow MPs and close friends Mark Bonham Carter and Ian Gilmour. However, these extra-marital relationships were conditional on his lovers having a good relationship with his wife: he later stated that he "could not imagine loving anyone who was not very fond of Jennifer".She was made a DBE for services to ancient and historical buildings. They had two sons, Charles and Edward, and a daughter, Cynthia.Early in his life Jenkins had a relationship with Anthony Crosland. According to the Liberal Democrat Leader Vince Cable, Jenkins was bisexual.
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[
"Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"President of the European Commission",
"Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the House of Lords",
"Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Home Secretary",
"Chancellor of the University of Oxford",
"Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Shadow Home Secretary",
"Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer",
"Member of the 49th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Deputy Leader of the Labour Party"
] |
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Which position did Roy Jenkins hold in 03-Apr-196803-April-1968?
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April 03, 1968
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{
"text": [
"Chancellor of the Exchequer",
"Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q323488_P39_10
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Roy Jenkins holds the position of Chancellor of the Exchequer from Nov, 1967 to Jun, 1970.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Home Secretary from Dec, 1965 to Nov, 1967.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 49th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1983 to May, 1987.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Shadow Home Secretary from Nov, 1973 to Mar, 1974.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1974 to Jan, 1977.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1948 to Feb, 1950.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1982 to May, 1983.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Apr, 1956 to Jan, 1957.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from Jul, 1970 to Apr, 1972.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Nov, 1987 to Jan, 2003.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Chancellor of the University of Oxford from Mar, 1987 to Jan, 2003.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer from Jun, 1970 to Apr, 1972.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of President of the European Commission from Jan, 1977 to Jan, 1981.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Jul, 1955 to Oct, 1955.
Roy Jenkins holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974.
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Roy JenkinsRoy Harris Jenkins, Baron Jenkins of Hillhead, (11 November 1920 – 5 January 2003) was a British politician who served as President of the European Commission from 1977 to 1981. At various times a Member of Parliament (MP) for the Labour Party, Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the Liberal Democrats, he was Chancellor of the Exchequer and Home Secretary under the Wilson and Callaghan Governments.The son of Arthur Jenkins, a coal-miner and Labour MP, Jenkins was educated at the University of Oxford and served as an intelligence officer during the Second World War. Initially elected as MP for Southwark Central in 1948, he moved to become MP for Birmingham Stechford in 1950. On the election of Harold Wilson after the 1964 election, Jenkins was appointed Minister of Aviation. A year later, he was promoted to the Cabinet to become Home Secretary. In this role, Jenkins embarked on a major reform programme; he sought to build what he described as "a civilised society", overseeing measures such as the effective abolition in Britain of both capital punishment and theatre censorship, the partial decriminalisation of homosexuality, relaxing of divorce law, suspension of birching and the liberalisation of abortion law.After the devaluation crisis in November 1967, Jenkins replaced James Callaghan as Chancellor of the Exchequer. Throughout his time at the Treasury, Jenkins oversaw a tight fiscal policy in an attempt to control inflation, and oversaw a particularly tough Budget in 1968 which saw major tax rises. As a result of this, the Government's current account entered a surplus in 1969. After Labour unexpectedly lost the 1970 election, Jenkins was elected as Deputy Leader of the Labour Party in 1970. He resigned from the position in 1972 after the Labour Party decided to oppose Britain's entry to the European Communities, which he strongly supported. When Labour returned to power following the 1974 election, Wilson appointed Jenkins as Home Secretary for the second time. Two years later, when Wilson resigned as Prime Minister, Jenkins stood in the leadership election to succeed him, finishing third behind Michael Foot and the winner James Callaghan. He subsequently chose to resign from Parliament and leave British politics, to accept appointment as the first-ever British President of the European Commission, a role he took up in January 1977.After completing his term at the Commission in 1981, Jenkins announced a surprise return to British politics; dismayed with the Labour Party's move further left under the leadership of Michael Foot, he became one of the "Gang of Four", senior Labour figures who broke away from the party and founded the SDP. In 1982, Jenkins won a by-election to return to Parliament as MP for Glasgow Hillhead, taking the seat from the Conservatives in a famous result. He became leader of the SDP ahead of the 1983 election, during which he formed an electoral alliance with the Liberal Party. After his disappointment with the performance of the SDP in the election, he resigned as leader. He subsequently lost his seat in Parliament at the 1987 election, and accepted a life peerage shortly afterwards; he sat in the House of Lords as a Liberal Democrat.He was later elected to succeed former Prime Minister Harold Macmillan as Chancellor of the University of Oxford following the latter's death; he would hold this position until his own death sixteen years later. In the late 1990s, he served as a close adviser to Prime Minister Tony Blair and chaired a major commission on electoral reform. In addition to his political career, he was also a noted historian, biographer and writer. His (1991) is regarded as one of the best autobiographies of the later twentieth century, which "will be read with pleasure long after most examples of the genre have been forgotten". Jenkins died in 2003, aged 82.Born in Abersychan, Monmouthshire, in southeastern Wales, as an only child, Roy Jenkins was the son of a National Union of Mineworkers official, Arthur Jenkins. His father was imprisoned during the 1926 General Strike for his alleged involvement in disturbances. Arthur Jenkins later became President of the South Wales Miners' Federation and Member of Parliament for Pontypool, Parliamentary Private Secretary to Clement Attlee, and briefly a minister in the 1945 Labour government. Roy Jenkins' mother, Hattie Harris, was the daughter of a steelworks foreman.Jenkins was educated at Pentwyn Primary School, Abersychan County Grammar School, University College, Cardiff, and at Balliol College, Oxford, where he was twice defeated for the Presidency of the Oxford Union but took First-Class Honours in Politics, Philosophy and Economics (PPE). His university colleagues included Tony Crosland, Denis Healey and Edward Heath, and he became friends with all three, although he was never particularly close to Healey.In John Campbell's biography "A Well-Rounded Life" a romantic relationship between Jenkins and Crosland was detailed. Other figures he met whilst at Oxford who would become notable in public life included Madron Seligman, Nicholas Henderson and Mark Bonham Carter.During the Second World War, Jenkins received his officer training at Alton Towers and was posted to the 55th West Somerset Yeomanry at West Lavington, Wiltshire. Through the influence of his father, in April 1944 Jenkins was sent to Bletchley Park to work as a codebreaker; whilst there he befriended the historian Asa Briggs.Having failed to win Solihull in 1945, after which he spent a brief period working for the Industrial and Commercial Finance Corporation, he was elected to the House of Commons in a 1948 by-election as the Member of Parliament for Southwark Central, becoming the "Baby of the House". His constituency was abolished in boundary changes for the 1950 general election, when he stood instead in the new Birmingham Stechford constituency. He won the seat, and represented the constituency until 1977.In 1947 he edited a collection of Clement Attlee's speeches, published under the title "Purpose and Policy". Attlee then granted Jenkins access to his private papers so that he could write his biography, which appeared in 1948 ("Mr Attlee: An Interim Biography"). The reviews were generally favourable, including George Orwell's in "Tribune".In 1950, he advocated a large capital levy, abolition of public schools and introduction of a measure of industrial democracy to nationalised industries as key policy objectives for the Labour government. In 1951 "Tribune" published his pamphlet "Fair Shares for the Rich". Here, Jenkins advocated the abolition of large private incomes by taxing them, graduating from 50 per cent for incomes between £20,000 and £30,000 to 95 per cent for incomes over £100,000. He also proposed further nationalisations and said: "Future nationalisations will be more concerned with equality than with planning, and this means that we can leave the monolithic public corporation behind us and look for more intimate forms of ownership and control". He later described this "almost Robespierrean" pamphlet as "the apogee of my excursion to the left".Jenkins contributed an essay on 'Equality' to the 1952 collection "New Fabian Essays". In 1953 appeared "Pursuit of Progress", a work intended to counter Bevanism. Retreating from what he had demanded in "Fair Shares for the Rich", Jenkins now argued that the redistribution of wealth would occur over a generation and abandoned the goal of public school abolition. However, he still proposed further nationalisations: "It is quite impossible to advocate both the abolition of great inequalities of wealth and the acceptance of a one-quarter public sector and three-quarters private sector arrangement. A mixed economy there will undoubtedly be, certainly for many decades and perhaps permanently, but it will need to be mixed in very different proportions from this". He also opposed the Bevanites' neutralist foreign policy platform: "Neutrality is essentially a conservative policy, a policy of defeat, of announcing to the world that we have nothing to say to which the world will listen. ... Neutrality could never be acceptable to anyone who believes that he has a universal faith to preach". Jenkins argued that the Labour leadership needed to take on and defeat the neutralists and pacifists in the party; it would be better to risk a split in the party than face "the destruction, by schism, perhaps for a generation, of the whole progressive movement in the country".Between 1951 and 1956 he wrote a weekly column for the Indian newspaper "The Current". Here he advocated progressive reforms such as equal pay, the decriminalisation of homosexuality, the liberalisation of the obscenity laws and the abolition of capital punishment. "Mr Balfour's Poodle", a short account of the House of Lords crisis of 1911 that culminated in the Parliament Act 1911, was published in 1954. Favourable reviewers included A. J. P. Taylor, Harold Nicolson, Leonard Woolf and Violet Bonham Carter. After a suggestion by Mark Bonham Carter, Jenkins then wrote a biography of the Victorian radical, Sir Charles Dilke, which was published in October 1958.During the 1956 Suez Crisis, Jenkins denounced Anthony Eden's "squalid imperialist adventure" at a Labour rally in Birmingham Town Hall. Three years later he claimed that "Suez was a totally unsuccessful attempt to achieve unreasonable and undesirable objectives by methods which were at once reckless and immoral; and the consequences, as was well deserved, were humiliating and disastrous".Jenkins praised Anthony Crosland's 1956 work "The Future of Socialism" as "the most important book on socialist theory" since Evan Durbin's "The Politics of Democratic Socialism" (1940). With much of the economy now nationalised, Jenkins argued, socialists should concentrate on eliminating the remaining pockets of poverty and on the removal of class barriers, as well as promoting libertarian social reforms. Jenkins was principal sponsor, in 1959, of the bill which became the liberalising Obscene Publications Act, responsible for establishing the "liable to deprave and corrupt" criterion as a basis for a prosecution of suspect material and for specifying literary merit as a possible defence.In July 1959 Penguin published Jenkins' "The Labour Case", timed to anticipate the upcoming election. Jenkins argued that Britain's chief danger was that of "living sullenly in the past, of believing that the world has a duty to keep us in the station to which we are accustomed, and showing bitter resentment if it does not do so". He added: "Our neighbours in Europe are roughly our economic and military equals. We would do better to live gracefully with them than to waste our substance by trying unsuccessfully to keep up with the power giants of the modern world". Jenkins claimed that the Attlee government concentrated "too much towards the austerity of fair shares, and too little towards the incentives of free consumers' choice". Although he still believed in the elimination of poverty and more equality, Jenkins now argued that these aims could be achieved by economic growth. In the final chapter ('Is Britain Civilised?') Jenkins set out a list of necessary progressive social reforms: the abolition of the death penalty, decriminalisation of homosexuality, abolition of the Lord Chamberlain's powers of theatre censorship, liberalisation of the licensing and betting laws, liberalisation of the divorce laws, legalisation of abortion, decriminalisation of suicide and more liberal immigration laws. Jenkins concluded:Let us be on the side of those who want people to be free to live their own lives, to make their own mistakes, and to decide, in an adult way and provided they do not infringe the rights of others, the code by which they wish to live; and on the side of experiment and brightness, of better buildings and better food, of better music (jazz as well as Bach) and better books, of fuller lives and greater freedom. In the long run these things will be more important than the most perfect of economic policies.In the aftermath of Labour's 1959 defeat, Jenkins appeared on "Panorama" and argued that Labour should abandon further nationalisation, question its connection with the trade unions and not dismiss a closer association with the Liberal Party. In November he delivered a Fabian Society lecture in which he blamed Labour's defeat on the unpopularity of nationalisation and he repeated this in an article for "The Spectator". His "Spectator" article also called for Britain to accept its diminished place in the world, to grant colonial freedom, to spend more on public services and to promote the right of individuals to live their own lives free from the constraints of popular prejudices and state interference. Jenkins later called it a "good radical programme, although...not a socialist one".In May 1960 Jenkins joined the Campaign for Democratic Socialism, a Gaitskellite pressure group designed to fight against left-wing domination of the Labour Party. In July 1960 Jenkins resigned from his frontbench role in order to be able to campaign freely for British membership of the Common Market. At the 1960 Labour Party conference in Scarborough, Jenkins advocated rewriting Clause IV of the party's constitution but he was booed. In November he wrote in "The Spectator" that "unless the Labour Party is determined to abdicate its role as a mass party and become nothing more than a narrow sectarian society, its paramount task is to represent the whole of the Leftward-thinking half of the country—and to offer the prospect of attracting enough marginal support to give that half some share of power".During 1960–62 his main campaign was British membership of the Common Market, where he became Labour's leading advocate of entry. When Harold Macmillan initiated the first British application to join the Common Market in 1961, Jenkins became deputy chairman of the all-party Common Market Campaign and then chairman of the Labour Common Market Committee. At the 1961 Labour Party conference Jenkins spoke in favour of Britain's entry.Since 1959 Jenkins had been working on a biography of the Liberal Prime Minister, H. H. Asquith. For Jenkins, Asquith ranked with Attlee as the embodiment of the moderate, liberal intelligence in politics that he most admired. Through Asquith's grandson, Mark Bonham Carter, Jenkins had access to Asquith's letters to his mistress, Venetia Stanley. Kenneth Rose, Michael Foot, Asa Briggs and John Grigg all favourably reviewed the book when it was published in October 1964. However, Violet Bonham Carter wrote a defence of her father in "The Times" against the few criticisms of Asquith in the book, and Robert Rhodes James wrote in "The Spectator" that "Asquith was surely a tougher, stronger, more acute man...than Mr. Jenkins would have us believe. The fascinating enigma of his complete decline is never really analysed, nor even understood. ... We required a Sutherland: but we have got an Annigoni". John Campbell claims that "for half a century it has remained unchallenged as the best biography and is rightly regarded as a classic".Like Healey and Crosland, he had been a close friend of Hugh Gaitskell and for them Gaitskell's death and the elevation of Harold Wilson as Labour Party leader was a setback. For Jenkins, Gaitskell would remain his political hero. After the 1964 general election Jenkins was appointed Minister of Aviation and was sworn of the Privy Council. While at Aviation he oversaw the high-profile cancellations of the BAC TSR-2 and Concorde projects (although the latter was later reversed after strong opposition from the French Government). In January 1965 Patrick Gordon Walker resigned as Foreign Secretary and in the ensuing reshuffle Wilson offered Jenkins the Department for Education and Science; however, he declined it, preferring to stay at Aviation.In the summer of 1965 Jenkins eagerly accepted an offer to replace Frank Soskice as Home Secretary. However Wilson, dismayed by a sudden bout of press speculation about the potential move, delayed Jenkins' appointment until December. Once Jenkins took office – the youngest Home Secretary since Churchill – he immediately set about reforming the operation and organisation of the Home Office. The Principal Private Secretary, Head of the Press and Publicity Department and Permanent Under-Secretary were all replaced. He also redesigned his office, famously replacing the board on which condemned prisoners were listed with a fridge.After the 1966 general election, in which Labour won a comfortable majority, Jenkins pushed through a series of police reforms which reduced the number of separate forces from 117 to 49. "The Times" called it "the greatest upheaval in policing since the time of Peel". His visit to Chicago in September (to study their policing methods) convinced him of the need to introduce two-way radios to the police; whereas the Metropolitan Police possessed 25 radios in 1965, Jenkins increased this to 2,500, and provided similar numbers of radios to the rest of the country's police forces. Jenkins also provided the police with more car radios, which made the police more mobile but reduced the amount of time they spent patrolling the streets. His Criminal Justice Act 1967 introduced more stringent controls on the purchase of shotguns, outlawed last-minute alibis and introduced majority verdicts in juries in England and Wales. The Act was also designed to lower the prison population by the introduction of release under licence, easier bail, suspended sentences and earlier parole.Immigration was a divisive and provocative issue during the late 1960s and on 23 May 1966 Jenkins delivered a speech on race relations, which is widely considered to be one of his best. Addressing a London meeting of the National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants he notably defined Integration:Before going on to ask:And concluding that:By the end of 1966, Jenkins was the Cabinet's rising star; the "Guardian" called him the best Home Secretary of the century "and quite possibly the best since Peel", the "Sunday Times" called him Wilson's most likeliest successor and the "New Statesman" labelled him "Labour's Crown Prince".In a speech to the London Labour Conference in May 1967, Jenkins said his vision was of "a more civilised, more free and less hidebound society" and he further claimed that "to enlarge the area of individual choice, socially, politically and economically, not just for a few but for the whole community, is very much what democratic socialism is about". He gave strong personal support to David Steel's Private Member's Bill for the legalisation of abortion, which became the Abortion Act 1967, telling the Commons that "the existing law on abortion is uncertain and...harsh and archaic", adding that "the law is consistently flouted by those who have the means to do so. It is, therefore, very much a question of one law for the rich and one law for the poor". When the Bill looked likely to be dropped due to insufficient time, Jenkins helped ensure that it received enough parliamentary time to pass and he voted for it in every division.Jenkins also supported Leo Abse's bill for the decriminalisation of homosexuality, which became the Sexual Offences Act 1967. Jenkins told the Commons: "It would be a mistake to think...that by what we are doing tonight we are giving a vote of confidence or congratulation to homosexuality. Those who suffer from this disability carry a great weight of loneliness, guilt and shame. The crucial question...is, should we add to those disadvantages the full rigour of the criminal law? By its overwhelming decisions, the House has given a fairly clear answer, and I hope that the Bill will now make rapid progress towards the Statute Book. It will be an important and civilising Measure".Jenkins also abolished the use of flogging in prisons. In July 1967 Jenkins recommended to the Home Affairs Select Committee a bill to end the Lord Chamberlain's power to censor the theatre. This was passed as the Theatres Act 1968 under Jenkins' successor as Home Secretary, James Callaghan. Jenkins also announced that he would introduce legislation banning racial discrimination in employment, which was embodied in the Race Relations Act 1968 passed under Callaghan. In October 1967 Jenkins planned to introduce legislation that would enable him to keep out the 20,000 Kenyan Asians who held British passports (this was passed four months later under Callaghan as the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1968, which was based on Jenkins' draft).Jenkins is often seen as responsible for the most wide-ranging social reforms of the late 1960s, with popular historian Andrew Marr claiming "the