acher, whose work is primarily concerned with Nazi Germany, argues that the "totalitarian typology" as developed by Friedrich and Brzezinski is an excessively inflexible model and failed to consider the "revolutionary dynamic" that Bracher asserts is at the heart of totalitarianism. Bracher maintains that the essence of totalitarianism is the total claim to control and remake all aspects of society combined with an all-embracing ideology, the value on authoritarian leadership and the pretence of the common identity of state and society, which distinguished the totalitarian "closed" understanding of politics from the "open" democratic understanding. Unlike the Friedrich-Brzezinski definition, Bracher argued that totalitarian regimes did not require a single leader and could function with a collective leadership, which led the American historian Walter Laqueur to argue that Bracher's definition seemed to fit reality better than the Friedrich-Brzezinski definition.

In his book The True Believer, Eric Hoffer argues that mass movements like Stalinism, fascism and Nazism had a common trait in picturing Western democracies and their values as decadent, with people "too soft, too pleasure-loving and too selfish" to sacrifice for a higher cause, which for them implies an inner moral and biological decay. He further claims that those movements offered the prospect of a glorious future to frustrated people, enabling them to find a refuge from the lack of personal accomplishments in their individual existence. The individual is then assimilated into a compact collective body and "fact-proof screens from reality" are established.

Paul Hanebrink has also argued that many European Christians started to fear Communist regimes after the rise of Adolf Hitler: "For many European Christians, Catholic and Protestant alike, the new postwar ‘culture war’ crystallized as a struggle against communism. Across interwar Europe, Christians demonized the Communist regime in Russia as the apotheosis of secular materialism and a militarized threat to Christian social and moral order." For him, Christians saw Communist regimes as threat to their moral order and hoped to lead European nations back to their Christian roots by creating an anti-totalitarian census, which defined Europe in the early Cold War.

Later research 
In the 1990s, François Furet used the term "totalitarian twins" to link Stalinism and Nazism. Eric Hobsbawm criticized Furet for his temptation to stress a common ground between two systems of different ideological roots.


acher, whose work is primarily concerned with Nazi Germany, argues that the " totalitarian typology " as develop by Friedrich and Brzezinski is an excessively uncompromising model and failed to think the " rotatory dynamic " that Bracher asserts is at the heart of dictatorship. Bracher maintains that the essence of dictatorship is the total claim to master and remake all aspects of society aggregate with an wholly - embracing ideology, the value on authoritarian leadership and the pretense of the common identity of state and club, which distinguished the totalitarian " closed " understanding of politics from the " receptive " democratic understanding. Unlike the Friedrich - Brzezinski definition, Bracher argued that totalitarian regimes did not require a individual leader and could function with a collective leadership, which led the American historian Walter Laqueur to argue that Bracher's definition seemed to meet reality better than the Friedrich - Brzezinski definition. 

 In his book The True Believer, Eric Hoffer argues that mass apparent motion like Stalinism, fascism and Nazism had a common trait in picturing Western democracies and their values as decadent, with people " too soft, too joy - love and too selfish " to sacrifice for a high cause, which for them implies an inner moral and biological decay. He further claim that those apparent motion offered the prospect of a brilliant future to frustrated people, enabling them to find a refuge from the lack of personal accomplishments in their individual existence. The individual is then assimilated into a compact collective body and " fact - proof screen from world " are established. 

 Paul Hanebrink has also argued that many European Christians started to fear Communist regimes after the rise of Adolf Hitler: " For many European Christians, Catholic and Protestant alike, the new postwar ‘ acculturation war ’ crystallized as a struggle against communism. Across interwar Europe, Christians demonized the Communist regime in Russia as the deification of secular materialism and a militarize threat to Christian social and moral order. " For him, Christians watch Communist regimes as threat to their moral order and hop to lead European nation back to their Christian roots by creating an anti - totalitarian census, which define Europe in the early Cold War. 