greatest changes of the Labour years" were thanks to Jenkins. These reforms would not have happened when they did, earlier than in most other European countries, if Jenkins had not supported them. In a speech in Abingdon in July 1969, Jenkins said that the "permissive society" had been allowed to become a dirty phrase: "A better phrase is the 'civilized society', based on the belief that different individuals will wish to make different decisions about their patterns of behaviour and that, provided these do not restrict the freedom of others, they should be allowed to do so within a framework of understanding and tolerance". Jenkins' words were immediately reported in the press as "The permissive society is the civilised society", which he later wrote "was not all that far from my meaning".For some conservatives, such as Peter Hitchens, Jenkins' reforms remain objectionable. In his book "The Abolition of Britain", Hitchens accuses him of being a "cultural revolutionary" who takes a large part of the responsibility for the decline of "traditional values" in Britain. During the 1980s Margaret Thatcher and Norman Tebbit would blame Jenkins for family breakdowns, the decline of respect for authority and the decline of social responsibility. Jenkins replied by pointing out that Thatcher, with her large parliamentary majorities, never attempted to reverse his reforms.From 1967 to 1970 Jenkins served as Chancellor of the Exchequer, replacing James Callaghan following the devaluation crisis of November 1967. Jenkins' ultimate goal as Chancellor was economic growth, which depended on restoring stability to sterling at its new value after devaluation. This could only be achieved by ensuring a surplus in the balance of payments, which had been in a deficit for the previous five years. Therefore, Jenkins pursued deflation, including cuts in public expenditure and increases in taxation, in order to ensure that resources went into exports rather than domestic consumption. Jenkins warned the House of Commons in January 1968 that there was "two years of hard slog ahead".He quickly gained a reputation as a particularly tough Chancellor with his 1968 budget increasing taxes by £923 million, more than twice the increase of any previous budget to date. Jenkins had warned the Cabinet that a second devaluation would occur in three months if his budget did not restore confidence in sterling. He restored prescription charges (which had been abolished when Labour returned to office in 1964) and postponed the raising of the school leaving age to 16 to 1973 instead of 1971. Housing and road building plans were also heavily cut, and he also accelerated Britain's withdrawal East of Suez. Jenkins ruled out increasing the income tax and so raised the taxes on: drinks and cigarettes (except on beer), purchase tax, petrol duty, road tax, a 50 per cent rise in Selective Employment Tax and a one-off Special Charge on personal incomes. He also paid for an increase in family allowances by cutting child tax allowances.Despite Edward Heath claiming it was a "hard, cold budget, without any glimmer of warmth" Jenkins' first budget broadly received a warm reception, with Harold Wilson remarking that "it was widely acclaimed as a speech of surpassing quality and elegance" and Barbara Castle that it "took everyone's breath away". Richard Crossman said it was "genuinely based on socialist principles, fair in the fullest sense by really helping people at the bottom of the scale and by really taxing the wealthy". In his budget broadcast on 19 March, Jenkins said that Britain had been living in a "fool's paradise" for years and that it was "importing too much, exporting too little and paying ourselves too much", with a lower standard of living than France or West Germany.Jenkins' supporters in the Parliamentary Labour Party became known as the "Jenkinsites". These were usually younger, middle-class and university-educated ex-Gaitskellites such as Bill Rodgers, David Owen, Roy Hattersley, Dick Taverne, John Mackintosh and David Marquand. In May–July 1968 some of his supporters, led by Patrick Gordon Walker and Christopher Mayhew, plotted to replace Wilson with Jenkins as Labour leader but he declined to challenge Wilson. A year later his supporters again attempted to persuade Jenkins to challenge Wilson for the party leadership but he again declined. He later wrote in his memoirs that the 1968 plot was "for me...the equivalent of the same season of 1953 for Rab Butler. Having faltered for want of single-minded ruthlessness when there was no alternative to himself, he then settled down to a career punctuated by increasingly wide misses of the premiership. People who effectively seize the prime ministership – Lloyd George, Macmillan, Mrs Thatcher – do not let such moments slip".In April 1968, with Britain's reserves declining by approximately £500 million every quarter, Jenkins went to Washington to obtain a $1,400 million loan from the International Monetary Fund. Following a further sterling crisis in November 1968 Jenkins was forced to raise taxes by a further £250 million. After this the currency markets slowly began to settle and his 1969 budget represented more of the same with a £340 million increase in taxation to further limit consumption.By May 1969 Britain's current account position was in surplus, thanks to a growth in exports, a drop in overall consumption and, in part, the Inland Revenue correcting a previous underestimation in export figures. In July Jenkins was also able to announce that the size of Britain's foreign currency reserves had been increased by almost $1 billion since the beginning of the year. It was at this time that he presided over Britain's only excess of government revenue over expenditure in the period 1936–7 to 1987–8. Thanks in part to these successes there was a high expectation that the 1970 budget would be a more generous one. Jenkins, however, was cautious about the stability of Britain's recovery and decided to present a more muted and fiscally neutral budget. It is often argued that this, combined with a series of bad trade figures, contributed to the Conservative victory at the 1970 general election. Historians and economists have often praised Jenkins for presiding over the transformation in Britain's fiscal and current account positions towards the end of the 1960s. Andrew Marr, for example, described him as one of the 20th century's "most successful chancellors". Alec Cairncross considered Jenkins "the ablest of the four Chancellors I served".Public expenditure as a proportion of GDP rose from 44 per cent in 1964 to around 50 per cent in 1970. Despite Jenkins' warnings about inflation, wage settlements in 1969–70 increased on average by 13 per cent and contributed to the high inflation of the early 1970s and consequently negated most of Jenkins' efforts to obtain a balance of payments surplus.After Labour unexpectedly lost power in 1970 Jenkins was appointed Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer by Harold Wilson. Jenkins was also subsequently elected to the deputy leadership of the Labour Party in July 1970, defeating future Labour Leader Michael Foot and former Leader of the Commons Fred Peart at the first ballot. At this time he appeared the natural successor to Harold Wilson, and it appeared to many only a matter of time before he inherited the leadership of the party, and the opportunity to become Prime Minister.This changed completely, however, as Jenkins refused to accept the tide of anti-European feeling that became prevalent in the Labour Party in the early 1970s. After a special conference on the EEC was held by the Labour Party on 17 July 1971, but from which Jenkins was forbidden from addressing, he delivered one of the most powerful speeches of his career. Jenkins told a meeting of the Parliamentary Labour Party on 19 July: "At conference the only alternative [to the EEC] we heard was 'socialism in one country'. That is always good for a cheer. Pull up the drawbridge and revolutionize the fortress. That's not a policy either: it's just a slogan, and it is one which becomes not merely unconvincing but hypocritical as well when it is dressed up as our best contribution to international socialism". This reopened the old Bevanite–Gaitskellite divide in the Party; Wilson told Tony Benn the day after Jenkins' speech that he was determined to smash the Campaign for Democratic Socialism.At the 1971 Labour Party conference in Brighton, the NEC's motion to reject the "Tory terms" of entry into the EEC was carried by a large majority. Jenkins told a fringe meeting that this would have no effect on his continued support for Britain's entry. Benn said Jenkins was "the figure dominating this Conference; there is no question about it". On 28 October 1971, he led 69 Labour MPs through the division lobby in support of the Heath government's motion to take Britain into the EEC. In so-doing they were defying a three-line whip and a five-to-one vote at the Labour Party annual conference. Jenkins later wrote: "I was convinced that it was one of the decisive votes of the century, and had no intention of spending the rest of my life answering the question of what did I do in the great division by saying 'I abstained'. I saw it in the context of the first Reform Bill, the repeal of the Corn Laws, Gladstone's Home Rule Bills, the Lloyd George Budget and the Parliament Bill, the Munich Agreement and the May 1940 votes".Jenkins' action gave the European cause a legitimacy that would have otherwise been absent had the issue been considered solely as a party political matter. However, he was now regarded by the left as a "traitor". James Margach wrote in the "Sunday Times": "The unconcealed objective of the Left now is either to humiliate Roy Jenkins and his allies into submission – or drive them from the party". At this stage, however, Jenkins would not fully abandon his position as a political insider, and chose to stand again for deputy leader, an act his colleague David Marquand claimed he later came to regret. Jenkins promised not to vote with the government again and he narrowly defeated Michael Foot on a second ballot.In accordance with the party whip, Jenkins voted against European Communities Bill 55 times. However, he resigned both the deputy leadership and his shadow cabinet position in April 1972, after the party committed itself to holding a referendum on Britain's membership of the EEC. This led to some former admirers, including Roy Hattersley, choosing to distance themselves from Jenkins. Hattersley later claimed that Jenkins' resignation was "the moment when the old Labour coalition began to collapse and the eventual formation of a new centre party became inevitable". In his resignation letter to Wilson, Jenkins said that if there were a referendum "the Opposition would form a temporary coalition of those who, whatever their political views, were against the proposed action. By this means we would have forged a more powerful continuing weapon against progressive legislation than anything we have known in this country since the curbing of the absolute powers of the old House of Lords".Jenkins' lavish lifestyle — Wilson once described him as "more a socialite than a socialist" — had already alienated much of the Labour Party from him. Wilson accused him of having an affair with socialite Ann Fleming - and it was true.In May 1972 he collected the Charlemagne Prize, which he had been awarded for promoting European unity. In September an ORC opinion poll found that there was considerable public support for an alliance between the 'moderate' wing of the Labour Party and the Liberals; 35 per cent said they would vote for a Labour–Liberal alliance, 27 per cent for the Conservatives and 23.5 per cent for 'Socialist Labour'. "The Times" claimed that there were "twelve million Jenkinsites". During the spring and summer of 1972, Jenkins delivered a series of speeches designed to set out his leadership credentials. These were published in September under the title "What Matters Now", which sold well. In the book's postscript, Jenkins said that Labour should not be a narrow socialist party advocating unpopular left-wing policies but must aim to "represent the hopes and aspirations of the whole leftward thinking half of the country", adding that a "broad-based, international, radical, generous-minded party could quickly seize the imagination of a disillusioned and uninspired British public".After Dick Taverne's victory in the 1973 Lincoln by-election, where he stood as "Democratic Labour" in opposition to the official Labour candidate, Jenkins gave a speech to the Oxford University Labour Club denouncing the idea of a new centre party. Jenkins was elected to the shadow cabinet in November 1973 as Shadow Home Secretary. During the February 1974 election, Jenkins rallied to Labour and his campaign was described by David Butler and Dennis Kavanagh as sounding "a note of civilised idealism". Jenkins was disappointed that the Liberal candidate in his constituency won 6000 votes; he wrote in his memoirs that "I already regarded myself as such a closet Liberal that I naïvely thought they ought nearly all to have come to me".Jenkins wrote a series of biographical essays that appeared in "The Times" during 1971–74 and which were published as "Nine Men of Power" in 1974. Jenkins chose Gaitskell, Ernest Bevin, Stafford Cripps, Adlai Stevenson II, Robert F. Kennedy, Joseph McCarthy, Lord Halifax, Léon Blum and John Maynard Keynes. In 1971 Jenkins delivered three lectures on foreign policy at Yale University, published a year later as "Afternoon on the Potomac?"When Labour returned to power in early 1974, Jenkins was appointed Home Secretary for the second time. Earlier, he had been promised the treasury; however, Wilson later decided to appoint Denis Healey as Chancellor instead. Upon hearing from Bernard Donoughue that Wilson had reneged on his promise, Jenkins reacted angrily. Despite being on a public staircase, he is reported to have shouted "You tell Harold Wilson he must bloody well come to see me ...and if he doesn't watch out, I won't join his bloody government ... This is typical of the bloody awful way Harold Wilson does things!" The Jenkinsites were dismayed by Jenkins' refusal to insist upon the Chancellorship and began to look elsewhere for leadership, thus ending the Jenkinsites as a united group.Jenkins served from 1974 to 1976. Whereas during his first period as Home Secretary in the 1960s the atmosphere had been optimistic and confident, the climate of the 1970s was much more fractious and disillusioned. After two Northern Irish sisters, Marian Price and Dolours Price, were imprisoned for 20 years for the 1973 Old Bailey bombing, they went on hunger strike in order to be transferred to a prison in Northern Ireland. In a television broadcast in June 1974, Jenkins announced that he would refuse to give in to their demands, although in March 1975 he discreetly transferred them to a Northern Irish prison.He undermined his previous liberal credentials to some extent by pushing through the controversial Prevention of Terrorism Act in the aftermath of the Birmingham pub bombings of November 1974, which, among other things, extended the length of time suspects could be held in custody and instituted exclusion orders. Jenkins also resisted calls for the death penalty to be restored for terrorist murderers. On 4 December he told the Cabinet committee on Northern Ireland that "everything he heard made him more convinced that Northern Ireland had nothing to do with the rest of the UK". When reviewing Garret FitzGerald's memoirs in 1991, Jenkins proclaimed: "My natural prejudices, such as they are, are much more green than orange. I am a poor unionist, believing intuitively that even Paisley and Haughey are better at dealing with each other than the English are with either".The Sex Discrimination Act 1975 (which legislated for gender equality and set up the Equal Opportunities Commission) and the Race Relations Act 1976 (which extended to private clubs the outlawing of racial discrimination and founded the Commission for Racial Equality) were two notable achievements during his second time as Home Secretary.Jenkins opposed Michael Foot's attempts to grant pickets the right to stop lorries during strikes and he was dismayed by Anthony Crosland's decision to grant an amnesty to the 11 Labour councillors at Clay Cross who had been surcharged for refusing to increase council rents in accordance with the Conservatives' Housing Finance Act 1972. After two trade unionists, Ricky Tomlinson and Des Warren (known as the "Shrewsbury Two"), were imprisoned for intimidation and affray for their part in a strike, Jenkins refused to accede to demands from the labour movement that they should be released. This demonstrated Jenkins' increasing estrangement from much of the labour movement and for a time he was heckled in public by people chanting "Free the Two". Jenkins also unsuccessfully tried to persuade the Cabinet to adopt electoral reform in the form of proportional representation and to have the Official Secrets Act 1911 liberalised to facilitate more open government.Although becoming increasingly disillusioned during this time by what he considered the party's drift to the left, he was the leading Labour figure in the EEC referendum of June 1975 (and was also president of the 'Yes' campaign). In September 1974 he had followed Shirley Williams in stating that he "could not stay in a Cabinet which had to carry out withdrawal" from the EEC. During the referendum campaign, Tony Benn claimed that 500,000 jobs had been lost due to Britain's membership; Jenkins replied on 27 May that "I find it increasingly difficult to take Mr Benn seriously as an economics minister". He added that Britain outside the EEC would enter "an old people's home for fading nations. ... I do not even think it would be a comfortable or agreeable old people's home. I do not much like the look of some of the prospective wardens". The two men debated Britain's membership together on "Panorama", which was chaired by David Dimbleby. According to David Butler and Uwe Kitzinger, "they achieved a decidedly more lucid and intricate level of discussion than is commonly seen on political television". Jenkins found it congenial to work with the centrists of all parties in the campaign and the 'Yes' campaign won by two to one.After the referendum, Wilson demoted Benn to Energy Secretary and attempted to balance the downgrading of Benn with the dismissal of the right-wing minister Reg Prentice from the Department of Education, despite already promising Jenkins that he had no intention of sacking Prentice. Jenkins threatened to resign if Prentice was sacked, telling Wilson that he was "a squalid little man who was using squalid little arguments in order to explain why he was performing so much below the level of events". Wilson quickly backed down. In September Jenkins delivered a speech in Prentice's constituency of Newham to demonstrate solidarity with him after he was threatened with deselection by left-wingers in the constituency party. Jenkins was heckled by both far-left and far-right demonstrators and he was hit in the chest by a flour bomb thrown by a member of the National Front. Jenkins warned that if Prentice was deselected "it is not just the local party that is undermining its own foundations by ignoring the beliefs and feelings of ordinary people, the whole legitimate Labour Party, left as well as right, is crippled if extremists have their way". He added that if "tolerance is shattered formidable consequences will follow. Labour MPs will either have to become creatures of cowardice, concealing their views, trimming their sails, accepting orders, stilling their consciences, or they will all have to be men far far to the left of those whose votes they seek. Either would make a mockery of parliamentary democracy".In January 1976 he further distanced himself from the left with a speech in Anglesey, where he repudiated ever-higher public spending: "I do not think you can push public expenditure significantly above 60 per cent [of GNP] and maintain the values of a plural society with adequate freedom of choice. We are here close to one of the frontiers of social democracy". A former supporter, Roy Hattersley, distanced himself from Jenkins after this speech.In May 1976 he told the Police Federation conference to "be prepared first to look at the evidence and to recognize how little the widespread use of prison reduces our crime or deals effectively with many of the individuals concerned". He also responded to the Federation's proposals on law and order: "I respect your right to put them to me. You will no doubt respect my right to tell you that I do not think all the points in sum amount to a basis for a rational penal policy".When Wilson suddenly resigned as Prime Minister in March 1976, Jenkins was one of six candidates for the leadership of the Labour Party but came third in the first ballot, behind Callaghan and Michael Foot. Realising that his vote was lower than expected, and sensing that the parliamentary party was in no mood to overlook his actions five years before, he immediately withdrew from the contest. On issues such as the EEC, trade union reform and economic policy he had proclaimed views opposite to those held by the majority of Labour Party activists, and his libertarian social views were at variance with the majority of Labour voters. A famous story alleged that when one of Jenkins' supporters canvassed a group of miners' MPs in the Commons' tea-room, he was told: "Nay, lad, we're all Labour here".Jenkins had wanted to become Foreign Secretary, but Foot warned Callaghan that the party would not accept the pro-European Jenkins as Foreign Secretary. Callaghan instead offered Jenkins the Treasury in six months' time (when it would be possible to move Denis Healey to the Foreign Office). Jenkins turned the offer down. Jenkins then accepted an appointment as President of the European Commission (succeeding François-Xavier Ortoli) after Callaghan appointed Anthony Crosland to the Foreign Office.In an interview with "The Times" in January 1977, Jenkins said that: "My wish is to build an effective united Europe. ... I want to move towards a more effectively organized Europe politically and economically and as far as I am concerned I want to go faster, not slower". The main development overseen by the Jenkins Commission was the development of the Economic and Monetary Union of the European Union from 1977, which began in 1979 as the European Monetary System, a forerunner of the Single Currency or Euro. His biographer calls Jenkins "the godfather of the euro" and claims that among his successors only Jacques Delors has made more impact.In speech in Florence in October 1977, Jenkins argued that monetary union would facilitate "a more efficient and developed rationalisation of industry and commerce than is possible under a Customs Union alone". He added that "a major new international currency" would form "a joint and alternative pillar of the world monetary system" which would lead to greater international stability. Monetary union would also combat inflation by controlling the money supply. Jenkins conceded that this would involve the diminution of national sovereignty but he pointed out that "governments which do not discipline themselves already find themselves accepting very sharp surveillance" from the IMF. Monetary union would also promote employment and diminish regional differences. Jenkins ended the speech by quoting Jean Monnet's statement that politics was "not only the art of the possible, but...the art of making possible tomorrow what may seem impossible today".President Jenkins was the first President to attend a G8 summit on behalf of the Community. He received an Honorary Degree (Doctor of Laws) from the University of Bath in 1978.In October 1978 "Tribune" reported (falsely) that Jenkins and his wife had not paid their Labour Party subscription for several years. After this was repeated in the national press, Jenkins' drafted his wife's letter to "The Times" that refuted the allegation. Jenkins blamed the story on a "malicious Trot in the North Kensington Labour Party". Jenkins was disillusioned with the Labour Party and he was almost certain that he could not stand again as a Labour candidate; in January 1979 he told Shirley Williams that the "big mistake we had made was not to go and support Dick Taverne in 1973; everything had got worse since then".He did not vote in the 1979 election. After the Conservatives won the election Margaret Thatcher contemplated appointing Jenkins Chancellor of the Exchequer on the strength of his success at cutting public expenditure when he was Chancellor. However, his friend Woodrow Wyatt claimed that Jenkins "had other and fresh fish to fry".The Director-General of the BBC, Ian Trethowan, invited Jenkins to deliver the Richard Dimbleby Lecture for 1979, which he did on 22 November. The title Jenkins gave to his lecture, "Home Thoughts from Abroad", derived from a Robert Browning poem. He delivered it in the Royal Society of Arts and it was broadcast live on television. Jenkins analysed the decline of the two-party system since 1951 and criticised the excessive partisanship of British politics, which he claimed alienated the bulk of voters, who were more centrist. He advocated proportional representation and the acceptance of "the broad line of division between the public and private sectors", a middle way between Thatcherism and Bennism. Jenkins said that the private sector should be encouraged without too much interference to create as much wealth as possible "but use the wealth so created both to give a return for enterprise and to spread the benefits throughout society in a way that avoids the disfigurements of poverty, gives a full priority to public education and health services, and encourages co-operation and not conflict in industry and throughout society". He then reiterated his long-standing commitment to libertarianism:You also make sure that the state knows its place...in relation to the citizen. You are in favour of the right of dissent and the liberty of private conduct. You are against unnecessary centralization and bureaucracy. You want to devolve decision-making wherever you sensibly can. ... You want the nation to be self-confident and outward-looking, rather than insular, xenophobic and suspicious. You want the class system to fade without being replaced either by an aggressive and intolerant proletarianism or by the dominance of the brash and selfish values of a 'get rich quick' society. ... These are some of the objectives which I believe could be assisted by a strengthening of the radical centre."The Listener" reprinted the text along with assessments by Enoch Powell, Paul Johnson, Jack Jones, J. A. G. Griffith, Bernard Crick, Neil Kinnock and Jo Grimond. They were all critical; Kinnock thought him misguided as Britain had already suffered from centrist rule for thirty years and Grimond complained that Jenkins' clarion call had come 20 years too late.Jenkins' last year as President of the European Commission was dominated by Margaret Thatcher's fight for a rebate on Britain's contribution to the EEC budget. He believed that the quarrel was unnecessary and regretted that it soured Britain's relationship with the Community for years. In November 1980 Jenkins delivered the Winston Churchill memorial lecture in Luxembourg, where he proposed a solution to the British budgetary question. The proportion of the Community's budget spent on agriculture should be reduced by extending Community spending into new areas where Britain would receive more benefit, such as regional spending. The size of the Community's budget would, in his scheme, be tripled by transferring from the nation states to the Community competence over social and industrial policy.After his Dimbleby Lecture, Jenkins increasingly favoured the formation of a new social democratic party. He publicly aired these views in a speech to the Parliamentary Press Gallery in June 1980, where he repeated his criticisms of the two-party system and attacked Labour's move to the left. At the previous month's Wembley conference, Labour had adopted a programme which included non-cooperation with the EEC and "a near neutralist and unilateralist" defence policy that would, Jenkins argued, render meaningless Britain's NATO membership. Labour's proposals for further nationalisation and anti-private enterprise policies, Jenkins claimed, were more extreme than in any other democratic country and it was not "by any stretch of the imagination a social democratic programme". He added that a new party could reshape politics and lead to the "rapid revival of liberal social democratic Britain".The Labour Party conference at Blackpool in September 1980 adopted a unilateralist defence policy, withdrawal from the EEC and further nationalisation, along with Tony Benn's demands for the mandatory reselection of MPs and an electoral college to elect the party leader. In November Labour MPs elected the left-winger Michael Foot over the right-wing Denis Healey and in January 1981 Labour's Wembley conference decided that the electoral college that would elect the leader would give the trade unions 40 per cent of the vote, with MPs and constituency parties 30 per cent each. Jenkins then joined David Owen, Bill Rodgers and Shirley Williams (known as the "Gang of Four") in issuing the Limehouse Declaration. This called for the "realignment of British politics". They then formed the Social Democratic Party (SDP) on 26 March.Jenkins delivered a series of speeches setting out the SDP's alternative to Thatcherism and Bennism and argued that the solution to Britain's economic troubles lay in the revenue from North Sea oil, which should be invested in public services. He attempted to re-enter Parliament at the Warrington by-election in July 1981 and campaigned on a six-point programme which he put forward as a Keynesian alternative to Thatcherism and Labour's "siege economy", but Labour retained the seat with a small majority. Despite it being a defeat, the by-election demonstrated that the SDP was a serious force. Jenkins said after the count that it was the first parliamentary election that he had lost in many years, but was "by far the greatest victory in which I have ever participated".At the SDP's first annual conference in October 1981, Jenkins called for "an end to the futile frontier war between public and private sectors" and proposed an "inflation tax" on excessive pay rises that would restrain spiralling wages and prices. After achieving this, an SDP government would be able to embark on economic expansion to reduce unemployment.In March 1982 he fought the Glasgow Hillhead by-election, in what had previously been a Conservative-held seat. Polls at the beginning of the campaign put Jenkins in third place but after a series of ten well-attended public meetings which Jenkins addressed, the tide began to turn in Jenkins' favour and he was elected with a majority of just over 2000 on a swing of 19 per cent. The evening after his victory in Hillhead Jenkins told a celebration dinner of 200 party members held at the North British Hotel in Edinburgh "that the SDP had a great opportunity to become the majority party". Jenkins' first intervention in the House of Commons following his election, on 31 March, was seen as a disappointment. The Conservative MP Alan Clark wrote in his diary:Jenkins, with excessive and almost unbearable gravitas, asked three very heavy statesman-like non-party-political questions of the PM. I suppose he is very formidable, but he was so portentous and long-winded that he started to lose the sympathy of the House about half way through and the barracking resumed. The Lady replied quite brightly and freshly, as if she did not particularly know who he was, or care.Whereas earlier in his career Jenkins had excelled in the traditional set-piece debates in which he spoke from the dispatch box, the focus of parliamentary reporting had now moved to the point-scoring of Prime Minister's Questions, which he struggled with. Seated in the traditional place for third parties in the Commons (the second or third row below the gangway), and without a dispatch box and the gravitas it could have conferred, Jenkins was situated near (and shared the same microphone with) Labour's "awkward squad" that included Dennis Skinner and Bob Cryer, who regularly heckled abuse ("Roy, your flies are undone").Seven days after Jenkins' by-election victory Argentina invaded the Falklands and the subsequent Falklands War transformed British politics, increased substantially the public's support for the Conservatives and ended any chance that Jenkins' election would reinvigorate the SDP's support. In the SDP leadership election, Jenkins was elected with 56.44 of the vote, with David Owen coming second. During the 1983 election campaign his position as the prime minister-designate for the SDP-Liberal Alliance was questioned by his close colleagues, as his campaign style was now regarded as ineffective; the Liberal leader David Steel was considered to have a greater rapport with the electorate. Jenkins held on to his seat in Hillhead, which was the subject of boundary changes. While on the old boundaries the Conservatives had held the seat prior to Jenkins' victory, it was estimated by the BBC and ITN that on the new boundaries Labour would have captured the seat with a majority of just over 2,000 votes in 1979. Jenkins was challenged by Neil Carmichael, the sitting Labour MP for the Glasgow Kelvingrove constituency which had been abolished and a ministerial colleague of Jenkins in the Wilson governments. Jenkins defeated Carmichael by 1,164 votes to retain his seat in the House of Commons. According to "The Glasgow Herald" Labour supporters at the election count in the Kelvin Hall booed and jeered when Jenkins' victory was announced, and he and his wife were "dismayed as police pushed back jostling crowds."After the general election Owen succeeded him unopposed. Jenkins was disappointed with Owen's move to the right, and his acceptance and backing of some of Thatcher's policies. At heart, Jenkins remained an unrepentant Keynesian. In his July 1984 Tawney Lecture, Jenkins said that the "whole spirit and outlook" of the SDP "must be profoundly opposed to Thatcherism. It could not go along with the fatalism of the Government's acceptance of massive unemployment". He also delivered a series of speeches in the Commons attacking the Thatcherite policies of the Chancellor, Nigel Lawson. Jenkins called for more government intervention to support industry and for North Sea oil revenues to be channelled into a major programme of rebuilding Britain's infrastructure and into educating a skilled workforce. He also attacked the Thatcher government for failing to join the European Exchange Rate Mechanism.In 1985 he wrote to "The Times" to advocate the closing down of the political surveillance role of MI5. During the controversy surrounding Peter Wright's "Spycatcher", in which he alleged that Harold Wilson had been a Soviet spy, Jenkins rubbished the allegation and reiterated his call for the end of MI5's powers of political survelliance.In 1986 he won "The Spectator"'s Parliamentarian of the Year award. He continued to serve as SDP Member of Parliament for Glasgow Hillhead until his defeat at the 1987 general election by the Labour candidate George Galloway, after boundary changes in 1983 had changed the character of the constituency. After his defeat was announced, "The Glasgow Herald" reported that he indicated he would not stand for parliament again in the future.In 1986 appeared his biography of Harry S. Truman and the following year his biography of Stanley Baldwin was published.From 1987, Jenkins remained in politics as a member of the House of Lords as a life peer with the title Baron Jenkins of Hillhead, of Pontypool in the County of Gwent. Also in 1987, Jenkins was elected Chancellor of the University of Oxford. He was leader of the Liberal Democrats in the Lords from 1988 until 1997.In 1988 he fought and won an amendment to the Education Reform Act 1988, guaranteeing academic freedom of speech in further and higher education establishments. This affords and protects the right of students and academics to "question and test received wisdom" and has been incorporated into the statutes or articles and instruments of governance of all universities and colleges in Britain.In 1991 his memoirs, "A Life at the Centre", was published by Macmillan, who paid Jenkins an £130,000 advance. He was magnanimous to most of those colleagues with whom he had clashed in the past, except for David Owen, whom he blamed for destroying the idealism and cohesion of the SDP. In the last chapter ('Establishment Whig or Persistent Radical?') he reaffirmed his radicalism, placing himself "somewhat to the left of James Callaghan, maybe Denis Healey and certainly of David Owen". He also proclaimed his political credo:My broad position remains firmly libertarian, sceptical of official cover-ups and uncompromisingly internationalist, believing sovereignty to be an almost total illusion in the modern world, although both expecting and welcoming the continuance of strong differences in national traditions and behaviour. I distrust the deification of the enterprise culture. I think there are more limitations to the wisdom of the market than were dreamt of in Mrs Thatcher's philosophy. I believe that levels of taxation on the prosperous, having been too high for many years (including my own period at the Treasury), are now too low for the provision of decent public services. And I think the privatisation of near monopolies is about as irrelevant as (and sometimes worse than) were the Labour Party's proposals for further nationalisation in the 1970s and early 1980s."A Life at the Centre" was generally favourably reviewed: in the "Times Literary Supplement" John Grigg said it was a "marvellous account of high politics by a participant writing with honesty, irony and sustained narrative verve". In "The Spectator" Anthony Quinton remarked that Jenkins was "not afraid to praise himself and earns the right to do so by unfudged self-criticism". However, there were critical voices: John Smith in "The Scotsman" charged that Jenkins never had any loyalty to the Labour Party and was an ambitious careerist intent only on furthering his career. John Campbell claims that "A Life at the Centre" is now generally recognised as one of the best political memoirs. David Cannadine ranked it alongside Duff Cooper's "Old Men Forget", R. A. Butler's "The Art of the Possible" and Denis Healey's "The Time of My Life" as one of the four best political memoirs of the post-war period.In 1993, he was appointed to the Order of Merit. Also that year, his "Portraits and Miniatures" was published. The main body of the book is a set of 6 biographical essays (Rab Butler, Aneurin Bevan, Iain Macleod, Dean Acheson, Konrad Adenauer, Charles de Gaulle), along with lectures, articles and book reviews.A television documentary about Jenkins was made by Michael Cockerell, titled "Roy Jenkins: A Very Social Democrat", and broadcast on 26 May 1996. Although an admiring portrait overall, Cockerell was frank about Jenkins' affairs and both Jenkins and his wife believed that Cockerell had betrayed their hospitality.Jenkins hailed Tony Blair's election as Labour Party leader in July 1994 as "the most exciting Labour choice since the election of Hugh Gaitskell". He argued that Blair should stick "to a constructive line on Europe, in favour of sensible constitutional innovation...and in favour of friendly relations with the Liberal Democrats". He added that he hoped Blair would not move Labour further to the right: "Good work has been done in freeing it from nationalisation and other policies. But the market cannot solve everything and it would be a pity to embrace the stale dogmas of Thatcherism just when their limitations are becoming obvious".Jenkins and Blair had been in touch since the latter's time as Shadow Home Secretary, when he admired Jenkins' reforming tenure at the Home Office. Jenkins told Paddy Ashdown in October 1995: "I think Tony treats me as a sort of father figure in politics. He comes to me a lot for advice, particularly about how to construct a Government". Jenkins tried to persuade Blair that the division in the centre-left vote between the Labour and Liberal parties had enabled the Conservatives to dominate the 20th century, whereas if the two left-wing parties entered into an electoral pact and adopted proportional representation, they could dominate the 21st century. Jenkins was an influence on the thinking of New Labour and both Peter Mandelson and Roger Liddle in their 1996 work "The Blair Revolution" and Philip Gould in his "Unfinished Revolution" recognised Jenkins' influence.Before the 1997 election, Blair had promised an enquiry into electoral reform. In December 1997, Jenkins was appointed chair of a Government-appointed Independent Commission on the Voting System, which became known as the "Jenkins Commission", to consider alternative voting systems for the UK. The Jenkins Commission reported in favour of a new uniquely British mixed-member proportional system called "Alternative vote top-up" or "limited AMS" in October 1998, although no action was taken on this recommendation. Blair told Ashdown that Jenkins' recommendations would not pass the Cabinet.British membership of the European single currency, Jenkins believed, was the supreme test of Blair's statesmanship. However, he was disappointed with Blair's timidity in taking on the Eurosceptic tabloid press. He told Blair in October 1997: "You have to choose between leading Europe or having Murdoch on your side. You can have one but not both". Jenkins was also critical of New Labour's authoritarianism, such as the watering down of the Freedom of Information Act 2000 and their intention to ban fox hunting. By the end of his life Jenkins believed that Blair had wasted his enormous parliamentary majority and would not be recorded in history as a great Prime Minister; he ranked him between Harold Wilson and Stanley Baldwin.After Gordon Brown attacked Oxford University for indulging in "old school tie" prejudices because it rejected a state-educated pupil, Laura Spence, Jenkins told the House of Lords in June 2000 that "Brown's diatribe was born of prejudice out of ignorance. Nearly every fact he adduced was false". Jenkins voted for the equalisation of the homosexual age of consent and for repealing Section 28.Jenkins wrote 19 books, including a biography of Gladstone (1995), which won the 1995 Whitbread Award for Biography, and a much-acclaimed biography of Winston Churchill (2001). His then-designated official biographer, Andrew Adonis, was to have finished the Churchill biography had Jenkins not survived the heart surgery he underwent towards the end of its writing. The popular historian Paul Johnson called it the best one-volume biography on its subject.Jenkins underwent heart surgery in the form of a heart valve replacement on 12 October 2000 and postponed his 80th birthday celebrations whilst recovering, by having a celebratory party on 7 March 2001. He died on 5 January 2003, after suffering a heart attack at his home at East Hendred, in Oxfordshire. His last words, to his wife, were, "Two eggs, please, lightly poached". At the time of his death Jenkins was starting work on a biography of US President Franklin D. Roosevelt.After his death, Blair paid tribute to "one of the most remarkable people ever to grace British politics", who had "intellect, vision and an integrity that saw him hold firm to his beliefs of moderate social democracy, liberal reform and the cause of Europe throughout his life. He was a friend and support to me". James Callaghan and Edward Heath also paid tribute and Tony Benn said that as "a founder of the SDP he was probably the grandfather of New Labour". However, he was strongly criticised by others including Denis Healey, who condemned the SDP split as a "disaster" for the Labour Party which prolonged their time in opposition and allowed the Tories to have an unbroken run of 18 years in government.The Professor of Government at Oxford University, Vernon Bogdanor, provided an assessment in "The Guardian":Roy Jenkins was both radical and contemporary; and this made him the most influential exponent of the progressive creed in politics in postwar Britain. Moreover, the political creed for which he stood belongs as much to the future as to the past. For Jenkins was the prime mover in the creation of a form of social democracy which, being internationalist, is peculiarly suited to the age of globalisation and, being liberal, will prove to have more staying power than the statism of Lionel Jospin or the corporatist socialism of Gerhard Schröder. ... Roy Jenkins was the first leading politician to appreciate that a liberalised social democracy must be based on two tenets: what Peter Mandelson called an aspirational society (individuals must be allowed to regulate their personal lives without interference from the state); and that a post-imperial country like Britain could only be influential in the world as part of a wider grouping (the EU).His alma mater, Cardiff University, honoured the memory of Roy Jenkins by naming one of its halls of residence Roy Jenkins Hall.On 20 January 1945, Jenkins married Mary Jennifer (Jennifer) Morris (18 January 1921 – 2 February 2017). They were married for almost 58 years until his death, although he had "several affairs", including one with Jackie Kennedy's sister Lee Radziwill. Among his long-term mistresses were Leslie Bonham Carter and Caroline Gilmour, wives of fellow MPs and close friends Mark Bonham Carter and Ian Gilmour. However, these extra-marital relationships were conditional on his lovers having a good relationship with his wife: he later stated that he "could not imagine loving anyone who was not very fond of Jennifer".She was made a DBE for services to ancient and historical buildings. They had two sons, Charles and Edward, and a daughter, Cynthia.Early in his life Jenkins had a relationship with Anthony Crosland. According to the Liberal Democrat Leader Vince Cable, Jenkins was bisexual.
|
[
"Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"President of the European Commission",
"Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Representative of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the House of Lords",
"Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 38th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe",
"Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Home Secretary",
"Chancellor of the University of Oxford",
"Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Shadow Home Secretary",
"Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer",
"Member of the 49th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Deputy Leader of the Labour Party"
] |
|
Who was the head of Odense Municipality in Jan, 1983?
|
January 05, 1983
|
{
"text": [
"Verner Dalskov"
]
}
|
L2_Q21146_P6_1
|
Holger Larsen is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1973.