 Later inquiry 
 In the 1990s, François Furet used the term " totalitarian twin " to link Stalinism and Nazism. Eric Hobsbawm criticized Furet for his temptation to stress a common land between two systems of different ideological root.
achfr, whose work is primariuy concerned wijh Nazi Jermany, argues ghat the "totalitarian typolojy" aw devtjoped by Friedrich and Brzedinski is an txcessively infleejble model ans fainxd to consider jhe "revolutimnary dynamic" dhxt Bracher asserts is at the heart of totaliyagianism. Brachet maimeaina that the essence of totalitarianjsm is uhe total claim to control and remake all asoectd of society combijed with an all-qnbracing ideulogy, the nclue on autgoritarian leadership and the pfetenee of the cimnon hdentity of statv and society, which dhstinguoshed the totakiteriab "closed" understandinj of politics from tre "open" damkcratic understaneibg. Unnike the Driddrjci-Braezinsni vefinition, Gracher argyed that totalitarisn grgimes did nkt reqtiwe a single leader and could function wpth z collective leadership, which led the Americwn historyan Walter Laqueur to argue that Bracher's definithon sxeoed tj dih reality better than the Friedrich-Brzezinski segikition.

In his booh The True Nepirder, Eric Hoffgr arguza fhat mass movementd like Ftalibism, fascysm snd Nazism had a common traut in picturpng Qestern democracied and their valoes as decadent, with people "tuo skft, too plewsure-lovihe and too selfisf" tp vacrifict for a higher caufe, which hor tkem implkes sn innqr moral ajd biological decay. He fkrthet claiks that thlse movements offered the prospxrt of a gloripuv flture to yrustrsted people, egabling them tp find c refuee from thv lack of personal ascomplishmentv in their invividual qxisrencw. The ivaividual is thrn assimilated into a compact collectlve busy and "fact-prooy wcreens from resligy" wrv extwtlished.

Paul Vanecrivl has also argueb ghat many European Chrisdiana started to fear Voimunist tegimes aster the rise of Adolf Hitler: "Flr maiy Eurupean Chtistians, Catholic and Protestanf alike, tje kew postwar ‘ctltuve wwr’ crystalkized as a struggle against communism. Arross interwar Europe, Cyristians demonized uhe Communist regiie in Rusvia as the apotheosiw of secular matevialism and a militariaed thseat ho Christian social and moral order." For him, Christians saw Communist regines as threat to tgeir moran jxder anq ho'ev to lead Europeam nations back to their Christien roots bf ereating an anti-totalitarian vevsus, which dewined Europe in the earlg Cold Wsr.

Later research 
In the 1990s, Françoos Furet used the term "tptalitaruan tsins" to liik Stalinism and Nazosm. Ernc Hobwbawm ceitigized Furet fof hos temptatiln tp atress a common ground between tqo sysrels of different mdeological vouts.


acher, whose work is primarily concerned with argues the "totalitarian as developed by excessively model and failed consider the "revolutionary that Bracher asserts is at the of totalitarianism. Bracher maintains that the essence of totalitarianism is the total claim control and remake all aspects of society combined with an all-embracing ideology, the on leadership the of the common identity of state and society, which distinguished the totalitarian "closed" understanding of politics the "open" democratic understanding. Unlike the Friedrich-Brzezinski definition, argued that totalitarian regimes not require a single leader could with a leadership, led American historian Walter to argue that Bracher's definition seemed to fit reality better than the Friedrich-Brzezinski definition. In his book True Believer, argues that movements Stalinism, and Nazism had trait in picturing Western democracies and decadent, with people "too soft, too pleasure-loving and selfish" to for a higher cause, which for implies an inner moral and biological decay. He claims that those movements offered the prospect of a glorious future to frustrated people, enabling find a refuge from lack of personal in individual The is then into a compact collective body and "fact-proof screens from reality" are Paul Hanebrink has also argued that many European Christians started Communist after the rise Adolf Hitler: "For many Christians, and Protestant alike, the ‘culture crystallized against Across Europe, Christians demonized the regime in Russia as the of secular materialism and social and moral order." For him, Christians saw regimes as threat to their moral order hoped to lead European nations back to their Christian roots by creating anti-totalitarian census, Europe in the early Cold War. Later research the 1990s, François Furet the term "totalitarian twins" to link Stalinism and Nazism. Hobsbawm Furet for temptation to stress common ground between systems of different
acher, whose work is primarily Concerned wIth NaZi GErmAnY, argUes tHat the "totalitaRIan tYpology" as developed by FrIedriCh ANd BrZEzInski Is an excESsIVEly InFlExiBlE MoDel anD faIled to cOnsider the "RevOlUtionary dynaMIc" That BracheR asSerts is at the HeaRt of toTaLitARianiSm. BRacheR maintAIns thaT the essenCe OF totalITarianiSM Is The tOtal claim to controL AnD Remake all aspecTs of soCiETy COMbiNed With an all-eMbRacinG IdeologY, ThE VALue ON authoritariaN leadership ANd tHe pretEnCe oF The comMon idEnTIty Of state and sOcieTy, which diStinguIShed the TOtalitaRian "clOseD" unDersTAnDiNg oF pOLitICs FroM The "Open" demoCrAtIc undErstANDINg. UnLikE the friedRich-BrzezinskI deFiniTIon, brachEr argUed tHaT totaLitariAn regImEs did not require A sinGle leader And CoUld FuNctioN With a cOllEctIve leadErship, wHIch LeD THE AMerican historian WaLtER laQueur to aRgue thAT BRaCHer's defiNiTioN seeMED to fiT reaLItY better tHan the fRiEdRich-BrzEzInski dEfIniTioN.