Peter Rahbæk Juel is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Jan Boye is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 2006 to Dec, 2009.
Anker Boye is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 2010 to Dec, 2016.
Verner Dalskov is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1993.
|
Odense MunicipalityOdense Municipality () is a Danish municipality ("kommune") in Southern Denmark on the island of Funen in central Denmark. The municipality covers an area of , and has a population of 204,895 (1 January 2020). It is the most populous municipality in Region of Southern Denmark.The main town and the site of its municipal council is the city of Odense. Including the social sector, 17,000 people are employed by the municipality. The municipal budget is 6,881 million DKK as of 2006. The municipality runs 37 schools; Odense is also the home of 13 private schools.Neighboring municipalities are Kerteminde to the east, Faaborg-Midtfyn to the south, Assens to the west, and Nordfyn to the north.The Odense municipality is located near the Odense Fjord. The Odense Canal ("Odense Kanal") flows out from the fjord and forms three ports in the city's industrial area. The Odense River ("Odense Å") also flows out from the fjord and meanders through the municipality, including Odense town center where Sankt Jørgens Park and Munke Mose are located on its banks. The river springs from Lake Arreskov ("Arreskov Sø") in Faaborg-Midtfyn municipality.The highest point in the municipality is Dyred Banke which is located at above sea level.The municipality, a former "Provincial municipality" was re-created 1 April 1970 as Odense municipality as the result of a ("Municipal Reform") that merged a number of existing "Provincial"- "Parish"- and "Village"- municipalities: Allerup-Davinde, Allese-Næsbyhoved, Broby, Brændekilde, Bellinge, Dalum, Fraugde, Korup-Ubberud, Lumby, Odense, Paarup, Sanderum, Stenløse-Fangel, the "coalition-municipality" of Fjordager (which had been created in 1966 by merging Agedrup and Seden-Åsum municipalities), and Højby parish.Odense municipality was not merged with other municipalities by 1 January 2007 as the result of the nationwide "Kommunalreformen" ("The Municipal Reform" of 2007). Before this reform, the list of neighboring municipalities were Langeskov to the east, Munkebo to the northeast, Otterup to the north, Søndersø, Vissenbjerg, and Tommerup to the west, and Broby and Årslev to the south. Odense belonged to Funen County 1970-2006 and before this to Odense County.Odense's municipal council consists of 29 members, elected every four years. The municipal council has five political committees.Below are the municipal councils elected since the Municipal Reform of 2007.Odense's mayor is , representing the Social Democrats, since 1 January 2018.The former mayor of Odense Municipality, Anker Boye, is a member of the Social Democratic Party. His first term was from 1993 to 2005 when he was defeated by Jan Boye, a Conservative. He was re-elected in the 2009 election, forming a coalition with the Red–Green Alliance, the Socialist People's Party and the Social Democrats.The following is a list of mayors since 1792:After the city of Odense itself, the next most populous locations in the Municipality are:The municipality of Odense is divided into 11 different sectors. Neighbourhoods, suburbs and surrounding villages of the city of Odense include:Odense is the third largest city in Denmark, and one of country's oldest settlements. The first record of its existence dates from 988 and the town celebrated its 1,000th anniversary in 1988. The name refers to Odin in Norse mythology— "Odins Vi" ("Odin's Sanctuary"). The shrine of Canute the Saint was a great resort of pilgrims throughout the Middle Ages. His relics are still preserved in Saint Canute's Cathedral. In the 16th century the town was the meeting-place of several parliaments, and down to 1805 it was the seat of the provincial assembly of Funen.Denmark's famous author and poet Hans Christian Andersen was born in Odense on 2 April 1805. Museums honouring him have been created both in a house in the old part of Odense with a large collection of his works and belongings, and his childhood home, which is also located in the city.Odense also has a museum honouring the classical composer Carl Nielsen, who was born in Nr. Lynelse near Odense.The municipality is connected with all points on the island with an extensive system of roads, including the major E20 Funish Motorway ("Fynske Motorvej") which runs across the island through the town of Odense and connect the island on the east to the island of Zealand over the Great Belt Bridge and on the west to the Danish mainland, Jutland over the Little Belt Bridge. A motorway built 2006-2009 connects Odense to the island's second-largest city, Svendborg, which also has a railroad connection (Svendborgbanen). The town of Odense is also a major stop on the national railroad system lines.
|
[
"Jan Boye",
"Holger Larsen",
"Anker Boye",
"Peter Rahbæk Juel"
] |
|
Who was the head of Odense Municipality in 1983-01-05?
|
January 05, 1983
|
{
"text": [
"Verner Dalskov"
]
}
|
L2_Q21146_P6_1
|
Holger Larsen is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1973.
Peter Rahbæk Juel is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Jan Boye is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 2006 to Dec, 2009.
Anker Boye is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 2010 to Dec, 2016.
Verner Dalskov is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1993.
|
Odense MunicipalityOdense Municipality () is a Danish municipality ("kommune") in Southern Denmark on the island of Funen in central Denmark. The municipality covers an area of , and has a population of 204,895 (1 January 2020). It is the most populous municipality in Region of Southern Denmark.The main town and the site of its municipal council is the city of Odense. Including the social sector, 17,000 people are employed by the municipality. The municipal budget is 6,881 million DKK as of 2006. The municipality runs 37 schools; Odense is also the home of 13 private schools.Neighboring municipalities are Kerteminde to the east, Faaborg-Midtfyn to the south, Assens to the west, and Nordfyn to the north.The Odense municipality is located near the Odense Fjord. The Odense Canal ("Odense Kanal") flows out from the fjord and forms three ports in the city's industrial area. The Odense River ("Odense Å") also flows out from the fjord and meanders through the municipality, including Odense town center where Sankt Jørgens Park and Munke Mose are located on its banks. The river springs from Lake Arreskov ("Arreskov Sø") in Faaborg-Midtfyn municipality.The highest point in the municipality is Dyred Banke which is located at above sea level.The municipality, a former "Provincial municipality" was re-created 1 April 1970 as Odense municipality as the result of a ("Municipal Reform") that merged a number of existing "Provincial"- "Parish"- and "Village"- municipalities: Allerup-Davinde, Allese-Næsbyhoved, Broby, Brændekilde, Bellinge, Dalum, Fraugde, Korup-Ubberud, Lumby, Odense, Paarup, Sanderum, Stenløse-Fangel, the "coalition-municipality" of Fjordager (which had been created in 1966 by merging Agedrup and Seden-Åsum municipalities), and Højby parish.Odense municipality was not merged with other municipalities by 1 January 2007 as the result of the nationwide "Kommunalreformen" ("The Municipal Reform" of 2007). Before this reform, the list of neighboring municipalities were Langeskov to the east, Munkebo to the northeast, Otterup to the north, Søndersø, Vissenbjerg, and Tommerup to the west, and Broby and Årslev to the south. Odense belonged to Funen County 1970-2006 and before this to Odense County.Odense's municipal council consists of 29 members, elected every four years. The municipal council has five political committees.Below are the municipal councils elected since the Municipal Reform of 2007.Odense's mayor is , representing the Social Democrats, since 1 January 2018.The former mayor of Odense Municipality, Anker Boye, is a member of the Social Democratic Party. His first term was from 1993 to 2005 when he was defeated by Jan Boye, a Conservative. He was re-elected in the 2009 election, forming a coalition with the Red–Green Alliance, the Socialist People's Party and the Social Democrats.The following is a list of mayors since 1792:After the city of Odense itself, the next most populous locations in the Municipality are:The municipality of Odense is divided into 11 different sectors. Neighbourhoods, suburbs and surrounding villages of the city of Odense include:Odense is the third largest city in Denmark, and one of country's oldest settlements. The first record of its existence dates from 988 and the town celebrated its 1,000th anniversary in 1988. The name refers to Odin in Norse mythology— "Odins Vi" ("Odin's Sanctuary"). The shrine of Canute the Saint was a great resort of pilgrims throughout the Middle Ages. His relics are still preserved in Saint Canute's Cathedral. In the 16th century the town was the meeting-place of several parliaments, and down to 1805 it was the seat of the provincial assembly of Funen.Denmark's famous author and poet Hans Christian Andersen was born in Odense on 2 April 1805. Museums honouring him have been created both in a house in the old part of Odense with a large collection of his works and belongings, and his childhood home, which is also located in the city.Odense also has a museum honouring the classical composer Carl Nielsen, who was born in Nr. Lynelse near Odense.The municipality is connected with all points on the island with an extensive system of roads, including the major E20 Funish Motorway ("Fynske Motorvej") which runs across the island through the town of Odense and connect the island on the east to the island of Zealand over the Great Belt Bridge and on the west to the Danish mainland, Jutland over the Little Belt Bridge. A motorway built 2006-2009 connects Odense to the island's second-largest city, Svendborg, which also has a railroad connection (Svendborgbanen). The town of Odense is also a major stop on the national railroad system lines.
|
[
"Jan Boye",
"Holger Larsen",
"Anker Boye",
"Peter Rahbæk Juel"
] |
|
Who was the head of Odense Municipality in 05/01/1983?
|
January 05, 1983
|
{
"text": [
"Verner Dalskov"
]
}
|
L2_Q21146_P6_1
|
Holger Larsen is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1973.
Peter Rahbæk Juel is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Jan Boye is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 2006 to Dec, 2009.
Anker Boye is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 2010 to Dec, 2016.
Verner Dalskov is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1993.
|
Odense MunicipalityOdense Municipality () is a Danish municipality ("kommune") in Southern Denmark on the island of Funen in central Denmark. The municipality covers an area of , and has a population of 204,895 (1 January 2020). It is the most populous municipality in Region of Southern Denmark.The main town and the site of its municipal council is the city of Odense. Including the social sector, 17,000 people are employed by the municipality. The municipal budget is 6,881 million DKK as of 2006. The municipality runs 37 schools; Odense is also the home of 13 private schools.Neighboring municipalities are Kerteminde to the east, Faaborg-Midtfyn to the south, Assens to the west, and Nordfyn to the north.The Odense municipality is located near the Odense Fjord. The Odense Canal ("Odense Kanal") flows out from the fjord and forms three ports in the city's industrial area. The Odense River ("Odense Å") also flows out from the fjord and meanders through the municipality, including Odense town center where Sankt Jørgens Park and Munke Mose are located on its banks. The river springs from Lake Arreskov ("Arreskov Sø") in Faaborg-Midtfyn municipality.The highest point in the municipality is Dyred Banke which is located at above sea level.The municipality, a former "Provincial municipality" was re-created 1 April 1970 as Odense municipality as the result of a ("Municipal Reform") that merged a number of existing "Provincial"- "Parish"- and "Village"- municipalities: Allerup-Davinde, Allese-Næsbyhoved, Broby, Brændekilde, Bellinge, Dalum, Fraugde, Korup-Ubberud, Lumby, Odense, Paarup, Sanderum, Stenløse-Fangel, the "coalition-municipality" of Fjordager (which had been created in 1966 by merging Agedrup and Seden-Åsum municipalities), and Højby parish.Odense municipality was not merged with other municipalities by 1 January 2007 as the result of the nationwide "Kommunalreformen" ("The Municipal Reform" of 2007). Before this reform, the list of neighboring municipalities were Langeskov to the east, Munkebo to the northeast, Otterup to the north, Søndersø, Vissenbjerg, and Tommerup to the west, and Broby and Årslev to the south. Odense belonged to Funen County 1970-2006 and before this to Odense County.Odense's municipal council consists of 29 members, elected every four years. The municipal council has five political committees.Below are the municipal councils elected since the Municipal Reform of 2007.Odense's mayor is , representing the Social Democrats, since 1 January 2018.The former mayor of Odense Municipality, Anker Boye, is a member of the Social Democratic Party. His first term was from 1993 to 2005 when he was defeated by Jan Boye, a Conservative. He was re-elected in the 2009 election, forming a coalition with the Red–Green Alliance, the Socialist People's Party and the Social Democrats.The following is a list of mayors since 1792:After the city of Odense itself, the next most populous locations in the Municipality are:The municipality of Odense is divided into 11 different sectors. Neighbourhoods, suburbs and surrounding villages of the city of Odense include:Odense is the third largest city in Denmark, and one of country's oldest settlements. The first record of its existence dates from 988 and the town celebrated its 1,000th anniversary in 1988. The name refers to Odin in Norse mythology— "Odins Vi" ("Odin's Sanctuary"). The shrine of Canute the Saint was a great resort of pilgrims throughout the Middle Ages. His relics are still preserved in Saint Canute's Cathedral. In the 16th century the town was the meeting-place of several parliaments, and down to 1805 it was the seat of the provincial assembly of Funen.Denmark's famous author and poet Hans Christian Andersen was born in Odense on 2 April 1805. Museums honouring him have been created both in a house in the old part of Odense with a large collection of his works and belongings, and his childhood home, which is also located in the city.Odense also has a museum honouring the classical composer Carl Nielsen, who was born in Nr. Lynelse near Odense.The municipality is connected with all points on the island with an extensive system of roads, including the major E20 Funish Motorway ("Fynske Motorvej") which runs across the island through the town of Odense and connect the island on the east to the island of Zealand over the Great Belt Bridge and on the west to the Danish mainland, Jutland over the Little Belt Bridge. A motorway built 2006-2009 connects Odense to the island's second-largest city, Svendborg, which also has a railroad connection (Svendborgbanen). The town of Odense is also a major stop on the national railroad system lines.
|
[
"Jan Boye",
"Holger Larsen",
"Anker Boye",
"Peter Rahbæk Juel"
] |
|
Who was the head of Odense Municipality in Jan 05, 1983?
|
January 05, 1983
|
{
"text": [
"Verner Dalskov"
]
}
|
L2_Q21146_P6_1
|
Holger Larsen is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1973.
Peter Rahbæk Juel is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Jan Boye is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 2006 to Dec, 2009.
Anker Boye is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 2010 to Dec, 2016.
Verner Dalskov is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1993.
|
Odense MunicipalityOdense Municipality () is a Danish municipality ("kommune") in Southern Denmark on the island of Funen in central Denmark. The municipality covers an area of , and has a population of 204,895 (1 January 2020). It is the most populous municipality in Region of Southern Denmark.The main town and the site of its municipal council is the city of Odense. Including the social sector, 17,000 people are employed by the municipality. The municipal budget is 6,881 million DKK as of 2006. The municipality runs 37 schools; Odense is also the home of 13 private schools.Neighboring municipalities are Kerteminde to the east, Faaborg-Midtfyn to the south, Assens to the west, and Nordfyn to the north.The Odense municipality is located near the Odense Fjord. The Odense Canal ("Odense Kanal") flows out from the fjord and forms three ports in the city's industrial area. The Odense River ("Odense Å") also flows out from the fjord and meanders through the municipality, including Odense town center where Sankt Jørgens Park and Munke Mose are located on its banks. The river springs from Lake Arreskov ("Arreskov Sø") in Faaborg-Midtfyn municipality.The highest point in the municipality is Dyred Banke which is located at above sea level.The municipality, a former "Provincial municipality" was re-created 1 April 1970 as Odense municipality as the result of a ("Municipal Reform") that merged a number of existing "Provincial"- "Parish"- and "Village"- municipalities: Allerup-Davinde, Allese-Næsbyhoved, Broby, Brændekilde, Bellinge, Dalum, Fraugde, Korup-Ubberud, Lumby, Odense, Paarup, Sanderum, Stenløse-Fangel, the "coalition-municipality" of Fjordager (which had been created in 1966 by merging Agedrup and Seden-Åsum municipalities), and Højby parish.Odense municipality was not merged with other municipalities by 1 January 2007 as the result of the nationwide "Kommunalreformen" ("The Municipal Reform" of 2007). Before this reform, the list of neighboring municipalities were Langeskov to the east, Munkebo to the northeast, Otterup to the north, Søndersø, Vissenbjerg, and Tommerup to the west, and Broby and Årslev to the south. Odense belonged to Funen County 1970-2006 and before this to Odense County.Odense's municipal council consists of 29 members, elected every four years. The municipal council has five political committees.Below are the municipal councils elected since the Municipal Reform of 2007.Odense's mayor is , representing the Social Democrats, since 1 January 2018.The former mayor of Odense Municipality, Anker Boye, is a member of the Social Democratic Party. His first term was from 1993 to 2005 when he was defeated by Jan Boye, a Conservative. He was re-elected in the 2009 election, forming a coalition with the Red–Green Alliance, the Socialist People's Party and the Social Democrats.The following is a list of mayors since 1792:After the city of Odense itself, the next most populous locations in the Municipality are:The municipality of Odense is divided into 11 different sectors. Neighbourhoods, suburbs and surrounding villages of the city of Odense include:Odense is the third largest city in Denmark, and one of country's oldest settlements. The first record of its existence dates from 988 and the town celebrated its 1,000th anniversary in 1988. The name refers to Odin in Norse mythology— "Odins Vi" ("Odin's Sanctuary"). The shrine of Canute the Saint was a great resort of pilgrims throughout the Middle Ages. His relics are still preserved in Saint Canute's Cathedral. In the 16th century the town was the meeting-place of several parliaments, and down to 1805 it was the seat of the provincial assembly of Funen.Denmark's famous author and poet Hans Christian Andersen was born in Odense on 2 April 1805. Museums honouring him have been created both in a house in the old part of Odense with a large collection of his works and belongings, and his childhood home, which is also located in the city.Odense also has a museum honouring the classical composer Carl Nielsen, who was born in Nr. Lynelse near Odense.The municipality is connected with all points on the island with an extensive system of roads, including the major E20 Funish Motorway ("Fynske Motorvej") which runs across the island through the town of Odense and connect the island on the east to the island of Zealand over the Great Belt Bridge and on the west to the Danish mainland, Jutland over the Little Belt Bridge. A motorway built 2006-2009 connects Odense to the island's second-largest city, Svendborg, which also has a railroad connection (Svendborgbanen). The town of Odense is also a major stop on the national railroad system lines.
|
[
"Jan Boye",
"Holger Larsen",
"Anker Boye",
"Peter Rahbæk Juel"
] |
|
Who was the head of Odense Municipality in 01/05/1983?
|
January 05, 1983
|
{
"text": [
"Verner Dalskov"
]
}
|
L2_Q21146_P6_1
|
Holger Larsen is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1973.
Peter Rahbæk Juel is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Jan Boye is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 2006 to Dec, 2009.
Anker Boye is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 2010 to Dec, 2016.
Verner Dalskov is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1993.
|
Odense MunicipalityOdense Municipality () is a Danish municipality ("kommune") in Southern Denmark on the island of Funen in central Denmark. The municipality covers an area of , and has a population of 204,895 (1 January 2020). It is the most populous municipality in Region of Southern Denmark.The main town and the site of its municipal council is the city of Odense. Including the social sector, 17,000 people are employed by the municipality. The municipal budget is 6,881 million DKK as of 2006. The municipality runs 37 schools; Odense is also the home of 13 private schools.Neighboring municipalities are Kerteminde to the east, Faaborg-Midtfyn to the south, Assens to the west, and Nordfyn to the north.The Odense municipality is located near the Odense Fjord. The Odense Canal ("Odense Kanal") flows out from the fjord and forms three ports in the city's industrial area. The Odense River ("Odense Å") also flows out from the fjord and meanders through the municipality, including Odense town center where Sankt Jørgens Park and Munke Mose are located on its banks. The river springs from Lake Arreskov ("Arreskov Sø") in Faaborg-Midtfyn municipality.The highest point in the municipality is Dyred Banke which is located at above sea level.The municipality, a former "Provincial municipality" was re-created 1 April 1970 as Odense municipality as the result of a ("Municipal Reform") that merged a number of existing "Provincial"- "Parish"- and "Village"- municipalities: Allerup-Davinde, Allese-Næsbyhoved, Broby, Brændekilde, Bellinge, Dalum, Fraugde, Korup-Ubberud, Lumby, Odense, Paarup, Sanderum, Stenløse-Fangel, the "coalition-municipality" of Fjordager (which had been created in 1966 by merging Agedrup and Seden-Åsum municipalities), and Højby parish.Odense municipality was not merged with other municipalities by 1 January 2007 as the result of the nationwide "Kommunalreformen" ("The Municipal Reform" of 2007). Before this reform, the list of neighboring municipalities were Langeskov to the east, Munkebo to the northeast, Otterup to the north, Søndersø, Vissenbjerg, and Tommerup to the west, and Broby and Årslev to the south. Odense belonged to Funen County 1970-2006 and before this to Odense County.Odense's municipal council consists of 29 members, elected every four years. The municipal council has five political committees.Below are the municipal councils elected since the Municipal Reform of 2007.Odense's mayor is , representing the Social Democrats, since 1 January 2018.The former mayor of Odense Municipality, Anker Boye, is a member of the Social Democratic Party. His first term was from 1993 to 2005 when he was defeated by Jan Boye, a Conservative. He was re-elected in the 2009 election, forming a coalition with the Red–Green Alliance, the Socialist People's Party and the Social Democrats.The following is a list of mayors since 1792:After the city of Odense itself, the next most populous locations in the Municipality are:The municipality of Odense is divided into 11 different sectors. Neighbourhoods, suburbs and surrounding villages of the city of Odense include:Odense is the third largest city in Denmark, and one of country's oldest settlements. The first record of its existence dates from 988 and the town celebrated its 1,000th anniversary in 1988. The name refers to Odin in Norse mythology— "Odins Vi" ("Odin's Sanctuary"). The shrine of Canute the Saint was a great resort of pilgrims throughout the Middle Ages. His relics are still preserved in Saint Canute's Cathedral. In the 16th century the town was the meeting-place of several parliaments, and down to 1805 it was the seat of the provincial assembly of Funen.Denmark's famous author and poet Hans Christian Andersen was born in Odense on 2 April 1805. Museums honouring him have been created both in a house in the old part of Odense with a large collection of his works and belongings, and his childhood home, which is also located in the city.Odense also has a museum honouring the classical composer Carl Nielsen, who was born in Nr. Lynelse near Odense.The municipality is connected with all points on the island with an extensive system of roads, including the major E20 Funish Motorway ("Fynske Motorvej") which runs across the island through the town of Odense and connect the island on the east to the island of Zealand over the Great Belt Bridge and on the west to the Danish mainland, Jutland over the Little Belt Bridge. A motorway built 2006-2009 connects Odense to the island's second-largest city, Svendborg, which also has a railroad connection (Svendborgbanen). The town of Odense is also a major stop on the national railroad system lines.
|
[
"Jan Boye",
"Holger Larsen",
"Anker Boye",
"Peter Rahbæk Juel"
] |
|
Who was the head of Odense Municipality in 05-Jan-198305-January-1983?
|
January 05, 1983
|
{
"text": [
"Verner Dalskov"
]
}
|
L2_Q21146_P6_1
|
Holger Larsen is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 1970 to Jan, 1973.
Peter Rahbæk Juel is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Jan Boye is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 2006 to Dec, 2009.
Anker Boye is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 2010 to Dec, 2016.
Verner Dalskov is the head of the government of Odense Municipality from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1993.
|
Odense MunicipalityOdense Municipality () is a Danish municipality ("kommune") in Southern Denmark on the island of Funen in central Denmark. The municipality covers an area of , and has a population of 204,895 (1 January 2020). It is the most populous municipality in Region of Southern Denmark.The main town and the site of its municipal council is the city of Odense. Including the social sector, 17,000 people are employed by the municipality. The municipal budget is 6,881 million DKK as of 2006. The municipality runs 37 schools; Odense is also the home of 13 private schools.Neighboring municipalities are Kerteminde to the east, Faaborg-Midtfyn to the south, Assens to the west, and Nordfyn to the north.The Odense municipality is located near the Odense Fjord. The Odense Canal ("Odense Kanal") flows out from the fjord and forms three ports in the city's industrial area. The Odense River ("Odense Å") also flows out from the fjord and meanders through the municipality, including Odense town center where Sankt Jørgens Park and Munke Mose are located on its banks. The river springs from Lake Arreskov ("Arreskov Sø") in Faaborg-Midtfyn municipality.The highest point in the municipality is Dyred Banke which is located at above sea level.The municipality, a former "Provincial municipality" was re-created 1 April 1970 as Odense municipality as the result of a ("Municipal Reform") that merged a number of existing "Provincial"- "Parish"- and "Village"- municipalities: Allerup-Davinde, Allese-Næsbyhoved, Broby, Brændekilde, Bellinge, Dalum, Fraugde, Korup-Ubberud, Lumby, Odense, Paarup, Sanderum, Stenløse-Fangel, the "coalition-municipality" of Fjordager (which had been created in 1966 by merging Agedrup and Seden-Åsum municipalities), and Højby parish.Odense municipality was not merged with other municipalities by 1 January 2007 as the result of the nationwide "Kommunalreformen" ("The Municipal Reform" of 2007). Before this reform, the list of neighboring municipalities were Langeskov to the east, Munkebo to the northeast, Otterup to the north, Søndersø, Vissenbjerg, and Tommerup to the west, and Broby and Årslev to the south. Odense belonged to Funen County 1970-2006 and before this to Odense County.Odense's municipal council consists of 29 members, elected every four years. The municipal council has five political committees.Below are the municipal councils elected since the Municipal Reform of 2007.Odense's mayor is , representing the Social Democrats, since 1 January 2018.The former mayor of Odense Municipality, Anker Boye, is a member of the Social Democratic Party. His first term was from 1993 to 2005 when he was defeated by Jan Boye, a Conservative. He was re-elected in the 2009 election, forming a coalition with the Red–Green Alliance, the Socialist People's Party and the Social Democrats.The following is a list of mayors since 1792:After the city of Odense itself, the next most populous locations in the Municipality are:The municipality of Odense is divided into 11 different sectors. Neighbourhoods, suburbs and surrounding villages of the city of Odense include:Odense is the third largest city in Denmark, and one of country's oldest settlements. The first record of its existence dates from 988 and the town celebrated its 1,000th anniversary in 1988. The name refers to Odin in Norse mythology— "Odins Vi" ("Odin's Sanctuary"). The shrine of Canute the Saint was a great resort of pilgrims throughout the Middle Ages. His relics are still preserved in Saint Canute's Cathedral. In the 16th century the town was the meeting-place of several parliaments, and down to 1805 it was the seat of the provincial assembly of Funen.Denmark's famous author and poet Hans Christian Andersen was born in Odense on 2 April 1805. Museums honouring him have been created both in a house in the old part of Odense with a large collection of his works and belongings, and his childhood home, which is also located in the city.Odense also has a museum honouring the classical composer Carl Nielsen, who was born in Nr. Lynelse near Odense.The municipality is connected with all points on the island with an extensive system of roads, including the major E20 Funish Motorway ("Fynske Motorvej") which runs across the island through the town of Odense and connect the island on the east to the island of Zealand over the Great Belt Bridge and on the west to the Danish mainland, Jutland over the Little Belt Bridge. A motorway built 2006-2009 connects Odense to the island's second-largest city, Svendborg, which also has a railroad connection (Svendborgbanen). The town of Odense is also a major stop on the national railroad system lines.
|
[
"Jan Boye",
"Holger Larsen",
"Anker Boye",
"Peter Rahbæk Juel"
] |
|
Who was the head coach of the team HNK Šibenik in Oct, 2022?
|
October 25, 2022
|
{
"text": [
"Damir Canadi"
]
}
|
L2_Q833050_P286_3
|
Damir Petravić is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Apr, 2013 to Dec, 2014.
Krunoslav Rendulić is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jul, 2019 to Mar, 2021.
Damir Canadi is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jun, 2022 to Dec, 2022.
Mario Rosas is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jun, 2021 to Jan, 2022.
|
HNK ŠibenikHrvatski nogometni klub Šibenik (), commonly known as HNK Šibenik or simply Šibenik (), is a Croatian professional football club based in Šibenik. It competes in the top-level Croatian First Football League. They play their home matches at the Stadion Šubićevac, which has a capacity of 3,412.The club was formed in 1932 under the name Radničko sportsko društvo Šibenik ("Workers' Sport Association Šibenik"). The first president, Dr Martin Čičin-Šain, was only appointed to this role during the first board meeting, which was held in August 1933. They played in a stadium in the town area of Crnica, next to the "La Dalmatienne" factory. The playing field was officially opened on 31 May 1936. The first matches played were part of a 1936 tournament between Šibenik, Osvit, Split, and AŠK. Around the same time the first registered football club in Šibenik was also formed. This club was called Osvit and it was responsible for the construction of Šubićevac Stadium.The club played its first official league match in 1946 under the name FD Šibenik and the very next year it was crowned the champion of the Dalmatia region. The club's new home ground was opened on 1 May 1948 and bore the name of "the people's hero", Rade Končar. In the 1950–51 season, Šibenik finished top of the Croatian Republic League and gained promotion to the Yugoslav Second League for the first time in its history. However, they were relegated immediately and it was not until 1954–55 that they returned to the second division. In 1957 the club made it to the semi-final of the Yugoslav Cup.In 1983 Šibenik made it back to the Yugoslav Second League, where they played in the West Division, composed from 18 clubs from Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and SAP Vojvodina. In their first season (1983–84) they finished fourth, while in the 1984–85 season they came close second, only three points behind the champion Čelik Zenica, thus falling short of winning promotion to the Yugoslav First League. This was their best result in the Yugoslav Second League ever. After holding the middle position of the table for the next couple of seasons, Šibenik finished fifth in the 1987–88 season. They defended their fifth place in the 1988–89 season, the first Yugoslav Second League season which featured a unified format instead of two divisions (West and East), as well as in the 1989–90 season.Šibenik played in the Croatian First League for twelve consecutive seasons, from 1992 until 2003. In 2006 the club finished first in the Croatian Second League's southern division and returned to the first league. In the 2009–10 season, Šibenik finished fourth in domestic league, which was their best result ever, and thus qualified for the 2010–11 UEFA Europa League first qualifying round for the first time in its history. They were eliminated in the second qualifying round by Anorthosis Famagusta 2–3 on aggregate.In the 2011–12 season, the club finished fourteenth and were relegated to Second League. In the following season, Šibenik finished fourth but due to financial difficulties, they were once again relegated to the Third League. In the 2013–14 season, Šibenik finished in second place with their marksman Miro Slavica scoring 30 goals to take out the league's top goalscorer award, but failed to lead his side to promotion.At the end of the 2014–15 season, Šibenik gained promotion to Second League, topping the Third League – South. Mirko Labrović took over as manager in 2015. They finished close second to Cibalia in the 2015–16 season, failing to beat them in the last match of the season and thus failing to win direct promotion to the first tier by only one point. Šibenik played against Istra 1961 in the relegation play-offs on 29 May and 1 June 2016. Both matches ended 1–1 and Šibenik lost the play-off after penalty shootout.In the 2018–19 season, Šibenik finished a close second to Varaždin, and again played relegation play-offs over Istra 1961. The first match played in Šibenik ended 1–1 but in the second match played on Stadion Aldo Drosina, Istra beat them by a scoreline of 0–2. On 6 May 2020, by a decision of the Croatian Football Federation to suspend the 2019–20 Croatian Second League season, Šibenik was promoted to the first tier after eight years.Key The following HNK Šibenik players have been capped at full international level. Years in brackets indicate their spells at the club.
|
[
"Damir Petravić",
"Krunoslav Rendulić",
"Mario Rosas"
] |
|
Who was the head coach of the team HNK Šibenik in 2022-10-25?
|
October 25, 2022
|
{
"text": [
"Damir Canadi"
]
}
|
L2_Q833050_P286_3
|
Damir Petravić is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Apr, 2013 to Dec, 2014.
Krunoslav Rendulić is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jul, 2019 to Mar, 2021.
Damir Canadi is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jun, 2022 to Dec, 2022.
Mario Rosas is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jun, 2021 to Jan, 2022.
|
HNK ŠibenikHrvatski nogometni klub Šibenik (), commonly known as HNK Šibenik or simply Šibenik (), is a Croatian professional football club based in Šibenik. It competes in the top-level Croatian First Football League. They play their home matches at the Stadion Šubićevac, which has a capacity of 3,412.The club was formed in 1932 under the name Radničko sportsko društvo Šibenik ("Workers' Sport Association Šibenik"). The first president, Dr Martin Čičin-Šain, was only appointed to this role during the first board meeting, which was held in August 1933. They played in a stadium in the town area of Crnica, next to the "La Dalmatienne" factory. The playing field was officially opened on 31 May 1936. The first matches played were part of a 1936 tournament between Šibenik, Osvit, Split, and AŠK. Around the same time the first registered football club in Šibenik was also formed. This club was called Osvit and it was responsible for the construction of Šubićevac Stadium.The club played its first official league match in 1946 under the name FD Šibenik and the very next year it was crowned the champion of the Dalmatia region. The club's new home ground was opened on 1 May 1948 and bore the name of "the people's hero", Rade Končar. In the 1950–51 season, Šibenik finished top of the Croatian Republic League and gained promotion to the Yugoslav Second League for the first time in its history. However, they were relegated immediately and it was not until 1954–55 that they returned to the second division. In 1957 the club made it to the semi-final of the Yugoslav Cup.In 1983 Šibenik made it back to the Yugoslav Second League, where they played in the West Division, composed from 18 clubs from Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and SAP Vojvodina. In their first season (1983–84) they finished fourth, while in the 1984–85 season they came close second, only three points behind the champion Čelik Zenica, thus falling short of winning promotion to the Yugoslav First League. This was their best result in the Yugoslav Second League ever. After holding the middle position of the table for the next couple of seasons, Šibenik finished fifth in the 1987–88 season. They defended their fifth place in the 1988–89 season, the first Yugoslav Second League season which featured a unified format instead of two divisions (West and East), as well as in the 1989–90 season.Šibenik played in the Croatian First League for twelve consecutive seasons, from 1992 until 2003. In 2006 the club finished first in the Croatian Second League's southern division and returned to the first league. In the 2009–10 season, Šibenik finished fourth in domestic league, which was their best result ever, and thus qualified for the 2010–11 UEFA Europa League first qualifying round for the first time in its history. They were eliminated in the second qualifying round by Anorthosis Famagusta 2–3 on aggregate.In the 2011–12 season, the club finished fourteenth and were relegated to Second League. In the following season, Šibenik finished fourth but due to financial difficulties, they were once again relegated to the Third League. In the 2013–14 season, Šibenik finished in second place with their marksman Miro Slavica scoring 30 goals to take out the league's top goalscorer award, but failed to lead his side to promotion.At the end of the 2014–15 season, Šibenik gained promotion to Second League, topping the Third League – South. Mirko Labrović took over as manager in 2015. They finished close second to Cibalia in the 2015–16 season, failing to beat them in the last match of the season and thus failing to win direct promotion to the first tier by only one point. Šibenik played against Istra 1961 in the relegation play-offs on 29 May and 1 June 2016. Both matches ended 1–1 and Šibenik lost the play-off after penalty shootout.In the 2018–19 season, Šibenik finished a close second to Varaždin, and again played relegation play-offs over Istra 1961. The first match played in Šibenik ended 1–1 but in the second match played on Stadion Aldo Drosina, Istra beat them by a scoreline of 0–2. On 6 May 2020, by a decision of the Croatian Football Federation to suspend the 2019–20 Croatian Second League season, Šibenik was promoted to the first tier after eight years.Key The following HNK Šibenik players have been capped at full international level. Years in brackets indicate their spells at the club.
|
[
"Damir Petravić",
"Krunoslav Rendulić",
"Mario Rosas"
] |
|
Who was the head coach of the team HNK Šibenik in 25/10/2022?
|
October 25, 2022
|
{
"text": [
"Damir Canadi"
]
}
|
L2_Q833050_P286_3
|
Damir Petravić is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Apr, 2013 to Dec, 2014.