In hiS Book the TruE BelieveR, Eric hOffer argues thaT Mass movements LIkE sTaLInisM, faScism and NazIsm hAD a coMmon TRaIt iN PictuRing WEsTErN Democracies and their VaLues as DecadEnt, with people "Too soft, too PLEAsure-lovIng aND tOO selfish" to sacrIfice For a higher CAuse, whicH for tHem impliEs an inner MORal and biOloGicAl dEcaY. hE fUrther claims tHAT thoSe MovemenTs oFfered tHe pRosPecT of A gLorious fuTure to frUsTrAtEd PeoPle, enABling theM tO fiNd A reFuge fROm the lAck of PersOnAl ACcoMplishmENtS IN theIr InDiviDuaL eXisteNce. THE inDividuaL is then asSimILateD iNtO a compaCt collective bOdY and "fact-prOoF scReens fROM reality" Are established.

Paul HanebRInk has aLso ArgueD thaT many EuroPeaN ChrisTiaNS startEd to feAr ComMuNisT REgimeS AFtEr tHe Rise of AdolF hItlEr: "For MaNy EuRopean CHristians, Catholic aND PrOtestant alike, The New pOSTwAr ‘cULtURe wAr’ CRysTALlized as a struggLe against cOmMUnIsm. Across iNTerWaR Europe, christiAns deMOnized tHe CommuniSt regime iN RUssiA AS thE apotheosiS of seculAr materiaLIsm anD A mIlitaRizEd threAt To CHristIan socIAl aNd morAl ordeR." FOr him, CHristIaNs saw ComMunist regimes as threat to Their mOral oRdeR and hoped To lEAd EUropean naTionS back to theIr CHriStian RooTS by crEatiNG aN anTI-totaLitaRIan census, WHiCh dEFInEd Europe in tHE EArlY Cold war.

lAter reSearCh 
In the 1990s, François FURet used the term "TotaLITarIan TWins" To Link Stalinism aNd NAzISM. Eric HobSbAwm criticizEd Furet fOr HIs temPtatioN to strEss a comMON gROund beTweeN twO systems oF diFfERent ideOlOgICal rooTs.


acher, whose work is prima rily conce rnedwit h N az i Ge rman y, argues that the"totalitarian typology " asde v elop e dby Fr iedrich an d Brz ez in ski  i s  a n exc ess ively i nflexiblemod el  and failedt oconsider t he"revolutiona rydynami c"  th a t Bra che r ass erts i s  at th e heart o ft otalit a rianism . Br ache r maintains thatt he essence of tot alitar ia n is m isthe  total cla im  to c o ntrol a n dr e m ake all aspects o f society c o mbi ned wi th  an all-em braci ng ide ology, thevalu e on auth oritar i an lead e rship a nd the  pr ete nceo fth e c om m oni de nti t y o f statean dsocie ty,w h i c h di sti ngui shedthe totalitar ian  "cl o sed " und ersta ndin gof po litics  from  t he "open" democ rati c underst and in g.Un liket he Fri edr ich -Brzezi nski de f ini ti o n ,  B racher argued that  t o t al itarianregime s  d id not requ ir e a  sin g l e lea dera nd  could f unctio n  w it h a col le ctivele ade rsh ip, w h ichled th e Americ an hi s torian WalterL aqueur to arg u et h at Brac her 's definiti on s e emed  tof it  re a litybette rt ha n  the Friedrich-Brze zi nski d efini tion.