Krunoslav Rendulić is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jul, 2019 to Mar, 2021.
Damir Canadi is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jun, 2022 to Dec, 2022.
Mario Rosas is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jun, 2021 to Jan, 2022.
|
HNK ŠibenikHrvatski nogometni klub Šibenik (), commonly known as HNK Šibenik or simply Šibenik (), is a Croatian professional football club based in Šibenik. It competes in the top-level Croatian First Football League. They play their home matches at the Stadion Šubićevac, which has a capacity of 3,412.The club was formed in 1932 under the name Radničko sportsko društvo Šibenik ("Workers' Sport Association Šibenik"). The first president, Dr Martin Čičin-Šain, was only appointed to this role during the first board meeting, which was held in August 1933. They played in a stadium in the town area of Crnica, next to the "La Dalmatienne" factory. The playing field was officially opened on 31 May 1936. The first matches played were part of a 1936 tournament between Šibenik, Osvit, Split, and AŠK. Around the same time the first registered football club in Šibenik was also formed. This club was called Osvit and it was responsible for the construction of Šubićevac Stadium.The club played its first official league match in 1946 under the name FD Šibenik and the very next year it was crowned the champion of the Dalmatia region. The club's new home ground was opened on 1 May 1948 and bore the name of "the people's hero", Rade Končar. In the 1950–51 season, Šibenik finished top of the Croatian Republic League and gained promotion to the Yugoslav Second League for the first time in its history. However, they were relegated immediately and it was not until 1954–55 that they returned to the second division. In 1957 the club made it to the semi-final of the Yugoslav Cup.In 1983 Šibenik made it back to the Yugoslav Second League, where they played in the West Division, composed from 18 clubs from Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and SAP Vojvodina. In their first season (1983–84) they finished fourth, while in the 1984–85 season they came close second, only three points behind the champion Čelik Zenica, thus falling short of winning promotion to the Yugoslav First League. This was their best result in the Yugoslav Second League ever. After holding the middle position of the table for the next couple of seasons, Šibenik finished fifth in the 1987–88 season. They defended their fifth place in the 1988–89 season, the first Yugoslav Second League season which featured a unified format instead of two divisions (West and East), as well as in the 1989–90 season.Šibenik played in the Croatian First League for twelve consecutive seasons, from 1992 until 2003. In 2006 the club finished first in the Croatian Second League's southern division and returned to the first league. In the 2009–10 season, Šibenik finished fourth in domestic league, which was their best result ever, and thus qualified for the 2010–11 UEFA Europa League first qualifying round for the first time in its history. They were eliminated in the second qualifying round by Anorthosis Famagusta 2–3 on aggregate.In the 2011–12 season, the club finished fourteenth and were relegated to Second League. In the following season, Šibenik finished fourth but due to financial difficulties, they were once again relegated to the Third League. In the 2013–14 season, Šibenik finished in second place with their marksman Miro Slavica scoring 30 goals to take out the league's top goalscorer award, but failed to lead his side to promotion.At the end of the 2014–15 season, Šibenik gained promotion to Second League, topping the Third League – South. Mirko Labrović took over as manager in 2015. They finished close second to Cibalia in the 2015–16 season, failing to beat them in the last match of the season and thus failing to win direct promotion to the first tier by only one point. Šibenik played against Istra 1961 in the relegation play-offs on 29 May and 1 June 2016. Both matches ended 1–1 and Šibenik lost the play-off after penalty shootout.In the 2018–19 season, Šibenik finished a close second to Varaždin, and again played relegation play-offs over Istra 1961. The first match played in Šibenik ended 1–1 but in the second match played on Stadion Aldo Drosina, Istra beat them by a scoreline of 0–2. On 6 May 2020, by a decision of the Croatian Football Federation to suspend the 2019–20 Croatian Second League season, Šibenik was promoted to the first tier after eight years.Key The following HNK Šibenik players have been capped at full international level. Years in brackets indicate their spells at the club.
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[
"Damir Petravić",
"Krunoslav Rendulić",
"Mario Rosas"
] |
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Who was the head coach of the team HNK Šibenik in Oct 25, 2022?
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October 25, 2022
|
{
"text": [
"Damir Canadi"
]
}
|
L2_Q833050_P286_3
|
Damir Petravić is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Apr, 2013 to Dec, 2014.
Krunoslav Rendulić is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jul, 2019 to Mar, 2021.
Damir Canadi is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jun, 2022 to Dec, 2022.
Mario Rosas is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jun, 2021 to Jan, 2022.
|
HNK ŠibenikHrvatski nogometni klub Šibenik (), commonly known as HNK Šibenik or simply Šibenik (), is a Croatian professional football club based in Šibenik. It competes in the top-level Croatian First Football League. They play their home matches at the Stadion Šubićevac, which has a capacity of 3,412.The club was formed in 1932 under the name Radničko sportsko društvo Šibenik ("Workers' Sport Association Šibenik"). The first president, Dr Martin Čičin-Šain, was only appointed to this role during the first board meeting, which was held in August 1933. They played in a stadium in the town area of Crnica, next to the "La Dalmatienne" factory. The playing field was officially opened on 31 May 1936. The first matches played were part of a 1936 tournament between Šibenik, Osvit, Split, and AŠK. Around the same time the first registered football club in Šibenik was also formed. This club was called Osvit and it was responsible for the construction of Šubićevac Stadium.The club played its first official league match in 1946 under the name FD Šibenik and the very next year it was crowned the champion of the Dalmatia region. The club's new home ground was opened on 1 May 1948 and bore the name of "the people's hero", Rade Končar. In the 1950–51 season, Šibenik finished top of the Croatian Republic League and gained promotion to the Yugoslav Second League for the first time in its history. However, they were relegated immediately and it was not until 1954–55 that they returned to the second division. In 1957 the club made it to the semi-final of the Yugoslav Cup.In 1983 Šibenik made it back to the Yugoslav Second League, where they played in the West Division, composed from 18 clubs from Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and SAP Vojvodina. In their first season (1983–84) they finished fourth, while in the 1984–85 season they came close second, only three points behind the champion Čelik Zenica, thus falling short of winning promotion to the Yugoslav First League. This was their best result in the Yugoslav Second League ever. After holding the middle position of the table for the next couple of seasons, Šibenik finished fifth in the 1987–88 season. They defended their fifth place in the 1988–89 season, the first Yugoslav Second League season which featured a unified format instead of two divisions (West and East), as well as in the 1989–90 season.Šibenik played in the Croatian First League for twelve consecutive seasons, from 1992 until 2003. In 2006 the club finished first in the Croatian Second League's southern division and returned to the first league. In the 2009–10 season, Šibenik finished fourth in domestic league, which was their best result ever, and thus qualified for the 2010–11 UEFA Europa League first qualifying round for the first time in its history. They were eliminated in the second qualifying round by Anorthosis Famagusta 2–3 on aggregate.In the 2011–12 season, the club finished fourteenth and were relegated to Second League. In the following season, Šibenik finished fourth but due to financial difficulties, they were once again relegated to the Third League. In the 2013–14 season, Šibenik finished in second place with their marksman Miro Slavica scoring 30 goals to take out the league's top goalscorer award, but failed to lead his side to promotion.At the end of the 2014–15 season, Šibenik gained promotion to Second League, topping the Third League – South. Mirko Labrović took over as manager in 2015. They finished close second to Cibalia in the 2015–16 season, failing to beat them in the last match of the season and thus failing to win direct promotion to the first tier by only one point. Šibenik played against Istra 1961 in the relegation play-offs on 29 May and 1 June 2016. Both matches ended 1–1 and Šibenik lost the play-off after penalty shootout.In the 2018–19 season, Šibenik finished a close second to Varaždin, and again played relegation play-offs over Istra 1961. The first match played in Šibenik ended 1–1 but in the second match played on Stadion Aldo Drosina, Istra beat them by a scoreline of 0–2. On 6 May 2020, by a decision of the Croatian Football Federation to suspend the 2019–20 Croatian Second League season, Šibenik was promoted to the first tier after eight years.Key The following HNK Šibenik players have been capped at full international level. Years in brackets indicate their spells at the club.
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[
"Damir Petravić",
"Krunoslav Rendulić",
"Mario Rosas"
] |
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Who was the head coach of the team HNK Šibenik in 10/25/2022?
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October 25, 2022
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{
"text": [
"Damir Canadi"
]
}
|
L2_Q833050_P286_3
|
Damir Petravić is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Apr, 2013 to Dec, 2014.
Krunoslav Rendulić is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jul, 2019 to Mar, 2021.
Damir Canadi is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jun, 2022 to Dec, 2022.
Mario Rosas is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jun, 2021 to Jan, 2022.
|
HNK ŠibenikHrvatski nogometni klub Šibenik (), commonly known as HNK Šibenik or simply Šibenik (), is a Croatian professional football club based in Šibenik. It competes in the top-level Croatian First Football League. They play their home matches at the Stadion Šubićevac, which has a capacity of 3,412.The club was formed in 1932 under the name Radničko sportsko društvo Šibenik ("Workers' Sport Association Šibenik"). The first president, Dr Martin Čičin-Šain, was only appointed to this role during the first board meeting, which was held in August 1933. They played in a stadium in the town area of Crnica, next to the "La Dalmatienne" factory. The playing field was officially opened on 31 May 1936. The first matches played were part of a 1936 tournament between Šibenik, Osvit, Split, and AŠK. Around the same time the first registered football club in Šibenik was also formed. This club was called Osvit and it was responsible for the construction of Šubićevac Stadium.The club played its first official league match in 1946 under the name FD Šibenik and the very next year it was crowned the champion of the Dalmatia region. The club's new home ground was opened on 1 May 1948 and bore the name of "the people's hero", Rade Končar. In the 1950–51 season, Šibenik finished top of the Croatian Republic League and gained promotion to the Yugoslav Second League for the first time in its history. However, they were relegated immediately and it was not until 1954–55 that they returned to the second division. In 1957 the club made it to the semi-final of the Yugoslav Cup.In 1983 Šibenik made it back to the Yugoslav Second League, where they played in the West Division, composed from 18 clubs from Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and SAP Vojvodina. In their first season (1983–84) they finished fourth, while in the 1984–85 season they came close second, only three points behind the champion Čelik Zenica, thus falling short of winning promotion to the Yugoslav First League. This was their best result in the Yugoslav Second League ever. After holding the middle position of the table for the next couple of seasons, Šibenik finished fifth in the 1987–88 season. They defended their fifth place in the 1988–89 season, the first Yugoslav Second League season which featured a unified format instead of two divisions (West and East), as well as in the 1989–90 season.Šibenik played in the Croatian First League for twelve consecutive seasons, from 1992 until 2003. In 2006 the club finished first in the Croatian Second League's southern division and returned to the first league. In the 2009–10 season, Šibenik finished fourth in domestic league, which was their best result ever, and thus qualified for the 2010–11 UEFA Europa League first qualifying round for the first time in its history. They were eliminated in the second qualifying round by Anorthosis Famagusta 2–3 on aggregate.In the 2011–12 season, the club finished fourteenth and were relegated to Second League. In the following season, Šibenik finished fourth but due to financial difficulties, they were once again relegated to the Third League. In the 2013–14 season, Šibenik finished in second place with their marksman Miro Slavica scoring 30 goals to take out the league's top goalscorer award, but failed to lead his side to promotion.At the end of the 2014–15 season, Šibenik gained promotion to Second League, topping the Third League – South. Mirko Labrović took over as manager in 2015. They finished close second to Cibalia in the 2015–16 season, failing to beat them in the last match of the season and thus failing to win direct promotion to the first tier by only one point. Šibenik played against Istra 1961 in the relegation play-offs on 29 May and 1 June 2016. Both matches ended 1–1 and Šibenik lost the play-off after penalty shootout.In the 2018–19 season, Šibenik finished a close second to Varaždin, and again played relegation play-offs over Istra 1961. The first match played in Šibenik ended 1–1 but in the second match played on Stadion Aldo Drosina, Istra beat them by a scoreline of 0–2. On 6 May 2020, by a decision of the Croatian Football Federation to suspend the 2019–20 Croatian Second League season, Šibenik was promoted to the first tier after eight years.Key The following HNK Šibenik players have been capped at full international level. Years in brackets indicate their spells at the club.
|
[
"Damir Petravić",
"Krunoslav Rendulić",
"Mario Rosas"
] |
|
Who was the head coach of the team HNK Šibenik in 25-Oct-202225-October-2022?
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October 25, 2022
|
{
"text": [
"Damir Canadi"
]
}
|
L2_Q833050_P286_3
|
Damir Petravić is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Apr, 2013 to Dec, 2014.
Krunoslav Rendulić is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jul, 2019 to Mar, 2021.
Damir Canadi is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jun, 2022 to Dec, 2022.
Mario Rosas is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jun, 2021 to Jan, 2022.
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HNK ŠibenikHrvatski nogometni klub Šibenik (), commonly known as HNK Šibenik or simply Šibenik (), is a Croatian professional football club based in Šibenik. It competes in the top-level Croatian First Football League. They play their home matches at the Stadion Šubićevac, which has a capacity of 3,412.The club was formed in 1932 under the name Radničko sportsko društvo Šibenik ("Workers' Sport Association Šibenik"). The first president, Dr Martin Čičin-Šain, was only appointed to this role during the first board meeting, which was held in August 1933. They played in a stadium in the town area of Crnica, next to the "La Dalmatienne" factory. The playing field was officially opened on 31 May 1936. The first matches played were part of a 1936 tournament between Šibenik, Osvit, Split, and AŠK. Around the same time the first registered football club in Šibenik was also formed. This club was called Osvit and it was responsible for the construction of Šubićevac Stadium.The club played its first official league match in 1946 under the name FD Šibenik and the very next year it was crowned the champion of the Dalmatia region. The club's new home ground was opened on 1 May 1948 and bore the name of "the people's hero", Rade Končar. In the 1950–51 season, Šibenik finished top of the Croatian Republic League and gained promotion to the Yugoslav Second League for the first time in its history. However, they were relegated immediately and it was not until 1954–55 that they returned to the second division. In 1957 the club made it to the semi-final of the Yugoslav Cup.In 1983 Šibenik made it back to the Yugoslav Second League, where they played in the West Division, composed from 18 clubs from Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and SAP Vojvodina. In their first season (1983–84) they finished fourth, while in the 1984–85 season they came close second, only three points behind the champion Čelik Zenica, thus falling short of winning promotion to the Yugoslav First League. This was their best result in the Yugoslav Second League ever. After holding the middle position of the table for the next couple of seasons, Šibenik finished fifth in the 1987–88 season. They defended their fifth place in the 1988–89 season, the first Yugoslav Second League season which featured a unified format instead of two divisions (West and East), as well as in the 1989–90 season.Šibenik played in the Croatian First League for twelve consecutive seasons, from 1992 until 2003. In 2006 the club finished first in the Croatian Second League's southern division and returned to the first league. In the 2009–10 season, Šibenik finished fourth in domestic league, which was their best result ever, and thus qualified for the 2010–11 UEFA Europa League first qualifying round for the first time in its history. They were eliminated in the second qualifying round by Anorthosis Famagusta 2–3 on aggregate.In the 2011–12 season, the club finished fourteenth and were relegated to Second League. In the following season, Šibenik finished fourth but due to financial difficulties, they were once again relegated to the Third League. In the 2013–14 season, Šibenik finished in second place with their marksman Miro Slavica scoring 30 goals to take out the league's top goalscorer award, but failed to lead his side to promotion.At the end of the 2014–15 season, Šibenik gained promotion to Second League, topping the Third League – South. Mirko Labrović took over as manager in 2015. They finished close second to Cibalia in the 2015–16 season, failing to beat them in the last match of the season and thus failing to win direct promotion to the first tier by only one point. Šibenik played against Istra 1961 in the relegation play-offs on 29 May and 1 June 2016. Both matches ended 1–1 and Šibenik lost the play-off after penalty shootout.In the 2018–19 season, Šibenik finished a close second to Varaždin, and again played relegation play-offs over Istra 1961. The first match played in Šibenik ended 1–1 but in the second match played on Stadion Aldo Drosina, Istra beat them by a scoreline of 0–2. On 6 May 2020, by a decision of the Croatian Football Federation to suspend the 2019–20 Croatian Second League season, Šibenik was promoted to the first tier after eight years.Key The following HNK Šibenik players have been capped at full international level. Years in brackets indicate their spells at the club.
|
[
"Damir Petravić",
"Krunoslav Rendulić",
"Mario Rosas"
] |
|
Who was the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature in Mar, 2019?
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March 08, 2019
|
{
"text": [
"Pavan Sukhdev"
]
}
|
L2_Q117892_P488_8
|
Yolanda Kakabadse is the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2018.
Syed Babar Ali is the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 1999.
Sara Morrison is the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2001.
Emeka Anyaoku is the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2009.
E. Neville Isdell is the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature from Jun, 2022 to Dec, 2022.
Ruud Lubbers is the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2000.
Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh is the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1996.
Pavan Sukhdev is the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature from Nov, 2017 to Jan, 2021.
John Hugo Loudon is the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1981.
Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands is the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1976.
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World Wide Fund for NatureThe World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) is an international non-governmental organization founded in 1961 that works in the field of wilderness preservation and the reduction of human impact on the environment. It was formerly named the World Wildlife Fund, which remains its official name in Canada and the United States.WWF is the world's largest conservation organization, with over five million supporters worldwide, working in more than 100 countries and supporting around 3,000 conservation and environmental projects. They have invested over $1 billion in more than 12,000 conservation initiatives since 1995. WWF is a foundation with 55% of funding from individuals and bequests, 19% from government sources (such as the World Bank, DFID, and USAID) and 8% from corporations in 2014.WWF aims to "stop the degradation of the planet's natural environment and to build a future in which humans live in harmony with nature." The Living Planet Report has been published every two years by WWF since 1998; it is based on a Living Planet Index and ecological footprint calculation. In addition, WWF has launched several notable worldwide campaigns, including Earth Hour and Debt-for-nature swap, and its current work is organized around these six areas: food, climate, freshwater, wildlife, forests, and oceans.WWF received criticism for its alleged corporate ties and has been reprimanded for supporting eco-guards that hounded African forest dwellers in the proposed Messok Dja national park in the Republic of the Congo.The World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) is part of the Steering Group of the Foundations Platform F20, an international network of foundations and philanthropic organizations.The idea for a fund on behalf of endangered animals was officially proposed by Victor Stolan to Sir Julian Huxley in response to articles he published in the British newspaper "The Observer." This proposal led Huxley to put Stolan in contact with Edward Max Nicholson, a person who had had thirty years experience of linking progressive intellectuals with big business interests through the Political and Economic Planning think tank. Nicholson thought up the name of the organization and the original panda logo was designed by Sir Peter Scott. WWF was conceived on 29 April 1961, under the name of "World Wildlife Fund". Its first office was opened on 11 September in IUCN's headquarters at Morges, Switzerland.The WWF was conceived to act as an international fundraising organisation to support the work of existing conservation groups, primarily the International Union for the Conservation of Nature. Its establishment was marked with the signing of the "Morges Manifesto", the founding document that sets out the fund's commitment to assisting worthy organizations struggling to save the world's wildlife:Dutch Prince Bernhard of Lippe-Biesterfeld helped found the World Wildlife Fund, becoming its first President in 1961. In 1963, the Foundation held a conference and published a major report warning of anthropogenic global warming, written by Noel Eichhorn based on the work of Frank Fraser Darling (then foundation vice president), Edward Deevey, Erik Eriksson, Charles Keeling, Gilbert Plass, Lionel Walford, and William Garnett.In 1970, along with Duke of Edinburgh and a few associates, Prince Bernhard established the WWF's financial endowment "" to handle the WWF's administration and fundraising. 1001 members each contributed $10,000 to the trust. Prince Bernhard resigned his post after being involved in the Lockheed Bribery Scandal.The WWF has set up offices and operations around the world. It originally worked by fundraising and providing grants to existing non-governmental organizations with an initial focus on the protection of endangered species. As more resources became available, its operations expanded into other areas such as the preservation of biological diversity, sustainable use of natural resources, the reduction of pollution, and climate change. The organization also began to run its own conservation projects and campaigns.In 1986, the organization changed its name to "World Wide Fund for Nature", while retaining the WWF initials. However, it continued at that time to operate under the original name in the United States and Canada.1986 was the 25th anniversary of WWF's foundation, an event marked by a gathering in Assisi, Italy to which the organization's International President Prince Philip, the Duke of Edinburgh, invited religious authorities representing Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam and Judaism. These leaders produced The Assisi Declarations, theological statements showing the spiritual relationship between their followers and nature that triggered a growth in the engagement of those religions with conservation around the world.In the 1990s, WWF revised its mission statement to:WWF scientists and many others identified 238 ecoregions that represent the world's most biologically outstanding terrestrial, freshwater and marine habitats, based on a worldwide biodiversity analysis which the organization says was the first of its kind. In the early 2000s (decade), its work was focused on a subset of these ecoregions, in the areas of forest, freshwater and marine habitat conservation, endangered species conservation, climate change, and the elimination of the most toxic chemicals.In 1990, the Conservation Foundation was completely merged into WWF, after becoming an affiliate of WWF-US in 1985 when it became a distinct legal entity but with the same staff and board. The organization now known as the Conservation Foundation in the United States is the former Forest Foundation of DuPage County. In 1996, the organization obtained general consultative status from UNESCO.Harvard University published a case study on WWF called "Negotiating Toward the Paris Accords: WWF & the Role of Forests in the 2015 Climate Agreement":WWF's giant panda logo originated from a panda named Chi Chi that had been transferred from Beijing Zoo to London Zoo in 1958, three years before WWF became established. Being famous as the only panda residing in the Western world at that time, her uniquely recognisable physical features and status as an endangered species were seen as ideal to serve the organization's need for a strong recognisable symbol that would overcome all language barriers. The organization also needed an animal that would have an impact in black and white printing. The logo was then designed by Sir Peter Scott from preliminary sketches by Gerald Watterson, a Scottish naturalist.The logo was slightly simplified and made more geometric in 1978, and was revised significantly again in 1986, at the time that the organization changed its name, with the new version featuring solid black shapes for eyes. In 2000 a change was made to the font used for the initials "WWF" in the logo.Policies of the WWF are made by board members elected for three-year terms. An Executive Team guides and develops WWF's strategy. There is also a National Council which stands as an advisory group to the board and a team of scientists and experts in conservation who research for WWF.National and international law plays an important role in determining how habitats and resources are managed and used. Laws and regulations become one of the organization's global priorities.The WWF has been opposed to the extraction of oil from the Canadian tar sands and has campaigned on this matter. Between 2008 and 2010 the WWF worked with The Co-operative Group, the UK's largest consumer co-operative to publish reports which concluded that: (1) exploiting the Canadian tar sands to their full potential would be sufficient to bring about what they described as 'runaway climate change; (2) carbon capture and storage (CCS) technology cannot be used to reduce the release of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere to a level comparable to that of other methods of oil extraction; (3) the $379 billion which is expected to be spent extracting oil from tar sands could be better spent on research and development in renewable energy technology; and (4) the expansion of tar sands extraction poses a serious threat to the caribou in Alberta .The organization convinces and helps governments and other political bodies to adopt, enforce, strengthen and/or change policies, guidelines and laws that affect biodiversity and natural resource use. It also ensures government consent and/or keeps their commitment to international instruments relating to the protection of biodiversity and natural resources.In 2012, David Nussbaum, Chief Executive of WWF-UK, spoke out against the way shale gas is used in the UK, saying: "...the Government must reaffirm its commitment to tackling climate change and prioritise renewables and energy efficiency."The organisation works on a number of global issues driving biodiversity loss and unsustainable use of natural resources, including species conservation, finance, business practices, laws, and consumption choices. Local offices also work on national or regional issues.WWF works with a large number of different groups to achieve its goals, including other NGOs, governments, business, investment banks, scientists, fishermen, farmers and local communities. It also undertakes public campaigns to influence decision makers, and seeks to educate people on how to live in a more environmentally friendly manner. It urges people to donate funds to protect the environment. The donors can also choose to receive gifts in return.In October 2020, WWF was named as one of the alliance partner's of Prince William's Earthshot Prize, to find solutions to environmental issues.In March 2021, WWF announced an extension of their partnership with H&M to address sustainable supply chain practices.WWF publishes the "Living Planet Index" in collaboration with the Zoological Society of London. Along with ecological footprint calculations, the "Index" is used to produce a bi-yearly "Living Planet Report" giving an overview of the impact of human activity on the world. In 2019, WWF and Knorr jointly published the Future 50 Foods report identifying "50 Foods for Healthier People and a Healthier Planet".The organization also regularly publishes reports, fact sheets and other documents on issues related to its work, to raise awareness and provide information to policy and decision makers.The German public television ARD aired a documentary on 22 June 2011 that claimed to show how the WWF cooperates with corporations such as Monsanto, providing sustainability certification in exchange for donations– essentially greenwashing. WWF has denied the allegations. By encouraging high-impact eco-tourism, the program alleges that WWF contributes to the destruction of habitat and species it claims to protect while also harming indigenous peoples.The filmmaker, , was sued by the WWF over his documentary and the book "Schwarzbuch WWF" published in 2012, which was based on the documentary. In an out of court settlement, he agreed to remove or revise certain claims. Speaking on behalf of WWF Germany, Marco Vollmar indicated "[Huismann] draws a distorted picture of false statements, defamations and exaggerations, but we will accept that as expressions of opinion." (Translated from the original German: "ein Zerrbild aus falschen Aussagen, Diffamierungen und Übertreibungen, aber das werden wir als Meinungsäußerungen hinnehmen.")In 2014, German investigative journalist published a revised edition of his 2012 book, originally called "The Silence of the Pandas". The original edition had become a bestseller in Germany, but was banned from Britain until 2014, when it was released under the title of "PandaLeaks - The Dark Side of the WWF", after a series of injunctions and court orders. The book criticizes WWF for its involvement with corporations that are responsible for large-scale destruction of the environment, such as Coca-Cola, and gives details into the existence of the secret 1001 Club, whose members, Huismann claims, continue to have an unhealthy influence on WWF's policy making. WWF has denied the allegations made against it.WWF has been accused by the campaigner Corporate Watch of being too close to business to campaign objectively. WWF claims partnering with corporations such as Coca-Cola, Lafarge, Carlos Slim's and IKEA will reduce their effect on the environment. WWF received €56 million (US$80 million) from corporations in 2010 (an 8% increase in support from corporations compared to 2009), accounting for 11% of total revenue for the year.For their 2019 fiscal year, WWF reported 4% of their total operating revenue coming from corporations.In 2017, a report by Survival International claimed that WWF-funded paramilitaries are not only committing abuses against the indigenous Baka and Bayaka in the Congo Basin, who "face harassment and beatings, torture and death", but are also corrupt and aid in the destruction of conserved areas. The report accused WWF and its guards of partnering with several logging companies who carried out deforestation, while the rangers ignored wildlife trafficking networks.In 2019, an investigation by "BuzzFeed News" alleged that paramilitary groups funded by the organisation are engaged in serious human rights abuses against villagers, and the organisation has covered up the incidents and acted to protect the perpetrators from law enforcement. These armed groups were claimed to torture, sexually assault, and execute villagers based on false accusations. In one instance found by "BuzzFeed News" investigators, an 11-year-old boy was allegedly tortured by WWF-funded rangers in front of his parents; WWF ignored all complaints against the rangers. In another incident, a ranger attempted to rape a Tharu woman and, when she resisted, attacked her with bamboo stick until she lost consciousness. While the ranger was arrested, the woman was pressured not to press charges, resulting in the ranger going free. In 2010, WWF-sponsored rangers reportedly killed a 12-year-old girl who was collecting tree bark in Bardiya National Park. Park and WWF officials allegedly obstructed investigations in these cases, by "falsifying and destroying evidence, falsely claiming the victims were poachers, and pressuring the families of the victims to withdraw criminal complaints". In July 2019, "Buzzfeed" reported that a leaked report by the WWF accused guards of beating and raping women including pregnant women while torturing men by tying their penises with fishing lines. The investigations were cut short after paramilitary groups threatened investigators with death. The investigators accused WWF of covering up the crimes. Releasing an official statement, the WWF claimed that the report was not made public to ensure the safety of the victims and that the guards were suspended and are awaiting prosecution. However Buzzfeed accused the WWF of attempting to withhold the report to the US congressional committee investigating the human rights violations by providing highly redacted versions instead.In the Central African Republic, WWF officials were reportedly involved in an arms deal, where the organization paid for 15 Kalashnikov assault rifles and ammunition; but part of the money went unaccounted for and they were apparently defrauded by the CAR army representatives selling the weapons."The Kathmandu Post", which cooperated with "BuzzFeed News" on the investigations in Nepal, claimed there was intense lobbying and political pressure to release WWF-funded rangers arrested for murder. They interviewed activists who claimed they were promised donations for pressuring victims of abuse to drop charges against the rangers. When the local Tharu community protested, WWF officials carried out a counter-protest in favour of the accused and used park elephants to block Prithvi Highway.An investigation by Rainforest Foundation UK found evidence of widespread physical and sexual assault by ‘eco-guards’ employed by the Salonga National Park in the Democratic Republic of Congo funded by WWF. These include two cases of gang rape, two extrajudicial killings, and multiple accounts of torture and other forms of mistreatment committed by park guards.In reply to the investigations, WWF stated that it takes any allegations seriously and would be launching an independent review into the cases raised. The organisation stated it has stringent policies designed to ensure it and its partners are safeguarding the rights and well-being of indigenous peoples and local communities, and should the review uncover any breaches, it is committed to taking swift action.In 2000, the World Wide Fund for Nature sued the World Wrestling Federation (now named WWE) for unfair trade practices. Both parties had shared the initials "WWF" since 1979. The conservation organization claimed that the professional wrestling company had violated a 1994 agreement regarding international use of the WWF initials.On 10 August 2001, a UK court ruled in favour of the World Wide Fund for Nature. The World Wrestling Federation filed an appeal in October 2001. However, on 10 May 2002, the World Wrestling Federation changed its Web address from "WWF.com" to "WWE.com", and replaced every "WWF" reference on the existing site with "WWE", as a prelude to changing the company's name to "World Wrestling Entertainment." Its stock ticker also switched from WWF to WWE.The wrestling organization's abandonment of "WWF" initialism did not end the two organizations' legal conflict. Later in 2002, the World Wide Fund for Nature petitioned the court for $360 million in damages, but was not successful. A subsequent request to overturn by the World Wide Fund for Nature was dismissed by the British Court of Appeal on 28 June 2007. In 2003, World Wrestling Entertainment won a limited decision which permitted them to continue marketing certain pre-existing products with the abandoned WWF logo. However, WWE was mandated to issue newly branded merchandise such as apparel, action figures, video games, and DVDs with the "WWE" initials. Additionally, the court order required the company to remove both auditory and visual references to "WWF" in its library of video footage outside the United Kingdom.Starting with the 1,000th episode of "Raw" in July 2012, the WWF "scratch" logo is no longer censored in archival footage. In addition, the WWF initials are no longer censored when spoken or when written in plain text in archival footage. In exchange, WWE is no longer permitted to use WWF initials or logo in any new, original footage, packaging, or advertising, with any old-school logos for retro-themed programming now using a modification of the original WWF logo without the F.In June 2009, Touch Seang Tana, chairman of Cambodia's Commission for Conservation and Development of the Mekong River Dolphins Eco-tourism Zone, argued that the WWF had misrepresented the danger of extinction of the Mekong dolphin to boost fundraising. The report stated that the deaths were caused by a bacterial disease that became fatal due to environmental contaminants suppressing the dolphins' immune systems. He called the report unscientific and harmful to the Cambodian government and threatened WWF's Cambodian branch with suspension unless they met with him to discuss his claims. Touch Seang Tana later said he would not press charges of supplying false information and would not make any attempt to prevent WWF from continuing its work in Cambodia, but advised WWF to adequately explain its findings and check with the commission before publishing another report. Criticism of the validity of reports critical of government action or inaction, where 'approval' has not been sought before publication, is common in Cambodia.In January 2012, Touch Seang Tana signed the "Kratie Declaration on the Conservation of the Mekong River Irrawaddy Dolphin" along with WWF and the Cambodian Fisheries Administration, an agreement binding the parties to work together on a "roadmap" addressing dolphin conservation in the Mekong River.The Charity Navigator gave the WWF a 3-star overall rating, a 2-star financial rating and a 4-star accountability and transparency rating for the 2018 fiscal year.In 2009, in a scorecard report that they authored on carbon emissions in G8 countries, the WWF portrayed the greenhouse gas emissions of countries who use low-carbon nuclear power in their mix as a higher amount of emissions than realistically calculated. For example, for France, the WWF displayed a false value of 362 gCO2eq/kWh which is over 400% larger than the actual emissions in France. WWF explained the manipulation as follows:The scorecard for Sweden was also "adjusted" in similar way, where the WWF replaced the actual emissions of 47 gCO2eq/kWh with 212 gCO2eq/kWh.The Australian arm of WWF was established on 29 June 1978 in an old factory in Sydney, with three staff and a budget of around for the first year, consisting of a grant from the Commonwealth Government and a further in corporate donations. , WWF-Australia is the country's biggest conservation organisation, which operates projects throughout Australia as well as the wider Oceania region. Between 2015 and 2019 WWF-Australia reported an average revenue of $28.74 Million per year. In 2020, WWF-Australia reported a total revenue of over $80 Million driven by the global & local response to the Australian bushfires. In 1990, WWF-Australia established the national Threatened Species Network (TSN) with the federal government, which remained operational until 2009. In 1999 it participated in the creation of the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act, at that time the most encompassing biodiversity conservation laws in the world. In 2003/4 the organisation played a part in getting the government to raise the level of protection for the Great Barrier Reef and the Ningaloo Reef, and since then has participated in or managed many conservation programs, such as the reintroduction of black-flanked rock-wallabies to Kalbarri National Park in Western Australia.
|
[
"Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh",
"Ruud Lubbers",
"Syed Babar Ali",
"Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands",
"John Hugo Loudon",
"Yolanda Kakabadse",
"Sara Morrison",
"Emeka Anyaoku",
"E. Neville Isdell"
] |
|
Who was the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature in 2019-03-08?
|
March 08, 2019
|
{
"text": [
"Pavan Sukhdev"
]
}
|
L2_Q117892_P488_8
|
Yolanda Kakabadse is the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2018.