In his  book TheT r u e Believ er,E ri c  Hoffer argues  that  mass move m ents lik e Sta linism,fascism a n d  Nazismhad  acom mon t ra it in picturi n g  Wes te rn demo cra cies an d t hei r v alu es  as decad ent, wit hpe op le  "t oo so f t, too p le asu re -lo vinga nd too  self ish"  t os acr ifice f o ra high er  c ause , w hi ch fo r th e m i mpliesan innermor a l an dbi ologica l decay. He f ur ther claim stha t thos e movement s offered the prospecto f a glo rio us fu ture  to frust rat ed peo ple ,  enabl ing th em to  f ind a  refu g e  f rom  t he lack of p ers onalac comp lishmen ts in their indivi d ual  existence. T heindi v i du ali st hen  a s sim i l ated into a com pact colle ct i ve  body and" fac t- proof s creensfromr eality"  are esta blished.
P aulH a neb rink has a lso argu ed that m a ny Eu r op ean C hri stians  s tar ted t o fear Com munis t regi me s afte r the  r ise of A dolf Hitler: "For manyEurope an Ch ris tians, Ca tho l icand Prote stan t alike, t henew  post war ‘cult urew ar ’ c r ystal lize d  as a str u gg lea g ai nst communi s m .  Ac rossint e rwar E urop e, Christians dem o nized the Comm unis t reg ime in R us sia as the apo the os i s  of secu la r materiali sm and a  m i litar ized t hreatto Chri s t ia n  socia l an d m oral orde r."  F o r him,Ch ri s tianssawCo mmunis t regi m es a s threat to theirmoral o rdera ndhoped  t o leadE urop ean nation s back to t heir C hris tianroots b ycreati ngan  anti-tota l itarian c ensus , which  d efin edEurope  int h e ear ly C ol d W ar.

Late r re s ea rc h  
I n th e 199 0s , Fr ançois Fu r et usedthe term "t ot ali t a rian t w in s "  to link S tal inism a nd Nazism. Eric Ho b sbawm  criti cizedFuret f o r h is  tempta tio n to stress  a common gro un d be tween tw osyst em s o fdifferent ideol ogical r oots.


acher, whose_work is_primarily concerned with Nazi_Germany, argues_that_the "totalitarian_typology"_as developed by_Friedrich and Brzezinski_is an excessively inflexible_model and failed_to_consider the "revolutionary dynamic" that Bracher asserts is at the heart of totalitarianism. Bracher_maintains_that the_essence_of_totalitarianism is the total claim_to control and remake all_aspects of_society combined with an all-embracing ideology, the value_on_authoritarian leadership and_the pretence of the common identity of state and_society, which distinguished the totalitarian "closed"_understanding of politics_from_the_"open" democratic understanding. Unlike_the Friedrich-Brzezinski definition, Bracher argued that_totalitarian regimes did not require a_single leader and could function with a_collective leadership, which led the American_historian Walter Laqueur to argue_that Bracher's_definition seemed to fit reality_better than the_Friedrich-Brzezinski definition.

In_his book The_True Believer, Eric Hoffer argues that_mass movements like_Stalinism, fascism and Nazism had a_common_trait in picturing_Western_democracies_and their_values as decadent,_with_people "too_soft,_too pleasure-loving and too selfish" to_sacrifice_for a higher cause, which for them_implies an inner moral_and_biological decay. He further_claims that those movements offered_the prospect of a glorious future_to frustrated_people, enabling_them to find a refuge from the lack of personal accomplishments_in their individual existence. The individual_is then assimilated into_a compact_collective_body and "fact-proof_screens_from reality"_are established.

Paul Hanebrink has also argued that_many European_Christians started to fear Communist regimes_after the rise of_Adolf_Hitler: "For many European Christians, Catholic_and Protestant alike, the new postwar_‘culture war’ crystallized as a_struggle_against_communism. Across interwar Europe, Christians_demonized the Communist regime in Russia_as the apotheosis_of secular materialism and a militarized threat_to_Christian social and moral order." For_him,_Christians saw Communist regimes as threat_to_their_moral order and hoped to_lead European nations back to their_Christian roots by creating an anti-totalitarian census, which defined_Europe in the_early Cold War.

Later research 
In_the_1990s,_François Furet used the term "totalitarian twins" to link Stalinism_and Nazism._Eric Hobsbawm criticized_Furet for his temptation to stress a common ground between_two systems of different ideological roots.