Syed Babar Ali is the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 1999.
Sara Morrison is the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature from Jan, 2000 to Jan, 2001.
Emeka Anyaoku is the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2009.
E. Neville Isdell is the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature from Jun, 2022 to Dec, 2022.
Ruud Lubbers is the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature from Jan, 1999 to Jan, 2000.
Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh is the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1996.
Pavan Sukhdev is the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature from Nov, 2017 to Jan, 2021.
John Hugo Loudon is the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1981.
Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands is the chair of World Wide Fund for Nature from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1976.
|
World Wide Fund for NatureThe World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) is an international non-governmental organization founded in 1961 that works in the field of wilderness preservation and the reduction of human impact on the environment. It was formerly named the World Wildlife Fund, which remains its official name in Canada and the United States.WWF is the world's largest conservation organization, with over five million supporters worldwide, working in more than 100 countries and supporting around 3,000 conservation and environmental projects. They have invested over $1 billion in more than 12,000 conservation initiatives since 1995. WWF is a foundation with 55% of funding from individuals and bequests, 19% from government sources (such as the World Bank, DFID, and USAID) and 8% from corporations in 2014.WWF aims to "stop the degradation of the planet's natural environment and to build a future in which humans live in harmony with nature." The Living Planet Report has been published every two years by WWF since 1998; it is based on a Living Planet Index and ecological footprint calculation. In addition, WWF has launched several notable worldwide campaigns, including Earth Hour and Debt-for-nature swap, and its current work is organized around these six areas: food, climate, freshwater, wildlife, forests, and oceans.WWF received criticism for its alleged corporate ties and has been reprimanded for supporting eco-guards that hounded African forest dwellers in the proposed Messok Dja national park in the Republic of the Congo.The World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) is part of the Steering Group of the Foundations Platform F20, an international network of foundations and philanthropic organizations.The idea for a fund on behalf of endangered animals was officially proposed by Victor Stolan to Sir Julian Huxley in response to articles he published in the British newspaper "The Observer." This proposal led Huxley to put Stolan in contact with Edward Max Nicholson, a person who had had thirty years experience of linking progressive intellectuals with big business interests through the Political and Economic Planning think tank. Nicholson thought up the name of the organization and the original panda logo was designed by Sir Peter Scott. WWF was conceived on 29 April 1961, under the name of "World Wildlife Fund". Its first office was opened on 11 September in IUCN's headquarters at Morges, Switzerland.The WWF was conceived to act as an international fundraising organisation to support the work of existing conservation groups, primarily the International Union for the Conservation of Nature. Its establishment was marked with the signing of the "Morges Manifesto", the founding document that sets out the fund's commitment to assisting worthy organizations struggling to save the world's wildlife:Dutch Prince Bernhard of Lippe-Biesterfeld helped found the World Wildlife Fund, becoming its first President in 1961. In 1963, the Foundation held a conference and published a major report warning of anthropogenic global warming, written by Noel Eichhorn based on the work of Frank Fraser Darling (then foundation vice president), Edward Deevey, Erik Eriksson, Charles Keeling, Gilbert Plass, Lionel Walford, and William Garnett.In 1970, along with Duke of Edinburgh and a few associates, Prince Bernhard established the WWF's financial endowment "" to handle the WWF's administration and fundraising. 1001 members each contributed $10,000 to the trust. Prince Bernhard resigned his post after being involved in the Lockheed Bribery Scandal.The WWF has set up offices and operations around the world. It originally worked by fundraising and providing grants to existing non-governmental organizations with an initial focus on the protection of endangered species. As more resources became available, its operations expanded into other areas such as the preservation of biological diversity, sustainable use of natural resources, the reduction of pollution, and climate change. The organization also began to run its own conservation projects and campaigns.In 1986, the organization changed its name to "World Wide Fund for Nature", while retaining the WWF initials. However, it continued at that time to operate under the original name in the United States and Canada.1986 was the 25th anniversary of WWF's foundation, an event marked by a gathering in Assisi, Italy to which the organization's International President Prince Philip, the Duke of Edinburgh, invited religious authorities representing Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam and Judaism. These leaders produced The Assisi Declarations, theological statements showing the spiritual relationship between their followers and nature that triggered a growth in the engagement of those religions with conservation around the world.In the 1990s, WWF revised its mission statement to:WWF scientists and many others identified 238 ecoregions that represent the world's most biologically outstanding terrestrial, freshwater and marine habitats, based on a worldwide biodiversity analysis which the organization says was the first of its kind. In the early 2000s (decade), its work was focused on a subset of these ecoregions, in the areas of forest, freshwater and marine habitat conservation, endangered species conservation, climate change, and the elimination of the most toxic chemicals.In 1990, the Conservation Foundation was completely merged into WWF, after becoming an affiliate of WWF-US in 1985 when it became a distinct legal entity but with the same staff and board. The organization now known as the Conservation Foundation in the United States is the former Forest Foundation of DuPage County. In 1996, the organization obtained general consultative status from UNESCO.Harvard University published a case study on WWF called "Negotiating Toward the Paris Accords: WWF & the Role of Forests in the 2015 Climate Agreement":WWF's giant panda logo originated from a panda named Chi Chi that had been transferred from Beijing Zoo to London Zoo in 1958, three years before WWF became established. Being famous as the only panda residing in the Western world at that time, her uniquely recognisable physical features and status as an endangered species were seen as ideal to serve the organization's need for a strong recognisable symbol that would overcome all language barriers. The organization also needed an animal that would have an impact in black and white printing. The logo was then designed by Sir Peter Scott from preliminary sketches by Gerald Watterson, a Scottish naturalist.The logo was slightly simplified and made more geometric in 1978, and was revised significantly again in 1986, at the time that the organization changed its name, with the new version featuring solid black shapes for eyes. In 2000 a change was made to the font used for the initials "WWF" in the logo.Policies of the WWF are made by board members elected for three-year terms. An Executive Team guides and develops WWF's strategy. There is also a National Council which stands as an advisory group to the board and a team of scientists and experts in conservation who research for WWF.National and international law plays an important role in determining how habitats and resources are managed and used. Laws and regulations become one of the organization's global priorities.The WWF has been opposed to the extraction of oil from the Canadian tar sands and has campaigned on this matter. Between 2008 and 2010 the WWF worked with The Co-operative Group, the UK's largest consumer co-operative to publish reports which concluded that: (1) exploiting the Canadian tar sands to their full potential would be sufficient to bring about what they described as 'runaway climate change; (2) carbon capture and storage (CCS) technology cannot be used to reduce the release of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere to a level comparable to that of other methods of oil extraction; (3) the $379 billion which is expected to be spent extracting oil from tar sands could be better spent on research and development in renewable energy technology; and (4) the expansion of tar sands extraction poses a serious threat to the caribou in Alberta .The organization convinces and helps governments and other political bodies to adopt, enforce, strengthen and/or change policies, guidelines and laws that affect biodiversity and natural resource use. It also ensures government consent and/or keeps their commitment to international instruments relating to the protection of biodiversity and natural resources.In 2012, David Nussbaum, Chief Executive of WWF-UK, spoke out against the way shale gas is used in the UK, saying: "...the Government must reaffirm its commitment to tackling climate change and prioritise renewables and energy efficiency."The organisation works on a number of global issues driving biodiversity loss and unsustainable use of natural resources, including species conservation, finance, business practices, laws, and consumption choices. Local offices also work on national or regional issues.WWF works with a large number of different groups to achieve its goals, including other NGOs, governments, business, investment banks, scientists, fishermen, farmers and local communities. It also undertakes public campaigns to influence decision makers, and seeks to educate people on how to live in a more environmentally friendly manner. It urges people to donate funds to protect the environment. The donors can also choose to receive gifts in return.In October 2020, WWF was named as one of the alliance partner's of Prince William's Earthshot Prize, to find solutions to environmental issues.In March 2021, WWF announced an extension of their partnership with H&M to address sustainable supply chain practices.WWF publishes the "Living Planet Index" in collaboration with the Zoological Society of London. Along with ecological footprint calculations, the "Index" is used to produce a bi-yearly "Living Planet Report" giving an overview of the impact of human activity on the world. In 2019, WWF and Knorr jointly published the Future 50 Foods report identifying "50 Foods for Healthier People and a Healthier Planet".The organization also regularly publishes reports, fact sheets and other documents on issues related to its work, to raise awareness and provide information to policy and decision makers.The German public television ARD aired a documentary on 22 June 2011 that claimed to show how the WWF cooperates with corporations such as Monsanto, providing sustainability certification in exchange for donations– essentially greenwashing. WWF has denied the allegations. By encouraging high-impact eco-tourism, the program alleges that WWF contributes to the destruction of habitat and species it claims to protect while also harming indigenous peoples.The filmmaker, , was sued by the WWF over his documentary and the book "Schwarzbuch WWF" published in 2012, which was based on the documentary. In an out of court settlement, he agreed to remove or revise certain claims. Speaking on behalf of WWF Germany, Marco Vollmar indicated "[Huismann] draws a distorted picture of false statements, defamations and exaggerations, but we will accept that as expressions of opinion." (Translated from the original German: "ein Zerrbild aus falschen Aussagen, Diffamierungen und Übertreibungen, aber das werden wir als Meinungsäußerungen hinnehmen.")In 2014, German investigative journalist published a revised edition of his 2012 book, originally called "The Silence of the Pandas". The original edition had become a bestseller in Germany, but was banned from Britain until 2014, when it was released under the title of "PandaLeaks - The Dark Side of the WWF", after a series of injunctions and court orders. The book criticizes WWF for its involvement with corporations that are responsible for large-scale destruction of the environment, such as Coca-Cola, and gives details into the existence of the secret 1001 Club, whose members, Huismann claims, continue to have an unhealthy influence on WWF's policy making. WWF has denied the allegations made against it.WWF has been accused by the campaigner Corporate Watch of being too close to business to campaign objectively. WWF claims partnering with corporations such as Coca-Cola, Lafarge, Carlos Slim's and IKEA will reduce their effect on the environment. WWF received €56 million (US$80 million) from corporations in 2010 (an 8% increase in support from corporations compared to 2009), accounting for 11% of total revenue for the year.For their 2019 fiscal year, WWF reported 4% of their total operating revenue coming from corporations.In 2017, a report by Survival International claimed that WWF-funded paramilitaries are not only committing abuses against the indigenous Baka and Bayaka in the Congo Basin, who "face harassment and beatings, torture and death", but are also corrupt and aid in the destruction of conserved areas. The report accused WWF and its guards of partnering with several logging companies who carried out deforestation, while the rangers ignored wildlife trafficking networks.In 2019, an investigation by "BuzzFeed News" alleged that paramilitary groups funded by the organisation are engaged in serious human rights abuses against villagers, and the organisation has covered up the incidents and acted to protect the perpetrators from law enforcement. These armed groups were claimed to torture, sexually assault, and execute villagers based on false accusations. In one instance found by "BuzzFeed News" investigators, an 11-year-old boy was allegedly tortured by WWF-funded rangers in front of his parents; WWF ignored all complaints against the rangers. In another incident, a ranger attempted to rape a Tharu woman and, when she resisted, attacked her with bamboo stick until she lost consciousness. While the ranger was arrested, the woman was pressured not to press charges, resulting in the ranger going free. In 2010, WWF-sponsored rangers reportedly killed a 12-year-old girl who was collecting tree bark in Bardiya National Park. Park and WWF officials allegedly obstructed investigations in these cases, by "falsifying and destroying evidence, falsely claiming the victims were poachers, and pressuring the families of the victims to withdraw criminal complaints". In July 2019, "Buzzfeed" reported that a leaked report by the WWF accused guards of beating and raping women including pregnant women while torturing men by tying their penises with fishing lines. The investigations were cut short after paramilitary groups threatened investigators with death. The investigators accused WWF of covering up the crimes. Releasing an official statement, the WWF claimed that the report was not made public to ensure the safety of the victims and that the guards were suspended and are awaiting prosecution. However Buzzfeed accused the WWF of attempting to withhold the report to the US congressional committee investigating the human rights violations by providing highly redacted versions instead.In the Central African Republic, WWF officials were reportedly involved in an arms deal, where the organization paid for 15 Kalashnikov assault rifles and ammunition; but part of the money went unaccounted for and they were apparently defrauded by the CAR army representatives selling the weapons."The Kathmandu Post", which cooperated with "BuzzFeed News" on the investigations in Nepal, claimed there was intense lobbying and political pressure to release WWF-funded rangers arrested for murder. They interviewed activists who claimed they were promised donations for pressuring victims of abuse to drop charges against the rangers. When the local Tharu community protested, WWF officials carried out a counter-protest in favour of the accused and used park elephants to block Prithvi Highway.An investigation by Rainforest Foundation UK found evidence of widespread physical and sexual assault by ‘eco-guards’ employed by the Salonga National Park in the Democratic Republic of Congo funded by WWF. These include two cases of gang rape, two extrajudicial killings, and multiple accounts of torture and other forms of mistreatment committed by park guards.In reply to the investigations, WWF stated that it takes any allegations seriously and would be launching an independent review into the cases raised. The organisation stated it has stringent policies designed to ensure it and its partners are safeguarding the rights and well-being of indigenous peoples and local communities, and should the review uncover any breaches, it is committed to taking swift action.In 2000, the World Wide Fund for Nature sued the World Wrestling Federation (now named WWE) for unfair trade practices. Both parties had shared the initials "WWF" since 1979. The conservation organization claimed that the professional wrestling company had violated a 1994 agreement regarding international use of the WWF initials.On 10 August 2001, a UK court ruled in favour of the World Wide Fund for Nature. The World Wrestling Federation filed an appeal in October 2001. However, on 10 May 2002, the World Wrestling Federation changed its Web address from "WWF.com" to "WWE.com", and replaced every "WWF" reference on the existing site with "WWE", as a prelude to changing the company's name to "World Wrestling Entertainment." Its stock ticker also switched from WWF to WWE.The wrestling organization's abandonment of "WWF" initialism did not end the two organizations' legal conflict. Later in 2002, the World Wide Fund for Nature petitioned the court for $360 million in damages, but was not successful. A subsequent request to overturn by the World Wide Fund for Nature was dismissed by the British Court of Appeal on 28 June 2007. In 2003, World Wrestling Entertainment won a limited decision which permitted them to continue marketing certain pre-existing products with the abandoned WWF logo. However, WWE was mandated to issue newly branded merchandise such as apparel, action figures, video games, and DVDs with the "WWE" initials. Additionally, the court order required the company to remove both auditory and visual references to "WWF" in its library of video footage outside the United Kingdom.Starting with the 1,000th episode of "Raw" in July 2012, the WWF "scratch" logo is no longer censored in archival footage. In addition, the WWF initials are no longer censored when spoken or when written in plain text in archival footage. In exchange, WWE is no longer permitted to use WWF initials or logo in any new, original footage, packaging, or advertising, with any old-school logos for retro-themed programming now using a modification of the original WWF logo without the F.In June 2009, Touch Seang Tana, chairman of Cambodia's Commission for Conservation and Development of the Mekong River Dolphins Eco-tourism Zone, argued that the WWF had misrepresented the danger of extinction of the Mekong dolphin to boost fundraising. The report stated that the deaths were caused by a bacterial disease that became fatal due to environmental contaminants suppressing the dolphins' immune systems. He called the report unscientific and harmful to the Cambodian government and threatened WWF's Cambodian branch with suspension unless they met with him to discuss his claims. Touch Seang Tana later said he would not press charges of supplying false information and would not make any attempt to prevent WWF from continuing its work in Cambodia, but advised WWF to adequately explain its findings and check with the commission before publishing another report. Criticism of the validity of reports critical of government action or inaction, where 'approval' has not been sought before publication, is common in Cambodia.In January 2012, Touch Seang Tana signed the "Kratie Declaration on the Conservation of the Mekong River Irrawaddy Dolphin" along with WWF and the Cambodian Fisheries Administration, an agreement binding the parties to work together on a "roadmap" addressing dolphin conservation in the Mekong River.The Charity Navigator gave the WWF a 3-star overall rating, a 2-star financial rating and a 4-star accountability and transparency rating for the 2018 fiscal year.In 2009, in a scorecard report that they authored on carbon emissions in G8 countries, the WWF portrayed the greenhouse gas emissions of countries who use low-carbon nuclear power in their mix as a higher amount of emissions than realistically calculated. For example, for France, the WWF displayed a false value of 362 gCO2eq/kWh which is over 400% larger than the actual emissions in France. WWF explained the manipulation as follows:The scorecard for Sweden was also "adjusted" in similar way, where the WWF replaced the actual emissions of 47 gCO2eq/kWh with 212 gCO2eq/kWh.The Australian arm of WWF was established on 29 June 1978 in an old factory in Sydney, with three staff and a budget of around for the first year, consisting of a grant from the Commonwealth Government and a further in corporate donations. , WWF-Australia is the country's biggest conservation organisation, which operates projects throughout Australia as well as the wider Oceania region. Between 2015 and 2019 WWF-Australia reported an average revenue of $28.74 Million per year. In 2020, WWF-Australia reported a total revenue of over $80 Million driven by the global & local response to the Australian bushfires. In 1990, WWF-Australia established the national Threatened Species Network (TSN) with the federal government, which remained operational until 2009. In 1999 it participated in the creation of the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act, at that time the most encompassing biodiversity conservation laws in the world. In 2003/4 the organisation played a part in getting the government to raise the level of protection for the Great Barrier Reef and the Ningaloo Reef, and since then has participated in or managed many conservation programs, such as the reintroduction of black-flanked rock-wallabies to Kalbarri National Park in Western Australia.
|
[
"Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh",
"Ruud Lubbers",
"Syed Babar Ali",
"Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands",
"John Hugo Loudon",
"Yolanda Kakabadse",
"Sara Morrison",
"Emeka Anyaoku",
"E. Neville Isdell"
] |
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